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Title: Well-Ordered Science’s Basic Problem
Abstract: Kitcher has proposed an ideal-theory account—well-ordered science (WOS)— of
the collective good that science’s research agenda should promote. Against criticism
regarding WOS’s action-guidance, Kitcher has advised critics not to confuse substantive
ideals and the ways to arrive at them, and he has defended WOS as a necessary and useful
ideal for science policy. I provide a distinction between two types of ideal-theories that helps
clarifying WOS’s elusive nature. I use this distinction to argue that the action-guidance
problem that WOS faces remains even under the aims/means distinction, because the WOS’s
failure is more basic than critics have suggested.
Contact Information: Cristian Larroulet Philippi, Department of History and Philosophy of
Science, University of Cambridge, Free School Lane, Cambridge CB2 3RH, UK; e-mail:
cristianlarroulet@gmail.com.
Acknowledgments: This is a descendent of the manuscript “Well-Ordered Science: Ideals
and Procedures.” Earlier versions of this paper were presented both at the 8th Annual Values
in Medicine, Science, and Technology Conference (UT Dallas, 2018), and at the 26th
Biennial Meeting of the Philosophy of Science Association (Seattle, 2018). Thanks to
Katharina Bernhard, Alison Jaggar, Andrew Schroeder, Jamie Shaw, Katie Steele, and an
anonymous referee for helpful comments.
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1. Introduction.
Whether, how, and where social values enter (and have entered) into scientific practice has
been widely discussed. Moving forward requires positive accounts regarding how values
should influence science. Philip Kitcher (2001, 2011) has pioneered offering a normative
proposal for the determination of science’s research agenda (SRA). He calls it “well-ordered
science” (WOS).1 On Kitcher’s view, science is well-ordered when the lines of research
conducted are those that would be decided by a group of ideal deliberators under idealized
circumstances.
Some authors have criticized WOS for being too idealized, in that it is unable to guide
science policy on SRA in our current non-ideal circumstances (Longino 2002; Douglas 2013;
Fernández Pinto 2015). Kitcher has responded to this challenge claiming that it confuses
substantive normative ideals —at which we should aim—and the ways to arrive at them
(2002, 569, 2011, 125). He claims that WOS is both the kind of normative ideal needed and
one that can actually provide guidance (2011, 125).
1
Strictly speaking, WOS includes other aspects of the practice of science (e.g., ethical
restrictions for experiments), but here I focus only on the normative standard as it applies to
SRA.
2
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I argue here that WOS’s problem of guidance remains even under the aims/means distinction,
because the failure of WOS is more basic than other critics have suggested. Kitcher
understands WOS as a hypothetical procedure, the result of which constitutes the ideal SRA.
I argue here that the result of this hypothetical procedure cannot be known, so WOS provides
no identifiable ideal SRA that can serve as a standard of comparison for our actual SRA.
Thus, Kitcher’s reply that the action-guidance criticism confuses ideals and the ways to
arrive at them is not true of the version of the criticism presented here.
In what follows, I will present WOS as described by Kitcher (2), clarify its nature as an idealtheory (3) of a specific kind (4), and argue that WOS provides no identifiable standard (5).
2. Well-Ordered Science.
To propose an ideal SRA, Kitcher imagines an idealized procedure consisting in a group of
deliberators, representing all the affected perspectives, being mutually engaged and tutored
by scientists. The latter condition work as a “cognitive restriction” and the former as an
“affective restriction,” in the sense that both are meant to avoid “myopic voters choosing in
ignorance of the possibilities, and of the consequences for others, completely absorbed in
their own self-directed wishes” (2011, 113). In this way, the resulting list of lines of research
to be pursued is expected to consider (i) the scientists’ expertise (regarding which research
projects are plausible and what are their likely consequences for the various social needs that
society deems “significant”); (ii) the deliberators’ inputs (knowledge on the needs and values
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of all the affected parties); (iii) and the deliberators’ ethical-deliberative capacity (in
balancing, under conditions of mutual engagement, the extremely diverse and sometimes
conflicting claims present).
