1st Millennium BC (Archaeology)

In this paper, we examine cases where radiocarbon (14 C) dates are incompatible with dates produced by other established archaeological methods. We present results from nine bones that we sampled from tombs in Phoenician sites in Sicily. These bones produced radiocarbon dates conflicting with established dates of finds in the associated tombs. These discrepancies, particularly in tomb dates, pose a serious problem, as they suggest that the finds may be disconnected from the buried individuals, challenging the fundamental premise of studying excavated tombs. To put our findings in a broader context, we also present other cases of discrepancies found in recent publications and note some common observations throughout these studies. Our questions and observations arise from the significant implications that radiocarbon dating has for our research on Phoenician ancient DNA, as these conflicts impact our understanding of the potential migration and movement of Phoenician people throughout the Mediterranean.

Over recent decades, Greek colonisation has been widely debated, not least because different issues were subsumed in the term: is Greek colonisation about the fact that humans move, whatever their motivation, from their place of origin to another place to stay there for a certain amount of time or for ever, or is it about the phenomenon that humans choose, more or less with purpose, a place away from their home to live there for good? In addition, there has been discussion of whether and on what grounds Greek colonisation could be narrowed down to a limited period of time. For the time from the middle of the 8th century B.C. onwards, the term 'Great Colonisation' is applied, at least by German-speaking scholars. Considerations of the migrations from the 8th century B.C. onwards show two main strands of thought. The first deals with the various possible reasons for the posited broad Greek colonisation movement, setting off from mainland Greece, the 'mother country' at that time.  The second considers whether there were any Greek colonies in the sense of settlements apart from the mainland Greece that were founded or only dominated by Greeks.
This chapter aims at bringing to the fore the methodological prinicple that the archaeological record and the written sources have to be dealt with separately. Therefore, it revolves around what the ancient texts actually say.

En este artículo se aborda desde una perspectiva lingüística el origen del topónimo prerromano Corduba a la luz de las últimas investigaciones realizadas desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX hasta nuestros días. Combinando los datos científicos conocidos sobre las lenguas paleohispánicas y las aportaciones arqueológicas existentes sobre la Córdoba prerromana, se propone una hipótesis basada en el análisis de los dos componentes que conforman el ancestral topónimo, el elemento Cord-y un segundo elemento pospuesto perteneciente a la serie -uba.

In: W. Frauen – R. Da Vela (Hrsg.), Erinnerungskulturen als RessourcenKulturen. Festschrift für Beat Schweizer anlässlich seines 15-jährigen Mitwirkens an dem SFB 1070 RessourcenKulturen. RessourcenKulturen 31 (Tübingen 2025) 81–97.

http://dx.doi.org/10.15496/publikation-105126

This paper aims to present the archaeological evidence dated to the 9th-8th cent. BC identified at Pollenza, in locality of Moie, an area located in the middle of Potenza valley, which was exploited on an ongoing basis from the 9th to at least the 5th cent. BC. Information on the community that lived here in the earliest phase are based on the analysis of the grave findings discovered in 1961 (Sector A), as well as on some preliminary data obtained from the excavations of 1963 and 2002-2003. The research results display an already very rich community, perfectly integrated within the trade network
which run the path of the valley along the Potenza river.

Organisé par Laurent Coulon (Collège de France, EPHE-PSL) et Olivier Perdu (Collège de France): Colloque international "LES STATUES PRIVÉES PHARAONIQUES D’ÉPOQUE TARDIVE: ART, HISTOIRE, SOCIÉTÉ ET RELIGION"

Works of Art and “Pseudo-Sculptors’ Models in the Late and Ptolemaic Periods: The Case of Imhotep and His Female Relatives.

The lecture will provide an insight into the studies of ancient Egyptian works of art, in particular stone statues and bronze statuettes on the one hand, and – traditionally so-called – sculptors’ models from the Late and the Ptolemaic Period on the other, which the speaker has been conducting as part of the joint scientific project “KunstModell” between 2018 and 2021 at the Museum August Kestner, Hanover, and the Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim with the participation of museum Egyptologists (R. Schulz, C. Bayer and C. E. Loeben) as well as scientists from the University of Applied Sciences at Wismar (S. Deicher: art history) and the University of Kiel (B. Thalheim: computer science; model science).

One of the questions under discussion was whether the Late Period or Ptolemaic “sculptor's models” could actually have played a role in a workshop scenario as profane models for sacred works of art (as once again argued in 2005 in a comprehensive monograph by N. S. Tomoum) or whether the approach advocated by B. V. Bothmer since the 1950s (which has been followed by Th. F. Liepsner, R. St. Bianchi, M. Hill and others) that the supposed “sculptor's models” of the Late Period are evidence of an unknown religious practice and possibly represent votive offerings to deities, has greater plausibility.

The presentation will focus on anepigraphic busts (typically with incised square grid lines) and depictions of busts on relief panels, as well as isolated heads and stucco moldings of sculptures that can be identified on the basis of their iconography as depictions of the Late Period god of healing Imhotep or - according to the speaker's suggestion - of Imhotep's mythical mother Kheredu-ankh (or possibly his wife Renpet-nefret).
In this context, four strikingly similar hard stone heads of non-royal women will be compared with selected “sculptor's models” and bronze figures inscribed as Kheredu-ankh and Renpet-nefret. The picture that emerges is that the Late Period “sculptor's models” only have a very limited repertoire of pictorial objects and essentially only depict deities (in human or zoomorphic form). The ear symbolism that is noticeable on some of these objects, the remains of gilding preserved on a few objects and also their often small size make their practical usability as models in a workshop unlikely. In addition, none of these objects are guaranteed to come from a workshop. The term “pseudo-sculptors' models” is therefore used for the Late and Ptolemaic period objects, which may resemble busts, relief panels and stucco moldings from sculptors' workshops at Tell el-Amarna, but where there were neither two-dimensional depictions of busts (with additional engraved ears) nor miniature busts made of stucco or gilding, which tend to refer to a cultic scenario.

