Democratic Socialism

Cet article vise à démontrer le besoin urgent de restructurer l'ONU afin que cette organisation puisse jouer le rôle de gouvernement mondial, et non pas seulement assurer l'ordre du système économique mondial chaotique, de l'environnement non durable de la planète Terre et des relations internationales caractérisées par des guerres sans fin entre les nations, mais aussi, de faire face aux menaces à la survie de l'humanité, qu'elles existent sur la planète Terre ou qu'elles viennent de l'espace. À cette fin, cet article présente : 1) comment le monde a évolué du village primitif à la constitution d'Étatsnations et de blocs économiques; 2) comment établir un gouvernement mondial pour construire un monde de paix et de progrès pour toute l'humanité; et, 3) comment le gouvernement mondial agirait face aux menaces à la survie de l'humanité.

Due to global economic challenges, the long-term impacts of Thatcherism rooted in neoliberalism, and internal divisions within the party, a 'New Labour' was born under Tony Blair's Third Way pragmatic vision, marking a decisive break from traditional policies, in which new market-oriented reforms and welfare-to-work programs were embraced simultaneously. This paper studies the British Labour Party's ideological shift from radical and democratic socialism to social democracy during the premiership of Tony Blair. The study starts by examining briefly Labour's socialist origins with a particular focus on Clause IV and the influence of Marxism and the Fabian Society. Then, it covers the implementation of democratic socialist policies in the postwar era under Clement Attlee and how they were challenged gradually by Margaret Thatcher and the rise of Tony Blair. By analyzing this reorientation, the article highlights the lasting impact of Blair's leadership on the party's political identity, offering valuable insights into the broader dynamics of political ideology, electoral strategy, and the future of radical socialism movements worldwide.

The collapse of the communist regimes came at the time of the overall decline of the Left, both in the West and the East. In the Eastern Bloc, much of the Left's language was disqualified as a result of its association with the former communist regime, the rejection of which formed the basis of post-communist democratic identities. Although the post-communist situation was generally seen as unfavourable for leftist thought, it nevertheless represented a liberation from a regime which, in many respects, supressed leftist criticism. Social changes in 1989, guided by mass peoples' movements, enabled the Left to understand these changes through their own conceptual apparatus and integrate them with their own expectations. The defensive position of the Left and the "liberal consensus" of the nineties led the alternative leftist thought to profile itself as a leftist criticism of liberal democracy. However marginal their political position was, left-wing oriented authors...

This study examines the Prague Spring of 1968, focusing on the emergence and significance of workers' councils in Czechoslovakia as part of a broader movement toward self-governing socialism. The author, Petr Kužel, argues that the Prague Spring was not merely a push for liberal democratic reforms but an attempt to transcend the separation of politics and economics, extending democracy into the economic sphere. The workers' councils, which represented nearly 900,000 workers, were a key element of this effort, aiming to decentralize economic decision-making and empower workers in managing enterprises.

The study highlights the debates surrounding the nature and authority of these councils, tracing their evolution from technocratic proposals to more radical self-management models. It also explores the role of key figures like Ota Šik, who advocated for economic reforms and workers' participation in enterprise management. The councils gained significant public support, particularly among skilled workers and technical intelligentsia, and were seen as a means to combat bureaucratic inefficiency and promote economic democracy.

However, the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact forces in August 1968 and the subsequent normalization process led to the gradual dismantling of the workers' councils. Despite their brief existence, the councils represented a unique moment in which workers, students, intellectuals, and reformist party leaders collaborated to challenge the bureaucratic state and envision a more democratic socialist society.

If we think about it, the solutions to most of the problems in the United States, in the best of all possible political and social environments, are quite simple. But when placed in the context of the sharp divisions and deep gaps in power, impact, and prestige between the socioeconomic and social classes, serious problems become very difficult if not virtually impossible to solve. Dr. Warren J. Blumenfeld proposes solutions to aid the United States in getting onto the path of living up to its promise of “liberty and justice for all.”