Having detailed this idealized procedure, Kitcher then proposes that the normative standard
for SRA consists in the research projects that would be decided by such a procedure (2001,
122-3, 2011, 114).
3. Ideal-Theories and WOS.
Since Kitcher claims that a major obstacle in the literature on science policy has been the
lack of a normative ideal, he aims to contribute by putting forth “a first shot at the kind of
standard we need” (2001, 146 emphasis added). It is hard to find opposition to the claim that
we need some (sort of) normative standard(s) for guiding policy. The debate is whether the
kind of standard we need is one of the kind that Kitcher offers, which since Rawls (1999) has
been called “ideal theory.” This kind of standard involves the construction of an end-state—
e.g., the features of “a perfectly just society” (Rawls 1999, 8). The details of this end-state
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involve heavy departure from actual and likely contexts of the real world (what is called
“idealization”).2
Although contemporary political philosophy draws heavily from “ideal theory,” challenges to
its normative justification and capacity to guide action have become widespread in the last
decades. Some challenges have to do with the relevance of ideal theories in non-ideal
circumstances (Valentini 2009). In the case of WOS, this kind of criticism has been made by
Longino (2002), and developed in more detail by Fernández Pinto (2015). Other political
theorists contend that the idealizations adopted in some ideal theories tend to mislead more
than guide political action (Mills 2005; Wiens 2012), while others have questioned the moral
weight of the hypothetical consent usually present in ideal theories (Jaggar 1993). In the case
of WOS, this last kind of criticism is echoed by Douglas (2013) and (more fully) by Keren
(2015).
As defenders of Rawlsian ideal theorizing also acknowledge (Robeyns 2008; Simmons
2010), Kitcher has been eager to emphasize that more empirical knowledge is needed in
order to guide specific political action. However, he has defended WOS claiming that an
ideal is “something at which our practices should aim,” and this is conceptually different
2
Standard examples of idealizations are the attribution to human beings of degrees of
rationality and moral capacities not found in most actual human beings. For characterizations
of ideal-theory see (Mills 2005; Robeyns 2008; Simmons 2010; Valentini 2009).
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from the identification of concrete institutional arrangements that would bring about the ideal
(2011, 125). He acknowledges that “meaningful ideals are those for which we can envisage a
path that might lead us toward them” (2011, 125). Thus, some guidance from the ideal to
institutional arrangements is to be expected. But, on his view, WOS fares well in this regard
because it does provide such a guidance, as he illustrates by giving an example (discussed
below). Moreover, he claims—echoing Rawls’ (1999) defense of ideal theory as something
prior to non-ideal theory—that ideal accounts are necessary because “without some
understanding of where you want to go, efforts to improve on the status quo will be leaps in
the dark” (2011, 125). Thus, Kitcher’s response to the lack of action-guidance critique is to
defend WOS on the grounds that (i) such an ideal is needed, and that (ii) WOS is an ideal that
can actually provide guidance, by giving a concrete example.
I challenge (ii) below. Regarding (i), it has been already challenged by Sen (2009), who
criticizes the exclusive focus on “end-states” ideals over “transitional accounts” when the
concern is eminently practical (as it is in the case of science policy). Sen argues that “endstates” ideals are neither necessary nor sufficient for determining improvements, and
assessing improvements is exactly what we need to avoid “leaps in the dark.” Regarding
necessity, on many occasions we can certainly know whether a new scenario, say, the
reduction of gender discrimination, is an improvement in justice, even if we don’t know how
a perfectly just society looks. Moreover, “end-states” are not sufficient because merely
knowing the end-state ideal doesn’t necessarily help us in knowing how far we are from it at
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each scenario, nor in knowing if we are getting closer to it when the scenario changes.3 Thus,
Kitcher’s claim that an ideal-theory (“end-state”) is needed for guiding science policy is
unjustified.
