International Journal of Event Management Research Volume 3, Number 1, 2007
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VOLUNTEERS AND MEGA SPORTING EVENTS: DEVELOPING A
RESEARCH FRAMEWORK
Tom Baum
University of Strathclyde
Scotland
Leonie Lockstone
Victoria University
Australia
ABSTRACT
Interest in all aspects of the politics, financing, planning, management and operation of mega sporting events has been highlighted both by
success stories and ongoing problems associated with Olympic Games, Football World Cups and other similar events. There is a growing
literature that addresses these and related matters through both case history and comparative analyses. Within the context of mega
sporting events, the issue of employment creation is an important motivator for host cities and features high on the political justification
agenda for bids to host events. At the same time, the most significant working contribution to major mega events in sports, as in other
areas, is provided by the very large numbers of volunteers who undertake tasks across the range of opportunities afforded by such events.
Numbers of volunteers between 40,000 and 60,000 have been noted for some recent major events. Relatively little is known about these
volunteers at mega sporting events and yet their contribution and wider impact is very significant, both to the events themselves and within
the host community. This paper seeks to identify the evident gaps that exist in understanding areas such as what volunteers do at mega
sporting events; who they are; what motivates them; how volunteering impacts upon their lives; what associated activities they do
surrounding the event in the host city; and the extent to which volunteering is recidivistic. The paper concludes with the presentation of a
tentative research framework agenda in order to guide future study of this important area.
KEYWORDS
Mega events, Sports employment, Volunteering
INTRODUCTION
Mega sporting events, such as those of global interest
including the football World Cup and the Olympic Games,
provide a public interest agenda that addresses issues
across a wide spectrum of concerns and opportunities.
Such sporting events are part of the wider and growing
analysis of major events within diverse fields of urban
regeneration, economic development, politics and tourism
(Getz, 1997). These address matters such as cost and
viability, economic regeneration (physical, employment),
creation of resources and infrastructure for future
community and event use, community, civic and national
pride and environmental impact among a plethora of
others. The justification for or arguments against a
country or city competing for ultimate sporting prizes such
as these (or, indeed “lesser” events such as the
Commonwealth Games, the final of the UEFA Champions
League or the hosting of rounds of the Formula 1 circuit)
are well rehearsed and rarely definitive, combining both
political and economic sophistry in order to pursue a
particular cost-benefit analytical case, for or against.
There is a growing case literature on the immediate and
sustainable impact of sporting and other mega events on
cities and communities (as examples from many, Ritchie
and Aitken, 1984; Hall, 1987; Ritchie & Lyons, 1990;
Ritchie & Smith, 1991; Hiller, 1995; Jones, 2001; Lee,
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International Journal of Event Management Research Volume 3, Number 1, 2007
Lee & Lee, 2005; Kim & Petrick, 2005; Lee & Taylor,
2005; Kim, Gursoy & Lee, 2006) but little that is definitive
to guide policy makers and politicians along a path of
certainty in their decision making in this area. The wider
domain of sports tourism, including as it does
participation in sports as well as spectator access, is also
an important, emerging area within the wider tourism and
leisure literature. Hinch and Hingham (2001), address a
conceptualisation of the phenomenon that places sports
as a central attraction within events and activity tourism
and seeks to explore its impact in spatial and temporal
terms. They further recognise the uncharted territory that
is explored in their discussion and propose a research
agenda for exploration of the area. This approach and
analysis is useful to the specific context of our discussion
here.
Within the context of the organisation of mega sporting
events, the issues of employment impact and the delivery
of services are not widely considered. Ingerson (2001, p.
55) notes that “the majority of events conducted rarely
accommodate permanent long-term employment. Both
the arts and sports industries generally have a high level
of volunteer workers and with events and festivals held
over a number of days, the use of volunteers is
economically beneficial for the event organisers”. Indeed,
the economic impact of direct employment generation
through mega sporting events is questioned by, among
others, Black and Pape (1996) who query the optimism of
governments in claiming employment generation within
the case-making for mega events. Hall is similarly critical
of claims by the organisers of the 2000 Sydney Olympic
Games that the event would create 5,300 jobs in New
South Wales and 7,500 jobs throughout Australia,
describing the event as “an expensive job creation
exercise” (Hall, 2001, p. 172). In Germany, this argument,
likewise, featured in the run-up to the 2006 Football World
Cup, with claims of up to 60,000 new jobs directly
attributable to the event. Similarly, Symon (2006) reports
projections of 10,000 jobs, 6,000 of which are permanent,
as a potential benefit for Glasgow from hosting the 2014
Commonwealth Games. At the same time, there is
evidence of new economic activity at a micro,
entrepreneurial level within destinations hosting mega
sporting events, creating self-employment (and potentially
more) in a manner that is imperceptible to standard
economic employment indicators (Spilling, 1996).
