Maine Policy Review
Volume 17 | Issue 1
2008
he Role of Language Education in Maine’s Global
Economy
Laura Lindenfeld
University of Maine, Laura.Lindenfeld@umit.maine.edu
Gisela Hoecherl-Alden
University of Maine
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Lindenfeld, Laura, and Gisela Hoecherl-Alden. "he Role of Language Education in Maine’s Global Economy." Maine Policy Review
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lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
The Role of
language
education in
Maine’s Global
economy
If Mainers are to compete in the global economy, they must
be able to communicate effectively across languages and
cultures. Laura Lindenfeld and Gisela Hoecherl-Alden
examine the history and status of language policies,
language education, and language proficiency in the U.S.
and Maine. They note that Maine’s public colleges and
universities are for the most part unable to support foreign
by Laura Lindenfeld and Gisela Hoecherl-Alden
language education past the intermediate proficiency level,
and some only have capacity to provide instruction at the
elementary level. There is virtually no support in the state
for languages currently defined as critical, such as Arabic
and Chinese. At the K-12 level, students in Maine and the
U.S. have less access to foreign language instruction than
students in most other countries. The authors offer a
number of recommendations to the state, public higher
education, and K-12 public schools for sustaining and
improving foreign language education.
54 · Maine Policy Review · Summer 2008
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lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
…Maine’s potenif you call someone who knows two
languages bilingual and someone who
knows three languages trilingual, what
do you call someone who knows only
one language? an american.
— European Joke
i
n 2007, Governor John Baldacci emphasized the
importance of Maine’s participation in the global
economy for the state’s future (du Houx 2006–2007).
The governor has repeatedly stressed the need to create
a productive synergy between the state’s educational
institutions and their surrounding communities as a job
catalyst for Maine. His subsequent trade missions to
europe, asia, and latin america aim to boost international commerce and to move the state and its products
onto a global playing ield. Recent tourism initiatives seek to make Maine a more viable destination in
1
both new england and abroad. Forty-eight percent
of americans regularly interact with people whose
irst language is not english, and Maine is no exception (abbot and Brown 2006). Therefore, providing
adequate training in language and culture is where the
state’s needs, educational policies, and the land grant
university’s mission should intersect. yet, the frequent
budget cuts to the state’s public educational institutions tend to shrink support for the arts and humanities
(Zastrow and Janc 2004). These are the areas, however,
that teach strategies and skills necessary for meaningful
social interaction and cultural expression. in addition,
the federal department of education’s 2002 no child
left Behind (nclB) bill requires schools to focus
mostly on measurable english and mathematics skills,
which in turn results in increased parochialism (Zastrow
and Janc 2004). a strong economy based on international trade and tourism relies on diversity and intercultural communication both in person and via technology.
This essay discusses how state and federal education policies challenge the attainment of second
language proiciency for Maine’s english-speaking
citizens and immigrants alike. we argue that Maine’s
potential to develop a cosmopolitan, highly skilled
workforce to support its growth in the global economy requires thoughtful, comprehensive support of
language acquisition spread across the range of educa-
tional experiences in the state.
we provide a historical overview
of language policy in the u.S.
and in Maine to show that
Maine’s ability to succeed in the
global marketplace is inextricably linked to our ability to
educate citizens who can work
in the global economy. Given its
central role in the state, Maine’s
public university system should
serve as the leader in integrating
second language acquisition
across K-12 and throughout
higher education curriculum.
WHY MAINE NEEDS A
COSMOPOLITAN
WORKFORCE
tial to develop
a cosmopolitan,
highly skilled workforce to support
its growth in the
global economy
requires thoughtful,
comprehensive
support of language
acquisition spread
M
aine’s participation in the
across the range of
global economy is
growing on a steady basis, and
educational experithis growth requires a workforce
trained to communicate effecences in the state.
tively across different cultures.
according to the Maine
international Trade center
(MiTc), the state ranks eighth in
the nation in export growth, and its export rate grew
20 percent between 1998 and 2003 (coyle 2004).
Maine exported goods to more than 160 countries in
2005, and concerted efforts are underway to increase
trade with the european union and other global
regions. Maine set a record of $2.63 billion in exports
in 2006, an increase attributed to growing trade with
Japan, South Korea, and china. china is currently
Maine’s third largest trade partner, importing $150
million of Maine goods in 2006 (Maine department
of economic and community development 2007).
although the MiTc provides outreach and technical assistance across the state—and indeed, requests
for support have increased by 75 percent over the
past ive years (Maine department of economic and
community development 2007)—the state lacks a
comprehensive system to support language education.
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volume 17, number 1 · Maine Policy Review · 55
lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
in addition to affecting Maine’s international trade,
Maine’s tourism industry also suffers from the lack of
language skills in its workforce, as is shown by the
barrage of phone calls the university of Maine’s
language department receives every year when foreign
travelers arrive. This lack of language ability is not
speciic to Maine; it is endemic to educational systems
across the country. according to Bikson and law
(1994), u.S. students are technologically but not
linguistically prepared to communicate across cultures.
