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The ethical physician encounters international
medical travel
G K D Crozier and Françoise Baylis
J Med Ethics 2010 36: 297-301 originally published online May 3, 2010
doi: 10.1136/jme.2009.032789
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Global medical ethics
The ethical physician encounters international
medical travel
G K D Crozier,1 Françoise Baylis2
1
Department of Philosophy,
Loyola University Chicago,
Chicago, Illinois, USA
2
Novel Tech Ethics, Dalhousie
University, Halifax, Nova Scotia,
Canada
Correspondence to
Professor GKD, Crozier,
Department of Philosophy,
Loyola University Chicago, 1032
West Sheridan Road, Chicago,
IL 60660, USA;
g.crozier@gmail.com
GC and FB were equal
contributors.
Received 24 August 2009
Revised 4 February 2010
Accepted 8 February 2010
ABSTRACT
International medical travel occurs when patients cross
national borders to purchase medical goods and
services. On occasion, physicians in home countries will
be the last point of domestic contact for patients
seeking healthcare information before they travel
abroad for care. When this is the case, physicians
have a unique opportunity to inform patients about
their options and help guide them towards ethical
practices. This opportunity brings to the fore an
important question: What role should physicians in
more-developed home countries play in promoting or
constraining international medical travel towards
less-developed destination countries? In our view, critical
attention to the decision spaces of patientsddefined by
the personal circumstances, socio-cultural cues, and
legal constraints that inform decision-makingdis
a useful starting point for evaluating the proper
response of physicians to various forms of international
medical travel.
International medical travel occurs when patients
cross national borders to purchase medical goods
and services. Discussions of international medical
travel once tended to focus on patients travelling
from less-developed to more-developed countries
for safe, high-quality medical care not otherwise
available in their home countries. Consider, for
example, the highly publicised case of conjoined
twins Lin and Win Htut1 who were separated at
the Hospital for Sick Children in Canada because of
insufficient medical expertise and limited financial
resources in their home country of Burma.2
Subsequently, discussions of international medical travel turned to cases of patients travelling
between equally developed countries for more
accessible or more affordable care. For example, the
bi-directional movement of patients between
Canada and the US saw considerable attention in
the media during the 1990s: Canadians travelling
south to avoid waiting lists, and Americans travelling north for less costly healthcare.
But now, with the ease of international
communication, travel and marketing, international medical travel has become an increasingly
attractive option for patients travelling from moredeveloped to less-developed countries. Often, this
travel is for elective procedures such as laser eye
surgery or cosmetic procedures. However, it can
also be for procedures with considerable impact on
quality of life and longevity, such as hip replacement surgery, kidney transplantation, or fertility
treatment. Consider, for example, the case of Ranjit
and Jagir Hayer, a 60-year-old Canadian couple of
J Med Ethics 2010;36:297e301. doi:10.1136/jme.2009.032789
Indian origin. After having been denied access to
fertility treatments in Canada, the Hayers travelled
to India in the summer of 2008 where they
procured eggs from a woman much younger than
Mrs Hayer (possibly purchasing themda practice
which is illegal in Canada). The fertilised eggs were
transferred to Mrs Hayer, who then returned to
Canada for the gestation and birth of twin boys,
who were delivered prematurely in a Calgary
hospital in February 2009.3 The high cost of
maternal and neonatal care was paid for by the
Canadian public healthcare system.4 This led many
commentators to reflect on the benefits and harms
of medical travel for both the individuals involved
and for the healthcare system.
THE SCOPE OF INTERNATIONAL MEDICAL TRAVEL
We will start by suggesting some very basic ways
of looking at the global industry of international
medical travel in terms of the number of customers
and the revenue reported for various countries.
These figures suggest that this market is a significant one; however, as we will subsequently discuss,
quantifying its extent in relative terms has proven
challenging.
A number of destination countries are actively
cultivating the medical travel industry as a lever
for economic growth. For example, Asian markets
are growing at a rate of 20% per year, and alone
they could generate about US$4 billion annually
by 2012.5 Half of this market is expected to be in
India, where predicted revenue of US$2.2 billion
by 20125 would represent roughly 1% of that
country’s gross domestic product (GDP).i In an
effort to capitalise on this potential market, India
has established a visa specifically for medical
travellers.
