Bribery

This contribution analyzes the socio-cultural, political and legal factors underlying the rise of corruption to the rank of emergency in criminal law. In the increasingly fiercer fight undertaken by the state and by supranational organizations against corruption as a criminal phenomenon and against the corrupt (in a broad sense) as a “type of  offender”, the “emergency criminal paradigm” has now been fully
defined by combining all of its typical substantive, penitentiary and investigativeprocedural devices, which often conflict with fundamental principles and rights. The final part of the paper offers a minimum program for overcoming the emergency ideology in the field of anti-corruption regulations

Il contributo analizza i fattori — socio-culturali, politici e giuridici — dell’ascesa della corruzione al rango di emergenza nella dimensione penalistica. Nella lotta sempre più intensa intrapresa dallo Stato e dalle organizzazioni sovranazionali contro la corruzione come fenomeno criminoso e il corrotto (in senso lato) come “tipo d’autore”, il paradigma penale emergenziale si è andato delineando a tutto tondo, combinando i suoi caratteristici congegni sostanziali, penitenziari e investigativo-processuali, che sovente entrano in conflitto con principi e diritti fondamentali. Nella parte conclusiva del lavoro viene proposto un programma minimo per il superamento dell’ideologia emergenziale nel settore dell’anticorruzione.

This paper describes the findings of one of the objectives of a study which is to identify the bribery motives of consultants and contractors in the construction industry in Selangor and Kuala Lumpur. Interviews of 16 civil engineering consultants and 18 contractors in Selangor and Kuala Lumpur had been audio-recorded and transcribed by students of the Construction Management degree programme as part of their coursework assignment in people management. Content analysis of the transcripts generated the findings in the form of four categories of motives for participating in bribery. The categories were instrumental, attitudinal, institutional and social motives for engaging in bribery. The instrumental motives refer to bribery as an instrument to achieve a certain outcome. Institutional motives refer to the government policies or legal regulations that unintentionally encourage bribery. Social motives refer to interpersonal norms, practices, pressure and social rules that drive a person to engage in bribery. Attitudinal motives refer to the individual’s work temperament that leads to an inclination towards practicing bribery.

The article assesses the current state of corruption literature and
conducts relevant empirical tests. It explores the validity of the
corruption indicators regarded as having high explanatory power
and juxtaposes them with empirical facts from several Eastern
European countries. The article points out the existing problems
with corruption indicators and the oversimplification of the term
corruption as well as calls for a more comprehensive approach to
studying corruption.

Schedule 17 of the Crime and Courts Act 2013 introduced Deferred Prosecution Agreements (DPAs) into the English legal system. On the 30th of November 2015 the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China Limited entered into the first-ever deferred prosecution agreement in the U.K. with the Serious Fraud Office. It represents a historic turning point for the English legal system as well as an innovation that has the potential to revolutionise the approach to corporate criminal liability traditionally adopted in the United Kingdom. This paper analyses the legislative provisions under Schedule 17 of the 2013 Act dealing with its most problematic aspects and drawing comparisons with the corresponding legal instruments developed in the U.S. It also investigates the reasons behind the DPA implementation in England and Wales focusing on the growing pressure that was exerted on the authorities to carry out successful investigations against corporations involved in criminal activities. Finally, the paper offers an analysis of the first-ever DPA concluded in the U.K. highlighting the most controversial legal issues arising from such an agreement. This can be considered a landmark decision not only because the SFO's first application for a DPA was approved by the judiciary, but also because it was the first time in which a legal entity was charged in England and Wales with the offence of "failure of commercial organisations to prevent bribery" as provided by section 7 of the Bribery Act 2010.

Globally corruption costs governments and businesses trillions of dollars each year. It distorts public policy objectives and damages trust. This makes for great difficulties for public administration, however scholarly analysis of public corruption is meager, especially in public administration and related fields. This symposium seeks to better understand how corruption affects public administration and how public administration can mitigate corruption. It is intended to advance research and generate a comprehensive knowledge base on public corruption.

Unlimited money in politics violates the essence of what made America a great country in its political system. Now it’s just an oligarchy, with unlimited political bribery being the essence of getting the nominations for president or to elect the president. And the same thing applies to governors and U.S. senators and congress members. So now we’ve just seen a complete subversion of our political system as a payoff to major contributors, who want and expect and sometimes get favors for themselves after the election’s over. … The incumbents, Democrats and Republicans, look upon this unlimited money as a great benefit to themselves.

