IN SEARCH OF GIBALA

Tell Tweini, ancient Gibala, between 2600 B.C.E. and 333 B.C.E Joachim Bretschneider and Karel Van Lerberghe 1 1. The Topography of Tell Tweini The fertile Syrian coast, south of the modern port of Lattakia is known as the Jebleh plain, an area that has had little archaeological investigation. This region is situated at the crossroads between the West and the East, between northern Mesopotamia and the Mediterranean, and between Anatolia and Egypt. In the Late Bronze Age the center of the region was the city of Ugarit, a city that developed into a center of international importance because of its strategic situation (Ill. 1-3). The archives discovered at Ugarit contain the only Bronze Age documentation for the city of Gibala that we believe is to be identified with Tell Tweini. According to these sources, Gibala is the southernmost harbor of the Ugaritic kingdom, close to the border of Sianu2. Tell Tweini is located outside the limits of modern Jebleh, 1.5 km from the sea, at the juncture of two rivers (Ill. 4-7). The larger of these, the Rumailah, was navigable as recently as the early part of the 20th century. This river flows directly from the tell to a sandy cove at the northern end of the modern town. Although no systematic exploration of the cove has been made yet, one may surmise that the ancient port of the site was located there. The tell is roughly pear-shaped, with the narrow end pointing due west. The longest east-west dimension is ca. 350 meters, while the north-south axis is 290 meters. The tell rises 15-20 meters above the surrounding fields; the surface at the top varies in absolute height from 19-27 meters above sea level. Palynological and geomorphological research at the site suggest that during the Bronze Age a sea incursion occurred here, thus providing the city of Tweini direct access to the sea in antiquity (Ill. 8-9)3. In antiquity, commercial routes which traversed the Jebel Ansariyeh connected Tell Tweini with the Orontes valley. This direct access from the Mediterranean to the Syrian heartland, Anatolia and even Mesopotamia was at the basis of the wealth of the port. Equally, the numerous springs, surrounding the tell, contributed to the prosperity of the Bronze and Iron Age city. 1. This article presents research results of the Belgian Program on Interuniversity Poles of Attraction VI/34, Belgian State Federal Office for Scientific, Technical and Cultural Affairs. The project is also sponsored by the ‘Onderzoeksfonds K.U.Leuven’ and the ‘Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek’. 2. See: Bretschneider et al. 1999, 78-87. 3. See: Al-Maqdissi et al. 2007, 3-10. 11 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 1. The northern Levant. (Map based on Le Royaume d’Ougarit, p. 19) 12 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 2. Map of the Tweini region (view towards the north) Ill. 3. The harbor of Jebleh (view towards the east) 13 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 4. Tell Tweini (view towards the north-west) Ill. 5. Tell Tweini (view towards the south) 14 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 6. The fields (A, B, C) under excavation Ill. 7. Geophysical map 15 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 8. Reconstruction of the sea incursion in the Bronze Age Ill. 9. Tell Tweini today 16 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E 2. Tell Tweini through time: history and archaeology 2.1. The Early Bronze Age (ca. 3200-2000 B.C.E.) During the Early Bronze Age, the northern Levant was characterized by the transition from agriculturally based to complex urban societies4. Tell Tweini, being almost continuously occupied from ca. 2600/2400 B.C.E. , is one of the rare settlements in the northern Levant that offers an opportunity to study this transition at one and the same site and in the same environment. The early Bronze Age lasted for over 1000 years (ca. 3200-2000 B.C.E.) in the Jebleh region. Two archaeological sites have been recently studied – Tell Tweini and Tell Sianu – both located near one another, have strata dating to this period. The results of the Tweini excavations offer the possibility to reconstruct, in part, the earliest urbanization of the site and to obtain information on its organization. Periods of extensive urbanization (Early Bronze III-IV occupation phase) and of social complexity were followed by phases of partial destruction and reduced complexity. According to the ceramics and to the architectural remains (Ill. 10-13), the end of the Early Bronze Age can be subdivided into several phases (Tweini XI-X A/B). Until now no structures of the earliest periods of the Early Bronze Age (I and II) have been unearthed. Since virgin soil has been reached in the soundings of field A and B, and since parallels were found by the Syrian team working in Tell Sianu5, we have sufficient evidence to date the earliest settlement of Tell Tweini to ca. 2600-2400 B.C.E. (Early Bronze III-IVA). Written evidence remains extremely rare for the period. The economic and administrative texts from Ebla refer to the region, but provide almost no information on the socio-economic events taking place there. The reason for this lacuna is partially to be found in the problems of identification of ancient Eblaitic geographical names with modern tells of the Jebleh plain6. The recently published survey of the Jebleh plain by