Many of us who believe in the power of the democratic principles of social justice are shocked though not necessarily surprised by the right-wing direction of many liberal democracies including the United States and the second election of Trump as President. Dr. Warren J. Blumenfeld suggests possible action strategies to counter the trends, to resist the backward sliding of our democratic republic and the backlash against the progress we have made in our long and hard-fought struggles for civil and human rights, for freedom and justice?

n Four main strategies of social democratic competition can be distinguished when the official party positions on salient political issues are compared with the positions of core voter groups on the same issues: 1) Corbynism (Left-wing economic polarisation); 2) Macronism (pro-market economic polarisation coupled with culturally progressive/libertarian stances); 3) Progressive-libertarian distancing (the adoption of moderate economic stances with culturally progressive policies) and 4) Catch-all (traditional social democratic centrism). n The results of the analysis for the European countries included in the study show that, with regard to the relative positioning of social democratic parties vis-à-vis their core voter groups, the most beneficial strategies in terms of electoral appeal are the traditional social-democratic catch-all strategy of moderation along both the economic and cultural dimensions, as well as the Corbynist strategy of polarisation along the economic dimension. ...

La figura eclettica di Branko Horvat, che in tutto il suo arco biografico ha incrociato funzioni e approcci complementari (economista e scienziato sociale, accademico e attivista politico, ricercatore e pedagogo, consigliere istituzionale e oppositore, connettore dell’intellighenzia critica dentro il paese e referente internazionale del modello jugoslavo) oggi risulta per lo più dimenticata nel dibattito pubblico e negli studi contemporanei. L’analisi si soffermerà, in particolare, su come il pensiero di Horvat si confrontò e integrò di fronte all’approfondirsi della crisi degli anni ’80, alla ridiscussione delle categorie analitiche e alla diffusione di nuovi modelli nel dibattito transnazionale, e allo sviluppo di iniziative scientifiche e politiche, di cui l’autore fu promotore e partecipe. Il percorso di Horvat negli anni ’80 si situa quindi nel complesso e variegato universo di alternative alla dissoluzione jugoslava, segnalando una certa vivacità della discussione intellettuale e la rinnovata circolazione di idee e dibattiti transnazionali dentro un paese che, dopo avere a lungo veicolato il modello attrattivo di un socialismo originalmente aperto e modernizzatore, stava scivolando rapidamente nell’immagine opposta, quella di un socialismo ineluttabilmente inefficace e, soprattutto, irriformabile.

This particular quote stands out as somewhat descriptive of Nietzsche's whole argument against the Enlightenment and against Christianity. Nietzsche's own performance of philosophy seeks to articulate a space beyond 'appearances' of rational certainty and beyond morality, a will to overcome the slave-like existence of humanity. Christianity is, for Nietzsche, the most prevalent example of this kind of slavery. The thesis of this essay is that Barth's theology, and his theological 'heirs', provide an answer to the question of how we can understand Christianity after Nietzsche? Barth's theology bears witness to God who speaks his Word to humankind -the God who is not silent. In order to understand Nietzsche's project it will help to first understand the Enlightenment project. This essay will briefly describe this project through the work of Immanuel Kant, who looms large in many of Nietzsche's works as a constant dialogue partner, but also as the object of ridicule. The description of this project (via Kant) constitutes the first part of this essay. The second part of this essay will focus on the work of Nietzsche, paying special attention to his writings on morality and his goal: to move philosophy beyond good and evil. For Nietzsche, art (especially music) is the form of human expression that encounters wisdom more so than morality or pure reason. His account of these matters is complex, but this essay will attempt to clarify how Nietzsche's project rejects Enlightenment rationalism and Christian morality. The third part of this essay will look to Barth's theology. Barth's account of the Incarnation as the Word of God shows how Christian theology is not ultimately destroyed by Nietzsche's mocking voice, but is also radically different than the 'silent God' of the Enlightenment. Barth's God is one who chooses to speak. A sub-point of this essay is to show how Barth's theology continues to inform contemporary accounts of Christianity. This essay will explore a number of theologians who do their work in the open space that Barth's work has made possible, even as these same theologians critically engage Barth's work and the nature of this 'open space' This section of the essay is only a signifier of what is going on 'in the field' and is not meant to be exhaustive in any way, but is rather an attempt to name the different ways of doing Christian theology after Nietzsche. Nietzsche's writings are written in some continuity with modernity and the Enlightenment project, but mostly in reaction against it, or an attempt to move beyond it.