En 1976, Herman De Meulenaere et Pierre MacKay ont rassemblé de nombreux monuments royaux et privés provenant de Mendès, dans le Delta oriental. Parmi ceux-ci figuraient plusieurs statues appartenant à des généraux, des prêtres et d'autres fonctionnaires de l'époque ptolémaïque. Si plusieurs de ces effigies ont bénéficié d'études approfondies, d’autres sont restées plus ou moins inédites.
Cette communication s'intéressera aux inscriptions gravées sur certains de ces monuments, en l’occurrence les statues Caire JE 44637, Copenhague ÆIN 946, musée Rodin Co. 01116, ainsi que deux autres ayant appartenu à David-Weill et Otto L. Spaeth. Ces textes présentent de nombreuses particularités graphiques et apportent un éclairage nouveau sur les sacerdoces et les sanctuaires locaux.

The encounter between Josiah and Necho at Megiddo in 609 BCE (2 Kings 23,29) was a fateful event in biblical period history and theology. Yet, the archaeology of the site failed to supply information about this affair. Here we describe the finds of several post 732 BCE layers recently unearthed at the site, with special attention to Level X-3 of the late 7 th century. The finds in this layer include an exceptional number of Egyptian-made pottery vessels as well as a significant number of East Greek pottery, usually interpreted as representing Greek mercenaries in the service of the 26 th Dynasty. These finds shed light on the population of Egyptian-governed Megiddo and hence on the background of the 609 BCE event.

Publication Announcement: "Foundations of Change: How the 10th Century BCE Sparked the Second International Age" Vol. 22 (2024) | Antiguo Oriente
I’m delighted to share the happy news of the publication of my latest paper, "Foundations of Change: How the 10th Century BCE Sparked the Second International Age."
The article explores the historical framework underpinning several biblical narratives connected to the reign of King Solomon and reconsiders the geopolitical landscape of the ancient Near East during the mid-10th century BCE—a period I identify as the onset of a Second International Age.
Its reassessment has become possible only recently, due to the collapse of key pillars supporting the Low Chronology. Three major developments have enabled a revised reconstruction:
1. In "Semitica Classica" 16, 105–118, Finkelstein and Piasetzky disavow their earlier reliance on radiocarbon models supporting the Low Chronology and propose dates  current only with the High Chronology. Notably, they also acknowledge that the data from Rehob – the basis for the Middle Chronology -  is even lower than that of Megiddo, rendering it unworkable.
2. The present article also demonstrates that the radiocarbon data from Tel Dor stems from a significant stratigraphic anomaly caused by large-scale amphora deposition in underfloor pits—a phenomenon that created a "cellar effect." All radiocarbon samples at Tel Dor were taken near these amphora deposits and are therefore unrelated to the floors they were assumed to date. This is corroborated by Waiman-Barak, Gilboa, and Goren (2014), who note the paradoxical trend of younger Egyptian amphorae being found in deeper strata, directly contradicting stratigraphic expectations.
3. Pratico’s reinterpretation of Glueck’s excavations at Ezion-Geber / Tell el-Kheleifeh is demonstrably flawed. It erroneously suggests a local 6th-century BCE date for Midianite pottery—despite this ware being conclusively datable no later than the 9th century BCE. Adding to this, the absence of Painted Edomite Ware at Timna (characteristic of post-8th century contexts) should already have cast doubt on the proposed synchronisms. Crucially, Pratico’s chemical analysis reveals that approximately 50% of Negevite Ware at Tell el-Kheleifeh is slag-tempered—identical to ratios found in Negevite Ware at Iron IIA fortresses. As slag-tempering is a practice exclusive to Iron IIA (10th–9th centuries BCE) and mining in the Arabah and at Timna – to which this is related - ceases around 830 BCE (per Ben-Yosef, 2012), the stratigraphy at Tell el-Kheleifeh must likewise be situated firmly in the Iron IIA. This has significant implications for the identification of the site as biblical Ezion-Geber and for the historicity of Solomon’s trade activities.
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The paper proposes that the mid-10th century BCE marked a turning point in the ancient Near East, initiating a new period of international interaction following two centuries of economic and political fragmentation after the Late Bronze Age collapse. This “Second International Age” saw the reemergence of long-distance trade routes, regional consolidation, and intensified maritime activity. The rise of the Israelite kingdom during this time gains renewed historical weight when considered within this broader revival.
Positioned between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean and forming the only continuous land bridge between Africa and Asia, Israel held unparalleled geographic leverage.
Its adjacency to Phoenicia—then the last remaining Mediterranean naval power—made it an ideal conduit for both overland and maritime exchange. Far from being an isolated or underdeveloped polity, 10th-century Israel emerges as a key facilitator in the reconstitution of regional networks.
Particular attention is paid to the port of Ezion-Geber, described in biblical texts as central to Solomon’s commercial ambitions. The industrial character of Tell el-Kheleifeh, supported by the widespread presence of slag-tempered Negevite Ware, supports this association and suggests a thriving infrastructure tied mainly to Red Sea trade.
Additional support for Israel’s integration into international circuits comes from the ALEPPO 7 inscription, attributed to Taita I, King of Palasatini. This inscription - firmly datable to the 10th century BCE - documents a flourishing horse trade between Egypt and Palasatini. Given the geography, this trade route would have run through Israelite territory, mirroring the biblical portrayal of Solomon as an intermediary in regional equine commerce.
Finally, the paper discusses how early Phoenician maritime ventures, now widely seen as beginning in the Iron IIA period, align chronologically with the reign of Solomon. The activities of Pharaoh Siamun—likely a key Egyptian figure in this revived inter-regional order—provide a synchronizing link between textual and archaeological evidence.
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In sum, this study calls for a reassessment of Israel’s role in the 10th century BCE. Far from being a peripheral kingdom, it was arguably a central player in a renewed international order, both facilitating and benefiting from the reemergence of complex trans-regional interactions during what can now be considered the Second International Age.