At the same time, as Ingerson (2001) notes, the role of
volunteers is widely recognised as contributing an
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important economic and cultural dimension to the
effective operation of mega sporting events. Public
recognition of the contribution of volunteers to major
sporting events is widely heralded. Kemp (2002, p. 110),
for example, reports this with respect to the 2000 Sydney
Olympic Games:
Without the personal investment of the
volunteers, these mega-events could simply not
have been arranged. This fact was nowhere more
recognised than at the conclusion of the Sydney
Olympic Games when volunteers were given the
chance to take up free tickets to the Olympic
closing ceremony and later when the central
business district of Sydney was closed for half a
work day to provide the volunteers with their own
ticker-tape parade.
Likewise, the official brochure for the 2006
Commonwealth Games in Melbourne (Melbourne 2006
Commonwealth Games, 2006) formally recognizes the
contribution of its “Unsung Heroes” by listing all 14,500 of
them by name and state over twelve pages of the
publication. Green and Chalip (2004, p. 49) note that:
… volunteers have become essential to the
delivery of sport and recreation services, adding
several hundred dollars of value per capita to the
contribution that sport and recreation make to
gross domestic product…Volunteers have
become particularly vital for the delivery of special
events, as most events now depend to some
degree on volunteers for event planning and
operations.
The literature on volunteering is relatively recent with
regard to time-bound mega events, sporting and cultural,
although the contribution of, for example, Elstad (1996);
Farrell, Johnston and Twyman (1998); Chalip (2000);
Moragas, Moreno and Paniagua, 2000; Kemp (2002); and
Green and Chalip (2004) is evidence of an emerging field
of study. At the same time, there is rather wider
discussion of volunteering within the wider, participant
sports environment (for example, Andrew, 1996; Amis
and Slack, 1996; Cuskelly, 1995). By contrast, rather
more is known about volunteering and volunteers within a
more stable and long-term working environment in areas
such as social services (SCER, 2005) and the cultural
and heritage sector (Lockstone, Deery & King, 2003;
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Lockstone, 2004; Edwards, 2006; Graham and Foley,
1998). Indeed, the focus of much work to promote
voluntary work is on the establishment of long-term,
essentially professional working relationships between
volunteers and their employers (Baum, 2006; Kent Sports
Development Unit, undated). The focus on long-term
commitment is influenced, for example, by the changing
legal environment in many countries which increasingly
demands extensive and expensive personal checks on
those volunteering for work with the young and
vulnerable.
This paper proposes a tentative framework as the basis
for the development of a research agenda that, if
implemented, would go some way to redressing the
limited scope of information available with regard to
volunteers in major time-bound events, notably in the
sporting context. The framework identifies areas for
consideration with regard to the volunteers themselves
(demographics, relationship to the event, motivation,
circumstances, personal histories of volunteering, shortand long-term outcomes and benefits of volunteering) as
well as addressing dimensions relating to the economic
and cultural contribution that volunteering makes to the
success and, indeed, viability of mega sporting events. As
an approach to the analysis of volunteers and voluntary
work, our paper here is, in part, modelled on the earlier
work of Ellis (1985) who set out an early research agenda
for the address of what has become an important field for
academic and practitioner research.
MEGA SPORTING EVENTS
Roche (1994, p. 1) describes mega events (of which
those in the sporting calendar are key examples) as
“short-term events with long-term consequences”. This
description points clearly to the economic as well as
political, social and cultural motives that persuade cities
and countries to bid for the hosting of events such as the
Olympic Games and the Football World Cup. Roche
(2000, p. 1) further defines such happenings as “largescale cultural (including commercial and sporting) events
which have a dramatic character, mass popular appeal
and international significance”. Getz (1997, p. 6)
quantifies the definition by noting that “their volume
should exceed 1 million visits, their capital cost should be
at least $500 million and their reputation should be that of
a ‘must see’ event”. This latter point highlights the role
such events can have in destination development and
image building. These outcomes are most closely
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associated with hallmark events and as such both Hall
(1992, p. 1) and Getz (1997, p. 6) have recognised the
cross over between these two event types.