Danish scholars7 identified only few Early Bronze Age tells in the area8. Fortunately some information related to the region can be found in third millennium literary texts and royal inscriptions from Mesopotamia. These texts reveal the economic importance of the plain as well as its control over the maritime trade along the Mediterranean coast. Lugalzagesi, ensi of Umma and king of Uruk9, proclaims that he controlled all the lands between the Lower and the Upper seas. These Lower and Upper seas refer to the international harbors of the Arabian Gulf and of the Mediterranean Sea. The exchange of goods between the Mediterranean Sea coast and Egypt is best known from Byblos where the Egyptians obtained their cedar wood. The cedars of the Lebanon were sought by Mesopotamians as well as Egyptians and this phenomenon became legendary in Mesopotamian literature from the third millennium B.C.E. onwards10. Beginning in this period, the great kings of Mesopotamia regularly campaigned to the Mediterranean coast11. Sargon of Akkad (2340-2284 B.C.E.) boasts to have conquered the ‘western countries’ in his eleventh regnal year and claims to have crossed the sea to the island of Cyprus. A much later ‘historical’ text, dating to the Neo-Assyrian period12, informs us that all the lands between the Arabian Gulf, Kaptara (Crete) and Anaku (presumably Cyprus) have surrendered up to three times to Sargon. Also Sargon’s successors, Rimush, Naram-Sin and Sharkalisharri, each claims to have secured the international trade via the Mediterranean by controlling the Levantine harbor cities. This direct contact with Mesopotamia, as well as the international trade with the Aegean, with its economic, cultural 4. For the Early Bronze Age III and IV, see: Thalmann 2006, 19-32; Contenson 1993, 85-92; Al-Maqdissi 2006, 6-21. 5. Al-Maqdissi 2006, 6. 6. Klengel 1992, 30. 7. Riis, Thuesen, Lund and Riis 2004. 8. For general studies of the Early Bronze Age pottery, see Bounni and Al-Maqdissi 1994; for Sianu: Al-Maqdissi et al. 2002. 9. Cooper 1986, 94. 10. Klengel 1992, 25. 11. Hirsch 1963, 1-82. 12. Grayson 1975, 152. 17 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE and technological influences, contributed considerably to the rapid evolution of smaller localities into the urban centres, each with economic specializations. Ill. 10. Installation TWE-A-00978 and floor TWE-A-00980, view towards the north, Early Bronze Age IV 18 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 11. Detail of Level 9B (Early Bronze Age) Ill. 12. Sounding in Field A (view towards the south-east) 19 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 13. Sounding in Field A (view towards the north-east) 2.2. The Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000-1600 B.C.E.) The political situation in the Levant at the beginning of the second millennium B.C.E. was favorable for the merchants from Crete and Cyprus since there was no Syrian center that could compete with these islands over the control of maritime routes. On the other hand, the emergence of a series of small states helped develop complex commercial relations and the royal houses of the new dynasties participated intensively in this commerce by importing precious merchandise and by gift exchange (as attested by the Old-Babylonian term: ashilalu). Around 1800 B.C.E., Crete and Cyprus appear in cuneiform sources. The presence of typical Middle Minoan II ceramics, called ‘Kamares ware’ underlines the commercial relations between the Aegean and the Levant during this period. It seems probable that the northern Levant played a more active role in these commercial exchanges as attested by the Mari texts from the 18th century B.C.E. The urban development and the economic growth of the coastal Syrian cities, like Tweini, were the results of a state sponsored, social organization. In particular, Syrian harbor towns were important in the commerce of tin and copper. Tin came to Syria from Mesopotamia by overland trade (from the East, probably from Badakhsan through Mari), and copper was imported from Cyprus via the various harbor towns. The Syrian harbor towns offered the merchants from Mari and other centers a convenient venue to exchange goods with those from Crete and Cyprus. The Middle Bronze Age documentation concerning the historical events of the Tweini region remains scarce. Although recent archaeological excavations at Ugarit have exposed significant archaeological strata from this period, no architectural remains can be attributed to the first phase of the 20 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Middle Bronze Age at Ras Shamra13. The remains of public architecture at the site, dated in the past to the (early) Middle Bronze Age, have been re-dated to the end of this period or even later14. The textual sources of the Middle Bronze Age, come, almost exclusively, from the Mari archives. According to these sources, Zimri-Lim, king of Mari, visited the king of Ugarit15 at the beginning of the 18th century B.C.E. This event is an indication of the importance of Ugarit as a commercial partner. The name of the king of Ugarit is, however, not mentioned and thus his ethnic or linguistic identification is unknown16. The only other information from this period comes from excavated tombs at Ugarit. These funerary data suggest that the site of Ugarit was reoccupied at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, presumably