Il s'agit de la ville de l'Hispanie citérieure plus mentionnée par les auteurs classiques. La deuxième guerre punique (218-202 av.n.è.) l'a fait entrer dans la liste des gloires de Rome. Le développement urbain de Sagonte et de son Grau Vell fait connaître quelque chose de différent. C'est vers 150 a.n.è. lorsque des changements liés au commerce maritime sont observés. La circulation du vin coïncide avec l'apparition de sanctuaires dédiés aux dieux du vin. L'Italie archaïque et républicaine est un foyer d'échanges foisonnants. Entre les colonies grecques du littoral méridional de la péninsule, les peuples oscophones de sa dorsale montagneuse, les cités étrusques de ses plaines septentrionales, et le monde romain en expansion continue depuis l'Italie centrale, les flux sont intenses et continus. Les échanges marchands se doublent de la circulation de modèles sociaux, de pratiques, de cultes, de rites… Les offrandes miniatures, retrouvés en grand nombre dans les sanctuaires de l'Italie préromaine, constituent un cas d'étude très intéressant de ces circulations. En effet, à partir du VIIIe siècle av. J.-C., les colons grecs ont amené depuis leurs métropoles balkaniques et micrasiatiques des pratiques de miniaturisation de la vaisselle religieuse, des armes et des armures ; celles-ci ont continué à évoluer en Italie et leurs formes ont dans certains cas été reprises par les populations italiques. Mais le courant hellénique de miniaturisation rituelle a aussi rencontré en Italie une tradition locale préexistante, puisqu'à la Protohistoire déjà on déposait des vases miniatures dans les lieux de culte d'Italie. Dans les zones où les contacts et les influences mutuelles entre Grecs et indigènes ont été les plus fortes, notamment en Lucanie, il n'est pas toujours facile de faire la part des choses entre les traditions indigènes, les pratiques importées et l'adaptation de ces pratiques exogènes aux nécessités locales. En s'intéressant à quelques cas d'étude en Italie du Sud, on cherchera dans cette communication à explorer la circulation de la pratique de la miniaturisation rituelle entre les peuples de l'Italie archaïque et républicaine.

Este trabajo, con fecha de 2005, muestra algunos objetos que forman parte de la colección permanente del Museo Arqueológico Municipal de Enguera y que pueden actuar como "marcadores culturales" a la hora de definir y conocer la cultura ibérica que se dio en un territorio  del que a principios del s. XX prácticamente se desconocía al no existir publicaciones de calidad (falta de planimetrías, secciones, dibujo arqueológico., que pudieran acercarnos a su realidad.
Los objetos estudiados en el artículo vinculan a las gentes que habitaron esta zona al sur del Júcar y al oeste del corredor de Montesa con la Contestania.

To me, Homer remains one of the most enigmatic figures in world history. His identity is veiled in mist, yet his stories plunge into the hidden depths of the past—into a world belonging to the age before written history.
His epics beckon us on a voyage to the primordial Oceanus, while also serving as keys to the mysteries of the pre-civilizational world. Odysseus’ wanderings among the islands of the ocean were not merely the aimless drifting of a wayfarer, but part of a meticulously planned expedition. This journey lifts the veil on ancient accounts—such as the fragment of Marcellus—that can only be understood in this context. But before I delve into this expedition, I must first speak of Homer himself, the origins of the epics, and a few other matters.
I first recounted Homer’s tales and his hero’s adventures in Hungarian some fifteen or sixteen years ago, yet since then, new evidence has continued to accumulate, further supporting my theories. The time has come to unveil Homer’s secrets.

Wollten die Historiker Positivisten sein, es würde ihnen nicht gelingen; selbst wenn sie nichts davon wissen wollen, besitzen sie eine Soziologie, da sie nicht den Mund aufmachen können, ohne die Begri e ‚Krieg' oder ‚Stadt' auszusprechen und ohne sich, in Ermangelung einer ihres Namens werten eorie, auf die Weisheit der Nationen oder auf falsche Begri e, wie ‚Feudalismus' oder ‚Umverteilung' zu stützen. So ist also die Gelehrsamkeit, die seriöse Seite des Historikerberufs, nur die Häl e der Aufgabe; und heutzutage hat die Ausbildung eines Historikers zwei Seiten: eine gelehrte und darüber eine soziologische." Paul Veyne 2 Matthias Jung ist ein gern gesehener Gast und Gesprächspartner auf archäologischen Fachtagungenund er ist sich bei solchen Anlässen nicht zu schade, den Narren zu mimen und seinen Gastgebern und Gastgeberinnen geschickt einen Spiegel vorzuhalten. Dabei pro tiert er von den Freiheiten eines Fachfremden, der in der Lage ist, auch Dinge zu sagen, die Fachvertreterinnen und Fachvertreter sich nicht zu sagen trauen würden. Dies gilt gleichermaßen für Jungs Publikationen, die sich durch eine ganz besondere Verbindung eines Sprechens mit und über Archäologinnen und Archäologen 3 auszeichnen. Denn seinen soziologisch geschulten Blick wendet Jung nicht nur auf den archäologischen Gegenstand selbst, sondern auch auf diejenigen, die diesen Gegenstand bearbeiten. 4 So nimmt in seinen Arbeiten die Kritik an traditioneller Ur-und Frühgeschichtsforschung und an den dort zirkulierenden archäologischhistorischen Narrativen breiten Raum ein. Damit ist er vor allem im Bereich einer jüngeren theoretischen Archäologie, die mit Jung die Kritik an spezi schen Aspekten der akademischen Fachkultur teilt, auf Resonanz und Zustimmung gestoßen. Dies zeigt sich besonders dort, wo er Akteure kritisiert, die noch im Milieu der alten Ordinarienuniversität sozialisiert 1 Ich danke Matthias Jung für seine Einladung zur Mitwirkung an diesem Band, auch wenn ich bekennen muss, dass ich lange gezögert habe, sie anzunehmen. Denn das aufgerufene ema Kon iktvermeidung und -beilegung hat in der Urund Frühgeschichte, für die ich mich zuständig fühle, bisher keine Rolle gespielt. Das hängt auch damit zusammen, dass einschlägige Befundkomplexe, an denen man es hätte festmachen können, bislang fehlen. Deshalb werde ich mich hier auf die methodologischen Fragen, die Jungs Ansatz aufwir , konzentrieren. 2 Veyne 1988, 10. 3 Der Übersichtlichkeit der Darstellung halber werde ich mich im Folgenden auf das generische Maskulinum beschränken, das inklusiv zu denken ist. 4 In diesem Punkt sind wir uns bis zu einem gewissen Grad ähnlich (z. B. Veit 2011a). Für Fachvertreter ist allerdings das Risiko größer, als "Nestbeschmutzer" beurteilt werden. -Über seine diesbezügliche Methode verrät Jungs (2010c) anregende Besprechung von Antonia Davidovićs (2009) Studie über "Praktiken archäologischer Wissensproduktion" viel.