Roche (2000) emphasises that mega events are typically,
organized by the collaborative efforts of international nongovernmental organizations (such as the IOC or FIFA)
and national governments and their associated bodies.
To these, increasingly, needs to be added the role of
global companies as sponsoring partners to mega events,
providing both financial contribution and widespread
exposure to the event in question. There is little doubt
that mega sporting events cost major sums of money to
mount and that there is ongoing debate as to the balance
between costs and benefits associated with hosting.
Mega sporting events are justified, in terms of the public
expenditure that is required to host them, on the basis of
their long-term benefits through new event and urban
infrastructure, urban renewal, enhanced international
reputation, increased tourist visitation and related benefits
(Ritchie & Aitken, 1985; Hall, 1987; Hall, 1992; Crompton,
1999; Kasimati, 2003). The process of bidding for mega
sports events is also highly complex and political
(Westerbeek et al, 2002). Many mega sporting events,
especially those that are “one off” rather than annual
dates on circuit timetables (FI races, Tennis Grand Stand
tournaments), also develop strong cultural dimensions
and the importance of these links to the development of
culture and heritage in a community is widely recognized
(Scott, 2004).
Sports events and tourism are inexorably linked and there
is considerable evidence that the tourism potential of
mega sporting events is a major factor in encouraging
cities to bid to host such events. Such tourism potential
relates to the immediate attraction of the event to
international and domestic visitors as spectators and
participants in the cultural environment that frequently
surrounds mega events of this nature. It can also be seen
in terms of longer-term contribution to raising the profile of
the destination and to the attraction of new visitors to the
city on a recurring basis in the future. The literature on
sports tourism is one that is growing rapidly (for example,
Getz, 1998; Ritchie & Adair, 2002; Hinch & Higham,
2004; Higham, 2005) but they make scant reference to
the core concern of this paper in the mega sporting
events context, that of employment issues in general and
volunteering specifically.
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Roche (2000, p. 3) refers to an “ecology” of events, based
on their scale; their geographical impact (global, regional,
national, sub-national, local); and their socio-political
position (commemorative events, national days, political
rallies). Each level and context have some similar
attributes in terms of organizational features and
participant adherence. At the same time, there are also
clear levels of distinctiveness between such events, that
enable us to distinguish an Olympic Games from, for
example, a local football derby in Milan or an Ashes
cricket test between Australia and England.
Mega sporting events generate economic activity on a
major scale, within the preparatory phase, during the
event itself and, if aspirations are met, as a longer-term
consequence of the event in terms of inward investment
and tourism. A major component of such economic
impact is in terms of employment generation, new jobs
that are created as a direct result of the event across a
wide spectrum of the economy. Some of these new jobs
are long-term and within the wider economy (train drivers
given working opportunities as a result of new transport
infrastructure projects in the city) while others are timebound and specific to the event itself or similar activities
using the same venues (stadium catering, security and
the like). In numerical terms, probably the most significant
cohort of workers at mega sporting events are people
who are working without remunerative benefits, the army
of volunteers who seek to contribute to a wide range of
tasks and responsibilities within the event host city. The
paper now considers the phenomenon of volunteering
and volunteer motivation.
VOLUNTARY WORK AND VOLUNTEERING
It is important to define the concept of volunteering prior
to discussing and mapping volunteer research in the
context of mega sporting events. This is a complex task
in view of the considerable scope for defining
volunteering in terms of motives (altruism, selfinterestedness), activities (leisure-oriented, workoriented) and setting (voluntary organisations,
government bodies).
Five elements have been identified as comprising the
conceptual framework of volunteering (Davis Smith,
1999). These elements include rewards, the issue of free
will, nature of benefit received from volunteer activity,
organisational setting and level of commitment of
volunteers. Cnaan, Handy and Wadsworth (1996)
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incorporated similar dimensions in their volunteer
typology. A code of volunteering developed by
Volunteering Australia (Cordingley, 2000, p.74) has
acknowledged principles such as:
Volunteering is not a substitute for paid work.
and
Volunteers do not replace paid workers and do
not constitute a threat to the job security of paid
workers.