by Shaeffer’s so-called “porteurs de torques”, most probably to be identified as the Amorrite tribes that settled the region. Most recently, an Old-Babylonian cuneiform tablet has been excavated at Tell Sianu17, which is most informative. In this administrative document a number of objects are enumerated. These include several hundred golden rings, sixty oil jars, textiles, chairs etc... These items originated from regions such as Shubartum (Upper-Mesopotamia) and Alasia (Cyprus). Paleographically the tablet must be dated under the reign of king Yahdun-Lim of Mari. The link with the Mari tablets underlines the existing Amorrite cultural unity that existed during this period18. Also, at Tell Iris, a site near Sianu, an urban settlement with hypogea has been unearthed19. The rich contents of these tombs date these strata to the Middle Bronze Age II. The best comparisons with this funerary material come from contemporary collective graves at Tell Sukas20, Ras Shamra and recently at Tell Tweini. At Tell Tweini two occupation phases (Tweini IX A-B) can be dated to the first half of the second millennium (Ill. 14-15). The buildings of that period have been only excavated to a limited extend. In general the walls of the excavated buildings have a width of approximately one meter. The buildings are characterized by stone floors, under which individual tombs were built. During the 1999 excavation season a sounding at the western part of the Tell (field B) has exposed a communal grave from the Middle Bronze Age. The grave gifts, including Levantine Painted Ware as well as a fenestrated duck bill axe21, date the tomb to the Middle Bronze Age I (ca. 1800 B.C.E.)22. Comparable finds occur in Syria (Baghuz near Mari) and in Egypt23 (Tell el-Daba’a, Hyksos period). These graves are often attributed to a military elite.24 In the 2004 season a communal tomb was discovered under the floor of a house in the center of the ancient city (Ill. 16-21). In its immediate vicinity stood a basin made of reddish plaster (Ill. 19). Several of the stones on top of the tomb revealed man-made perforations (Ill. 18). The location of the basin, the perforations and the communal tomb, cannot be coincidental and can be interpreted as evidence for the ‘kispu’-libations25 performed by the living for deceased family members. In addition, fifty-eight skeletons 13. Mallet 1996, 443; Singer 1999, 609, citing Yon 1997b, 26. 14. Yon 1997a, 258; Yon 1997b, 26. 15. Villard 1986, 387-412. 16. Singer 1999, 616-618. 17. Al-Maqdissi 2004, 110. 18. Charpin 2004, 111. 19. Al-Maqdissi and Souleiman 2004, 64. 20. Thrane 1978. 21. For parallels of the fenestrated duckbill axe, see: Bietak 1996, 14, fig. 11, pl. B (tomb of stratum d/2: 19th century B.C.E.) and tomb F/I-0/19-nr. 6139; Philip 1995, 140-154. 22. Al-Maqdissi et al. 2004, 60; Bretschneider, Cunningham and Van Lerberghe 1999, 116. For the dating of the pottery, see: Bagh 2003, 231; Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 320. 23. The funerary scenes at Beni Hassan show ‘Canaanites’ who invaded Egypt under the 12th dynasty carrying such weaponry. 24. An overview of the relevant literature can be found in: Rehm 2003. The author considers the occurrence of weaponry in tombs as a status symbol but does not see a direct link with a military elite. 25. Texts from Mari and Ugarit refer to the cult of the deceased, see e.g.: Loretz 1993, 285-318; Mayer-Opificius 1981, 285287. 21 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE were found in the communal tomb. The tomb can, with certainty, be dated to Middle Bronze IIB/C, approximately 1700 B.C.E. (Ill. 27-29), based on the luxury (158 items in total) and common ware, oil lamps and a figurine. In particular, the great number of Cypriotic pottery is remarkable and points to intensive exchange with the island during this period. Other tombs, excavated at Tweini and dating to the Middle Bronze Age, are rectangular in shape. Large jars are also used as containers for deceased children26. At the eastern side of the Tell the remainder of the monumental city wall (field C) is visible. Today the wall still stands high above the surrounding fields (Ill. 22-25). Although there is no absolute proof, there are indications that the ancient city wall of Tweini was erected at the beginning of the second millennium B.C.E. This impressive construction was excavated over a length of 40 meters on the east side of the site. The best preserved part of the wall reaches a preserved height of over five meters. In antiquity the facing of the wall consisted of monumental quadrangular, man-made blocks. These blocks were extracted for building purposes over the centuries and have mostly disappeared; only the base remains in situ. Behind the facing blocks, a filling of large, natural stones made up the inner structure of the wall. The topographic map of the French cartographer Duraffoud, drawn up in 1926, suggests that the wall surrounded the Tell in its totality. The excavations of the 2002 season did not reveal any clear evidence. Indeed, the impressive construction disappears towards the west. At that place, near the Mediterranean Sea, the tell is terraced. The following excavation seasons should provide a better understanding of this intriguing and still mysterious structure that, until now, shows neither gates nor towers. New soundings at the base might help us date the initial construction, determine the way it was constructed and understand better its use as fortification against enemies in time of war or possibly against inundations. 