How Iran’s Propaganda Machine Succeeds in the West
When the 1979 Revolution in Iran was still in its nascent phase, the majority of the groups
involved were secular and left-wing. However, the religious factions ultimately took over and
established the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) due to, in large part, better organizational
capacities, pragmatism and foreign help. In turn, the regime became, and still is, a theocratic
dictatorship. As a result, and as is the case in any dictatorship, the regime set out to devise a
strategy to legitimize its dictatorial nature as well as the cult of its supreme leader.
To do so, the regime adopted a double-pronged strategy. On the one hand, it exported its
ideological religious revolution to Shia-majority countries and, crucially, to Shia-majority
areas in Sunni countries to stir sectarian disorder. On the other hand, Tehran established an
effective propaganda machine in what it deems to be a hostile West. The latter aspect is a fact
that is little known and even less recognized, and yet it has been of great significance in
helping to legitimize the regime.
The body behind this propaganda machine in the Western world is the Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps (IRGC), which is directly run by Ayatollah Khamenei and his son, Mojtaba
Khamenei. Indeed, the IRGC trains both the regime’s armed and ideological soldiers who go
through extreme indoctrination from a very early age. Thousands of non-combatant IRGC
members were enrolled in order to implement Iran’s ideological war by publishing articles
and research papers in the media, making documentaries and, more recently, adopting a
savvy use of social media. In fact, in Iran IRGC members are commonly referred to as the
Unknown Soldiers of the Imam Mehdi, and as Cyber Corps, which is part of the Intelligence
Organization of the IRGC (SAS) known as the Cyber Attack Army.
IDEOLOGICAL DRIVE
Although the Islamic Republic has always been an ideologically-driven regime, these efforts
increased dramatically when Khamenei became the supreme leader in 1989. Prior to this, the
ayatollah’s position was presented by Khomeini as the velāyat-e faqīh (guardianship of the
jurist), not only the most important religious position in the Shia world, but also the most
important political one — as the leader of the revolution. In turn, Khomeini realized that in
order to secure the concentration of all powers in his hands, he needed to achieve two things:
the creation of the cult of the supreme leader and the reinforcement of ideological
indoctrination in order to extend his influence abroad.
However, during the 1990s, these efforts were increased by his successor, Ayatollah
Khamenei, who started to invest billions of dollars in ideological centers in order to further
cement his power. This policy also became an important part of all government institutions in
Iran, and there are now numerous ideological centers that are solely funded by the
government, alongside others run directly by the supreme leader and his son, with no
verifiable information on their expenditure. Moreover, despite the current economic
difficulties, an important part of the state budget still goes toward these institutions.
Significantly, unlike Ayatollah Khomeini, who had absolute power and support of his
followers from the outset, Ali Khamenei only reached supreme power after 10 years, after an
indoctrination process during which he eliminated all potential rivals, including Ahmad
Khomeini, the son of Ayatollah Khomeini. Following this, Khamenei was able to secure his
power through an astute understanding of how to use the ideological role of supreme leader
to secure religious support through the ideological centers.
One of these, the Rouzbeh Education Center, was established directly by Ayatollah
Khamenei in 1989, only a few months after becoming supreme leader. Until present day, this
center is one of the institutions responsible for delivering ideological training on the role of
the supreme leader to many government officials, particularly security and IRGC forces, as
well as their families. This center now has branches in many cities in central and northeastern
Iran, areas that the popularity of the supreme leader depends on. This center was first
established for young children to be educated outside of the remit of the Ministry of
Education, but it now also offers higher education courses up to postgraduate level and works
very closely with Iliad International, which is the main body responsible for deploying
Iranian students to study and settle in countries such as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the
United States, Malaysia and the United Kingdom.
Apart from indoctrination, this center also strongly relies on Sajjadiyah, a holy Shia
manuscript similar to the hadiths (the sayings of the Prophet Muhammad) which
Khamenei describes as being of equal importance to the Quran. In fact, some people very
close to the ayatollah even consider it as more important and trustworthy than some hadiths
and the best book that describes the Quran. Sajjadiyah and its school are considered by
Khamenei and Shia ideologues as the only path to finding truth and justice.
SPREADING THE INFLUENCE
Rouzbeh Center in Iran is one of the most effective institutions that has worked relentlessly to
legitimatize Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the revolution and the importance of his
role in the Islamic world. The majority of graduate students from this institution have
important positions in various fields in Iran and abroad. A teacher who used to work at the
institution told this author that “the amount of investment poured into these centers is very
dangerous for the future of Iran as they gather, train and then deploy soldiers instead of being
an institution dedicated to developing the country’s infrastructure.” Their university cadre,
known as “the “Jihadi students,” go to remote villages across Iran on ideological and
recruitment missions.