Another Asian country that is a major destination point for medical travel is Thailand.
According to the Kasikorn Research Center, which
publishes statistics on hospitals in Thailand, 1.2
million foreigners were treated in Thai hospitals in
2005 generating an estimated revenue of $850
million US,6 roughly 0.5% of GDP. This revenue represents a large portion of the health
industry in Thailand, where total expenditure on
healthcare in 2005 represented only 4% of GDP,
and private healthcare expenditure totalled only
1% of GDP.7 Although it is unclear what percentage of these patients travelled to Thailand for
the main purpose of accessing medical care, large
i
The figures in this passage regarding percentage of country GDP
derived from medical travel have been calculated from the cited
figures of industry dollar value and on reports of country GDP
published by the World Bank.7
297
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Global medical ethics
institutions such as Bumrungrad Hospital and Samitijev
Hospital have been aggressively promoting services for medical
travellers.
If we consider examples outside of Asia, the Czech Republic’s
medical travel industry is reportedly worth over US$182 million,
close to 1% of GDP. In all, 35 000 medical travellers visited Israel
in 2009 and contributed US$100 million in revenue, close to
0.05% of GDP.8 Costa Rican healthcare professionals treated
roughly 150 000 medical travellers in 2007, mostly for cosmetic
and dental procedures.9 In 2007, 200 000 medical travellers
sought treatment in Cuba.9 (Estimates on the dollar value of
these markets are not available.) According to Medical Tourism
Association president, Jonathan Edelheit, within this decade
over half of US medical travellers will choose Latin American
destination points, spending nearly US$40 billion per year in
these countries alone by 2017.10
Given these basic figures, the industry in international medical
travel clearly matters. It is expected that competition among
countries for a share of this lucrative market will become
increasingly fierce. But while these figures indicate that the
international medical travel industry is significant, and will
become increasingly so in the future, it is very difficult to
quantify its importance in relative terms.
Empirical information on the scope and financial importance
of international medical travel is limited, and what information is available is generally subject to wide variations. For
example, the 2008 Deloitte Medical Tourism Study11 estimates
a massive industry, projecting that the US alone will send six
million medical travellers abroad in 2010, which potentially
represents lost revenue to US healthcare providers of just
under US$16 billion. In sharp contrast, Ehrbech and colleagues,
in a report prepared for the consulting firm McKinsey and
Company12 estimate that the international medical travel
industry is negligible in size, with as few as 60 000 travellers
per year.
The small number of medical travellers cited in the McKinsey
report is due in no small part to the use of a highly restrictive
definition of medical travel.13 For example, the study excludes
outpatient procedures such as dentistry and some cosmetic
procedures, which are very popular draws for ‘medical tourists’.
Most researchers find it useful to include these cases in overall
estimates, and thus conclude that this study significantly
underestimates the size and significance of the medical travel
industry. Given this limitation, the McKinsey report has
garnered relatively little attention in either news reports or
academic articles on medical travel. Meanwhile, although the
accuracy of Deloitte’s estimates have been questioned by
critics14dwho contest both the survey methodology and the
background research on which the extrapolations were
baseddthese estimates have been widely cited by influential
media outlets such as the Economist and CNN. But wherein lies
the truth about the size and influence of the international
medical travel industry?