They go so far as to call them “linguistically deprived”
(Bikson and law 1994). in an information society,
communication functions as the central force driving
economic growth, and Maine’s economic growth
requires a cosmopolitan, multilingual workforce.
Although multiple language acquisition
studies have unequivocally established that
foreign language instruction is more effective
the earlier it is provided, most students
in Maine do not take a language until the
later middle school years or the beginning
of high school if they take one at all.
Maine’s workforce inds itself in a complex,
pluralistic world, in which the economic, political,
and educational elite is increasingly multilingual.
likewise, multilingual speakers across the globe are
becoming increasingly proicient in english, while
monolingual english speakers are losing their competitive edge (Graddol 1997, 2006). The exclusive
reliance on english as a lingua franca leaves this state
economically and politically vulnerable, and dependent
on the linguistic competence and goodwill of others
(Stewart 2007).
Maine’s success as a participant in the global
economy depends upon a well-educated, versatile,
56 · Maine Policy Review · Summer 2008
culturally and linguistically diverse workforce that can
communicate effectively with global constituencies.
Historically, however, education policy has often
provided a roadblock rather than a pathway toward
language proiciency. in the following section we
provide a historical context of language policy and
implementation in the u.S. and Maine that have contributed to the lack of support for language education.
U.S. LANGUAGE POLICIES AND THEIR IMPACT
ON MAINE—A BRIEF HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
a
ny attempt to provide insights into the conlicted
relationship america has to languages and cultures
other than english, begins with a conundrum: as a
nation, the u.S. does not have a consciously planned
language policy. like many states, Maine’s language
policies have historically been vague and under
funded. although previous incarnations of the Maine
learning Results included the area of world language,
it was not until the revised 2007 version that the state
called for speciic frameworks, timelines, and performance indicators for world language instruction for
K-12. yet, inconsistent funding across different areas
of the state will inhibit these meaningful and welldesigned goals. This means that some school districts
with more resources begin language instruction at the
kindergarten level, while others do not begin until
high school.
despite the millions of federal government dollars
spent each year on language and multicultural education, there has never been a federal agency entrusted
with coordinating, collecting, and disseminating
knowledge about language acquisition and pedagogy.
This has resulted in lack of support at the state level,
and Maine proves to be no exception. For example, the
federal government provides funding to K-12 districts
to enhance their language programs in the form of
foreign language assistance programs (FlaP), yet these
funds are competitive and are not continual sources of
revenue. They support speciic development projects
rather than creating and sustaining language education
infrastructure. in 2008, for example, only eight grants
were awarded to seven states with an average funding
level of approximately $250,000 per district. Maine
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lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
has received two of these awards in the last decade:
one in Kingield in 2004 and one in Portland in 2001.
although these programs are well-intended, they are
a proverbial drop in the bucket. likewise, the 2007
america creating opportunities to Meaningfully
Promote excellence in Technology, education, and
Science act (coMPeTeS) bill authorizes two new
competitive grant programs that include support for
teachers of critical foreign languages (currently deined
as arabic, chinese, Russian, Hindi, and Farsi) (Powell
and lowenkron 2006). yet, most universities in the
country have no established B.a. or M.a. programs in
these languages to train new teachers. as we discuss
later, Maine’s public universities have no teachertraining programs for critical languages at all.
The federal government has tended to create
divergent language policies in response to domestic or
international pressures, wherein matters of language
maintenance and english instruction for immigrants
often become intertwined with issues of foreign
language instruction. Throughout u.S. history, language
policies have determined language use in public
contexts (e.g., “english-only” legislation in california
under Proposition #227). They have also cultivated
language skills required for national priorities (e.g.,
the national defense education act in 1958), or, to a
lesser extent, established the rights of individuals or
groups to learn, use, and maintain their own languages
(e.g., the native american language acts of 1990 and
1992). Since language issues lack roots in american
cultural and legal traditions and are deined as components of individual civil rights or liberties, they are
vulnerable to prevailing political attitudes. Thus, the
economic and political interests of dominant english
speakers inform policy and have signiicant social and
economic consequences.
owing to the haphazardness of language policies,
federal government funding has failed to create institutional frameworks and a national culture that values and
promotes proiciency in another language. at the same
time, lacking a federal agency charged with language
issues, the fragmentation of american education under
multiple school boards makes policies hard to implement. as a result, only nine percent of all americans
claim they can communicate adequately in a second
language (Blake and Kramsch 2007), meaning that the
u.S. is a far cry from having the luent bilingualism one
inds in africa, india, and many european countries.