As mais antigas referências publicadas sobre o interesse arqueológico do local que abrange a estação da Vinha da Soutilha em Mairos (Est. I, 1) devem-se ao P. e Francisco Manuel Alves 0). Na verdade, o Abade Baçal mencionava em 1930 a existência dumas «cavernas» ou «buracos» no sítio actual denominado do Buraco Feio (Est. I, 2), onde se localizariam pinturas pré-históricas. Em 1933, J. R. dos Santos Júnior publicava um artigo sobre «A cerâmica campaniforme de Mairos» ( 2 ), onde pela primeira vez se refere a uma «pequena explanada que fica sobranceira e contígua ao sítio dos buracos de Jac-mi-Jorge, hoje plantada a vinha, a vinha da Soutiiha...» onde detectou «à superfície numerosos fragmentos de cerâmica eneolítica incisa». (Pág. 365). Embora não tenha encontrado as ditas pinturas, Santos Júnior realizava uma descoberta importante, a dum povoado pré-histórico cuja integração cultural, no entanto, haveria de merecer, sobretudo nos últimos anos, apreciações de diversa índole, em muito afastadas da proposta por aquele autor. Santos Júnior incluía as cerâmicas de Mairos na «cultura do vaso campaniforme», baseando-se fundamentalmente na análise da decoração incisa da cerâmica, considerada predominante na estação. A seu tempo comentaremos de forma mais pormenorizada o valor desta interpretação. Contudo, convém lembrar que a diversidade técnica e temática da decoração cerâmica foi justamente acentuada por aquele investigador, sendo identificada a técnica de Boquique, então considerada, juntamente com a técnica por incisão,elemento sinalizador do campaniforme na Meseta Norte ( 3 ). Santos Júnior concluía pois pela existência dum horizonte campaniforme local, nas províncias a norte do Douro, constituído pelos mesmos tipos cerâmicos encontra/dos em Mairos, recorrentes em estações como a Penha, em Guimarães, Alto da Penacova, em Arcos-de-Valdevez, Outeiro-Seco, em Chaves, e Pepim, em Amarante, (pág. 372). í 1 ) P. e Francisco Manuel Alves -«Chaves -Apontamentos arqueológicos» Gaia, 1931. ( 2 ) J. R. dos Santos Júnior -A cerâmica campaniforme de Mairos (Trás-os-

This paper presents the results of a multidisciplinary approach characterizing roof tiles excavated at the Ashdod-Yam Byzantine church (Israel). Occupied from the late fourth/early fifth century CE, the building was destroyed by fire toward the end of the sixth century CE, sealed by tiles from the roof's collapse. The assemblage of 3846 roof tiles was initially classified through macroscopic and typological analysis. Selected samples were further subjected to optical microscopy of petrographic samples for provenance studies and ceramic technological insights, along with instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). The findings reveal the artifacts to be imported from the eastern Mediterranean ophiolitic complexes and from the Judean Hills. Additionally, fragments of painted ceramic roof tiles were tested using scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS) to assess the composition of the pigments, examine their microstructures, and understand the manufacturing technologies used. Despite the presence of different types of roof tiles, the paint applied to some of them was found to be uniform, consisting of red, ocher-based pigment, likely sourced locally and applied during the roof's construction. This comprehensive examination on a relatively unexplored type of material sheds new light on specific construction choices during the Byzantine period in the southern Levant.

Have a good read!