4. Ideal-Answers and Ideal-Procedures.
There has been some lack of clarity in the literature on the exact nature of WOS as an idealtheory (see Douglas 2013; Fernández Pinto 2015; Shaw 2018). For example, it’s unclear
whether the specific way WOS is expected to set standards for policy depends on the stage of
the scientific practice we are considering (e.g., the agenda setting, the determination of
ethical constraints on experiments, etc.). To make headway clarifying WOS, I will, first,
suggest two ways in which we can read the kind of ideal-theory Kitcher is proposing. WOS
is explicitly framed in line with the Rawlsian project about normative principles (Kitcher
2001, 211), so parallels with Rawls’ work will be useful here.
3
To be clear, none of the critics of ideal-theorizing argues for the implausible claim that we
don’t need normative standards for guiding action. The critique is rather targeting the
particular way of providing standards that ideal-theory (understood technically) consists in
(i.e., the focus on end-states, the construction of which involves highly idealized
assumptions). That we do need normative ideals, such as equality, freedom, and the like, for
guiding action is not in question (see Mills 2005, 168; Wiens 2012, 55).
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I think an important distinction can be made between normative ideals that constitute an
answer to the normative question at stake (“ideal-answers”) and ideals that constitute a
procedure for answering the normative question (“ideal-procedures”). An example of the first
type of ideal is Rawls’ (1999) principles of justice. They constitute an answer to the question,
“What does a just society look like?” Although the actual normative answer that Rawls gives
is derived from his hypothetical procedure, called “the original position,” his answer is
independent of the procedure in the following sense. It could be derived from and justified by
other arguments,4 and, more importantly, we don’t need to reimplement the procedure once
we know the answer. In other words, in the case of normative ideals of the first kind, “idealanswers,” what we should aim at is the result of the hypothetical procedure, not the
procedure.
An example of the second type of ideal, what I’m calling an “ideal-procedure,” could be
“democracy” understood as follows. One way of answering the question “Who should
govern?” is by specifying an idealized procedure (e.g. free, regular, competitive, and fair
elections, one vote per adult, etc.). Here, the normative answer is naturally dependent on the
procedure in the sense meant above. The specific content of the answer is known only via
implementing an empirical version of the idealized procedure, and the justification of that
answer depends on the justification of the procedure. The ideal (that at which our practices
4
Like Rawls’ “informal” arguments (1999, chap. 2)
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should aim) is the idealized procedure. So, the answer to the normative question (in all its
required detail) comes out only via mimicking the idealized procedure as close as possible. In
contrast with ideal-answers, the procedure is never left behind, so to speak.
In this taxonomy, Kitcher’s WOS should be classified as an ideal-answer. Kitcher claims that
the ideal we should aim at is not the idealized procedure, but consists of the answers
provided by the hypothetical procedure. Thus, we achieve the ideal not by instituting
empirical versions of the idealized procedure, but when the institutional arrangements,
whatever they are, “invariably lead to investigations that coincide” with the ones that would
have been decided by the ideal deliberators (2001, 122 author’s emphasis). Furthermore,
continues Kitcher, “there’s no thought that well-ordered science must actually institute the
complicated discussions I’ve envisaged. …. Quite probably, setting up a vast populationwide discussion that mimicked the ideal procedure would be an extraordinarily bad idea,
precisely because transactions among non-ideal agents are both imperfect and costly. So the
challenge is to find institutions that generate roughly the right results, even though we have
no ideal deliberators to make the instantaneous decisions we hope to replicate” (2001, 123).
Thus, the ideal that WOS consists in is specified by the conclusions of ideal deliberators, that
is, by the specific lines of research they would select, and not by the idealized procedure.
This is analogous to the ideal of social justice that Rawls proposes, which is specified by the
conclusions arrived at by his ideal deliberators in the original position (i.e. his principles of
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justice), and not by the original position as a procedure to imitate for choosing principles of
justice in real life.
One important exegetical clarification is in place, because changes in Kitcher’s presentation
of WOS between his (2001) and his (2011) have produced confusion about what kind of
ideal Kitcher is advocating. In some parts of (2011), Kitcher seems to endorse an idealprocedure reading of his general proposal for the governing of science (e.g., 2011, 231).