In discussing the various elements of volunteering, Noble
(1991) noted that the activity is done without expectation
of monetary reward. The Australian Bureau of Statistics
(2001, p.44) study into voluntary work in Australia
classified a volunteer as “someone who willingly gave
unpaid help, in the form of time, service or skills, through
an organisation or group”. The reimbursement of
expenses (in full or part) or the provision of small gifts did
not preclude people receiving such benefits from being
considered as volunteers. These definitional aspects
relating to the absence of financial gain and the
reimbursement of expenses (to a value less than the work
provided) help to distinguish between paid employees
and volunteers.
The issue of free will is a fundamental element of
volunteering (Noble, 1991). The willingness of people to
give their time to an activity or organisation without
compulsion and in consideration of the limited rewards
available is a primary research question arising from the
study of volunteering. In relation to free will and
motivation to volunteer, peer pressure and social
obligation factors have been found to exert some
influence (Babchuk & Booth, 1969; Freeman, 1997).
A further aspect in defining volunteering is the nature of
the benefit received from the activity in question. This
element of the conceptual framework (Davis Smith, 1999)
draws a distinction between volunteering and pure leisure
by providing that there must be a beneficiary to the
activity other than (or in addition to) the volunteer. The
scope to which a beneficiary is defined may be open to
interpretation. For example, Darvill and Munday (1984),
cited in Parker (1992, p. 2), defined a volunteer as being
“a person who voluntarily provides an unpaid direct
service for one or more persons to whom the volunteer is
not related”.
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The research literature has identified some similarities
between volunteering and leisure. Building upon a
concept proposed by Stebbins (1982), Parker (1992)
defined volunteering as being a type of ‘serious leisure’,
the characteristics of which include a need to persevere
with the activity, the tendency to have a career in it,
durable benefits, unique culture and participant
identification. Henderson (1984) outlined some common
features including participant free will and various benefits
sought from both volunteer and leisure activities. The
author goes on to suggest that motivation may act as a
link to describe the relationship between leisure and
volunteerism.
Stebbins (1996, p. 216) noted early on that “serious
leisure volunteering is career volunteering”. This concept
has been compared to its counterpart, casual leisure
volunteering, which Stebbins suggests “is momentary; it
requires little skill or knowledge but is nonetheless
satisfying, perhaps even enjoyable” (1996, p. 219). Whilst
the temporal aspect of casual leisure might be most apt in
relation to mega event volunteering, the definition itself
does not sit well with the skills base often required or
acquired as a result of this type of participation.
Acknowledging this gap, Stebbins recently added to his
seminal theory, suggesting that in addition to serious
leisure, volunteering occurs in project-based leisure
opportunities that can be short-term, infrequent, yet of a
relatively complicated nature. The author goes on to note
that these opportunities require “considerable planning,
effort and sometimes skill or knowledge, but is for all that
neither serious leisure nor intended to develop into such”
(Stebbins, 2004, p. 7). Volunteering for sports events is
given as a specific example of project-based leisure.
Moving on, organisational setting refers to the
environment in which volunteering occurs. Such settings
may be defined broadly and can range from formal
(organised) to informal (one-to-one) volunteer activities.
Wilson and Musick (1997) distinguished between formal
volunteering as being typically carried out in the context
of organisations, with the work undertaken contributing to
the collective good. They defined informal volunteering as
‘helping’ and noted that these activities (for example,
assisting friends, neighbours and relatives) were more
private and unorganised in nature. A number of sectoral
differences may also affect the formal setting. With
reference to the principles of volunteering established by
Volunteering Australia, Cordingley (2000, p.74) noted,
“there are compelling reasons for volunteer work to be
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undertaken only in non-profit organisations. Non-profit
organisations, variously known as the third sector, nonprofit, charitable, benevolent, voluntary, or nongovernment organisations are separate from both the
state and the for-profit sector”. Unfortunately, this
perspective of volunteer work does not encompass the
variety of roles filled by volunteers within the public sector
including museum guides, fire fighters, teacher’s aides,
recreation assistants and information guides.