In a 2006 publication, Carrera and Bridges15 estimated a global
industry of US$500 billion per year. More recently, in 2009, Grail
Research16 estimated that by 2012 the global market would be
worth US$100 billion per year.17 These are impressive (and
confusing) differences. In 2009, Youngman13 assessed the global
industry at five million patients per year, considerably less than
the six million patients per year from the US alone, originally
estimated by Deloitte in their influential 2008 report. Deloitte’s
follow-up 2009 Survey of Health Care Consumers is more
conservative in its estimates of the size of the international
medical travel industry of just over three million patients per
298
year from the US.18 ii Its 2008 publication Medical tourism: the
Asian chapter was also more conservative, reporting that only
half a million patients from the US travelled abroad for treatment in 2007.19
Empirical investigations of the international medical travel
industry can be expected to continue to produce divergent
conclusions. For one thing, as mentioned above, there is no
consensus on the definition of medical travel. Additionally,
researchers vary with respect to the types of evidence they draw
upon, consequently producing different results. For example,
some statistics might be skewed by subtle political manipulations, such as over-inflated figures from a country or hospital
that wants to promote itself as a destination point for international medical travel. As Youngman13 writes: “A typical
example last year was an Asian country, where one week one
minister stood up and said his country had 100 000 medical
tourists, while the next week saw another minister claiming it
was 200 000. almost every official figure is flawed. They are
often badly collected, imperfectly collated and spun to infinity.
Some hospitals inflate figures by counting the number of patient
visits rather than number of patients.”
In light of variations in data about the scope of the industry
and the consequent opaqueness of the effects of various aspects
of this industry, how can individual physicians in home countries make headway in promoting ethical markets and restricting
unethical ones?
PATIENT DECISION SPACES
On occasion, physicians in home countries will be the last point
of domestic contact for patients seeking healthcare information
before they travel abroad for care. When this is the case,
physicians have a unique opportunity to inform patients about
their options and help guide them towards ethical practices.iii
This opportunity brings to the fore an important question: what
role should physicians in more-developed home countries play in
promoting or constraining international medical travel towards
less-developed destination countries?
In our view, a useful starting point for evaluating the proper
response of physicians to various forms of international medical
travel is critical attention to patients’ decision spaces. An agent’s
decision space is characterised by the extent of various categories
of constraints, such as personal (including financial) circumstances, socia-cultural cues, and legal constraintsdthat inform
decision-making20 21 We explore some of these decision spaces,
as might be described by identifiable patients and/or discerned
by their physicians, in an effort to better understand when
physicians should attempt to facilitate medical travel for their
patients, and when as a matter of professional ethics they
should actively dissuade their patients from travelling abroad for
medical treatment.
There are various dimensions to each patient’s decision space,
including the degree of necessity of a desired medical procedure,
the cost of the procedure relative to the patient’s available
income, as well as legal and socio-cultural constraints on the
availability of the procedure. While there are many decision
spaces in which patients opt to engage in international medical
ii
Of 4001 survey respondents, 1% reported having travelled outside the US to access
medical services. The figure of 3.05 million US medical travellers is based on this
figure and on a US population in 2009 of roughly 305 million.
iii
Physicians are not the only healthcare providers who may have an opportunity to
discuss the ethics of international medical travel with prospective travellers. In many
cases, nurses, technicians, and others will be better situated to share relevant
information with, and glean the relevant information from, patients.
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Global medical ethics
travel, we focus on four broad categories of such spaces which
are among the most likely to be encountered by, and raise ethical
questions for, physicians in more-developed home countries.
These are situations where patients pursue:
A. Elective procedures that are expensive in their home country,
and which are available at a fraction of the cost in
destination countries;
B. Medically necessary procedures for which there are long
domestic waiting lists;
C. Medical interventions unavailable in their home country
because they have not yet been shown to be safe and
effective; and
D. Medical interventions that are illegal in their home country
because they harmfully exploit vulnerable third-parties.
Each of these categories of patient decision spaces raises
a different set of ethical considerations, and may demand
a different response from physicians. Of course, a particular
patient’s decision space may fall into more than one of these
categories, but for clarity we have chosen to discuss them as
though they were isolated.
Price
Many of the cases of international medical travel that physicians
in home countries will encounter occur in the context of
significant cost differentials between home and destination
countries. Some popular ‘elective’ proceduresdsuch as cosmetic
surgery22 and dental care23dare prohibitively expensive for
many in more-developed countries such as the US, Canada and
the UK, and can be accessed at a fraction of the cost in lessdeveloped countries such as Thailand, the Czech Republic and
Tunisia.