26. Hameeuw et al. (in print) and see also the article of Hameeuw & Jans in this volume.. 22 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 14. Structures of the Middle Bronze Age I period (view towards the north-east) Ill. 15. Detail of Level 8D (Middle Bronze Age I) 23 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 16. Tomb TWE-A-00170 and installation TWE-A-00167 (view towards the west, Middle Bronze Age II) Ill. 17. Tomb TWE-A-00170 and installation TWE-A-00167 (view towards the north, Middle Bronze Age II) 24 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 18. Tomb TWE-A-00170 and installation TWE-A-00167 (Middle Bronze Age II) Ill. 19. TWE-A-00170 and TWE-A-00167 (view towards the north, Middle Bronze Age II) 25 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 20. Entrance of tomb TWE-A-00170 (view towards the north, Middle Bronze Age II) Ill. 21. Detail of Level 8B (Middle Bronze Age II) 26 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 22. Field C: the city wall (view towards the north-east) Ill. 23. Field C: the city wall (view towards the north) 27 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 24. Field C: The city wall Ill. 25. Detail of Level 8B (Middle Bronze Age II) 28 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 26. Seal (Middle Bronze Age II) Ill. 27. Selection of pottery from the communal tomb TWE-A-00170 (Middle Bronze Age II) 29 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 28. Selection of pottery from the communal tomb TWE-A-00170 (Middle Bronze Age II) Ill. 29. Cypriot pottery from tomb TWE-A-00170 (Middle Bronze Age II) 30 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E 2.3. The Late Bronze Age (ca. 1600-1200 B.C.E.) 2.3.1. Historical data The Late Bronze Age I-II represents a period of prosperity and revival in the economic and cultural history of Syria and of the entire eastern Mediterranean. The inhabitants of the region were part of a widespread, east Mediterranean trade network in the second part of the second millennium. They were able to maintain this network in relative peace, notwithstanding the existing political problems27. Their fate was, nevertheless, dependant on often changing diplomatic and economic relations with the empires to the south and north. However, this situation also had positive consequences in that it stimulated the creation of intensive international commercial networks in which the population of the Levant actively participated. In this way this population was able to integrate Egyptian, Mediterranean and SyroMesopotamian influences and adapt them in such a way that they created their own cultural identities. At the end of the Hyksos period in Egypt, in the 16th century B.C.E., the political ambitions of the XVIIIth dynasty were oriented towards controlling Palestine and Syria. The kingdom of Mitanni was then situated in northern Syria. Towards the end of the 15th century, under the threat of Hittite expansion, Mitanni conducted negotiations with Egypt. Under Touthmosis IV both nations concluded a diplomatic agreement over the border between both states, which resulted in a peace treaty. To the northwest, the region remained under Egyptian influence and included the territory of Ugarit28 and consequently the Gibala region. The border in inner Syria was situated more to the south: Qatna belonged to the Mitanni sphere, whereas Qadesh and Amurru remained under Egyptian control. During the Amarna period, the kingdom of Ugarit, and its influential king Niqmaddu II (ca. 1350-1315 B.C.E.), remained loyal to Egypt; five letters coming from Ugarit and dated to the period were discovered in the Amarna archives29. In 1365 or 1340 an earthquake accompanied by a flood destroyed the city of Ugarit.30 The king of Tyre, Abimilki, informed Amenophis IV in the following words: ‘And Ugarit, the king’s city, was destroyed by fire, half of the city was on fire, the other half isn’t there anymore’. Later on the new palace of Ugarit, rebuilt by Niqmaddu II, will be highlighted in an Amarna letter as an example of the exuberance of palatial culture in the Levant.31 The second half of the 14th century B.C.E. was characterized by the expansion of the Hittite empire. Under Suppiluliuma I, around 1330 B.C.E., a military expedition by the king of Hatti resulted in the submission of Mitanni to the Hittites. Ugarit, Amurru, Qadesh and several other small kingdoms fell under Hittite rule. From then on, Egypt and Hattusha were in continuous conflict over the control of the Syrian coast and heartland. The northeast of the country came under Hittite influence and the Hittite king installed his viceroy in Karkemish. Local Syrian rulers were forced to sign vassal treaties with the Hittite king. During this period, the border of the Egyptian zone depended on the loyalty of the kings of Amurru, the vassal state to the extreme south of the Hittite zone. The kings of Amurru frequently changed sides and they often negotiated with Egypt. Ugarit however, remained a Hittite vassal as is illustrated by various cuneiform tablets describing the relation between the Ugaritic king and the Great King, the Hittite Lord. Gibala is mentioned for the first time in a Ugaritic document from the second half of the 14th century when Niqmepa was king of Ugarit, The akkadian tablet PRU 4, 71-76 is a treaty between king Niqmepa and king Abdi’anati from Sianu-Ushnatu32. Sianu was, according to this document, situated to the south of the Ugaritic kingdom33 and is likely identified with Tell Sianu, a site located at only 7 km to the east of 27. Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 327; Klengel 1992, 84. 28. For the political history of Ugarit and its neighbors, see: Singer 1999, 603-733. For an overview of the history of the coastal sites of the region, see: Lagarce and Lagarce 2000, 140-146. 29. Moran 1987. 30. Singer 1999, 733. 31. It is interesting to note that – according to the mythological literature from Ugarit – the palace was built by artisans from Crete (ancient Kaptara). 32. van Soldt 1997, 696; Singer 1999, 662-666. 31 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Jebleh. For the past several years it has been excavated by Michel Al-Maqdissi34. This Ugaritic text shows that Sianu belonged to the Ugaritic state and that its king Abdi’anati was a vassal of Niqmepa, king of Ugarit. Abdi’anati was not pleased by this situation and he approached the Hittite king to become a direct vassal of the viceroy of Karkemish, thus abandoning the Ugaritic king. Mursili II, the Hittite king, was most pleased by this demand. It resulted in the new treaty PRU 4, 71-76. In this text two lists of geographical names are enumerated: one gives the names of all places belonging to the Ugaritic state, the other is a list of places under control of Sianu. The Ugaritic list contains the name Gi5-bá-la, thus revealing that the city belonged to the kingdom of Ugarit, both before and after the separation between Sianu and Ugarit. Most recently, in a study of the topography of Ugarit, van Soldt35 discovered that the toponyms in administrative documents are ordered according to their geographical location. The groups of towns are located in various areas or districts. The southwestern group includes seven towns located near the Mediterranean Sea, the ports of this group being Atallig and Gibala. Atallig is mentioned in connection with border disputes with people from Sianu. Gibala was located more to the south. It is the most southerly harbor of the Ugaritic kingdom and close to the border with Sianu. In sum we conclude that Gibala was part of the Ugaritic kingdom during the Late Bronze Age. Written evidence for this conclusion exists for the second half of the 14th century at the time when Niqmepa was king of Ugarit. As noted above, the tablet PRU 4, 71-76 is a treaty between the king Niqmepa and king Abdi’anati of Sianu. The double kingdom of Sianu-Ushnatu is mentioned often in the Late Bronze Age tablets from Ugarit (14th - 13 centuries B.C.E.). The capital of that kingdom was in the immediate vicinity of Gibala and is almost certainly to be identified with modern Tell Sianu. Around 1200 B.C.E the kingdom of Ugarit was destroyed as a result of the so-called ‘invasion of the Sea-Peoples’. Dramatic Ugaritic letters from that period warn the Ugaritic king of the impending attack by the invading armies. Other letters sent by the king of Ugarit to his colleague in Alashiya (Cyprus) describe the disaster at Ugarit. The sources for Gibala cease as soon as Ugarit is destroyed. Like Ugarit, Gibala disappears from the written sources. The terminus post quem that dates the fall of Ugarit is the wellknown letter of Beya written between 1194 and 1186 B.C.E. by the Egyptian Beya to Ammurapi, last king of Ugarit.36 It is precisely in that period that the archaeological remains are characterized by a massive layer of ashes and burnt debris at Ugarit.37 2.3.2. Archaeological data Archaeologically, two occupation levels can be recognized for the Late Bronze Age at Tweini (VIIIA/B). The oldest phase, Tweini VIIIA ( Late Bronze Age I), has been identified until now only in the sounding in field A (Ill. 30-31). The large buildings dating to that period were constructed of crude, rough stones. The associated ceramics include Cypriote Base-Ring Ware I, White Slip I and Red Lustrous Wheelmade Ware. The buildings of the Late Bronze Age II Period (Tweini VIIIB) are characterized by their large size, stone pavements and staircases (Ill. 32-35); all features occurring at the same time at Ugarit. At about 1200 B.C.E., probably before the destruction of Ugarit, parts of the site of Tweini were destroyed by fire, recognizable today by ashy layers. The occurrence of bronze arrowheads might suggest that this event is linked to fierce fighting within the city. The ceramic repertoire of this destruction layer includes a large number of Mycenaean sherds dating to Late Helladic IIIA:2 (Ill. 46) and the Late Helladic IIIB periods. This provides a synchronism with Ugarit where these types of ceramics were found in the final occupation 33. Astour 1979, 11-28. 34. Bounni and Al-Maqdissi 1998, 254-264. 35. van Soldt 2005, 67. 36. Singer 1999, 713-714. 37. Yon 1992, 111-122. 