The final element of the conceptual framework (Davis
Smith, 1999) is the level of commitment by which
volunteer activity can be defined. Definitions such as that
utilised by Du Boulay (1996) specify, “a volunteer is a
person who, on a regular basis, contributes his or her
time and energy” (p.5). Such a definition may be
considered too narrow to encompass one-off volunteer
activities (for example, special event volunteering) and
this is a problem from the perspective of this discussion.
In the context of volunteer motivation, Harrison (1995,
p.372) was one of the first to acknowledge that volunteer
participation can be “discrete or episodic, rather than
continuous or successive”. Sports event volunteering is
an example given by the author of this type of
participation. Support was found for the theory of episodic
volunteer motivation, with Harrison (1995, p.373) noting
that “taking part in volunteer work at a specified time and
place is a direct, positive function of the intention to do
so”. Recognising the differences between episodic and
sustained volunteering, it was suggested that the results
of the study may not generalise well to ongoing
volunteers as the theory presupposes deliberate decision
processes and this type of volunteer is more likely to be
routinised in his or her approach and less conscious of
alternative activities.
More recently, Hustinx and Lammertyn (2004) examined
different patterns of volunteering. In this context, the
authors contend that collective volunteers are ongoing
volunteers who are committed on a long-term basis,
whilst reflexive volunteers are highly individualised in
selecting their assignments and will tend to do so in a
series of fragmented episodes (Hustinx & Lammertyn,
2004, p.553). These patterns were tested based on items
representing attitudinal and motivational characteristics.
Cluster analysis yielded four clusters, two of which, the
researchers interpreted as being most closely aligned to
collective and reflexive forms of volunteering. These
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volunteer types were respectively named unconditional
and distant. Hustinx and Lammertyn (2004, p.568)
mention the strong ties unconditional volunteers have to
their organisations, whilst “the distant volunteer group is
clustered around volunteers with loose type involvement:
infrequent, not really time-consuming, and on a shortterm basis. Moreover, the nature of their activities is very
focused”. Despite these somewhat negative sounding
connotations, Hustinx and Lammertyn suggest that a
reflexive volunteer can demonstrate a strong sense of
loyalty to their organisation and its mission. Whilst neither
study (Harrison 1995; Hustinx & Lammertyn, 2004) was
set in the context of special events, there is considerable
scope to undertake research that is, given the suitability
of episodic or distant volunteering to the nature of this
area and the overwhelming focus of most research on
sustained or ongoing volunteering.
In examining the various defining elements of
volunteering, it is evident that determining a
comprehensive and accepted definition of the concept
may not be entirely feasible from a research perspective.
The discussion does, however, offer a comprehensive
examination of issues relating to volunteering. A further
debate that has contributed to the lack of consensus in
defining volunteering is whether only purely altruistic
behaviours should be construed as volunteering or if an
element of exchange exists in the volunteer relationship.
In providing an overview of the relevant literature, Pearce
(1993) suggested that a more appropriate term for use in
the volunteer context might be ‘prosocial’ rather than
‘altruistic’. As the author noted, altruism may involve a
form of self-sacrifice on the part of the volunteer that may
not be within their best interests. Reference to ‘prosocial’
acts in relation to volunteering however, may
appropriately convey behaviours that assist others while
not causing detriment or restriction to the person
undertaking them.
In light of the foregoing discussion, selecting an
appropriate definition of volunteering may be viewed as a
relatively subjective exercise. In the context of special
events, the sense of regularity and temporal commitment
that underpins the above attempts to define volunteering
and volunteers are not necessarily present. Indeed, as we
have seen, some discussion of definitions explicitly
excludes special event volunteers (Du Boulay, 1996). For
the purposes of this paper, concept definition should
allow for the operational features of mega sports events
that are the impetus for volunteer roles. These features
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relate to the large number of participants (competitors,
technical support staff, administrators and spectators) in a
time-bound but intensive congregation in one or more
locations within a defined geographical region (city, state
or country). In the present context, volunteering is defined
as “people exercising their own free will, for no
remuneration at all, in a formal setting to help others”
(Paull, 1999, p.27). This definition has been chosen
because it is broad enough to encompass the range of
roles event volunteers might undertake, whilst still
embodying the basic tenets of the volunteer concept.