Su objetivo es recopilar y difundir los estudios y las novedades de prehistoria, protohistoria y arqueología de la Antigüedad Clásica y del Medioevo con especial atención a temas relacionados con la provincia de Málaga. Los artículos que se publican en MAINAKE son registrados en los siguientes portales científicos o bases de datos, que publican los índices, los abstracts o los textos completos: • Base ISOC-Arqueología, Instituto de Estudios Documentales sobre Ciencia y Tecnología (IEDCYT), CSIC • Ulrich's Periodicals Directory () • L'Année philologique () • Catálogo del Latindex () • Difusión y Calidad Editorial de las Revistas Españolas de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas (DICE) () • Dialnet (Unirioja) () Desde su primer número en 1979, la revista de arqueología Mainake, editada por el Centro de Ediciones de la Diputación de Málaga, ha sido sinónimo de calidad y excelencia académica. Su rigor cientí co y presencia editorial la sitúan en el primer orden del panorama nacional e internacional de revistas especializadas en su disciplina. Cada una de las colaboraciones que aparecen en los números y anejos, desde el primero hasta este último, muestran una exigencia técnica y cientí ca que convierte a Mainake en una fuente de referencia para investigadores e interesados en la arqueología. Bajo la dirección y coordinación del consejo de redacción y su comité cientí co, el nivel de especialización que en sus páginas alcanza el estudio y puesta en valor del patrimonio es inestimable. A lo largo de todos estos años de edición de la revista, nuestro compromiso siempre ha sido claro: darle la relevancia y visibilidad que merece desde el ámbito provincial. En el anejo que nos ocupa, el cuarto en su cómputo hasta la fecha (Entre Málaga y Tiro. Una travesía mediterránea en memoria de la profesora María Eugenia Aubet Semmler), el esfuerzo de compilación de textos en torno a la gura y obra de esta eminente arqueóloga y catedrática de Prehistoria (1943-2024), convierte el repertorio de Mainake en una joya de valor cientí co. Doctora en Historia y catedrática de Prehistoria por la Universidad Pompeu Fabra, sus principales líneas de investigación fueron la arqueología fenicio-púnica y la protohistoria mediterránea. Realizó numerosos estudios como investigadora principal sobre la colonización fenicia en la bahía de Málaga y su hinterland, así como de la sociedad tartésica durante el Bronce nal y el orientalizante. También fue codirectora de la investigación sobre los fenicios en la zona de Vélez-Málaga, directora durante las campañas 1997 a 2021 de la excavación arqueológica en la necrópolis fenicia de Tiro al-Bass y la acrópolis de Tiro (Líbano) y, sobre todo, de su capital proyecto cientí co: las excavaciones en el Cerro del Villar entre 1986 y 1998, continuadas actualmente bajo la dirección del doctor José Suárez y el profesor David Schloen. Entre 1997 y 2014, el equipo de María Eugenia Aubet Semmler, Francisco Jesús Núñez Calvo y Laura Trellisó Carreño excavaron, a partir de diferentes misiones, cerca de trescientas tumbas fenicias en al-Bass. Por nuestra parte, debemos procurar que el tiempo no borre la huella docente e investigadora de María Eugenia Aubet Semmler, que es profunda en todos aquellos que la trataron y estudiaron.

Excavaciones recientes han puesto en evidencia la introducción en Carmona (Sevilla) durante la primera mitad del siglo VIII a.C. de la tecnología del hierro, junto con la arquitectura de muros rectos y la cerámica a torno, aspectos estos últimos ya bien documentados con anterioridad en la ciudad. Estas novedades, que constituyen la mejor expresión material del inicio del comercio fenicio en el Bajo Guadalquivir, se insertan en un ambiente en el que predomina la cerámica a mano de cocción reductora representativa de la cultura local de ines de la Edad del Bronce. En este trabajo presentamos unos hallazgos que insisten en señalar la importancia de la interacción cultural en la protohistoria de Carmona y analizamos la relación espacial, estratigráica y funcional entre el complejo urbano que ahora se da a conocer, su arquitectura y sus materiales, y los restos exhumados hace algo más de una década en el solar de la casa-palacio del marqués del Saltillo.

Resumo em Português
O artigo apresenta os resultados de uma investigação arqueológica e geofísica realizada no Largo do Castelo de Bemposta, em Penamacor. A pesquisa combinou sondagens de diagnóstico e campanhas com georadar para identificar vestígios de ocupação medieval e islâmica, revelando uma complexa sobreposição de fases construtivas e intervenções programadas. Esses achados contribuem para a compreensão dos processos de reestruturação urbana e das dinâmicas históricas na região, demonstrando a importância da integração de métodos arqueológicos e geofísicos na análise do território.

Summary in English
The article presents the results of an archaeological and geophysical investigation carried out at Largo do Castelo de Bemposta in Penamacor. The research combined diagnostic surveys and ground penetrating radar campaigns to identify remains of medieval and Islamic occupation, revealing a complex overlay of construction phases and planned interventions. These findings enhance our understanding of urban restructuring processes and the historical dynamics of the region, highlighting the importance of integrating archaeological and geophysical methods in territorial studies.

The lands of the current province of Córdoba define a heterogeneous space articulated by the middle course of the
Guadalquivir River, where several of the main communication routes between the Plateau and Andalusia converge near the
city of Córdoba. The mining wealth of Sierra Morena and the fertile lands of the Campiña irrigated by the Guadajoz and Genil
rivers allowed extensive development of the communities settled in this area of the Tartessian “periphery”, which show a clear
continuity from the Bronze Age to the time when they assimilated cultural stimuli coming from the Bajo Guadalquivir and the
Mediterranean coast on the one hand, and from the upper and middle Guadiana on the other.