32 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E phase of the Late Bronze Age38. For the moment, no Late Helladic IIIC sherds, dating to the 12th century B.C.E. (after 1190 B.C.E.), are attested at Tweini and only a small quantity is known from Ugarit39. Next to local ware, the different types of ceramics at Tell Tweini are Cypriote Base-Ring Ware II, White Slip II, Red Lustrous Wheelmade Ware and Red on Black Ware. A sealing on the handle of a Canaanite storage jar representing a boat is a unique feature for the northern Levant (Ill. 39). Several remarkable discoveries dating to this period can be mentioned here: seal cylinders (Ill. 36), a bronze ring with some illegible signs (Ill. 38) and a bifacial seal with an inscription in hieroglyphic-luwian containing the personal name ‘Sakapiya’ (Ill. 37). Based on the many imported luxury goods found at Tweini one can conclude that the material culture of the Late Bronze Age points to the existence of an elaborate network of international relations and commercial activities. The discoveries of the latest phase of the Late Bronze Age at Tweini (phase VIIIB) parallel the same cultural developments at Ugarit (Ill. 36, 40-45, 47). Large destruction layers now being excavated at Tweini, are more or less contemporary with those at Ugarit. The texts from Ugarit mention that several cities of the kingdom were attacked by the “Sea People”. The smaller cities and towns were likely destroyed shortly before Ugarit. Comparable destruction layers have been unearthed at Ras ibn Hani40, Ras el-Bassit41, Tell Kazel42 and Tell Sukas43. Ugarit, the capital of a great kingdom, thus disappeared forever and only traces of occupation are known from dependent cities in the 12th century B.C.E. Ill. 30. Late Bronze Age I structures (view towards the north-east) 38. Yon, Karageorghis and Hirschfeld 2000; Jung 2007, 551-570; Al-Maqdissi and Matoïan 2008, 143. 39. Monchambert 2004, 322; Yon, Karageorghis and Hirschfeld 2000, 69; Al-Maqdissi and Matoïan 2008, 154. 40. Bounni and Lagarce 1998, 101. 41. Courbin 1986, 187. 42. Badre and Gubel 1999-2000; Capet 2003. 43. Lund 2004, 63. 33 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 31. Detail of Level 7E (Late Bronze Age I) Ill. 32. Late Bronze Age II structures (view towards the north-west) 34 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 33. Detail of Level 7C (Late Bronze Age II) Ill. 34. Late Bronze Age II structures (view towards the south-east) 35 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 35. Detail of Level 7C (Late Bronze Age II) Ill. 36. Seal (Late Bronze Age) 36 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 37. Biconvex seal of the Late Bronze Age. Inscription in hieroglyphic-luwian Ill. 38. Inscribed bronze ring (Late Bronze Age II) 37 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 39. Seal impression showing a boat (Late Bronze Age II) Ill. 40. Scarab in Egyptian style (Late Bronze Age) 38 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 41. Baboon in hippopotamus bone (Late Bronze Age II) Ill. 42. Weight in the shape of an oxen (lead and bronze, Late Bronze Age II) 39 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 43. Weight in the shape of a lion (lead and bronze, Late Bronze Age II) 40 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 44. Bronze dagger (Late Bronze Age) Ill. 45. Arrowheads and spearhead (Late Bronze Age II) 41 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 46. Late Helladic IIIA:2 sherd with a chariot scene Ill. 47. Terra cotta horse (Late Helladic) 42 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E 2.4. The Iron Age (ca. 1200-333 B.C.E.) In the northern Levant the most important sites for the less-known Iron Age I period are Ras Ibn Hani44 and Tell Kazel45. The material culture and in particular the ceramics from the Iron Age I period are to a great extent unknown46. The increase in Iron Age I settlements in the eastern Amuq region has been explained as being the result of the resettlement of people who fled from the coastal area to a new country after the destruction of their region47. As mentioned before, Tweini underwent the same fate as many other coastal cities of the northern Levant in the beginning of Iron Age I (Tweini VII/12 th century) and the site was at least partially destroyed. A short hiatus after the Late Bronze destruction (Level 7A) and a reoccupation in the earliest Iron Age I (Level 6G-H) were reconstructed. According to the results of our recent study of the architectural and ceramic finds at Tweini, a resettlement of the site during the 12th century, as in Ras Ibn Hani48 and Tell Kazel49 has taken place. For the 11th century, a second architectural phase of Iron Age I – with large quantities of ceramic in situ – was recognized in the southern part of Field A in the 2008 campaign. At the end of Iron Age I and the beginning of Iron Age II, the urbanization of the Near East was marked by the creation and reorganization of new cities and villages and the transformation of society indicated by important political and social changes50, possibly stimulated by abrupt climate changes. A more arid climate has been recorded between 1100 – 800 B.C. in the Jebleh region and in the northern Levant.51 Under the Aramaean kingdoms of Syria, the coastal region was subject to new political and economic influences. The Phoenician cities became the link between the Near East and the eastern Mediterranean, controlling the international maritime trade.52 This control over the maritime trade as well as the wealth of the Phoenician cities attracted the Assyrians and led to a series of military campaigns against the western states, resulting in an incorporation of these states into the Neo-Assyrian empire (ca. 900-609 B.C.E.).53 Tell Tweini has been totally redeveloped by the beginning of the 9th century B.C.E. The