Yesterday i came across a first impression case of Yi Tai Shao. It fascinated me when i read it was a historical case, one that is shedding the light on the dark side of the courts that many of us have experienced all too well. This case takes one from the back rooms of kidnapping a child to what appear to be pay outs exceeding the limits set, via an innocent enough looking organization The American Inn's of The Courts. Yes, this story is one everyone should take time to read and think about. Not everyone has what it takes to take a stand of this magnitude and rather the system sees her "win" or not, she already has as she opens the door at the "Inn" and connects the corruption further inside the shadow's of the chambers.

This study considers the effect of white-collar crimes on the efficiency of government parastatals in Nigeria. The specific objectives of the study were to examine; the level of operational efficiency of government parastatals in Nigeria, the level of prevalence of white-collar crimes among government officials, and the various levels of legal and institutional frameworks established by government in combating white-collar crimes. The study was anchored on the concepts of white-collar crimes as it relates to national development. A survey research design was employed to elicit information from randomly selected respondents. The data obtained were analysed using multiple regression technique. Results from the study revealed that the combined influence of Embezzlement (Ez) and Bribery (Br) on efficiency of selected government parastatals is significantly positive (F= 83.37, p value = 0.000 < 0.05. Also, each component of white collar crimes (WCC) employed in the study - Embezzlement (Ez) (t = 6.175, p < 0.05) and Bribery (Br) (t = 3.222, p < 0.05) had significant effect on the efficiency of government parastatals in Nigeria. The study seeks to prompt management of government parastatals towards providing adequate measures that will effectively combat the menace of white collar crimes. The study therefore contributed to the link between corrupt practices prevalent in government parastatals and national development by revealing how white-collar crimes results in operational inefficiency of government parastatals in Nigeria.

The aim of this chapter is to consider how and why ‘corruption’ facilitates the trafficking of humans into licit and illicit markets in the UK. Research and policy suggest that corrupt practices are central to the trafficking enterprise but there has been little consideration of how this occurs. We review empirical evidence on the dynamics between corruption (specifically bribery) and key trafficking processes (recruitment, transportation and exploitation) to identify likely ‘opportunity structures’ and their facilitative conditions. We argue that by focusing on points of potential interaction in the trafficking process at which bribery can occur, it is possible to identify how and where opportunities for bribery emerge; how these opportunities are realised by actors and where opportunities for intervention arise.

A meno di tre anni dalla riforma "di sistema" del 2012 (l. n. 190), la l. n. 69 del 2015 ha ulteriormente irrobustito l'apparato repressivo delle patologie lato sensu corruttive, avvertite nel nostro Paese come sempre più dilaganti e corrosive del tessuto economico e politico-democratico. L'intervento è contrassegnato da tre direttrici politico-criminali: inasprimento sanzionatorio in funzione di deterrenza, recupero coattivo del vantaggio illecitamente ottenuto dai pubblici agenti, incentivazione della collaborazione processuale di corrotti e corruttori. Pur presentando elementi di novità degni di apprezzamento, anche questo nuovo sforzo legislativo non è immune da difetti che complicano il lavoro dell'interprete e potrebbero ostacolarne l'esito positivo.



SOMMARIO: 1. La ricognizione. La legge 27 maggio 2015, n. 69. - 2. La focalizzazione. Le innovazioni al regime dei reati contro la p.a. - 2.1. Il "ritorno" dell'incaricato di pubblico servizio tra i soggetti attivi della concussione. - 2.2. I nuovi quadri edittali di pena. Ricadute su prescrizione e strumenti di indagine. - 2.3. L'induzione ex art. 319-quater c.p.: acquisizione di una fisionomia anche edittalmente "intermedia". - 2.4. Il "recupero" del vantaggio illecito quale fondamentale obiettivo della l. n. 69/2015. - 2.5. La nuova attenuante della collaborazione post delictum. - 3. I profili problematici. - 3.1. La "riparazione pecuniaria": incerta natura e difficile coordinamento con la confisca dei proventi illeciti. - 3.2. Incongruenze normative non emendate. - 3.3. Disarmonie linguistiche. - 3.4. La leva della prevenzione amministrativa.