De l'arche ´ologie a `l'histoire sociale Recherches re ´centes sur les villes de la cho ˆra e ´gyptienne (Basse e ´poque pharaoniquepe ´riode gre ´co-romaine) A `Mohamed Abd el-Maksoud, en cordial et respectueux hommage ! T out bilan historiographique en matie `re d'E ´gypte ancienne se heurte a ùn obstacle bien connu, celui de l'abondance des donne ´es : a `la tre `s longue dure ´e, plus de 3 500 ans, de l'e ´poque dite pharaonique s'ajoute la masse conside ´rable des sources disponibles. Ces sources elles-me ˆmes se partagent entre, d'un co ˆte ´, d'innombrables vestiges arche ´ologiques et, de l'autre, des milliers de documents e ´crits. Ces derniers, enfin, se caracte ´risent par la succession / superposition des langues employe ´es, l'e ´gyptien ancien sous ses diverses formes et le grec pour l'essentiel, et par la varie ´te des supports, l'e ´pigraphie et la papyrologie e ´tant les plus notables. En matie `re d'urbanisme cependant, la recherche e ´gyptologique a longtemps e ´chappe ´a `cet exce `s documentaire. Le de ´ficit tenait a `plusieurs facteurs bien connus : l'accent mis presque exclusivement, aux de ´buts de l'e ´gyptologie, sur la recherche d'antiquite ´s spectaculaires (statues et objets d'art, inscriptions et papyrus), sur l'arche ´ologie fune ´raire, le plus souvent aux marges du pays, ou, dans la valle ´e, sur l'architecture en pierre des temples, au de ´triment de la brique crue des ba ˆtiments se ´culiers, par ailleurs beaucoup plus difficiles a `fouiller. Ajoutons, he ´las, le grand de ´labrement des sites urbains antiques, notamment ceux du Delta, conse ´cutif H.U. n o 29 -octobre 2010 -p. 161 a `180 a `l'exploitation intensive des « tells » comme carrie `re a `engrais (le « sebbakh ») puis a `la de ´mographie et a `l'urbanisation galopante du pays 1 . Fait plus grave, cette pe ´nurie a fait qu'on a pu parler de l'E ´gypte pharaonique comme d'une civilisation « sans villes ». Sans aller jusqu'a reprendre les vieux pre ´juge ´s sur le paysan e ´gyptien, villageois courbe ´sur la « terre noire », la gle `be laisse ´e derrie `re elle par la crue du Nil 2 , les philologues restaient intrigue ´s par le peu de place re ´serve ´e au phe ´nome `ne urbain dans les sources e ´crites, au moins celles ante ´rieures a `la fin du Nouvel Empire 3 . Cette illusion, car c'en e ´tait une, a e ´te ´dissipe ´e. Les e ´gyptologues ont d'abord fait remarquer que le silence des sources refle ´tait moins l'absence de villes que le de ´dain des scribes a `leur e ´gard. Mais l'on a surtout assiste ´, a `partir des anne ´es 1970, a `un ve ´ritable renouveau des recherches sur l'urbanisme pharaonique : les deux approches, arche ´ologique et sociologique, quelque peu ne ´glige ´es jusqu'alors, ont e ´te ´mises a `contribution. Ainsi, c'est de 1979 que date la publication du colloque intitule ´Egyptology and the Social Sciences, par Kent R. Weeks, au Caire : Manfred Bietak, le de ´couvreur de Tell ed-Dab'a / Avaris, y pre ´sentait de ´ja `une communication de presque cinquante pages consacre ´e a `l'« arche ´ologie urbaine et le ''proble `me des villes'' en E ´gypte ancienne » 4 . Quatre ans plus tard, en 1983, paraissait le retentissant Ancient Egypt. A Social History, oeuvre entre autres de Barry Kemp, le fouilleur d'El-Amarna et l'un des pionniers de 162 / Histoire urbaine -29 / octobre 2010 1 . En dernier lieu, Franc ¸ois Lecle `re, Les villes de Basse E ´gypte au I er mille ´naire av. J.-C. Analyse arche ´ologique et historique de la topographie urbaine, Le Caire, IFAO, 2008, p. 3-5 (les notes 3, 4 et 6 fournissent toutes les re ´fe ´rences utiles). C'est l'occasion pour nous de dire tout ce que nous devons a `cet auteur et ami qui, non content de nous laisser disposer de l'inte ´gralite ´de son manuscrit encore sous presse, nous a aussi aide ´de ses pre ´cieux conseils. Qu'il trouve ici toute l'expression de notre gratitude. Qu'on nous permette aussi de saluer avec e ´motion la me ´moire du Professeur Jean Yoyotte, notre maı ˆtre en matie `re d'histoire urbaine de l'E ´gypte, disparu au moment ou `nous rendions ce manuscrit. 2. C'est encore la the `se de Roger Caratini, L'e ´gyptomanie, une imposture, Paris, Albin Michel, 2002. 3. C'est-a `-dire, rappelons-le, les sources date ´es de l'A ˆge du Bronze. A `partir de 1100 environ, la « Troisie `me Pe ´riode Interme ´diaire » signe l'entre ´e de l'E ´gypte dans un monde nettement plus urbanise ´, celui des chefferies et principaute ´s citadines. 4. Manfred Bietak, « Urban Archaeology and the ''Town-Problem'' in Ancient Egypt », dans Kent R. Weeks (e ´d.), Egyptology and the Social Sciences, Le Caire,

Proyecto "El tiempo del Tesoro de Aliseda" (HAR2010-14917) y Acción Complementaria "Estudio del contexto arqueológico del Tesoro de Aliseda (Cáceres)" (HAR2011-15841-E). A.1. Cuenco A.2. Cazuela A.3. Copa-taza A.4. Vaso bicónico AB. C. A MANO SEMICUIDADAS -La Casa de La ayueLa en eL tiempo deL tesoro de aLiseda. exCavaCiones preventivas... -50 "AYUELA 0". PERFIL TECNO-TIPOLÓGICO (NR) A. Cerámicas a mano cuidadas AB. C. a mano semicuidadas B. Cerámicas a mano toscas C. Cerámicas a torno toscas D. Cerámicas oxidantes finas E. Cerámicas grises F. Objetos de barro G. Elementos líticos H-L. Metales y metalurgia

Miguel-Naranjo, P. (2024). Recensión de / Review of: Alberto J. Lorrio Alvarado, Raimon Graells i Fabregat y Mariano Torres Ortiz (Eds.). La Fonteta 3. Las importaciones griegas e itálicas y su contexto mediterráneo. Studia Hispano-Phoenicia 10. Publicacions Universitat d´Alacant, Alicante, 2023, 372 pp. ISBN: 978-84-9717-837-2. Trabajos De Prehistoria, 81(2), 1035. https://doi.org/10.3989/tp.2024.1035

In several publications and communications to scientific assemblies the authors have proposed the identification of Tarshish with Huelva, starting with written references and the discovery of numerous Phoenician remains dated prior to the beginning of western Phoenician colonisation and based on the exploitation evidenced thereof. However, the revision of the Bible’s historical reliability during recent years inquires into this identity as well as into the Phoenician voyages to the distant west in the second half of the 10th century BCE. The present work suggests that Jerusalem might have been a power centre at that time and assures the existence of scribes who handled trustworthy information about certain events in the kingdoms of David and Solomon.

In a document from 1329, there is mention of half of a garden situated on the banks of a lake (pond) next to a Greek shrine: meditatem unius orti, positam prope lacum ad fanum Gregum. Does this refer to a Greek shrine? Stones dressed in the bugnato rustico technique are built into a pond retaining wall in the Pantan Blato tract near Trogir. Could this possibly be the remains of a Greek shrine associated with the cult of water?