In order to understand the extent of the influence wielded by ideological institutions such as
the Rouzbeh Center, the example of Iran Poll — a Canada-based polling company — is
revealing. In the past few years, the Center for International Security Studies (CISSM) at
Maryland University has produced reports on polling surveys that have become popular
among academics, the media and politicians in the West. The reports are mostly published
under the name of Dr. Ebrahim Mohseni. In 2009, Mojtaba Khamenei helped Mohseni and
Professor Mohammad Marandi to establish the University of Tehran Centre for Public
Opinion Research (UTCPOR). Marandi — who studied in America and understands the
mentality of Western media, politicians and writers — leads UTCPOR, which is monitored
by the Iranian Foreign Ministry. He frequently appears on mainstream media, such as
the BBC and Al Jazeera, among others, but one thing that these media organizations either do
not know or fail to mention is that he is the son of Dr. Marandi, the head of Ayatollah
Khamenei’s special medical team.
Professor Marandi occupies his position thanks to nepotism and because his father is a loyal
member of the regime, and he is fully trusted to carry out further indoctrination and to
promote the IRI. On the other hand, some think that Ebrahim Mohseni works for the IRGC as
he appears to give lectures to the Basij Resistance Force at universities in Iran and is
frequently quoted on IRGC-backed news websites — a fact never mentioned in Western
media.
At the heart of this network lies the very founder of Iran Poll, Amir Farmanesh, shown in
this photo in a dark blue jacket, third from the left, during training at the Rouzbeh Center.
One of his teachers told this author: “He was brought to study at this center and the center is
run by the supreme leader’s office. They always try to bring in smart students. It is a center to
produce the most loyal figures and they provide students with everything they need.” He
added, “Last year I was shocked when I saw him in Switzerland presenting polling surveys,
because Farmanesh always wanted to go and fight alongside his brothers in Palestine.”
One of Farmanesh’s friends described him to the author as “a quiet person but very smart and
someone who surprises you as soon as he participates in a subject.” In short, the regime has
not only spread its influence in the region but has penetrated Western institutions and media,
which is what the IRGC calls countering the West’s soft war against Iran. These polling
surveys aim to ensure that public opinion in the West is shaped by the narrative presented by
the IRGC in which Ayatollah Khamenei represents the will of Iranians, Qasem
Soleimani — the head of Iran’s Quds Force (the special forces branch of the IRGC) — is the
most beloved person among Iranians, and Iran is a free and democratic country.
Iran Poll plays a central role, while CISSM and others are used to present the main objective
designed by Iran Poll.
A DIFFERENT REALITY
Furthermore, a significant amount of effort has been dedicated to presenting the polling
surveys as a product of Maryland University. However, these are produced by Iran Poll. Iran
Poll conducts research freely in Iran, which no other organization is allowed to do, and
almost all of their election polls correctly predict official results. In addition, the majority of
popular media outlets on the internet have one or more pieces that name Iran Poll as a
reference. To a large extent, this is because there are no non-governmental polling institutes
in Iran as this is prohibited by the regime, as in any other dictatorship.
Nevertheless, this also reveals the monopoly Iran Poll has over the Western media when it
comes to Iran, which demonstrates a troubling lack of critical assessment toward a polling
institution supported by the regime in Tehran, which by its very essence cannot be neutral. In
fact, Iran Poll has even got a special license from the United States Treasury Department,
which allows it to make all the necessary transactions to pay for public opinion polling in
Iran. (According to an informed source, the Treasury may revoke the license, which was
issued to People Analytics Inc. but is being used by Iran Poll.)
By way of example, according to one of Iran Poll’s reports, the reason for people’s
participation in elections is based on their belief in in the current political system. One survey
question asks, “Do you think people in Iran have too much, too little, or just about the right
amount of freedom?” The result indicates that the vast majority of Iranians believe Iran is
free and democratic, and more than 15% also claim that there is too much freedom in Iran.
Moreover, other reports suggest that more than 90% of Iranians think that elections are fair,
democratic and free. The same report continues: “In your opinion, to what degree should our
country’s policy makers take religious teachings into account when they make decisions?”
Over 45% reply as “a lot,” 29.5% “somewhat,” 15.5% “not much” and 6.9% “not at all.”
It is clear that the polling survey reports have the intention of galvanizing support for the
regime by showing that there is backing for it. The results presented suggest that the
overwhelming majority of Iranians support the position of the supreme leader, think that Iran
is a democratic and free country, want their country to be a nuclear power and are behind
Tehran’s nuclear ambitions. In addition, the polling surveys suggest that Iranians condone the
mass killing of Syrians by Bashar al-Assad’s regime, Iran’s role in Syria and Iran’s
expansionist policies in the region.
What is apparent is that these results do not reflect the reality on the ground but seem to
resemble the official government propaganda. Furthermore, the partnership with Maryland
University has given Iran Poll a certain degree of legitimacy, which is also concerning
because the polling institutes of many other dictatorships would be met with legitimate
caution and reserve. (The university has not yet responded to the author’s questions regarding
the partnership when approached for comment.)