Historical analysis of u.S. language policy
demonstrates that language education has often been
linked directly with u.S. foreign policy. we present
this historical context here to provide a frame for the
situation in which Maine inds itself. Starting with
america’s entry into world war i, when the u.S. was
facing an enemy whose language was widely spoken
within its borders, irst German, then all foreign
language instruction in the u.S. was drastically
restricted, prohibiting any foreign language instruction
before the eighth grade (crawford in press). These
measures still affect K-12 language education today.
although multiple language acquisition studies have
unequivocally established that foreign language instruction is more effective the earlier it is provided, most
students in Maine do not take a language until the
later middle school years or the beginning of high
school if they take one at all. likewise, bilingualism
disappeared from public consciousness, and language
instruction was relegated to state or local authorities
until the Russians launched Sputnik in 1957. The
resulting national defense education act of 1958
appropriated millions of dollars for foreign language,
science, and mathematics education and bankrolled the
most comprehensive educational reform since 1917.
This legislatively conigured the study of world
languages and regions for national security purposes,
especially German and Russian.
at the same time as Sputnik paved the way for the
utilitarian promotion of language instruction as essential for defense, diplomacy, and trade, the civil rights
movement gained momentum, and equal education of
all became a national priority. language issues of every
ilk burst to the forefront. Suddenly, vocal minorities
highlighted the country’s multiculturalism: native
americans in all 50 states attempted to revitalize their
endangered languages, while Spanish and asian immigrants fought a series of court battles for the right to
bilingual education. These efforts made some signiicant inroads, the most consequential of which was the
Supreme court language rights decision on lau v.
nichols (1974). This decision mandated that english
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volume 17, number 1 · Maine Policy Review · 57
lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
language learners (ells) are entitled to help for overcoming language barriers in order to gain equal access
to the curriculum. while the ruling does not require
bilingual education for ells, it does mandate that
schools with non-english speaking immigrant student
populations institute a so-called lau-plan. indeed, bilingual education has been outlawed in california,
arizona, and Massachusetts through the so-called unz
initiative (see ono and Sloop 2002; crawford 1992).
on the whole, language policies generally surface
in times of political or economic upheaval and are
usually determined by material interests, as struggles for
social and economic supremacy with Maine’s Francoamericans and wabanaki tribes illustrate. Measures
outlawing the use of wabanaki languages in schools
and in public life and the effective prohibition of
French in public schools serve as examples of this
history. as in other parts of the u.S., industrialists in
Maine promoted mandatory english instruction for
their foreign-born and non-english-speaking workforce
in an attempt to subdue labor movements. By labeling
such efforts as americanization, they were able to code
resistance as un-american. The resulting melting pot
mentality led to a de facto elimination of French and
other minority languages among working-class immigrants. although the u.S. is the ifth largest Spanishspeaking country in the world, Blake and Kramsch
(2007) have found that many immigrants feel that
using other languages will be viewed as un-american,
and their children quickly assimilate to english, losing
their Spanish. This same phenomenon has held true for
Maine’s Franco-american and native american citizens.
The attacks of September 11th once again drove
home the point that americans were essentially monolingual. in conjunction with the “war on Terror,” the
federal government promoted several educational
reform measures: nclB in 2002 for K-12 education,
the 2005 “year of languages” Senate resolution,
intended to increase the internationalization of business, law, and higher education, and the national
Security language initiative (2006) designed to
advance national security through language instruction,
although with substantially less inancial support than
in 1958. Furthermore, rather than expanding resources
for existing language departments at schools and
58 · Maine Policy Review · Summer 2008
universities, there is a widespread lack of funding
for K-16 language education including new critical
languages of arabic, chinese, Russian, Hindi, and Farsi
(Powell and lowenkron 2006). indeed, rather than
extending funding, current reauthorization of the
FlaP program suggests the reallocation of 20 percent
of funds solely toward critical languages. if enacted,
this creates a diversion of funding from established
language programs rather than an expansion of
funding overall (lenker 2008). as catharine Keatley,
associate director of the national capitol language
Resource center writes,
There is a danger that, in many school districts
around the country, the attempt to comply
with the no child left Behind act of the
u.S. department of education, is depleting the
resources of foreign language programs in the
public schools. david edwards of the Joint
national council on languages (Jncl), whose
job it is to represent the interests of the foreign
language community to the u.S. government,
says there is a “disaster waiting to happen” if
we do not work as a community to intervene
before the damage is done (Keatley 2006).
in short, federally driven frameworks for language
acquisition have suffered from lack of funding and
systemic support, and this model has generally trickled
down to states and resulted in weak infrastructures.