Davanje mita je propisano kao krivično delo u svim savremenim krivičnim zakonodavstvima. U radu je prikazana inkriminacija ovog krivičnog dela u Krivičnom zakoniku Republike Srbije. Posebno je analizirana i dostupna sudska praksa u vezi sa davanjem mita. Cilj rada je da se ukaže na speci čnosti davanja mita kao društveno negativne pojave i ukaže na neke moguće pravce njenog suzbijanja. Ključne reči: korupcija, davanje mita, krivično zakonodavstvo, sudska praksa UVODNA RAZMATRANJA Korupcija je veoma negativna društvena pojava. Raznolikost prilikom de nisanja pojma korupcije, odnosno odsustvo jedinstvene de nicije, znatno otežava utvrđivanje samog problema. Takođe, onemogućava i odgovarajuće zakonodavno regulisanje i preduzimanje adekvatnih mera za sprečavanje i suzbijanje ove pojave (Mirić, 2019:135). Korupcija je društveni fenomen koji se dovodi u vezu sa subjektima odlučivanja (Karović, 2014:454). Odlučivanje o nečijim pravima i interesima može stvoriti uslove za nastanak različitih oblika korupcije. Koruptivna krivična dela koja se najčešće pojavljuju u praksi su različite forme ispoljavanja primanja i davanja mita. Davanje mita je propisano krivično delo u svim savremenim krivičnim zakonodavstvima. U radu je prikazana inkriminacija ovog krivičnog dela u Krivičnom zakoniku Republike Srbije. Posebno je analizirana i dostupna sudska praksa u vezi sa davanjem mita. Cilj rada je da se ukaže na speci čnosti davanja mita kao društveno negativne pojave i ukaže na neke moguće pravce njenog suzbijanja. U radu će biti prikazana neka od najvažnijih teorijskih shvatanja o uzrocima korupcije, kao negativne društvene pojave. Poseban deo rada će biti posvećen prikazu odredbi koruptivnih krivičnih dela u krivičnom zakonodavstvu Republike Srbije. Analizom sentenci sudskih odluka donetih zbog krivičnog dela davanja mita, rad će dobiti i praktični karakter primenom holističkog pristupa predmetu istraživanja. * Dr Filip Mirić je naučni saradnik i samostalni stručno-tehnički saradnik za studije i studentska pitanja III stepena, Pravnog fakulteta Univerziteta u Nišu,

Corrupt exchanges are often brokered by a third party, but this phenomenon has not been satisfactorily explored by researchers of corruption. Literature on brokerage in general provides interesting models but they have not previously been applied to corrupt exchanges. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with respondents who participated in actual corrupt transactions, this paper identifies several distinct brokerage types in low-level corruption in contemporary Hungary. The paper also provides explanation of variation in corruption brokerage in terms of actors' group affiliations, forms of the corrupt exchanges, brokerage mechanisms, as well as neutrality, benefit and motivation, risk distribution, and stability of the brokerage structure. Finally, we discuss some policy implications of corruption brokerage.

Roma, agosto 70 a.C. In pieno Foro, nel corso di un processo destinato a fare epoca, l’accusatore Marco Tullio Cicerone lancia una fulminante requisitoria, seguita da una tempesta di testimonianze e prove. Tutte vertono sui gravi crimini commessi dall’imputato, Gaio Verre, ex governatore della Sicilia: concussione, peculato, appropriazione indebita, furto, vendita di sentenze, manipolazione di appalti, corruzione elettorale, sequestro di persona, frode, intimidazione, tortura, omicidio. Di fronte, una giuria sempre più attonita; attorno, un pubblico sempre più infiammato.
Si tratta della prima delle Verrine, assurte poi a modello oratorio di ogni tempo. Quale lavoro d’inchiesta aveva reso possibile quella spettacolare accusa, capace d’intrattenere il popolo romano per giorni? Le imputazioni erano reali o si trattò invece di un processo politico?
Seguiamo passo dopo passo Cicerone, instancabile, tenace ma non certo candido raccoglitore di prove e orchestratore di testimonianze.