DOMESTIC MEDIA
The latest survey by Iran Poll claims that 82% of Iranians consume news about domestic and
international affairs through domestic state-owned media. However, according to reports
published in Iran, domestic channels have been surpassed by foreign media — a fact that
even Iranian officials admit.
Furthermore, just over 6% watch the most popular news channel in Iran. Indeed, according to
experts and those who work for domestic and state-run TV channels, the younger
generation often doesn’t even know the names of the domestic outlets. In fact, the recent
attempts by the government to ban the popular Telegram messenger and other social media
applications is based on the awareness that this is where Iranians get their news from and,
most importantly, where they challenge the regime. Yet, despite all this, Iran Poll surveys are
still presented as reliable and scientific sources.
In relation to Iranians challenging the regime on social media, an Iran Poll survey nonetheless
claims that, following popular protests that started at the end of 2017, 68% of Iranians believe
that those who chanted slogans against the political system of the IRI should be punished,
and 93% believe those who burned the Iranian flag should be punished harshly. These results
are in line with the regime’s justification of mass arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings that
took place after the protests.
Herein lies the deceptive and disingenuous nature of Iran Poll surveys. They claim that
Iranians believe the IRI is democratic while simultaneously claiming that Iranians do not
want democratic forms of expression. These examples underline the fact that these surveys
are neither scientific nor reliable, but rather a mouthpiece for the supreme leader. A critical
approach to these surveys demonstrates that these polls are not only fabricated, but are also
the product of Ayatollah Khamenei’s ideological foot soldiers, who have ingeniously used a
respected Western tool such as polling surveys, and a respected body — a university — to
spread the idea that Ayatollah Khamenei is the true representative of the Iranians’ democratic
will.
Significantly, the numerous reports published by the United Nations and human rights
organizations that denounce Iran’s grave human rights violations, such as mass torture, public
hangings and the repression of women’s rights, are never mentioned.
Another aspect that demonstrates these people’s loyalty to the regime is that none of the
institutions they represent have written anything critical about Iran or its human rights
abuses, such as its use of child soldiers — a 2017 report by Human Rights Watch documents
that the IRI has used Afghan children in the fight against Syrian opposition groups — but
solely focus on how Iran could confront US pressure. This is yet another demonstration of
how influential Ayatollah Khamenei’s ideological army in the West is when it comes to
covering Iran affairs. Pro-regime writers who are either at the helm of these organizations or
work for these entities in the West try to connect Iran’s destabilizing role in the region to
Tehran’s national security.
Nevertheless, they are clearly aware of the desire for regime change by Iranians because they
do in fact write about it. Some of them even suggest that regime change will not work, and
that diplomatic solutions are a better way to negotiate on regional and human rights issues.
However, it goes without saying that there can be no human rights in a dictatorship, so it
seems apparent that they are merely seeking to secure the status quo. In fact, reports prove
that under President Hassan Rouhani and his so-called moderate government Iran’s human
rights records is worse than under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, and that Iran’s
destabilizing, sectarian and hostile influence has spread more than ever in the region.
INCREASING THE PRESSURE
These efforts by Ayatollah Khamenei to establish such organizations and deploy more of his
soldiers to the West have increased due to challenges he faces at home. The regime has lost
its ideological and political legitimacy among Iranians — especially among the young
generation — and this has pushed Tehran to establish its defense system in the West by
misleading public opinion. This plan has worked, as seen from the poor coverage of the
most recent protests in Western media.
Ayatollah Khamenei’s ideological foot soldiers are producing more reports to prevent
Western countries, organizations or individuals from supporting the Iranians’ efforts for
change by spreading fear that supporting protests directly leads to a war with Iran. They
know that after the Iraq War, the appetite for military conflict in the West has declined
considerably. Therefore, Iran has been successful in dividing public opinion in the West over
supporting the Iranians’ struggle for freedom and democracy.
Sanctions imposed on Iran on November 4 heavily target Iranian security forces, which play
a crucial role in torturing and executing political prisoners and activists in Iran — the same
security forces that have tried to conduct terrorist attacks in Europe in recent months. It is
also these security forces that are tasked with spreading Iran’s influence abroad through
various organizations in the West and destabilizing activities, proxy wars in Yemen,
Lebanon, Palestine and in Syria, and the training and funding of terrorist organizations such
as Hamas, Hezbollah and Ansarollah. In essence, if the EU and the international community
want to prevent more wars, the key to pressuring Iran into ending its support for terrorism
and spreading conflict in the region is to ensure the successful implementation of sanctions.
The sad reality about countries like Iran is that totalitarian states only understand the
language of force and economic pressure. In the past, Iran refused to negotiate over its
nuclear program, but sanctions ended up playing the most important role in bringing it to the
negotiating table. It was not the will of the regime to open up Iran to the international
community like pro-Iran deal voices claim. More importantly, the true nature of
organizations that represent the policies of Tehran in the West should be known and be
treated accordingly.