A SNAPSHOT: LANGUAGE EDUCATION AND
LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY IN MAINE
T
he disconnection among Maine’s educational
institutions, educational policies, and economic
needs mirrors broader trends in the u.S. Far from
supporting Maine’s growth in the global economy,
this disengagement undermines the state’s efforts to
become a leading participant in an economy based
on creativity, technological innovation, and cosmopolitanism. in this section we focus on the state of
linguistic diversity in Maine in the context of broader
u.S. trends in language acquisition. we provide a
snapshot of language learning in the u.S. and then
focus on speciic language trends in Maine.
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lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
currently, only 50 percent of u.S. high school
students take a foreign language, and the majority never
progresses beyond the introductory level, leaving a
serious shortfall in capable speakers of other languages
(Stewart 2007). as a result of nclB, more and more
K-12 school systems are reducing language programs
or cutting them entirely (committee for economic
development 2006). in higher education, the numbers
are similarly low. welles (2004) reports that only seven
to nine percent of university and college students have
enrolled in any modern language class, a number that
has remained consistent over the last 25 years. Similarly,
Siaya and Hayward (2003) write that only 27 percent
of higher education institutions include foreign language requirements for all students.
Maine is no exception to these statistics, and the
state’s inability to graduate large numbers of luent
speakers of other languages from its schools and its
state university system does not bode well for the
establishment of a robust, diversiied, technology- and
tourism-based global economy. in this interconnected,
multicultural world, monolingual graduates will face
greater dificulty in participating in the global economy.
indeed, recent research indicates that employers place
emphasis on hiring graduating college students who
understand global issues and their future implications,
appreciate u.S.’s role in the world, and understand
cultural values and traditions (Peter d. Hart Research
associates, inc. 2006). Seventy-three percent of
employers surveyed expressed the need for college
graduates who can help to ensure the u.S.’s ability to
compete in a global economy (Peter d. Hart Research
associates, inc. 2006).
although populations from Maine to california
are becoming increasingly diverse, monolingualism and
standardized testing are still regarded as the engine of
social development, stability, and equity.2 The contentious debates surrounding the role of english as the
oficial language of the united States are usually
steeped in anti-immigrant rhetoric and divorced from
rational discussions of equitable education for minorities (Schmidt 2002). Some of the most spirited
defenses for the central position of english are pleas
for maintaining a bulwark of western civilization
against the rising tide of multiculturalism.3
although Maine has a strong French cultural
heritage, according to the Modern language
association’s (Mla) language map (www.mla.org/
map_single&source=county) only ive percent (63,640)
of the state’s population identify as French speakers.
Similarly, only one-tenth of one percent (1,182 individuals) of the state’s population reports proiciency
in a native american language. These statistics do not
specify proiciency levels and assume speaking rather
than writing and reading competency. overall, only
eight percent of Maine residents identify as speaking a
language other than english compared with 18 percent
nationwide. in new england, according to the Mla
language map, only nine percent of new Hampshire
and six percent of vermont’s population identify as
speaking a language other than english compared with
19 percent in connecticut and Massachusetts.
Overall, only eight percent of Maine
residents identify as speaking a language
other than English compared with 18
percent nationwide.
in recent years, Maine has experienced dramatic
changes in its population through the resettlement of
refugees and new immigrants. The state’s schools serve
close to 5,000 ells from more than 100 language
groups, who, in a few years, will become active participants in the state’s economy. The state’s newcomer
populations are concentrated in the southern part
of the state, especially in Portland and lewiston.
children of these recent immigrants often qualify as
ells based on their performance on standardized tests.
it is unfortunate that the languages of these diverse
communities are viewed as burdens rather than assets.
as centers of linguistic diversity in Maine, lewiston
and Portland can offer the state invaluable resources.
in addition to newcomers from across the globe, many
students from the Franco-american and wabanaki
communities qualify as ells. yet, many districts
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volume 17, number 1 · Maine Policy Review · 59
lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
TAbLE 1:
Language Instruction in the University of Maine System
Institution
University of Maine
University of
Southern Maine
Languages
University of Maine
at Presque Isle
b.A.
French
Minor, b.A.
Spanish
French
Elementary
Elementary
Minor, Concentration
(for b.A. in Elementary and Secondary Education)
b.A.
Elementary
Italian
Japanese
French
Spanish
Russian
French
Spanish
University of Maine
at Fort Kent
University of Maine
at Machias
b.A.
International Studies
Chinese
Russian
*Latin and Greek
University of Maine
at Farmington
Minor, b.A., M.A., M.A.T.
Minor, b.A.
Minor, b.A.
Minor, b.A.
b.A.
Primarily self-instructional, irst year only
Minor, b.A. in French Studies
Minor, b.A. in German Studies
Minor, b.A. in Hispanic Studies
Minor, b.A. in Russian Studies
b.A.
b.A., M.A. option in Foreign Language for Extended
Teacher Education Program
Minor, b.A. in Classical Studies (advanced proiciency)
or Classical Humanities (intermediate proiciency)
Elementary
Elementary
Intermediate
Intermediate
Elementary
Minor & Concentration
(for b.S. in Elementary Education)
Minor & Concentration
(for b.S. in Elementary Education)
b.A.