As we have seen, mega sporting events attract and
depend upon very large numbers in terms of the
volunteers who contribute to such events but information
about their characteristics against the range of criteria
addressed above is limited (Kemp, 2002 is very much
the exception here). It is, however, a reasonable (but
relatively untested) assumption that that volunteers who
contribute to mega sporting events exhibit some of the
characteristics of those committed to volunteering in other
contexts. The nature of commitment at such events (time
constrained, high profile context) however, means that
such volunteers could also exhibit features that diverge
from those that characterise more standard models of
volunteering. The purpose of this question is to identify
the questions that can be asked to map the areas where
mega sports events volunteers are similar and where they
diverge from their colleagues in other settings of
volunteer work.
VOLUNTEERS AND TIME-BOUND MEGA EVENTS:
A RESEARCH FRAMEWORK AGENDA
The discussion of mega sporting events and the role of
volunteers within their organizations thus far leads to the
conclusion that the relationship between the two areas of
analysis is one that has been relatively poorly served in
the literature. At the same time, it is evident that
researchers do have considerable opportunity to develop
work that aims to provide clearer analysis of, for example,
the role that volunteers can and do play in mega sporting
events, their contribution across a range of economic and
cultural dimensions and the long-term impact of
volunteering on volunteers themselves.
Therefore, this paper proposes a framework for future
research, the outcomes of which have the potential to
inform thinking by policy makers, sports administrators,
tourism interests and academics when considering both
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the possible impact (of future events) and evaluating the
long-term effects of past events.
Volunteers and the organization of mega sporting
events
(1) Defining volunteerism in the context of mega sports
events – can “standard” definitions that are, primarily,
drawn from social and community sector (Noble, 1991;
Osborne, 1998) be applied uncritically to major events or
is some reappraisal required in this very different context?
While there are evidently social and cultural dimensions
to mega games volunteering when, for example, such
events include disabled athletes and spectators, the
general context is very different as is the duration of
commitment expected from volunteers.
(2) Numbers – how many volunteers are employed at
different types of mega sporting events? Both Green and
Chalip (2004) and FIFA (2004) note volunteer levels for a
number of mega sporting events but figures quoted seem
to provide a fairly crude estimate of the numbers involved
and give no indication of the characteristics of volunteers
and their origin (See Appendix 1 for estimates of event
volunteer numbers).
(3) Sports events types and volunteers – are sporting
events that are perceived to be more “amateur” in ethos
(such as the Olympics and Commonwealth Games) more
likely to attract/seek volunteers than overtly commercial
and professional sporting events such as Formula 1
Motor Racing? Evidence from Football World Cups (FIFA,
2004) suggests that this may not necessarily be the case.
Are cultural showcasing and the nation representative
state status of those taking part an influencing factor –
Olympic Games and World Cups go beyond
individualistic sporting prowess and focus on national
achievement. Do differing types of sporting events attract
volunteers who have different motivations and
backgrounds?
(4) Roles and responsibilities – what is the range of
activities undertaken by volunteers at mega sporting
events? To what extent do they contribute to categories
of responsibility such as technical, sporting support;
ancillary services; visitor care; and the local/ national
cultural dimension? FIFA (2004) list a wide range of areas
of work that volunteers can undertake but it is not clear
from this listing what specifically is required and what
levels of responsibility are expected (see Appendix 2 for
assigned roles).
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(5) To what extent do they take supervisory and
management responsibility in their area of volunteering
work? How does the responsibility and authority profile of
volunteers relate to the work and responsibilities of paid
employees at mega sporting events?
(6) Selection criteria and selection process – how are
volunteers recruited in terms of promotion and selection
process? Are potential volunteers rejected and, of they
are, on what basis? There is some evidence that mega
sporting events do receive many more applications than
they are able to accommodate (FIFA, 2004) but the
detailed criteria employed in such selection in terms of
specific roles and responsibilities are unclear (See
Appendix 3 for details). Given contemporary security
sensitivities at mega sporting events, how are volunteers
vetted and security controlled?
(7) Demographics in terms of age, gender, ethnicity,
status, experience – do volunteers at mega sporting
events exhibit similar demographic characteristics to
those identified with regard to other areas of
volunteering? “When Sydney won the Olympics, 75,000
people applied to be volunteers. More half than were over
60 and three quarters were from NSW” (Commonwealth
Games and Volunteers Update, 2005a, p. 8).