All other things being equal, this seems to be a fairly innocuous form of medical travel. If so, the most appropriate response
may be to leave this category of travel to the free marketd
un-facilitated and unencumbered. As with all medical travel,
however, we should be concerned about the socio-economic
consequences of various markets for third parties. For example,
clinics and hospitals abroad may be less selective about the
efficacy and quality of care, ultimately burdening the individual
patient or the home country’s public healthcare system with
significant costs in corrective and follow-up procedures. Also,
some markets may negatively affect access to medical interventions for non-consumers in both home and destination
countries. We discuss these, and other, important confounding
factors below.
Waiting lists
Another category of patient decision spaces includes situations
wherein patients’ access to necessary medical procedures, such
as orthopaedic surgery or cancer treatments, is constrained by
long waiting lists.24 For example, consider the case of Mr
Dolinsky who, in the spring of 2007, travelled to India for hip
surgery. Mr Dolinsky was in serious pain because of osteoarthritis and was unwilling to wait a year in Canada for the
recommended hip resurfacing procedure.25
All other things being equal, physicians should facilitate this
category of medical travel when patients’ needs cannot be efficiently addressed in the home country. It is preferable that
patients access medical procedures that can significantly
improve their quality of life in a timely fashion. Additionally, to
the extent that medical travel shortens the queue in home
countries, it is desirable for patients to go abroad. Collaterally,
medical travel might ease pressure on public care waiting lists by
moving some of the patients to a different system, without at
J Med Ethics 2010;36:297e301. doi:10.1136/jme.2009.032789
the same time removing physicians from the public system of
home countries.
On a larger socio-political scale, in some cases, home countries
might even be obligated to fund travel for medically necessary
interventions so that all citizens can access them without
incurring debt: for example, where the capacity to supply
a particular service lags behind a spike in demand for this service.
Additionallydexcepting in cases such as rare procedures, where
there is benefit in promoting regional specialisationsdhome
countries should simultaneously be working to shorten domestic waiting lists for medically necessary procedures so that
patients are not forced to go abroad for them. For those nations
that are committed to government-funded universal healthcare,
there is an obligation to ensure that international travel
for medically necessary procedures does not become the status
quo.
Unproven medical interventions
When medical travel is undertaken for the purpose of accessing
unproven medical interventions, physicians may be warranted
in adopting a more interventionist response. For example, it has
recently been reported that UK children with congenitally
underdeveloped optic nerves have travelled to China for
unproven and costly stem cell transplantation. Belfast couple
Darren and Wilma Clarke paid £30 000 for their 3-year-old
daughter Dakota to receive six injections of stem cells. She
obtained these injections in February 2009 in Qingdao, northeast
China.26 Welsh couple Joanna and Anthony Clark paid £40 000
for their 16-month-old son Joshua to receive a stem cell transplant in April 2009 in Hangzhou, near Shanghai.27
Stem cell transplantations such as these are not permitted in
the UK because they are deemed unsafe and ineffective. The
concern with medical travel for unproven interventions is the risk
of serious harm to patientsda risk recently reported in relation to
another case involving stem cell transplantation where “an Israeli
boy developed benign tumours in the brain and spinal cord after
being injected with foetal neural cells at a Moscow clinic in
Russia.”28 International medical travel for “unproven stem-cell
treatments that lack appropriate oversight or patient monitoring
or use poorly characterised cells” is explicitly condemned by the
International Society for Stem Cell Research.29
Beyond a concern about harm, there are concerns about false
hope and exploitation. A commitment to patient autonomy
dictates that if patients understand and freely consent to
purchase a desired medical procedure, we ought not to interfere
with their plans. But what about the vulnerable positions in
which these patients and their families often find themselves?
They may be subject to tremendous pressures to exhaust all
available means to cure the illness in question, thus rendering
them easy marks for exploitation. Even if physicians should not
directly intervene by preventing travel for unproven interventions sought by competent patients, this does not mean that
they should support it. Arguably, at the very least, physicians
should deter patients from seeking unproven procedures abroad
(through education and counselling), when there is good reason
to believe that the sought after interventions are likely to do
more harm than good.