However, this support for a procedural reading doesn’t occur when he discusses the SRA
aspect of WOS, but only occurs when he discusses other (simpler) stages of the practice of
science (e.g., deciding rules for experimenting with animals). To leave no doubts about the
correct reading of WOS for SRA, in his (2011) Kitcher repeats explicitly the indictment that
“any actual conversation of this type is impossible” (115, author’s emphasis). It’s worth
noting that other commentators have also read WOS for SRA in the same way (Longino
2002; Douglas 2013; Keren 2013). At any rate, in case there is any lingering doubt, the fact
that Kitcher mentions some (detailed) conclusions at which ideal deliberators will arrive
regarding SRA (see below) should suffice to convince us that he is taking WOS as an idealanswer for SRA.
5. The Problem with WOS.
I now argue that Kitcher’s WOS, understood as an ideal-answer, cannot be action-guiding
because the ideal it consists in (i.e., the conclusions of his ideal deliberators) cannot be
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known. I will argue for this negative conclusion by highlighting the challenge of arriving at
the conclusions of WOS’s ideal deliberators. Making a contrast between this challenge and
Rawls’ (1999) challenge, I hope to make plain the extreme difficulty (if not impossibility) for
anybody to arrive at WOS’s conclusions. However, Kitcher does claim to know what the
ideal deliberators’ answer will be for a particular case. If he is right that such an answer can
be inferred from WOS, this would seem to rebut my criticism. Nevertheless, I will show that
such an answer is both insufficient for the task at hand and, more problematically,
underdetermined by WOS. Hence it cannot be used as a counterexample to my claim that we
just can’t know ideal deliberators’ answers. Finally, I’ll assess whether we could know these
answers empirically.
To visualize the challenge, recall that the task is to infer the decisions of WOS’s ideal
deliberators with regards to exactly which research projects (among all the ones available in
our current circumstances) should be pursued and to what extent (Kitcher 2001, 116, Kitcher
2011, 105). Let me contrast this with how Rawls’ (1999) sets up the task. Rawls’ deliberators
are to choose, under the veil of ignorance, and from a short list of candidates, their preferred
principles of justice. Rawls was highly conscious of the challenges of knowing the resulting
principles.5 His way of dealing with the challenge was to radically simplify the set-up: (i) the
5
“If this view of the problem of justification is to succeed, we must, of course, describe in
some detail the nature of this choice problem. A problem of rational decision has a definite
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inputs of the process are simplified by the veil of ignorance (so that the deliberators don’t
bring any contextual information to the conversation), and by the assumptions of self-interest
and of a fixed list of primary social goods that are pursued by all (so that the deliberators
don’t differ in preferences). Moreover, (ii) the possible outputs of the process are simplified
by the fact that deliberators choose among a fixed (and short) list of candidates. This
simplification of inputs and possible outputs allows Rawls to frame his normative question as
a formal choice problem that may be solved by resorting to decision theory under
uncertainty. However, even for this (most simplified) case, the debate regarding whether
Rawls correctly inferred the principles hasn’t ended (Gustafsson 2018).
What about WOS’s ideal deliberators’ task? Here we have none of the simplifications Rawls
enjoys. Ideal deliberators are supposed to represent “all the alternative perspectives present in
the human population, including those of people yet unborn” (2011, 116). Kitcher makes
clear that WOS (unlike Rawls’ original position) is not restricted to the perspectives of the
members of a single country (2011, 116-18). The reason for including people representing
“all perspectives” has to do with the fact that WOS aims to balance the interests of all those
answer only if we know the beliefs and interests of the parties, their relations with respect to
one another, the alternatives between which they are to choose, the procedure whereby they
make up their minds, and so on” (Rawls 1999, 16).
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affected by SRA. This global aspect of WOS places a tremendous difficulty on anyone
intending to predict the outcome of this ideal deliberation.
