Indonesian Sea Policy: Accelerating Jokowi's Global Maritime Fulcrum?
Evan A Laksmana2017, Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative
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Indonesian Sea Policy: Accelerating Jokowi's Global Maritime Fulcrum? | Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative
3/26/17, 10:22 PM
INDONESIAN SEA POLICY: ACCELERATING JOKOWI’S GLOBAL MARITIME FULCRUM?
BY EVAN LAKSMANA (HTTPS://AMTI.CSIS.ORG/AUTHOR/ELAKSM/) | MARCH 23, 2017 (HTTPS://AMTI.CSIS.ORG/INDONESIAN-SEA-POLICYACCELERATING/)
INDONESIA (HTTPS://AMTI.CSIS.ORG/CATEGORY/INDONESIA/)
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Indonesian president Joko “Jokowi” Widodo on March 1 released the long-awaited
Presidential Regulation (Peraturan Presiden) No. 16 of 2017 on Indonesian Sea Policy
Recent Posts
(http://setkab.go.id/presiden-jokowi-teken-perpres-kebijakan-kelautan-indonesia/). This
new decree was designed to “facilitate the acceleration” of Jokowi’s Global Maritime
Fulcrum (GMF) doctrine, launched
(http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/11/13/jokowi-launches-maritime-doctrineworld.html) at the East Asia Summit in 2014. At that time, the president did not clearly
define the GMF, other than saying that as “a maritime country” Indonesia “must assert itself
as a force between the two oceans: the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean.”
This vision rests on five pillars: rebuild maritime culture, manage marine resources,
develop maritime infrastructure and connectivity, advance maritime diplomacy, and boost
maritime defense forces. But the doctrine never had a detailed document laying out its
implementation. Unsurprisingly, critics argued that the absence of a “unifying blueprint
(https://www.regionalsecurity.org.au/resources/Documents/SC%2011-2%20SAMBHI.pdf)”
for the GMF allowed it to be “interpreted in so many different ways by so many different
agencies (http://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australian_outlook/indonesias-globalmaritime-axis-askew/).” I have also argued
(http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/02/27/insight-in-indo-pacific-strategicflux-where-is-indonesia.html) that the doctrine lacks a foreign policy strategy and an IndoPacific vision, as it has focused more on the internal rather than external pillars.
Indonesian Sea Policy:
Accelerating Jokowi’s
Global Maritime Fulcrum?
(https://amti.csis.org/indon
esian-sea-policyaccelerating/)
Raging Waters in Benham
Rise
(https://amti.csis.org/raging
-waters-benham-rise/)
Dealmaker in Paradise
(https://amti.csis.org/dealm
aker-in-paradise/)
Podcast: Cloudy Horizon in
U.S.-Philippine Relations
(https://amti.csis.org/podca
st-cloudy-horizon-us-phrelations/)
The Era of Coast Guards in
the Asia Pacific is Upon Us
(https://amti.csis.org/eracoast-guards-asia-pacificupon-us/)
The new Sea Policy (a name that was chosen instead of “maritime” or “ocean” policy
because it is rooted in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea) was
supposed to address these criticisms by codifying the GMF as part of Indonesia’s regulatory
Resources
hierarchy and integrating—or rather, coordinating—maritime-related policies and programs
Key Maps That Explain
Maritime Asia (/atlas/)
across different ministries and agencies into a single framework.
Documents (/documents/)
About AMTI (/about/)
Archives
https://amti.csis.org/indonesian-sea-policy-accelerating/
Page 1 of 7
Indonesian Sea Policy: Accelerating Jokowi's Global Maritime Fulcrum? | Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative
The GMF is now defined as the vision for a “sovereign, developed, and strong maritime
state capable of positively contributing to the peace and security of the region and the
world, according to its national interests.” As policy guidance, this vision is further detailed
in two appendices containing a long-term framework (spelled out in a 37-page National
Document) and a short-term scheme (detailed in the 198-page Action Plan 2016-2019).
The GMF’s original pillars were expanded into:
1. Marine and human resource development;
2. Naval defense, maritime security, and safety at sea;
3. Ocean governance institutionalization;
4. Maritime economy, infrastructure, and welfare;
5. Environmental protection and ocean space management;
6. Nautical culture; and
7. Maritime diplomacy.
These pillars are further broken down into 76 programs spread across dozens of ministries
and agencies in charge of 425 activities designed to achieve 330 targets (see breakdown
here (https://twitter.com/EvanLaksmana/status/842274409494724608)). Taken collectively,
however, the Sea Policy does not yet appear to have fundamentally changed how the
Indonesian government would implement or elevate the GMF.