Elementary
Elementary
*Foreign Languages
University of Maine
at Augusta
Highest Level/Degree Available
French
Spanish
German
Latin
Modern Languages
(a combination of German and French or Spanish)
Romance Languages
(a combination of French and Spanish)
International Affairs
Critical Languages
*French
*German
*Spanish
*Russian
International Studies
French
International Studies
Russian & East European Studies
* denotes interdisciplinary language degrees
60 · Maine Policy Review · Summer 2008
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lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
serving these students lack highly qualiied teachers,
approved lau plans, and infrastructures for english
as a Second language (eSl) education. likewise,
individuals with competency in French and wabanaki
languages are signiicant to Maine’s cultural heritage
and its future development.
The politically fraught concept of bilingual education has received positive attention in Maine over the
past 20 years, but this effort has remained isolated and
has lacked widespread support.4 This is especially evident in the u.S. department of education’s shift under
nclB from the ofice of Bilingual education and
Minority languages affairs (oBeMla 1974–2001)
to a new ofice focused on english-only education, the
ofice of english language acquisition (oela). in
Maine, currently two districts in aroostook county
operate bilingual French/english immersion programs
(Madawaska School district and MSad #24 van
Buren). MSad 52 (Turner) operates a small Spanish
bilingual program that provides Spanish language assistance on a need basis. Beatrice Rafferty and indian
Township Schools (under Maine indian education)
provide Passamaquoddy language instruction and
Passamaquoddy heritage language/bilingual retention
instruction and support. These are currently the only
programs of their kind in Maine’s public school systems.
at the university level, the university of Maine
System has experienced gradual reduction and elimination of language programs, a process that affects both
foreign language and bilingual education efforts across
the state. as Table 1 illustrates, the state has little if
any capacity to prepare students for even basic proiciency as deined by the Foreign Service institute in
the currently deined critical languages of arabic,
chinese, Russian, Hindi, and Farsi. (See sidebar, page
62 for time to proiciency guidelines.) The university
of Maine System’s capacity to educate students in
French, Spanish, and German often does not allow
students to move beyond basic proiciency levels in
these languages. in fact, only the lagship campus
offers a full B.a. with all required courses offered in
the target language. Since language courses, like music
courses, are performance based, the ratio of instructor
to student should remain low compared to other
subject areas in order to yield success. what is clearly
missing from this already compromised list is any
comprehensive study of the critical languages identiied
by the u.S. State department. aside from the small
interdisciplinary Russian studies B.a. offered at the
university of Southern Maine, which is not proiciency-based, Russian and chinese are only taught at
the elementary level.
if the state’s university system is for the most part
unable to support language instruction past the intermediate proiciency level,5 how might school districts
across the state support education of critical languages?
The university of Maine System is currently not in the
position of training students (and thus future teachers)
in chinese even at the most basic language proiciency
levels, much less at higher levels, and there is no
support at all for arabic, Hindi, or Farsi. even if
students receive instruction in a critical language in
high school, the state university system is not able to
build on this basic knowledge. For those students who
recognize the value and importance of becoming proicient in a language other than english, college and
university students have only limited options for public
education in the state and must leave Maine to pursue
degrees at institutions of higher education that offer
critical languages.6
with funding increasingly diverted from world
languages as a result of nclB standardized testing,
K-12 students have less access to foreign language
instruction than students in other countries. Keatley
(2006) writes, “There is mounting evidence that the
impact of nclB, including high stakes testing in
reading and mathematics, has resulted in a number
of state and district boards concentrating their efforts
and resources in the subject areas to be tested to the
detriment of other subjects, such as foreign languages.”
Furthermore, decreasing iscal support for arts and
humanities subjects divests students of models to
understand and appreciate other cultures. This extends
to the university level where students either do not
have the second language instruction they need or
have never availed themselves of study abroad options.
Some choose never to learn a foreign language at all.
despite the continued importance of global communication and Maine’s role in the global economy, the
dearth of support for language study makes it increasingly dificult for students to prepare themselves for
a future role in Maine’s global economy.