目前关于腐败的研究大多集中在从宏观上分析腐败产生的政治、经济与社会环境。本文则从微观层面上分析腐败行为，特别是：贿赂行为是如何在行贿人和受贿人的操作下进行的。在此基础上，本文特别探讨为什么“关系”在腐败交换行为中有不可替代的重要性。通过具体的实证分析，本文得出结论：贿赂行为的过程不是一些无序的分散行为的简单集合，而是遵循特定的规则和惯例。这些规则和惯例可以被视为替代市场来推动腐败进行的非正式交换机制。本文论证了“关系”以及与此相关的一系列行为正是这种非正式交换机制的具体体现。它的主要功能是：通过将腐败交换与社会交换稼接以排除妨碍腐败交易进行的法律、道德和认知障碍并将腐败参与者的交易安全风险、道德成本和认知失调最小化。目前学界通常认为：是中国的“关系”文化诱发了腐败。本文持相反观点：即，是腐败制造了“关系”文化，因为“关系”作为一种替代市场的非正式交换机制是腐败的必要组成部分。

When individuals exchange gifts, social bonds are strengthened and reciprocity is created. If the gift and the reciprocation both come from private resources, it is clearly a gift. If what is reciprocated after a gift is given comes from an organization, or is a government resource rather than from " one's own pocket " then it is most likely a bribe. This study reviews the anthropological literature on gift giving and constructs a typology for examining the gift/bribe distinction in public administration. This classification helps distinguish analytically among different gift practices and clarify conceptual ambiguity of the terms gift and bribe.

E. T. Hall'un Yüksek Bağlamlı – Düşük Bağlamlı Kültürler tasnifi ve kuramı, beşeri bilimlerin birçok alanında araştırmacılara metod açısından ciddi kaynaklık etmiş ve geniş bir literatür oluşmasına neden olmuştur. Hall'un ve bu alanda çalışan araştırmacıların tespitleri, yüksek ya da düşük bağlamlı kültürlerin iletişim gibi birey davranışlarını da etkilediğini söyler. Buna göre kültürün yüksek ya da düşük bağlamlılık özelliği ile o kültürel ortamda yolsuzluk ve rüşvet meyli arasında bir ilişki olduğunu ileri sürmek mümkündür.

E. T. Hall's High and Low Context Cultures classification and theory has served well as a methodical approach for researchers and a well established literature woven around Hall's ideas has gradually emerged. Hall's and others' findings say that whether a culture is high-context or not influences individual behavior as well as the communication. Therefore it is possible to propose a correlation between a culture's high/low context classification and tendency toward corruption and bribery within that cultural environment.

This study reveals that bribery, including gifts of plots of land as well as money, is widespread among journalists in Ethiopia and is spreading to supervisors and assignment editors, including those in the upper leadership. The study unearthed five major mechanisms of diffusion of bribery among journalists: continuing older traditions, sources inducing journalists to accept bribes, organizational resource constraints, coaching by older colleagues and social interaction among friends. Even though further research is required to see whether cultural factors trigger and intensify bribery, it is suggested that the influence of cultural traditions of greeting enticements are minimal as compared to political and economic pressures. The study identifies as the major harmful influences of bribery are that it thwarts creativity, generates antagonistic relationships, and challenges democratic professionalism in Ethiopian journalism. Overall, the study found that bribery has become a dangerous threat hampering the development of more open, competitive and democratic professional journalism in Ethiopia.

RESUMEN: Este artículo trata de los esfuerzos de los Habsburgo para eliminar la amenaza naval otomana a través de medios clandestinos y emprendiendo operaciones secretas. Dándose cuenta del peligro que creaban la flota otomana y los corsarios otomanos en sus defensas, los servicios secretos de los Habsburgo enviaron a unos mediadores para recordar a
Uluc Ali su pasado cristiano y sus obligaciones hacia su verdadero monarca y convencerle de que hiciera alianzas. Los Habsburgo también intentaron organizar el magnicidio de este corsario que llegó al cénit de su poder como el Gran Almirante Otomano. Mientras la eficacia de los servicios secretos de los Habsburgo nos demuestra el poder de los mecanismos y las redes epistolares a la hora de recabar información en el circunmediterráneo, los intentos de magnicidio y de deserción nos sirven para analizar un aspecto poco estudiado de las rivalidades inter-imperiales: la diplomacia secreta.


Palabras clave: Magnicidio, desertor, soborno, conspiración, diplomacia secreta, espionaje, diplomacia interconfesional, corsarios otomanos, rivalidad Otomano-habsburgica.