entire surface of the tell is by now covered by urban structures (Ill. 48-56). The city structure – streets, squares, monumental buildings and workshops – is easily recognizable on the map created by the geophysical prospection (Ill. 7). To the east of the tell, the city is protected by a massive wall (field C) 54. The main entrance gate of the city is most likely to be found there. When entering from the plain one had, presumably, to climb stairs or a ramp to reach the gate in order to access the city center that was about 15 meter above the plain. The city was divided into two parts by the central street that ran from east to west. At about 40 or 50 meters from the entrance gate was a square from which the streets ran to the north, south and west. A system of curved streets, linked with each other by transversal streets, encircled the peripheral city quarters.55 The map also reveals large monumental buildings divided by several rooms, dating to the 10th and 9th centuries B.C.E. The orientation of the houses dating to the Iron Age II has changed when compared with the houses of the Late Bronze phase. Even the street system seems to have changed between the second and the first millennia. However, the design of the houses remains similar and they continue to be being built out of rough stones associated with floors with flat pavements. 44. Bounni, Lagarce and Lagarce 1998, 101. 45. Badre and Gubel 1999-2000, 198; Capet 2003, 117. 46. Klengel 2000, 21-30; Venturi 2007; Badre 2006. 47. Pruss 2002, 161-176. 48. Bounni, Lagarce and Lagarce, 1998, 101. 49. Badre and Gubel 1999-2000, 198; Capet 2003, 117. 50. Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 360. 51. Kaniewski et al. 2007, 13941-13946. 52. Niemeyer 2002, 177-195; Röllig 2003-2005, 537; Lipinski 2004, 37. 53. Lipinski 2000; Klengel 1992, 222. 54. Bretschneider et al. 2005, 226, 15-17, Fig. 3. 55. This system of curved streets is a parallel to the layout of Bronze Age Ugarit. 43 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Until now, only one Iron Age II grave was found. The majority of the Iron Age II graves are presumably to be found outside the city. In the 2006 season, official buildings were discovered in the southern part of field A. The ‘A Building’ is well preserved. Originally it was made up of one long room (Langraum) fronted by an entrance-hall. Later it was extended on both sides by rows of attached rooms (Ill. 49-50, 54-55, 58-59). The floors were made of stone. The open space outside of the entrance hall appears to have been a courtyard. A second building, parallel to the ‘A Building’, was partially excavated but only the ‘Langraum’ was uncovered. Both buildings are fronted by open courts and the entrances have monumental door-sockets. It remains uncertain what function the buildings had. It is very likely that they were initially built to be used as twin temples or as ‘pre-temples’ characterized by their ‘Langraum’. Comparable building complexes at Kition/Bamboula56 and Tell Kazel, dating to the same period, have been interpreted as sanctuaries. At Tweini, small chambers next to these ‘sanctuaries’ were added later and some were used as metal workshops. The most remarkable object found in the main room of the ‘A Building’ is a small 12 cm tall, bronze statuette, representing a naked goddess (Ill. 65). The exact dating, as well as its geographical provenance, can not be determined as yet. It might originate from Cyprus and date to the Late Bronze Age or Early Iron Age. If so, then it would have been worshipped for a long period of time. In the Near East a naked goddess with upraised arms is not common. Cypriot figurines of the 12th and 11th century have stylistic similarities. A necklace and two cylinder seals (Ill. 69) come from the Iron Age II ‘A Building’. One of the two: an early Neo-Assyrian cylinder seal of high quality, contains a scene of a hero attacking a Pegasus. The end of the occupation of Tweini phase VI A may be situated at the beginning of Iron Age II. This might be related to the military expansion of the Assyrian empire in the 9 th century B.C.E. At that time, the temple area near Tell Kazel was being destroyed57. Similarly, at Tell Sukas, comparable destructions have been attributed to the Assyrians, who often undertook military campaigns to the Syrian coast between 858 and 844 B.C.E.58 During the second half of the 9th century B.C.E. the urban plan of Tell Tweini changed. Official buildings were reused and enlarged and new residential houses were constructed. The renewal of the urban culture at Tell Tweini (phase VI B and V) as well as on the Phoenician coastal plain may be linked to the development of an economic and commercial network between Cyprus, Phoenicia and inner Syria. The numerous imports of Cypriot pottery at Tweini reflect this expanding economic development. The end of Iron Age II at Tweini, during the final decades of the 8th century B.C.E., must be associated with the new westward expansion policy of the Assyrian empire. The Assyrian annals mention the military campaigns of Tiglatpileser III (in 738 B.C.E) and of Sargon II (in 720 B.C.E.) against the Aramaean states of Syria. From 720 on the Syrian coast came under Assyrian control. The military presence of the Assyrians has been revealed by the discovery of an Assyrian fort at the Syrian excavations of Tell Sianu directed by Michel Al-Maqdissi59. The ancient city of Gibala itself is mentioned in an inscription of Tiglatpileser III (744-727 B.C.E.)60. In any case, the Phoenician harbor towns enjoyed a certain autonomy under Assyrian domination, although they were obligated to pay large tributes. At the end of the 8th century a significant architectural renewal occurred at the centre of Tell Tweini (field A)61. The production of olive oil and probably wine becomes the main economic activity of the town and oil presses (Ill. 63) and refining installations were found in every house62. The monumental buildings 56. Yon 2006, 88, Fig. 49-50. 