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volume 17, number 1 · Maine Policy Review · 61
lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
The Foreign Service Institute’s Ratings
of Language Difficulty
(Hours required for S3 General Professional
Proficiency in Reading and Writing)
Category I:
Languages closely related to English
• 23–24 weeks (575–600 class hours)
• Examples: French, Italian, Spanish
Category II:
Languages with significant linguistic and/or
cultural differences from English
• 44 weeks (1,100 class hours)
• Examples: burmese, Croatian, Greek, Hebrew,
Hindi, Khmer, Persian (Dari, Farsi, Tajik),
Russian, Serbian, Turkish
Category III:
Languages which are exceptionally
difficult for native English speakers
• 88 weeks (second year of study in-country)
(2200 class hours)
• Examples: Arabic, Cantonese, Mandarin,
Japanese, Korean
Other languages
• German: 30 weeks (750 class hours)
• Indonesian, Malaysian, Swahili:
36 weeks (900 class hours)
Source: National Virtual Translation Center (2007)
LANGUAGE EDUCATION:
A LONG-TERM COMMITMENT
u
nfortunately, in this era of instant gratiication,
there is one great problem with learning a second
language: it takes time and commitment to become
proicient. despite the proliferation of instructional
programs that claim to make German easy, teach you
chinese in three weeks, or enable you to download
7
arabic directly to your brain, the Foreign Service
institute has determined that it takes native english
speakers a minimum of 575 to 600 hours of intensive
62 · Maine Policy Review · Summer 2008
instruction to achieve general professional proiciency
in reading and writing in languages linguistically
most closely related to english, and up to 1,300 hours
for languages that are not. The sidebar shows the
Foreign Service institutes estimates of average hours
to S3 Professional Proiciency (S5 representing native
speaker competency).8 Given the way language
teaching is currently structured, this means that the
average undergraduate language major who has had
some exposure to a second language in secondary
school will have completed less than 670 contact
hours before graduating. without study abroad
programs, it is virtually impossible for the state’s
public institutions of higher education to adequately
prepare students for the global economy. of the state’s
public institutions of higher education, only the
university of Maine requires that students even meet
670 hours, much less exceed this level of exposure
before graduating in more than one language relevant
to the state’s economy: French, German, and Spanish.
we have not even begun to establish a framework
for responding to the State department’s needs for
critical language instruction.
Graduates who have acquired advanced language
proiciency have learned far more than new sets of
grammatical rules and words. apart from linguistic
sophistication, effective communication in multicultural
and international contexts includes a functional knowledge of social conventions and an understanding of
etiquette, body language, and culture-speciic values.
Bi- and multilingual individuals come to understand
their own cultures’ relationship with others, learn to
step outside of their own social frame of reference,
and become mediators between two cultures (Byram
and Risager 1999). They also learn to analyze the
meaning of actions, customs, and practices and can
situate them within webs of meaning (Geertz 1973)
and thus attain the lexibility to interact successfully
with people from cultures whose languages they do
not speak. indeed, cultural literacy is key to economic
development: “The success of multicultural teams is
becoming critical to success in the global marketplace.
american companies lose an estimated $2 billion a
year due to inadequate cross-cultural guidance for their
employees in multicultural situations” (committee for
economic development 2006). Maine must invest time
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lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
and resources in public education to support language
education if it wants to support its students to become
literate, engaged global citizens. Governor Baldacci’s
establishment of the Maine international Relations
Planning committee moves in the direction of securing more support and creating stronger infrastructures
for language education (Baldacci 2007).
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE STEPS
a
s the committee for economic development
argues, “To have a citizenry that is knowledgeable
of world regions, global issues, and foreign cultures, as
well as conversant in other languages, we will need to
strengthen the curriculum of the K-12 education
system as well as that of our colleges, universities, and
professional schools” (2006: 25). while we understand
that the current economic situation of the university
of Maine System and Maine’s public school systems
prohibit wide-ranging development in the area of
language, we do believe that the systems can take some
important steps toward developing an infrastructure
across the state. Maine’s educational policies and
support for languages as a vital part of higher education and K-12 need to keep a long-term, instead of
sporadic short-term, effort. The newly revised Maine
learning Results provide a meaningful pathway
towards greater levels of language proiciency across
K-12 education. However, the state’s public university
system will require more investment in its infrastructure.
investments in higher education have the advantage of
creating a trickle down effect for Maine’s K-12 public
schools. comprehensive and better training of more
language teachers will create positive returns for the
K-12 system. Models such as The language Flagship
that design, support, and implement advanced language
education through innovative partnerships among the
federal government, educational institutions, and the
state’s business community can inform future directions
for Maine (The language Flagship 2008). Based on
this and other models of success (see sidebar, page 64),
we recommended the following:
• The university System should consider reinstituting a language requirement for all undergraduate programs.
• Programs whose graduates contribute heavily
to the growth of Maine’s global economy
should require at least intermediate, if not
advanced, levels of competency in at least
one other language. Programs such as
economics, international business, international affairs, engineering, communication,
journalism, marketing, new media, public
administration, advertising, and resource
economics, among others have much to gain
for their future graduates by implementing
language requirements.
• High school guidance counselors and university academic advisors should encourage
students to consider a double major including
a foreign/world language or at least a minor
in another language.
• The university of Maine System campuses
should create and sustain study abroad
programs as these provide intense, in-depth
opportunities for students to learn language
in cultural context and establish relationships
with people in other countries.