La democracia, en tanto forma de gobierno, es un concepto equívoco, cuyo significado depende de la ideología a la que se adscriba. En este artículo se revisan los regímenes democráticos más influyentes durante el siglo XX; tanto la democracia liberal, como las variantes iliberales de la democracia socialista y el corporativismo; en cada caso se abordan también los principales problemas de estas formas de gobierno a propósito de su aplicación y práctica política.

Single-issue protests and online mobilization have proliferated in the wake of social media. While significant ground has been covered regarding the changing possibilities for mobilization, the question of how specific circumstances condition the political impact of online mobilization and public protests has received much less attention. During the last couple of years, Greenlanders have increasingly employed Facebook to mobilize the populace and arrange public demonstrations with noteworthy results. Arguing that single-issue protests cannot be separated from the issues they are concerned with, the paper explores how a single and potential trivial political issue-a new parliament building-developed from a prestige project supported by a nearly unanimous Parliament into a public-contested issue and a failed political project. The paper invokes Actor-Network Theory to account for the trajectory of the issue and how it was translated along the way as actors built and broke alliances. The concepts of mobilizing structures, opportunity structures and framing processes are employed to shed light on the conditions of possibilities for the emergence, development and impact of the protest against the parliament building. Finally, the paper discusses social media's impact on the image of politically engaged Inuit and on the power relations between citizens and parliament in Greenland. This discussion is of paramount importance as Greenlanders are struggling with their colonial heritage while they are constructing Greenlandic democracy.

The merits and demerits of what we call 'capitalism' have been a source of much attention since Adam Smith wrote his seminal treatise on the salutary effects of free commerce and before. We consider the criticisms of the capitalist system as stated most prominently by Karl Marx, and we evaluate Marx's proposed solution to the evils of capitalism-specifically, socialism. We also explore the contributions of Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek to the debate about whether Marx's proposed alternative was really an alternative. Mises and Hayek provide powerful critiques of Marx's socialist vision by addressing the problem of economic calculation and the inability of central authorities to acquire knowledge diffused and distributed across an entire society. We question whether Marx offered a solution and then consider more recent attacks on capitalism and its alleged destruction of cultural capital. The theoretical contributions of Mises and Hayek are supported by recent empirical contributions suggesting that liberal political economy is robust.

"Um das Leitbild der klimaneutralen Stadt zu erreichen, sind Maßnahmen im Wohngebäudebestand, der einen erheblichen Anteil der CO2-Emissionen verursacht, unerlässlich. Untersuchungsgegenstand der qualitativen Befragung von 16 kommunalen und gemeinnützigen Wohnbauträgern in Wien waren die internen Voraussetzungen, unter denen die Anpassungsfähigkeit an die Klimaschutzziele angesichts der Kernaufgabe, bezahlbaren Wohnraum bereitzustellen, optimiert wird, um die Transition zur klimaneutralen Stadt zu erreichen. Die Analyse mittels der Gioia-Methode zeigt, dass das ökologische Problembewusstsein, die Konstitution und die Kommunikation wesentliche interne Treiber adaptiver Kapazitäten sind.

Stichwörter: adaptive Kapazitäten, Dekarbonisierung, Gemeinnützigkeit, Klimaneutralität, Nachhaltigkeit, Organisationsforschung, ökologische Modernisierung, qualitative Forschung, Resilienz, sozialer Wohnungsbau"

Depuis l’indépendance de la Belgique, la commune de Bruxelles est l’une des plus importantes du pays ; tant matériellement que symboliquement. En 1921, elle a fusionné avec les communes de Haren, Laeken et Neder-over-Hembeek, accroissant plus avant son importance.
Longtemps dominée par la famille libérale – le bourgmestre de Bruxelles est libéral entre 1831 et 1982 –, Bruxelles a vu son paysage politique se fragmenter et on a pu observer la (re)montée en puissance de la famille socialiste depuis 25 ans.
Cette dernière est désormais défiée par de nouveaux acteurs : les verts sur l’électorat des classes moyennes salariées et le PTB-PVDA sur l’électorat des catégories populaires.