First, despite the “maritime” labels attached to the hundreds of policy activities, there is no
single authoritative agency to corral the ministries or agencies into concerted action.
The document continues to leave the planning, budgeting, and execution of the various
programs to the respective ministries and agencies. The key difference is that the
Coordinating Ministry for Maritime Affairs, led by Jokowi confidant Luhut Pandjaitan, is now
tasked with monitoring, coordinating, and evaluating—not directly controlling—how each
fits within the Sea Policy framework.
Second, while the Sea Policy codifies and fleshes out the skeleton of the GMF, the focus
remains heavily skewed toward domestic policies.
Consider the fact that the Action Plan tasks the Ministries of Transportation, Industry, and
Marine Affairs and Fisheries with 181 (out of 425) policy activities (or 42 percent), while
the Foreign Ministry only merits 23 activities. Even then, its focus seems to be on “normsbuilding” and maritime and multilateral diplomacy in general, with only brief mention of
challenging issues like the South China Sea.
3/26/17, 10:22 PM
March 2017
(https://amti.csis.org/2017/
03/)
February 2017
(https://amti.csis.org/2017/
02/)
January 2017
(https://amti.csis.org/2017/
01/)
December 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
12/)
November 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
11/)
October 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
10/)
September 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
09/)
August 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
08/)
July 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
07/)
June 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
06/)
May 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
05/)
April 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
04/)
March 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
03/)
February 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
02/)
January 2016
(https://amti.csis.org/2016/
01/)
December 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
https://amti.csis.org/indonesian-sea-policy-accelerating/
Page 2 of 7
Indonesian Sea Policy: Accelerating Jokowi's Global Maritime Fulcrum? | Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative
3/26/17, 10:22 PM
Militarily, meanwhile, the Action Plan merely rehashes existing programs and projections
12/)
from the Ministry of Defense and the Indonesian military, especially those pertaining to
November 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
11/)
naval base development, maintenance and repair facilities, command and control, and ship
procurement plans. The military plans also include an ideological component through
State Defense (bela negara) “character building” programs.
Many of these activities fall under broader Maritime Security and Defense program
priorities—the primary goal of which is to reduce violations of the law within Indonesian
waters by 2019. As such, they focus more on patrols and joint interagency maritime
operations to deal with crimes at sea, particularly illegal, unregulated, and unreported
fishing.
Seen in this light, it would be wise to temper expectations that the Sea Policy will boost
the external elements of Jokowi’s GMF. Indeed, even with a more developed GMF, as far as
the changing geopolitical dynamic in the Indo-Pacific region goes, Indonesia will continue
to be the “missing middle” rather than a “force” between the Indian and Pacific Oceans.
Finally, as the Sea Policy is effectively a “bureaucratic umbrella” document, it emphasizes
connecting preexisting policies and programs—rather than proposing new ones—across
ministries and agencies. It is therefore doubtful that it will have additional budgetary
support beyond that already allocated by the respective ministries, although it leaves open
the door for various mechanisms—e.g. local government budgets or public-private
partnerships—to finance the programs designated under the framework outside of the
national budget.
Perhaps more importantly, it is not clear how the hundreds of preexisting programs and
activities could solidify or elevate the GMF’s expansive vision. If they were formulated by
the different ministries and agencies based on their bureaucratic calculations and
interests, why should we expect them to fit neatly into the new Sea Policy framework? This
is particularly likely given that the regulation lacks a clear assessment metric of policy
success. Ultimately, while the Sea Policy regulation and its accompanying document are a
significant development in Jokowi’s GMF, whether and under what conditions the doctrine
becomes a geopolitical game-changer remains to be seen.
October 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
10/)
September 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
09/)
August 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
08/)
July 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
07/)
June 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
06/)
May 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
05/)
April 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
04/)
March 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
03/)
February 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
02/)
January 2015
(https://amti.csis.org/2015/
01/)
December 2014
(https://amti.csis.org/2014/
12/)
November 2014
(https://amti.csis.org/2014/
11/)
About Evan Laksmana
Evan Laksmana is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and
Categories
International Studies in Jakarta and currently a visiting fellow at The
at Syracuse University’s Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs.
ADIZ
(https://amti.csis.org/categ
ory/adiz/)
Follow him on Twitter @EvanLaksmana
AMTI Update
National Bureau of Asian Research in Seattle. He is also a PhD candidate
https://amti.csis.org/indonesian-sea-policy-accelerating/
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