ABSTRACT: This article deals with Habsburg efforts to eliminate the Ottoman naval threat by employing clandestine measures and undertaking covert operations. Realizing the danger that the Ottoman fleet and corsairs created for their defenses, the Habsburg secret service dispatched a number of go-betweens in order to remind Uluc Ali of his Christian past and obligations to his true monarch and thus convince him to switch allegiances. The Habsburgs also tried to arrange the assassination of this dangerous corsair who reached the zenith of his power as the Ottoman Grand Admiral. While the efficiency of Habsburg secret service demonstrate us the strength of circum-Mediterranean information gathering mechanisms and epistolary networks, the attempts of assassination and defection point to an understudied aspect of inter-imperial rivalries: secret diplomacy.

Key words: Assassination, Defection, Bribery, Conspiracy, Secret Diplomacy, Espionage, Cross-Confessional Diplomacy, Ottoman Corsairs, Ottoman-Habsburg Rivalry.

Nell’ultimo decennio, una folta sequenza di interventi legislativi ha scandito, in Italia, le strategie di lotta alla corruzione, in chiave sia preventiva che repressiva.
Nel testo vengono analizzate criticamente le principali novità della recente legge n. 3/2019: gli inediti strumenti investigativi e premiali volti a far emergere la corruzione nascosta, il forte inasprimento delle pene accessorie interdittive, l’estensione del regime ostativo ex art. 4-bis ord. penit. ai delitti contro la p.a., la riformulazione del traffico di influenze illecite, la riforma della prescrizione, e altro ancora.
Il vasto programma politico-criminale delineato dalla legge c.d. “spazzacorrotti” si connota per la piena e definitiva adesione, in questo settore, al “modello emergenziale" di gestione dei problemi sociali mediante il diritto penale, mutuando schemi già invalsi nel contrasto a varie forme di criminalità particolarmente grave.
L’osmosi tra percezione della corruzione come emergenza criminale e incessante escalation legislativa desta preoccupazione per l’erosione dei principi costituzionali del diritto penale e richiede una riflessione di più vasta portata sulle tendenze dello ius puniendi nel nostro Paese, le principali cause interne e sovranazionali, e il “senso del limite” da recuperare.

Corruption is a curse for any country, as it negatively affects the economic activities and drags the whole society to worst conditions by increasing the poverty and social inequities. Recently the most critical factor for doing business in Pakistan is corruption. In order to give a comprehensive picture of corruption in Pakistan this article (1) critically analyses the literature regarding corruption, its impact on society and the business environment specifically in Pakistan, (2) focuses on business-related factors of corruption, (3) presents various anti-corruption initiatives of Pakistani companies and foreign good examples. Based on our research this study emphasizes that the government should take corrective actions and strengthen institutions and should work in collaboration with the private and civil sector to control the uprising corruption problems. Awareness against corruption in business sphere and general public is very much needed and implementing possible anti-corruption tools, companies can positively contribute to the fight against corruption and Pakistan's economic and social development.

Corruption has fierce impacts on economic and societal development and is subject to a vast range of institutional, jurisdictional, societal, and economic conditions. It is this paper's aim to provide a reassessment and a comprehensive state-of-the-art survey of existing literature on corruption and its causes and effects. A particularly strong focus is put on presenting and discussing insights resulting from empirical research and contrasting recent with older findings.