(8) Geographical – local, national, international, is
volunteering for mega sports events a localized
phenomenon or does it attract participants from outside
the city/ region/ country? At a rough estimate, some 10 –
15% of the 14,500 volunteers working at the 2006
Commonwealth Games in Melbourne were “out of state”,
from parts of Australia other than Victoria but none are
identified as based outside of the country (Melbourne
2006 Commonwealth Games, 2006) (See Appendix 4 for
a breakdown by State). Of the 25, 000 volunteers who
signed up to work at the 2006 Football World Cup in
Germany, applications “came from around the world,
including Canada, Argentina …. and included people with
experience from the 2002 World Cup in South Korea and
Japan and even from 1974, when Germany last hosted
the event” (World Volunteer Web, 2005). Do some forms
of mega events attract international volunteers? How
would such international volunteering reconcile with the
national cultural hosting function that many volunteers
fulfill?
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International Journal of Event Management Research Volume 3, Number 1, 2007
(9) Background – sporting, cultural, formal links to event
area (coach, participant). Do volunteers for mega sporting
events have a specific commitment to and interest in the
theme of the event or to particular sports within it? Do
they have participant experience in the event area or are
they formally affiliated to organizations participating
through club membership etc? Are they part of an
associated heritage or cultural movement or association?
(10) Motivation – why do volunteers volunteer for mega
sports events? Are their motivations similar to that of
long-term volunteers? Both Elstad (1996) and Farrell et
al. (1998) suggest that volunteer commitment to an event
will be driven, in part, by their satisfaction with the actual
experience. Green and Chalip (2004), however, point out
that while this may be part of the explanation, there is
little in this analysis to tell us what actually causes
volunteer satisfaction.
(11) Previous volunteering behaviour – do volunteers
repeat their experience in mega sports events (this sport,
others)? Byren (2006) talks about the “bounce-back”
behaviour of episodic volunteers in the context of work
within community groups but little is known about similar
repeat volunteering for mega sporting events. Is, for
example, there evidence of such volunteer behaviour
between, for example, the Sydney Olympic Games in
2000 and the Melbourne Commonwealth Games in
2006? World Volunteer Web (2005) points to some
evidence of repeat volunteering at Football World Cups
but provides no quantification of the extent of this
phenomenon. Furthermore, to what extent are mega
sporting event volunteers drawn from an established
volunteer pool in other areas (social, cultural, sporting)?
(12) Training – what new skills do volunteers acquire and
how do they acquire them? To what extent is use made of
volunteers’ existing skills profile? Farrell et al. (1998)
found that educational/ learning outcomes were major
factors underpinning volunteer motivational behaviour at
sporting events while both Elstad (1996) and Kemp
(2002) also point to learning benefits. What is not clear is
how impactful such learning is on the long-term
development and careers of volunteers and whether
returning volunteers, on a bounce-back experience, seek
to learn more of the same or focus on new learning
opportunities from their repeat experience. Indeed, are
bounce-back volunteers serial learners or is the
developmental aspect of volunteering confined to first
time participants as mega sporting event volunteers?
www.ijemr.org
(13) Therefore, analysis is required of the medium- to
long-term impact on life and careers – how, if at all, does
the experience of short-term volunteering impact on
volunteers’ working and personal lives?
The Economics of volunteering
(1) City economics – to what extent do the economics of
staging mega sporting events depend on the contribution
of volunteers? Green and Chalip (2004, p. 49) describe
events as “becoming increasingly dependent on
volunteers” and this conclusion is also reached by Mules
and Faulkner (1996) and Getz (1998).
(2) Paid work substitution – how much do volunteers
“save” event organizers? How many paid employees
would be taken on if volunteers were not available?
(3) Individual economics – what is the extent of
commitment by volunteers to mega sporting events in
terms of time, loss of earnings, travel (especially from out
of town volunteers), cost of accommodation etc.?
(4) Volunteers as spending tourists - what is the local
tourism spend of out-of-town volunteers during events?