With the cases cited above, the ethical challenges are greater
by virtue of the fact that the procedures in question were
performed on children. Considerations of patient autonomy are
considerably more complicated when the patient is a child and
the purchaser is a guardian who may be exposing her child to
harm. In such situations, a stronger interventionist approach
might be warranted.
299
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Legal prohibitions
When patients’ decision spaces are characterised by the illegality
of the desired procedure in the home countrydin particular
because the procedure is exploitativedthis raises a different set
of ethical considerations. These situations include medical
interventions such as transplantation involving the purchase of
a kidney30 or fertility treatments involving payment for ova.31
Consider medical travel to Pakistan by patients from countries
such as Saudi Arabia, Kosovo, Turkey and Bulgaria for the
purchase and transplantation of human kidneys. Despite the
fact that the sale of organs is legally prohibited in Pakistan, this
country remains a leading destination for foreigners seeking to
purchase kidneys. In June of 2009, the Supreme Court of
Pakistan confirmed that the sale of kidneys for transplantation
continues despite the legal prohibition.32
A kidney patient might be tempted to go abroad for transplant surgery because of the shortage of kidneys in her country
of origin, which results from domestic legal prohibition on the
buying and selling of organs. Home country governmental
prohibitions on the commodification of kidneys (and other
human bodily resources) are motivated in part by a desire to
protect members of vulnerable groups from exploitation. Surely
the exploitation of destination-country organ providers is no
more ethically acceptable than would be the exploitation of
home-country organ providers. Therefore, when home-country
legislation prohibits a certain medical practice in order to protect
vulnerable persons, there is an ethical obligation to engage in
serious conversation and counsellingdand possibly also to deter
patients from travelling abroaddin an effort to prevent the
exportation of harmful exploitation.
Now some might argue that in situations where the domestically prohibited activity is not illegal in the destination country
a softer approach to dissuading patients may be warranted.
Perhaps, but this assessment will depend upon a careful analysis
of the nature of the activity that is legally prohibited in the home
country. Activities that are prohibited in an effort to protect the
vulnerable from exploitation are decidedly different from activities that are prohibited on the basis of presumed social mores
and customs. An example of the latter is the legal prohibition in
Italy on access to fertility treatment for those who are not legally
married heterosexual couples. If common law partners, single
women, lesbian couples, or others who do not fit the description
of ‘legally married heterosexual couples’ want to access fertility
treatment in a foreign country where such treatment is legally
available to them, there might be few grounds on which to deter
patients from travelling abroad. The same might not be true
with respect to medical travel for ova sales and surrogacy
contracts where women in the destination countriesdfor
example, India and the USdare at risk of exploitation.
CONFOUNDING FACTORS
There are a variety of ethically relevant considerations that are
not captured in the analysis provided thus far. These include the
potential costs to the health of travellers,33 the internal ‘care
drain’ of healthcare professionals from public and rural hospitals
to private and urban hospitals that do not service the public
healthcare needs of the domestic populations, and the undermining of public healthcare systems in home and destination
countries by challenging the core value of equal access to
healthcare. To say the least, many of these considerations are
highly complex.
For example, while international medical travel motivated by
a desire to avoid long waiting lists might be ethically uncontroversial from a patient perspective, especially when the patient
300
is wealthy and willing to pay for the travel, the ethics assessment is somewhat more complicated from a health-systems
perspective. To the extent that international medical travel
shortens the queue for medical procedures in home countries, it
is desirable for patients to go abroad. In this way, international
medical travel eases pressure on public care waiting lists by
moving some of the patients to a different system, without at
the same time removing healthcare providers from the public
system. But this strategy for shortening wait lists is ethically
problematicdespecially when the procedures are medically
necessary (as opposed to elective) and the cost of the medical
travel must be borne by the patients. At a minimum, this
introduces an advantage for the wealthy who can buy their way
off the waiting list. Now for some, this is not ethically problematic; there are many things the rich can buy that the poor
must do without. But for those who believe in governmentfunded healthcare, this is a significant ethical issuedmedical
travel for necessary medical treatment undermines a core value
of equal access.