The challenge doesn’t come only via the inputs, however. The possible outputs of the ideal
deliberation are not a short list of research projects that need to be voted with a yes/no.
Rather, it is the generation of a whole list of all the research projects to be supported, and the
extent they should be supported. Although the emphasis placed by Kitcher (2011) on one-off
decisions—e.g., supporting the Human Genome Project or not—might make the task of
predicting ideal deliberators’ answers look somewhat accessible, the fact of the matter
remains that WOS’ deliberators’ task is a much more complex one. Thus, I see no reason to
think that any individual might be able to predict this detailed hypothetical deliberation.
Moreover, Kitcher himself—unlike Rawls’ (1999)—doesn’t provide us with the answers of
WOS’s deliberators. In fact, he acknowledges that in many cases it is “hard to predict” what
ideal deliberators would decide (2011, 123). Now, as I mentioned, Kitcher does claim to
know one particular answer, regarding the research projects of biomedicine. And he mentions
it with the explicit intention of rejecting the claim that WOS is not action-guiding. However,
I’ll show that Kitcher’s answer is not only insufficient for the task, but also underdetermined
by WOS.
The current state of biomedical research has been criticized for its disproportionate emphasis
on treatments that mostly benefit well-off patients. This has been called the “10/90 gap”
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(Flory and Kitcher 2004). Kitcher claims that ideal deliberators, in contrast with the prevalent
10/90 gap, would endorse “the fair-share principle. Waiving considerations of tractability,
each disease should be investigated according to its contribution to the total suffering caused
by disease” (2011, 122). 6
The idea of inferring the deliberators’ choices by predicting normative principles endorsed by
them (and use the principles to deduce the chosen projects when presented with the
alternatives) seems more plausible than to go one by one through each of the research
projects available. However, this proposal is not sufficient for the task at hand. It might be
plausible to predict specific principles for priorities within each research area—like the fairshare principle. But we need more than that. We need to determine decisions about research
projects both within and between research areas. Kitcher can suggest a simple principle for
one area (biomedicine) because it may seem plausible to weigh all the pertinent research
problems (say, solutions to diseases) of that area with a single metric of significance (in this
case, “suffering caused by disease”). But simple principles are not possible when there are
research problems to be compared that are of a radically different nature (e.g. education vs.
6
The strength of Kitcher’s conviction regarding the fair-share principle shouldn’t be
underestimated: “Whether or not [WOS] is adopted, we maintain that a necessary condition
for well-ordered science is that research [agenda]… should accord with the ‘fair-share’
principle” (Reiss and Kitcher 2009, 263 emphasis added).
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health vs. cosmology). Which is the unique metric to be used? 7 Bear in mind that, under
Kitcher’s account, we cannot say that the unique metric is “well-being” defined by some
objective standard. In constructing WOS, Kitcher has rejected this option, endorsing a
subjectivist notion of well-being. Thus, though it would be possible to claim that between
areas projects should be supported to the extent that they maximize well-being, it is not
possible to infer the actual answers (we don’t know what well-being is for each person). All
said, this proposal is insufficient for giving us the complete ideal-answer.
Even more damaging, successfully predicting principles seems doubtful even within areas.
That ideal deliberators would arrive at (or choose according to) the fair-share principle
cannot be determined only by drawing from WOS. There are a number of alternative
principles that could plausibly be entertained and endorsed by WOS’ ideal deliberators. First,
Kitcher takes at face value that the only morally relevant metric is the total suffering caused
by disease. This assumes a total utility approach. But he could as well have suggested that the
research agenda should be biased in favor of diseases that affect people who are worst-off.
Second, although Kitcher does not say how deliberators would balance ‘tractability’ and
7
As Weinberg commented in an analogous debate, once we have decided to centralize the
priority decisions of all science (as WOS does), deliberators are faced with the task of
“measuring the merit of incommensurable ... scientific fields ... on the same scale of values”
(Weinberg 1963, 167).