Το φαινόμενο της διαφθοράς στη δημόσια υγεία, ως παγκόσμιο και διαχρονικό είναι ιδιαιτέρως ανησυχητικό για όλες τις χώρες καθόσον αποτελεί παράγοντα αποσταθεροποίησης των συστημάτων υγείας. Με δεδομένο ότι τα χαμηλότερα εισοδηματικά στρώματα εξαρτώνται περισσότερο από τις δημόσιες δομές υγείας και οι οποίες εξαιτίας της διαφθοράς γίνονται ακριβότερες, το πρόβλημα γίνεται ακόμα πιο κρίσιμο για τις χώρες, στις οποίες οι δημόσιοι πόροι είναι ήδη περιορισμένοι, όπως στην Ελλάδα.
Η διαφθορά στον τομέα της δημόσιας υγειονομικής περίθαλψης αποτελεί έναν από τρεις πυλώνες που διαβρώνουν το σύστημα υγείας στη χώρα μας. Μαζί με τους άλλους δύο πυλώνες, τη σπατάλη και την παραοικονομία, έχουν δημιουργήσει ένα τόσο νοσηρό κλίμα στα δημόσια νοσοκομεία μας, το οποίο έχει κλονίσει την εμπιστοσύνη, όχι μόνο των ασθενών ως προς την αξιόπιστη εκπλήρωση της αποστολής του Κράτους, αλλά και του επιχειρηματικού κόσμου που δραστηριοποιείται στο χώρο της Υγείας και ανήμπορος παρατηρεί να απομυζάται κάθε υγιής οικονομική του δραστηριότητα.
Η αναζήτηση των αιτιών και των δυσλειτουργιών του υγειονομικού συστήματος, που εκτρέφουν τη διαφθορά, η διαφώτιση των σκοτεινών πτυχών δράσης των διεφθαρμένων γιατρών, η αποτύπωση του οικονομικού και κοινωνικού αντίκτυπου εξαιτίας της διαφθοράς στη δημόσια υγεία, η αξιολόγηση των συνεπειών της στη γενική κατάσταση της υγείας του πληθυσμού και τέλος η διερεύνηση των πιθανών τρόπων ενεργείας για την αντιμετώπιση της μάστιγας αποτέλεσαν το κίνητρο που τελικά οδήγησε στη συγγραφή της παρούσας εργασίας.
Η εργασία με τίτλο «Η Διαφθορά στη Δημόσια Υγεία» αν και καταστρώθηκε με την οπτική του ποινικού δικαίου, εντούτοις δεν εστιάζει μόνο στην ποινική και εγκληματολογική όψη του ζητήματος. Αντιθέτως, το προσεγγίζει ως ένα σύνθετο κοινωνικό, οικονομικό, ιδεολογικό και πολιτικό φαινόμενο εντός των ορίων που επιτρέπει ο τίτλος της και στο μέτρο που είναι αναγκαίο για να παρουσιαστεί η γενικότερη προβληματική του φαινομένου της διαφθοράς.
Περαιτέρω, πάντα υπό την ανωτέρω οπτική και με αφετηρία την αναζήτηση του ορισμού για τη «Διαφθορά στη Δημόσια Υγεία», τη σκιαγράφηση των αιτιών και των συνεπειών της και την ανάλυση των μορφών με τις οποίες εμφανίζεται, η παρούσα εργασία επιχειρεί τη σύνθεση της εικόνας τόσο των προληπτικών όσο και των κατασταλτικών μέτρων που έχει υιοθετήσει η πολιτεία και λαμβάνοντας υπόψη τις ιδιαιτερότητες του φαινομένου στο χώρο της δημόσιας υγείας προτείνει συγκεκριμένους άξονες στρατηγικής για την αποτελεσματικότερη πάταξή του.

Bribery is a crime of high social danger. It damages the public relations related.  It damages the public relations related to the proper and normal functioning of the state and public apparatus, with the accurate, uniform and selfless fulfillment of the rights and obligations deriving from the competence and functions of the officials.

Between 2000 and 2007 two judges in Luzerne County Pennsylvania’s Court of Common Pleas executed one of the most elaborate judicial corruption schemes in U.S. history. The kids-for-cash scandal is a testimony to Luzerne County’s culture of corruption and the parade of horribles -- including bribery, kickbacks, retaliation and conflicts of interest -- that continue to afflict the region’s political and legal community. Unfortunately, a new batch of judges in Luzerne County’s juvenile and family court system is at risk of perpetrating another kids-for-cash scandal.

"Американский историк Джеймс Хайнцен специализируется на советской истории сталинской эпохи, уделяя немало внимания теневой экономике периода. Свою книгу он посвятил теме коррупции, в частности взяточничества, в СССР в период позднего сталинизма. Автор на довольно обширном архивном материале исследует расцвет коррупции и попытки государства бороться с ней в условиях послевоенного восстановления страны, реконструирует обычаи и ритуалы, связанные с предложением и получением взяток, уделяет особое внимание взяточничеству в органах суда и прокуратуры, подробно описывает некоторые крупные дела, например дело о коррупции в высших судебных инстанциях ряда республик и областей СССР в 1947–1952 гг.