The Oenotrian necropolis areas of south-western Basilicata, dating between the 9th and 6th century BC, bear witness of a chronological-typological evolution of the bronze diadem headwear found in high status female burials. The evolution is defined by the typological variations of the fibulae associated to the different kinds of diadem headwear. These show a technological and form-related development over time, which occurs in connection with changes in the Oenotrian clothing and the pressing influences of the Orientalizing period. In 9th century BC, female burials in Chiaromonte present a diadem head ornament composed of rows of buckles or a tubular spirally wound bronze wire, whose typology seems to be of Balkan origin. The diadem with tubular wire underwent an evolution between the end of the 9th century and the beginning of the 8th century BC, when it became more elaborated with tubular decorations, as well as in the 8th century BC, when it was further developed into a high diadem with up to ten superimposed tubes: a proper headwear with buckles on the top part and big bronze disks closing up in the back (Guardia Perticara). At the end of 8th century BC, the tubular headwear was further emphasised by the transformation into a
series of tubular decorations folded on the forehead of the bearer, going up from the sides into a big vertical semi-circular element emerging on the head (Chiaromonte, Alianello, Latronico).

The encounter between Josiah and Necho at Megiddo in 609 BCE (2 Kings 23,29) was a fateful event in biblical period history and theology. Yet, the archaeology of the site failed to supply information about this affair. Here we describe the finds of several post 732 BCE layers recently unearthed at the site, with special attention to Level X-3 of the late 7th century. The finds in this layer include an exceptional number of Egyptian-made pottery vessels as well as a significant number of East Greek pottery, usually interpreted as representing Greek mercenaries in the service of the 26th Dynasty. These finds shed light on the population of Egyptian-governed Megiddo and hence on the background of the 609 BCE event.

The paper deals with the cultural and spatial evaluation of numerous finds of the eastern type from Transdanubia, dated to the Ha D–Lt A stages. The main point of our interest was to provide a complex overview of these finds, focused mainly on the provenance, chronological aspect and possible interpretations of their occurrence in Transdanubia. Based on a detailed analysis of finds of the eastern type, it was possible in terms of their origin to determine four groups of finds in Transdanubia – finds of the Vekerzug culture from the first group and older types of arrowheads with an outer socket from the fourth group are most frequent. The occurrence of finds of the eastern type in Transdanubia shows similar tendencies as in the neighbouring regions of the Eastern Hallstatt culture, especially in Moravia. Both regions are special in terms of the frequency and type variability of Vekerzug finds. Especially arrowheads with an inner socket point to a new tradition in production of efficient weapon types in East-Central Europe and are, above all, an indicator of technological innovations. There are several concentrations of Vekerzug finds in Transdanubia: in its north-western and south-eastern parts, around Lake Balaton and in the Danube Bend area. The frequent presence of Vekerzug finds across Transdanubia shows the active contacts and peaceful interactions between the Vekerzug culture and the cultural regions to the west. We can consider the expansion of Vekerzug people into the western Budapest area and its surroundings. However, in other parts of Transdanubia, Vekerzug finds are evidence for cultural contacts of the local Hallstatt population with the Vekerzug culture.

Resumo: Os trabalhos arqueológicos de emergência levados a efeito, nos últimos anos, na cidade de Lisboa e um projecto de investigação direccionado para este mesmo período focado no baixo Tejo permitiram uma considerável acumulação de dados sobre a ocupação orientalizante do território do antigo Estuário do Tejo. O seu estudo possibilita uma leitura integrada, tornando possível avançar hipóteses sobre as modalidades de contacto entre grupos humanos distintos (indígenas e exógenos), por um lado, e as que se referem às estratégias de povoamento entre os séculos VIII e VI a.n.e., por outro. A ocupação orientalizante concentra-se nas margens do Estuário do Tejo, situação que contrasta com o momento imediatamente anterior, o Bronze Final, quando o hinterland foi consideravelmente explorado. Esta concentração de sítios nas margens do rio deixa antever um sistema em rede, relativamente fechado. As relações deste espaço, profundamente orientalizado, com outros do Médio e do Alto Tejo, alguns com elementos também de matriz oriental, devem agora ser lidas em função destes novos dados. Summary: Extensive archaeological works carried out in Lisbon and a research project directed to the same period focused on low Tagus allowed a considerable accumulation of data on the orientalized occupation of the territory of the Tagus Estuary. Their study provides an integrated reading, making possible to advance hypotheses about the contacts stablished between different communities (indigenous and exogenous) and those related to settlement strategies, between VIII and VI centuries B.C.E.. The orientalized occupation is now focused on the banks, a situation that contrasts with the previous times, the Late Bronze Age, when the hinterland has been considerably explored. This concentration of sites along the river suggests a networked system, relatively closed. The relationship of this space, deep Orientalized, with others in the Middle and High Tajo must now be read in light of these new data.

Vestígios da 1 ~ Idade do Ferro e, particularmente, fenícios, no actual território de Almada foram, até ao presente, identificados em cinco locais do Concelho; destes, sobressai o extenso povoado do Almaraz. Este trabalho tem como objectivo principal a apresentação de uma das cerâmicas mais características do Mundo Fenício recolhidas naquele arqueossítio : a cerâmica de verniz vermelho. Trata-se do conjunto mais numeroso até agora dado a conhecer em Portugal. A economia e bases de subsistência evidenciadas pelo espólio recolhido serão também consideradas; a escolha de esporão sobranceiro ao Tejo foi motivada pela principal actividade desta comunidade, essencialmente voltada para o mar e respectivo comércio. A estação arqueológica da Quinta do Almaraz situa-se num esporão sobranceiro ao rio Tejo (Fig. e Fots. 1 e 2), com a altitude média de 50 metros * Técni co do Mu seu Municipal de Almada.