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‘contribution to suffering’, he suggests that ‘tractability’ should be seriously considered
(2011, 122). This is, of course, a reasonable position, one that considers the efficiency of
efforts. If treatment for sickness X is less likely (or costlier) to be discovered than for
sickness Y, efficiency says society should invest more research efforts in Y than in X, all
other things being equal. However, there are a number of areas in which (many) societies
agree on each individual having an “equal claim” to some fundamental goods, and this is so
regardless of the varying costs for attaining those fundamental goods for specific populations
(i.e., regardless of efficiency). And health happens to be one such area. Since suffering X
versus Y can usually be considered arbitrary from a moral point of view, it seems at least
plausible for ideal deliberators to disregard ‘tractability’ considerations (perhaps until some
limit) and invest equally in both treatments (according to an equal effort principle) or even
more in treatment X (according to an equal expected results principle).
The issue here is not the obvious point that there are alternative conceptions of justice that
Kitcher might have considered. Rather, the issue is that there is nothing in WOS that allows
Kitcher (nor anybody else) to anticipate one of the alternative conceptions of justice as the
one chosen, and accordingly to derive principles for assigning priorities within disciplines
that would match ideal deliberators’ decisions. So, the biomedicine example that Kitcher
offers as a proof of WOS’s action guidance, I conclude, gives no plausibility to the idea that,
via considering general principles within areas, we could predict the ideal deliberators’ SRA.
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Given the difficulty in predicting a-priori ideal deliberators’ answers, an alternative might be
to use mini-publics to predict them.8 I don’t think this is possible. To be confident in
predicting the answers, we need to replicate (to some reasonable degree) the procedure. It
seems clear that this is not possible in Rawls’ case, because many aspects of his original
position are highly idealized. Thus, they are difficult to replicate empirically (e.g., the veil of
ignorance, the high stakes of the decision, etc.). But the procedure depicted by Kitcher is also
highly idealized and difficult to replicate. To be sure, the idealizations used by Kitcher are
not the same as those used by Rawls—Kitcher doesn’t use a veil of ignorance, and the stakes
are not of the same kind. But Kitcher’s idealizations are not much more (and arguably even
less) replicable. Let me mention the two most salient:
(i) Kitcher says that his ideal deliberators are expected to represent each and every interest
(world-wide, current and future) affected by SRA. This, as argued by Goodin (2007), entails
that all interests need to be represented: when the decisions to be taken are such that may
affect every interest, then every interest is in fact affected. This idealization (i.e., representing
all the perspectives) seems, to say the least, hard to replicate to a reasonable degree.
8
Thanks to an anonymous referee for pressing this point. This possibility, to be clear, is
different from taking WOS to be an ideal-procedure, where the idealized procedure is the
normative standard we aim at, not an idealized method to predict the actual normative
standard.
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(ii) Kitcher describes his idealized deliberators as follow. “Built in to the ideal of discussion
under mutual engagement are cognitive and affective constraints … the ideal
conversationalists are to have a wide understanding of the various lines of research, what
they might accomplish, how various findings would affect others, how those others adjust
their starting preferences, and the conversationalists are dedicated to promoting the wishes
other participants eventually form” (2011, 113).
It is hard to see how this cognitive idealization—all parties are expected to have a wide
understanding of the various lines of research— can be empirically replicated. And the
affective idealization seems even more implausible to replicate—all parties are expected to
dedicate themselves to promote the wishes of others. We can, of course, actually conduct
mini-publics trying to emulate to some degree (quite minimum, to be sure) these
idealizations. But, given the idealized circumstances “built in to the ideal discussion” by
Kitcher, we cannot be confident in empirically predicting the ideal deliberators’ answers.
6. Conclusion.
Kitcher, like Rawls (1999), understands WOS as a hypothetical deliberative procedure, the
conclusions of which we should aim at. This makes WOS a normative standard of the kind I
call an “ideal-answer”. I’ve argued here that, since those answers cannot be known, WOS
provides no identifiable ideal research agenda as a benchmark against which we can assess
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the research agenda of real-world science. Thus, the action-guidance problem of WOS is not
one of application of its normative standard, but a more basic one.
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