    Книга предназначена для специалистов-историков и широкого круга читателей, интересующихся историй СССР XX века."

Our return flight from Jakarta, capital city of Indonesia, had been properly booked, paid for and confirmed, but when we checked in, we were told that all seats had already been taken. Our protests were in vain, so we spent an uncomfortable week of the Indonesian rainy season. Fortunately, we were able to live with Christian friends. Every day, the same experience-all seats were full. Finally, my brother-in-law, who lives in the country, explained the problem: when checking-in, the counter has two layers. You lay your ticket on the top and your gift underneath. We got our seats immediately. The officials at the desk earn only a small salary, since the government assumes that they will naturally improve it with bribery – a guarantee for a neverending circle. Was it right for me as a Christian to pay the exspected sum oder should we have stayed in Indonesia for an unknown time?

Unlike most current academic studies on corruption in China, which focus on the theme of how political, economic and social environments have caused corruption at the macro-level, this paper takes a micro-view. It concentrates on the question of how corruption, notably bribery, takes place between a briber and the bribed. Moreover, it examines what exact role guanxi-practice plays in corrupt exchange and, more importantly, why it constitutes a critical element. Through in-depth case-studies derived from extensive fieldwork, this paper comes to the conclusion that the micro-level operation of corruption in China is not due to some haphazard aggregation of sporadic acts but follows certain rules and codes of conduct, which should be seen as an informal institutional mechanism facilitating the contracting process of corrupt exchange. This paper also demonstrates that guanxi-practice embodies such rules and codes of conduct. Such conduct purports to remove the legal, moral and cognitive barriers impeding the contracting process of corrupt exchange by grafting a corrupt agreement upon a social setting, in which risk of exchange safety is controlled, and moral costs and cognitive dissonance are reduced. Therefore, this paper contends that the causality link between guanxi-practice and corruption is the inverse of the view held by many. It is not that the participants of corruption are compelled to corrupt conduct because of the existence of the guanxi-practice, but on the contrary, these participants adopt guanxi-practice as an alternative operating mechanism that facilitates corruption.

La sentenza della Cassazione penale italiana, Sez. VI, 17 marzo 2016 (c.c. 12 febbraio 2016), n. 11442, costituisce la prima decisione definitiva di condanna, all’esito di un giudizio dibattimentale, di una società italiana per fatti di corruzione di pubblici agenti di uno Stato non appartenente all’Ue, la Nigeria. La pronuncia e la relativa vicenda fattuale appaiono paradigmatiche delle costanti criminologiche della grand corruption sui mercati internazionali, connotata da un elevato tasso di “sofisticatezza”, e delle complesse questioni giuridiche che solleva l’applicazione della fattispecie di cui all’art. 322 bis, comma 2, n. 2, c.p.

"Corruption has become one of the most popular topics in the social scientific disciplines. However, there is a lack of interdisciplinary communication about corruption. Models developed by different
academic disciplines are often isolated from each other. The purpose of this paper is to review several major approaches to corruption and draw them closer to each other. Most studies of corruption fall
into three major categories: (i) rational-actor models where corruption is viewed as resulting from cost/benefit analysis of individual actors; (ii) structural models that focus on external forces that determine corruption; and (iii) relational models that emphasize social interactions and networks among corrupt actors. Focusing on actors’ behavior and the social context, this article explains corruption concepts taken from sociology, economics, organization studies, political science, social anthropology, and social psychology."

The extensive use of social media was a key factor in the success of the anti-corruption movement in India in 2011. This column uses cross-country data to explore the role of social media and internet in reducing corruption and promoting transparency in government. It finds that the use of social media and internet is associated with lower levels of corruption across countries.

We analyze a hand-collected sample of 166 prominent bribery cases, involving 107 publicly listed firms from 20 stock markets that have been reported to have bribed government officials in 52 countries worldwide during 1971-2007. We focus on the initial date of award of the contract for which the bribe was paid (rather than of the revelation of the bribery). Our data enable us to describe in detail the mechanisms through which bribes affect firm value. We find that firm performance, the rank of the politicians bribed, as well as bribe-paying and bribe-taking country characteristics affect the magnitude of the bribes and the benefits that firms derive from them.