57. Badre and Gubel 1999-2000, 197-198; Capet 2003, 117. 58. Riis 1970, 161. 59. Bounni and Al-Maqdissi 1998, 257-264. 60. See: Wittke 2004, 40. 61. See for the pottery of the Iron Age III: Lehmann 1996. 62. For the pottery, see Vansteenhuyse, Al-Maqdissi and Van Lerberghe, 2002, 29-44. 44 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E (the A and B buildings) loose their original (sacred?) function and were divided into small chambers where specific economic or commercial activities took place. These architectural and functional developments could be the consequence of the international politics in the 8th century, when the Assyrian domination of the northern Levant was a fact. From the foregoing it becomes clear that Tell Tweini – probably to be identified with ancient Gibala in the Ugaritic texts – was an important city in antiquity. The excavations at Tweini allow us the possibility of studying a settlement over an extremely long, almost uninterrupted, period of time from the mid-third to early first millennium B.C.E. and ending with the Achaemenid period. The subsequent periods – Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine – are present at the western part of the tell (field B), albeit on a very limited scale, and in the centre of the tell (field A) only scattered sherds and the remains of destroyed tombs refer to these periods. Ill. 48. Iron Age II house (view towards the south) 45 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 49. The ‘A Building’ (view Iron Age II, towards the west) Ill. 50. The ‘A Building’ (view Iron Age II, towards the north-west) 46 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 51. Iron Age II house (view towards the north) Ill. 52. Iron Age II and Late Bronze II house (view towards the west) 47 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 53. Iron Age II house (view towards the west) 48 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 54. Level 6D, general view (Iron Age II) 49 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 55. Detail of level 6D (the ‘A Building’, Iron Age II) 50 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 56. Iron Age II house (view towards the north) Ill. 57. Iron Age II house (view towards the east) 51 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 58. Level 6B, general view (Iron Age II) 52 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 59. Detail of level 6B (the ‘A Building’, Iron Age II) 53 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 60. Detail of level 6B (Iron Age II) 54 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 61. Level 5B, general view (Iron Age III) 55 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 62. Detail of level 5B (Iron Age III) 56 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 63. Industrial installation, TWE-A-04211 (Iron Age III) 57 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 64. Sherd showing a donkey (?) and a masked person. 58 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 65. Bronze figurine representing a naked goddess dating to the beginning of the Iron Age (the ‘A Building’) Ill. 66. Terra cotta figurine (Iron Age I-II) 59 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 67. Bronze fibula (Iron Age I-II) Ill. 68. Terra cotta plaque with a cultic scene (Iron Age I-II) 60 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Ill. 69. Neo-Assyrian seal representing a hero attacking a Pegasus (ca. 8th century B.C.E.) 61 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Ill. 70. Terra cotta figurine (Iron Age III) 62 TELL TWEINI, ANCIENT GIBALA, BETWEEN 2600 B.C.E. AND 333 B.C.E Table 1: Phases of Tell Tweini 1918 – 1516 – 636 – AD 395 – BC 64 – 333 – 400 – 500 – 600 – Modern Ottoman PHASES OF TWEINI FIELD A Tweini I B Tweini I A (19e c. AD) Level 1 Level 2 Islamic Byzantine Tweini II Roman Tweini III Hellenistic Tweini IV Level 3 Iron Age III (Persian Achaemenid Period) Level 4 A-B Tweini V A-B Level 5 A-B Iron Age III 700 – 800 – Iron Age II Tweini VI A-B Level 6 C-D 900 – Tweini VII B Level 6 E-F Tweini VII A Level 6 G-H Tweini VIII B Level 7 A-B-C Late Bronze Age I Tweini VIII A Level 7 D-E Middle Bronze Age II Tweini IX B Level 8 A-B Middle Bronze Age I Tweini IX A Level 8 C-D Early Bronze Age IVB Tweini X B Level 9 A-B Early Bronze Age IVA Tweini X A Level 10 Early Bronze Age III Tweini XI Level 11 ? 1000 – 1100 – Iron Age I 1200 – 1300 – 1400 – 1500 – Level 6 A-B Late Bronze Age II B Late Bronze Age II A 1600 – 1700 – 1800 – 1900 – 2000 – 2100 – 2200 – 2300 – 2400 – 2500 – 2600 – 63 J. BRETSCHNEIDER AND K. VAN LERBERGHE Bibliography Akkermans M. M. G. & G. M. Schwartz, The Archaeology of Syria, From Complex Hunter-Gatherers to Early Societies (ca. 16,000-300 BC), Cambridge World Archaeology, Cambridge 2003. 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