From another perspective, it is worth considering the impact
of medical travel on access to healthcare for local patients in
resource-poor destination countries, when the effort and energy
of local healthcare providers is directed at the needs of foreign
travellers. On the one hand, the medical travel industry
threatens to exacerbate the internal ‘care drain’ by acceleration
the depletion of an already scarce supply of healthcare providers
from the critical public healthcare sector. On the other hand,
this market could provide a means for attracting, retaining, and
training doctors and nurses who might otherwise seek
employment abroad. Additionally, the funds that medical travellers pay to hospitals, clinics and medical professionals can, in
some cases, be used to subsidise the healthcare of local populationsdfor example, with the dedication of a percentage of
hospital beds to patients within the public healthcare system.
For resource-poor destination countries that are experiencing
a shortage of medical resources and healthcare providers, medical
travel has the potential to either help or harm their public
healthcare systems.
CONCLUSION
It is easy to empathise with those who are (potential) international medical travellers. They want timely and affordable
medical interventions that are not readily available to them
domestically. In many cases the patients believe the desired
interventions will allow them to lead the kinds of lives they
envision for themselves and will significantly benefit their
health. In a smaller number of cases, the patients see international medical travel as their only hope of survival. Chastising or
punishing patients for travelling abroad is not the right response,
but this leaves unanswered two pivotal questions: when, if ever,
should patients participate in international medical travel, and
when, if ever, should physicians facilitate or hinder their efforts
to do so?
In an ideal world, governments with publicly funded healthcare systems should organise their systems to provide needed
healthcare for all citizens at home. In the real world, this is not
always possible, however, which accounts for the burgeoning
international industry in medical travel.
All things considered, physicians should not inhibit their
patients’ access to international medical travel where the decision spaces of the travelling patients are characterised by relative
expense (A) or by long domestic wait lists (B). Beyond this, one
might even argue that physicians should facilitate such travel
by offering appropriate referrals and directing patients to
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appropriate educational resources. At the same time, physicians
should advocate for policy and practice changes in their home
country, so that medically necessary services are controlled by
the domestic public healthcare system for the benefit of all
citizens. This is especially important given the underlying belief
with most publicly funded healthcare systems; namely, that
healthcare should be provided in a timely fashion on the basis of
need, not ability to pay.
Matters are notably different, however, when the international
medical travel involves the element of harmful exploitation.
Where the patient decision space is characterised by domestic
bans on unproven medical interventions (C) or medical interventions that are domestically illegal because they take advantage
of vulnerable third parties (D), a more restrictive approach is
warranted. Where the potential victims of the harmful exploitation are the patients themselves, as in (C), the role of the
physician may legitimately involve directive counselling aimed at
dissuading the patient from travelling. At the very least, however,
patients should be provided with full information about potential harms and available alternatives. When vulnerable third
parties are the potential victims, as in (C) where the patients are
children, or (D), the physician’s efforts at discouraging international medical travel should be all the more assertive.
International medical travel is an ethically challenging aspect
of globalisation. In our view, consideration of patient decision
spaces is a useful analytical tool for illuminating the moral
dimensions of medical travel, particularly in light of the scarcity
of robust empirical data on various aspects of this burgeoning
industry. It may also be a useful approach for physicians in
deciding whether to facilitate or hinder patient efforts to engage
in international medical travel. The four categories of decision
spaces discussed in this article raise different ethical considerations; the weightiest of these concern the pursuit of interventions that are unproven (C), or illegal in the home country
(D). Ultimately, in these contexts, the home country’s obligation to protect its citizens from unnecessary harm and to
promote the health and safety of vulnerable persons in source
and destination countries are ethical considerations that must
be given priority.
Acknowledgements This research was developed, in part, under the Canadian
Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) grant ’Ethics of Health Research and Policy’. For
insightful feedback on drafts of this essay, the authors are grateful to the members
of the Novel Tech Ethics research team, especially Andrew Fenton, and also to Jim
Sabin and David Badcott. Any oversights or errors remain the authors’ own.
Competing interests None.
Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.
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