The current evidence-base regarding the impacts of corruption on firm performance is based largely on studies of individual countries and contains mixed results. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to achieve a better insight into this relationship by reporting the results of a firm-level analysis of the impacts of corruption on firm performance using World Bank Enterprise Survey (WBES) data across 40 African countries. The clear result is that corruption significantly enhances rather than harms annual sales, employment and productivity growth rates. The outcome is to re-theorize participation in acts of corruption as beneficial for the individual firms engaged in such activity, while recognizing the wider evidence that this is not an optimal strategy at the aggregate country level. The outcome will be to advance knowledge about how corruption needs to be tackled. To eliminate corruption, it is shown here to be necessary for public authorities to recognize that corruption is an efficient strategy at the firm level and to adopt measures to alter the cost/benefit ratio confronting individual enterprises, and at the same time, to address the country-level formal institutional deficiencies that characterize many developing countries and result in the prevalence of corruption.

As the Panama Papers, Bahamas Leaks and Paradise Papers scandals have recently demonstrated corruption is rife in our societies. Although corruption has always constituted a plague for human civilization and has also penetrated into unexpected sectors of our communities, such a criminal phenomenon has traditionally been wildly rampant in the energy sector, and its effects have proved to be extremely dramatic. This chapter introduces the topic of corruption and analyses the reasons behind the fact that, almost unexpectedly, over the course of the last decades, it has gradually moved from the margins to the centre of the international political stage. The chapter then tries to explain why corruption has proved to be particularly invasive in the energy sector. Finally, the chapter offers a vivid depiction of a recent deal of dishonesty, which is emblematic of the way in which corrupt practices are commonly perpetrated within the energy industry.

Professional expert directors extensively influence corporate corruption disclosure (CCD), while higher political connections may exacerbate corporate management. This study investigates the relationship between the presence of external experts on a board and CCD, as well as the moderating effect of political connections, on the positive role of legal experts in CCD. The study combines agency, resource dependence and stakeholder theories to show how resourceful directors on the board can promote corruption disclosure. Using data on listed firms in the Bangladeshi financial sector, the study analyzes 247 firm-year observations from 2012 to 2016. The results of a multiple regression analysis indicate that accounting experts, legal experts, political connections and corporate media visibility each have a positive and significant influence on CCD. Moreover, the moderating effect of political connections on the relationship between legal experts and CCD is negative and significant due to their higher political influences. The study has significant implications for corporate governance and for policies concerning the development of the economy while reducing corruption.

In this unfinished rough powerpoint for a series of lectures I explore why the United States is markedly different from other representative democracies and welfare states.  I trace the tradition of using a combination of bribery and corruption of the Congress and Judiciary, and violence and racist terror as a means of marginalizing organized labour and frustrating democratic control.  I explore how the contemporary crisis of social inequality, political corruption and racist authoritarian government long predates Trump, first emerging after Reconstruction in the Kleptocracy of the Gilded Age, receding somewhat under Roosevelt's leadership and with the Bretton Woods consensus, only to re-emerge with the Reagan revolution and the political triumph of the racist reaction to the Civil Rights and Feminist Movements, and the radicalism of the 1960s.  On the foreign policy side, the resurgent power of the oligarchy within the country and the brutal repression of the poor and marginalization of labour and the voices of the black radical tradition, symbolized by the ruins of Detroit and the South Bronx, would be matched by the consolidation of the policies of the so-called Washington Consensus.  This policy approach, enforced by the IMF, World Bank, and American military force and paramilitary violence, is often sold as Globalization, critiqued as Neo-liberalism, but might more accurately be described as a return to racist colonialism of the filibusters, Teddy Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson.  The talk, which is intended to engage non-academic audiences and avoid jargon and theory, ought to be read in conjunction with Richard Iton's Solidarity Blues, and WIlkinson and Pickett's The Spirit Level.

Although the country became a member of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in 2010 (essentially an exclusive club for the richest countries in the world), inequalities are deepening and the well-being of indigenous and other peoples in their habitats is increasingly at stake. My work looks at how the mining cycle latches onto disputes over valued resources, such as water, with the result of deepening inequalities and racial discrimination in the country at large. In effect, Chile’s recurrent mining bonanzas have often reconfigured hinterland cluster of properties, including borders (national, regional, local), as well as the identities of nearby indigenous workforce and the precariously floating population of subcontractors. Why, then, have so many Chileans not benefited commensurately from the riches of the country’s mining manifest destiny?