Do they bring family, friends with them and what are the
financial costs to them of this? Interestingly, Kasimati
(2003, p. 435) develops a fairly inclusive schema to
represent the multiplier impact of money spent at major
sporting events such as the Olympic Games. The
contribution of volunteers (and, indeed, paid employees)
is ignored and there is a strong case to develop a parallel
volunteer multiplier impact model to represent the value
of this group to a local economy. Gratton, Shibli and
Coleman (2005) do recognize, in part, the economic
dimensions of volunteering. In their analysis of the Flora
London Marathon in 2000, they identify the number of
volunteers (7,000) and their expenditure in terms of food
and drinks consumed but do not consider further impacts
that volunteering may have on the destination.
(5) Volunteers as visiting tourists – what do out-of-town
volunteers do and see as tourists in a strange city/
location?
(6) Cost of recruitment/ training – how much do mega
sporting event organizers budget for the recruitment and
training of their volunteers? How do they handle specialist
aspects of training, for example security?
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International Journal of Event Management Research Volume 3, Number 1, 2007
(7) Cost of providing uniforms, food, local travel, facilities
– what budget is allocated to volunteer care?
(8) Service quality and management costs – how is
service quality managed in terms of volunteer service
delivery and what are the costs involved with the
management of this area?
The image of volunteering
(1) Is volunteering at mega sporting events socially and
ethnically inclusive? Do volunteers to mega sporting
events reflect the social composition of the host
community?
(2) Social and cultural representation of city/ destination?
Does the volunteer force provide an appropriate
representation of the cultural and ethnic composition of
the host community?
(3) Volunteering and developing country host cities
(Beijing Olympics, 2008; South Africa, Cricket World Cup,
2003; Football World Cup, 2010; Commonwealth Games,
Kuala Lumpur, 1998; F1 in Kuala Lumpur, Shanghai). In a
general sense, the impact of mega sporting events is
relatively uncharted in a developing country context
although there is an emerging literature in this field
(Matheson and Baade, 2004). However, such sources do
not really address how is volunteering is perceived and
managed across different cultural, political and economic
environments (Bramante, 2004).
(4) Perceptions of volunteers among key stakeholder
groups at mega sporting events – the local community,
spectators, participants/athletes, paid event employees,
city administrators and managers among others. The
media coverage of volunteering at major events is,
frequently, bland to the point of patronization (Melbourne
Says ‘Thank You’, 2006) with the use of overused
platitudes (“unsung heroes”) and an absence of depth
and critical analysis (Lockstone and Baum, 2006).
This tentative framework undoubtedly contains many
important omissions in terms of the wide range of
considerations that the field of volunteering at mega
sporting events merits. It is not intended to be wholly
inclusive but rather to spark discussion and, more
importantly, to trigger research agendas for this with an
academic and wider professional interest in this area.
www.ijemr.org
CONCLUSIONS – A WAY FORWARD
The purpose of this paper has been to survey existing
work on volunteering in the context of mega sporting
events such as the Olympic Games and the Football
World Cup. Specifically, this paper argues that there is a
lack of holistic research that takes into consideration the
wide range of themes and issues that pertain to
volunteering in the sports events context. The prime focus
of existing work to date has been on the volunteers
themselves, their motivation and causes of satisfaction.
Secondary to this has been limited work to assess the
economic value of volunteers to host cities and sports
organisers. Beyond these themes, the level of analysis of
volunteers and their roles and impacts has been limited.
This paper highlights a tentative research framework
agenda that is by no means inclusive in seeking to
identify the wide range of potential avenues for
investigation that the field of volunteering merits. Further
research in the areas highlighted will be of value to mega
sporting event organisers in maximising the value they
can derive from effective use of volunteers. Such
research however can also contribute significantly to a
wide range of other academic and political debates, for
example the understanding of the dynamics of a host
community and its sense of ownership of mega sporting
events; the contribution that volunteering can make to
developing the human capital resident within a city or
community; and the value of volunteer tourism (a
phenomenon generally seen in a developing country
context) to host communities.
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AUTHOR CONTACT DETAILS
Tom Baum
University of Strathclyde
Scotland
t.g.baum@strath.ac.uk
Leonie Lockstone
Victoria University
Australia
Leonie.Lockstone@vu.edu.au
JOURNAL CONTACT DETAILS
Executive Editor
Charles Arcodia
c.arcodia@uq.edu.au
IJEMR Website
www.ijemr.org
The International Journal of Event Management Research
is a double-blind, peer reviewed journal.
ISSN 1838-0681
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