localizaron diferentes manchas en el estrato geológico, algunas de ellas con materiales arqueológicos. La inminente desaparición de un grupo de ellas por la construcción de un paso inferior y su proximidad al conocido yacimiento arqueológico de La Vital, provocó que entre junio y julio de 2012 se realizara una excavación de salvamento. En este trabajo presentamos los resultados de dicha actuación, que ha puesto al descubierto un conjunto de estructuras negativas de diferente morfología asociadas a materiales arqueológicos del Bronce final. El yacimiento arqueológico de La Vital se descubrió como consecuencia de las obras de construcción del centro comercial que lleva su nombre . Los restos arqueológicos localizados se extienden por una gran superficie objeto de varias intervenciones, cada una con su correspondiente expediente administrativo, que ha provocado que existan diferentes nomenclaturas para el mismo yacimiento. De este modo, se le ha denominado Sant Andreu ), La Vital (Pérez Jordà et al. 2011), Sancho Llop (en estudio) y, en nuestro caso, Acceso Sur Gandia. En adelante nosotros utilizaremos el topónimo de La Vital, por ser el utilizado en la publicación más detallada sobre el yacimiento. Durante las tareas de seguimiento arqueológico de las obras de construcción del Acceso Sur a Gandia se localizaron diferentes estructuras negativas datadas en el Bronce final ubicadas en el perímetro de protección del yacimiento de La Vital. Las estructuras documentadas corresponden a un lugar de hábitat fechado en estos momentos. En este trabajo presentamos los resultados de dicha actuación, valorándolos en el marco del desarrollo histórico de este periodo en el propio yacimiento y en la costa mediterránea peninsular.

The ways in which human communities relate themselves with the sea, the rivers and their shores have been, naturally, very diverse in their purposes, strategies and nature according to the historical situations. From the obtaining of day-to-day resources for survival up to the construction of boats that enabled the exchange of goods, conducting to new geographies, the distance could be long or the other way around. Starting from a broad understanding of "Nautical and subaquatic archaeology" and aiming to elaborate a synthesis of the knowledge about a variety of findings that occurred in the Portuguese territory during the Pre and Protohistory, the author goes through several subjects surrounding water based on the empirical testimonials selected. Firstly, the testimonials of tangible and intangible boats, the preserved pirogues and the nautical iconography on ceramics are analysed. Afterwards, some of the fish resources are articulated with fishing gear, such as fishhooks, needles, nets and net weights. Finally, what the sea drags is observed, namely the shells transformed into body adornments or incorporated into sacred constructions. Other equally pertinent issues are still to address, so many are the labyrinths that intersect in the water.

Tell Qudadi: An Iron Age IIB Fortress on the Central Mediterranean Coast of Israel (with References to Earlier and Later Periods) Final Report on the Hebrew University of Jerusalem Excavations Directed by E.L. Sukenik and S. Yeivin, with the Participation of N. Avigad

En el presente artículo se analizan una serie de piezas cilíndricas realizadas en piedra procedentes de los yacimientos protohistóricos del SO peninsular de La Joya (Huelva), Paterna del Campo (Huelva), Cancho Roano (Zalamea de la Serena, Badajoz), El Turuñuelo (Guareña, Badajoz) y Tejada la Vieja (Escacena del Campo, Huelva). Estas han sido concebidas por parte de diversos autores como posibles betilos. Sin embargo, carecemos de referencias escritas datadas entre el II y I milenios a.C. que mencionen la existencia de betilos en contextos funerarios y domésticos. Frente a ello, se defiende aquí, a partir de numerosos paralelos arqueológicos del área próximo-oriental, mediterránea y centroeuropea, que dichas piezas deben ser identificadas como piedras de afilar o de toque, compartiendo con los ejemplares peninsulares su materia, forma, dimensiones o contextos en los que aparecen.

In July 1991 a sounding of the western slope of the mound was carried out prior to the construction of a petrol pipe parallel to the Beer Sheva railroad (Permit no. 1805). The excavation was financed by the Eilat-Ashkelon Petrol Company and directed by the author on behalf of the Israeli Antiquities Authority (IAA).

An analysis of a regional study conducted in Israel’s southern Coastal Plain (Shavit 2003) showed that the settlement pattern of most of the cities in Philistia, from the beginning of the Iron Age until the 8th century BCE, was characterized by urban centers and by an almost total absence of a rural hinterland; that is, the absence of a hierarchal settlement complex in the vicinity of the cities, as could be expected in a system of “mature” settlements.

During August and September 1997 a salvage excavation was carried out at a site officially named Netiv ha->Asara by the Israel Antiquities Authority after the adjacent moshav whose members wished to build on the western margin of the mound. The finds from the initial season of excavation, led to the decision to extend the area of the dig. Thus, in March 1998, a short follow-up excavation, intended to examine the stratification of remains at the site, was conducted in Area A.

Although Gaza was among the largest and most important cities of the southern Levant, it has played a relatively minor role in recent reassessments of the reoccupation of the Palestinian coast and its administration in the Persian period. The widely-held scholarly view that Gaza fell outside of direct Achaemenid control, in a coastal zone conceded to a confederation of Arabian tribes ruled by the king of Qedar, is a primary factor in according it a separate status from the other cities of Philistia. This article argues that the sources do not support the notion that Gaza and its environs belonged to an Arabian district. Rather, Gaza, like the other coastal cities of Philistia, seems to have been redeveloped in the late sixth century BCE by Phoenician agents, likely from Tyre. While Gaza held a distinct position as the main outlet of Arabian and Egyptian trade, it was culturally and economically oriented around the wider Phoenician maritime network and integrated into a dense network of Achaemenid military and administrative infrastructure in the region. In the early fourth century BCE, however, the loss of Egypt and the eclipse of the Qedarites fundamentally transformed the nature of Achaemenid authority in the region. Gaza may have been lost during much or all of this period, and the Achaemenid response is visible across this border region. Nevertheless, Gaza retained its central commercial position across these disturbances.