• Maine’s high schools and universities should
adopt the concept of in-depth studying
of a world region in order to understand
the complexities involved in intercultural
and international interactions.
• More K-12 public schools should consider
implementing language programs at the
elementary school level and offering more
advanced courses for middle and high
school students.
• community-based learning in university
classrooms should support K-12 language
classes. coursework at the university
level can require students’ involvement in
supporting K-12 language learning in area
schools through curriculum development,
direct instruction, design of web sites,
collection and dissemination of authentic
target language materials, and coordination
of language immersion experiences.
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volume 17, number 1 · Maine Policy Review · 63
lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
Models of Excellence in Language
Instruction in the U.S.
Models of excellence in language instruction do exist in the
U.S.: Louisiana, Hawaii, Oregon, Maryland, Minnesota, and Virginia
support a variety of highly successful language immersion programs
in their school districts. According to the Center for Applied
Linguistics, factors contributing to high language attainment numbers
in these states include the promotion of heritage learners, strong
university collaborations with local school districts, and local district
initiatives (Lenker and Rhodes 2007). Alaska, which serves as a
model for a large, rural, and sparsely populated state, has developed
educational standards and funds extensive native and world language
instruction. As a result, Yu’pik programs support the bicultural identities of speakers in robust language communities, and Tlingit and
Haida instruction revitalizes indigenous language communities. The
state’s Chinese, Japanese, and Russian programs aim at creating a
bilingual, cosmopolitan citizenry through K-12 immersion. In 2007,
the Anchorage school district launched a German immersion
charter school, recognizing the fact that 60,000 German-speaking
tourists choose Alaska as their destination annually.
• while ensuring that existing language
programs continue to receive support, the
university of Maine System should build
programs for the study of languages deemed
critical to national security and economic
development. This requires language instruction beyond the elementary level.
LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AS
A DRIVING ECONOMIC FORCE:
MAINE’S UNTAPPED POTENTIAL
• universities should target federal and foundation funding designed to implement and
improve language instruction such as the u.S.
department of education’s Foreign language
assistance Program (FlaP), The language
Flagship, america coMPeTeS, the Ford
Foundation, the Blakemore Foundation, the
Japan Foundation, and many others.
T
while these goals might seem lofty, other states
have demonstrated extensive success in implementing
language programs across the curriculum (see sidebar,
this page). Just to cite a few examples: Michigan State
university initiated the development of a center for
international Business education Resources (ciBeR),
which, according to its web site (ciberweb.msu.edu/
about.asp), provides support and resources for institu64 · Maine Policy Review · Summer 2008
tions and faculty interested in developing international
business curricula. as a model for numerous institutions
across the country, this program establishes working
partnerships between institutions of higher education
and businesses. Maine’s institutions are eligible for
funding and support through ciBeR. delaware’s
department of education is analyzing the state’s
capacity in international education across K-16 and
post-graduate levels. Governor Baldacci’s international
Relations Planning committee could play a key role
in moving the state forward. Professional development
tracks for teacher training require focus on international
topics and have helped to integrate international studies
across the curriculum. in new Jersey, students are required to study world history and culture for at least a
year, and they must demonstrate proiciency equivalent
to the american council on Teaching Foreign
languages’ (acTFl) intermediate level in a language
other than english upon high school graduation.
Maine’s newly revised learning Results articulate the
same goal for all Maine students. wisconsin’s
department of Public instruction curriculum guide,
integrated into state learning standards, requires that
teachers provide instruction in international content
across all subjects and levels (committee for economic
development 2006).
he joke quoted in the beginning of this essay calls
attention to the fact that the u.S. is the only industrialized nation that routinely graduates students from
its schools and universities who lack second language
proiciency. The connection between the goal of internationalization and world languages becoming required
in schools and higher education remains tenuous at
best. according to don Reutershan (personal communication, May 13, 2008), world languages specialist at
the Maine State department of education, the revised
Maine learning Results became Rule chapter 132 in
october 2007, and K-12 implementation of world
languages is required by the end of the 2007–2008
school year by state statute (Maine Revised Statutes
Title 20-a). The education establishment’s efforts to
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lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
create conditions necessary to develop a critical mass
of proicient speakers are moving the state in the
right direction. State education commissioner Susan
Gendron has developed memoranda of understanding
with china, Spain, and France to collaborate on
educational issues and programs, and the state became
a member of the Partnership for 21st century Skills
in July 2007. But in order to develop a thriving global
economy, sustainable support for in-depth, well-articulated language study is crucial.
Maine can choose to recognize and embrace its
growing diversity, valuing language as an asset, or it
can continue to ignore and even suppress linguistic
(and by extension) cultural diversity. Banks (2006)
argues that diversity enriches the state, because it
provides alternative ways to solve societal problems
and view the world. Seen from this vantage point,
the potential to grow a creative, dynamic workforce
is tremendous, and Maine’s future rests in the state’s
ability to capitalize on this opportunity. a workforce
that can leverage diversity as a resource improves its
ability to problem solve and generates a multiplicity
of ideas and attitudes that will lead to creativity and
innovation (cox 2001).
as the committee for economic development
(2006) eloquently states, “the day has long passed
when a citizen could afford to be uninformed about
the rest of the world and america’s place in that
world.” The future of Maine’s global economy rests
in the state’s ability to produce culturally and linguistically literate citizens, and this must begin with a solid
grounding in language instruction. only then, can
Maine “lourish in the global marketplace” (Marquardt
1999). after all, most of the world’s children speak
more than one language. why should Maine’s children
be left behind?
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to acknowledge Shelly ChasseJohndro and Rebecca Sawyer for their assistance during
the development of this article. They would also like to
thank the members of the 2008 International Colloquium
on Communication, held July 27-August 1 at the Schoodic
Education and Research Center, Winter Harbor, Maine, for
feedback on this research.
Laura Lindenfeld is assistant
professor in the Department of
Communication and Journalism
and the Margaret Chase Smith
Policy Center, University of Maine.
Her scholarship focuses primarily
on cultural policy and American
media. Together with Gisela
Hoecherl-Alden, she currently codirects Project Opportunity, a U.S.
Department of Education professional development project that
supports teachers and teaching
personnel working with English
language learners in public schools
throughout Maine.
Gisela Hoecherl-Alden is associate professor of German at the
University of Maine, where she has
been on the faculty since 2001.
She has published on anti-Fascist
exiles, national identity in post-Wall
Germany, intercultural communication and issues of second language
acquisition. She is currently working
on cultural policy and the German
media as well as community-based
instruction for engaged humanities
and ecological sustainability.
ENDNOTES
1. For detailed trade mission reports see the
“Resources” page of the Maine International
Trade Commission’s Web site (www.mitc.com/).
2. When E. D. Hirsch Jr., a former English professor
who now runs the foundation coreknowledge.org,
published his now-famous checklist (Hirsch 1987)
designed to test whether a citizen had attained
cultural literacy necessary to ensure effective participation in American society, he was not envisioning
the term in the sense of intercultural language and
communication abilities. The list relects white middleclass (male) and high culture values, and is thus exclusive not only of multiethnic cultural diversity but also
Please turn the page for additional endnotes and article references.
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volume 17, number 1 · Maine Policy Review · 65
lanGuaGe educaTion in Maine
other segments of white America. Arguments like
Hirsch’s resurfaced during the 2006 immigration hearings in Congress, where it was deemed the immigrants’
responsibility to learn English well enough to have
access to government, despite the fact that the level of
English required for naturalization is much lower than
the level of English needed to make sense of tax or
voter registration forms.
3. Seen in a socio-historical context, Hirsch’s (1987) and
also bloom’s (1987) best-selling reactions to increased
postmodern plurality and diversity coincide with the
end of the Cold War, growing globalization, and resulting
mass migrations. Their dualistic Cold War-dictated
worldview promotes an image of minorities and immigrants who adapt to and assimilate into or reject the
dominant society and whose “otherness” often appears
as a stark contrast to Western values and can thus be
coded as un-American.
4. bilingual education involves learning in two different
languages. There are different forms of bilingual education. Transitional bilingual education programs (students
receive instruction in their native tongue until they
mainstreamed into English only classrooms), duallanguage bilingual programs (students learn all subjects
in both languages, there is no mainstreaming), and the
less common method of developmental bilingual education programs (extended education in students’ primary
language with integration of English) operate with
different pedagogical approaches.
5. The American Council on the Teaching of Foreign
Languages (ACTFL) deines four levels of language proiciency: novice, intermediate, advanced, and superior.
The four language skills of reading, writing, listening, and
speaking are assessed to determine proiciency level.
An intermediate speaker, for example, can sustain longer
segments of connected discourse in a target language,
but cannot produce hypothetical language. For more
information see www.actl.org.
6. We deliberately focus on the state’s public institutions
of higher education, as the vast majority of students
at these institutions consist of in-state residents. The
University of Maine System’s student body is made up
overwhelmingly of in-state students (84 percent of
students at the University of Maine). In contrast, the
state’s three largest private colleges, Colby, bates, and
bowdoin, have extremely high rates of out-of-state
students (bates—89 percent, bowdoin—88 percent,
Colby—90 percent), most of whom leave the state
after completing their undergraduate studies.
66 · Maine Policy Review · Summer 2008
7. The formulations come from software advertisements,
for example, www.claritas.lux, which claims to use software that lets its users learn the language of their
dreams by downloading it directly to their brain.
8. The Foreign Service Institute deines ive levels of
language proiciency: non-proicient (1); limited proiciency (2); general professional proiciency (3); advanced
professional proiciency (4); and functional native proiciency (5).
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