El  fundamentalismo  tecnocrático  (neocons) y el fundamentalismo  teocrático (teocons) son dos manifestaciones del pensamiento político muy restrictivas de la democracia. El primero tiene mayor incidencia en el campo de la economía y el segundo en el ámbito de la religión, pero ambos implican un fuerte desafío para el Estado democrático. Este artículo trata de la conjunción más o menos formal entre ambos fundamentalismos, que se manif iesta y actúa incluso a nivel global como reacción muy conservadora contra las principales exigencias del laicismo civil y de las políticas de progreso. Sostiene el autor que la respuesta a estos nuevos funda- mentalismos, igual que a todos los viejos dogmatismos, no es, en modo alguno, el relativismo, sino el pensamiento crítico y autocrítico. Se trata de avanzar, con esta actitud crítica, en la construcción de nuevas formulaciones democráticas dotadas de una fundamentación más sólida en términos de legitimidad ética y legitimación social.

Summary
The theme is the current state of socialism, which I'll develop in three points:
i) Marx's critique of bourgeois or liberal democracy, based on the distinction between political emancipation and human emancipation;
ii) Bobbio's critique of Marx's conception of democracy, and his proposal for a reconciliation between liberalism and socialism, through social liberalism or liberal socialism;
iii) the current crisis of political and social liberalism in the face of the emergence and affirmation of economic liberalism and populism (especially on the right).
Conclusion: the socialist perspective is moving further and further away from the political horizon of the West and the world in general.

I am incredibly pleased with the education and mentoring I received at the University of Tennessee which helped me establish a strong theoretical and methodological foundation. As a social scientist, however, my goals extend beyond the confines of the classroom. I am compelled by a moral imperative to conduct research that is applicable to the pursuit of social justice, and I am delighted to have benefited from a program that encourages this approach. The education I acquired as an advisee of Robert Emmet Jones guided my early career, and I am forever grateful for the mentoring and guidance I received from Sherry Cable in the years that followed. I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere appreciation to my dissertation committee of Jon Shefner, Michelle Christian, Asafa Jalata, and Anthony J. Nownes. This work would not have been possible without their input and supervision. I am especially grateful to my dissertation chair, Jon Shefner. His persistent encouragement and help made the goal of this project possible. I would also like to express my gratitude to the members of the Democratic Socialists of America, without whom there would have been no study. I am truly thankful for their willingness to find time in their busy schedules to take part in my interviews. Finally, I would like to thank to my parents, Jerry and Joyce Lowery, for their consistent financial and emotional support. Were it not for their generosity and encouragement throughout my graduate career, I would have been unable to achieve this important milestone. Thank you, all.

I am incredibly pleased with the education and mentoring I received at the University of Tennessee which helped me establish a strong theoretical and methodological foundation. As a social scientist, however, my goals extend beyond the confines of the classroom. I am compelled by a moral imperative to conduct research that is applicable to the pursuit of social justice, and I am delighted to have benefited from a program that encourages this approach. The education I acquired as an advisee of Robert Emmet Jones guided my early career, and I am forever grateful for the mentoring and guidance I received from Sherry Cable in the years that followed. I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere appreciation to my dissertation committee of Jon Shefner, Michelle Christian, Asafa Jalata, and Anthony J. Nownes. This work would not have been possible without their input and supervision. I am especially grateful to my dissertation chair, Jon Shefner. His persistent encouragement and help made the goal of this project possible. I would also like to express my gratitude to the members of the Democratic Socialists of America, without whom there would have been no study. I am truly thankful for their willingness to find time in their busy schedules to take part in my interviews. Finally, I would like to thank to my parents, Jerry and Joyce Lowery, for their consistent financial and emotional support. Were it not for their generosity and encouragement throughout my graduate career, I would have been unable to achieve this important milestone. Thank you, all.

The way in which cities conduct their economic policies seems to be determinant for the socioeconomic outcome (SELLERS, 2002: 377-379). Especially in larger metropolitan areas, city governments are more than ever focussed on the promotion of their economic competitiveness (GOLDSMITH, 2005:239). But urban Governments can't do this alone, in their search for a better economic development, they also count on the active participation of non-governmental participants (

The way in which cities conduct their economic policies seems to be determinant for the socio-economic outcome (SELLERS, 2002: 377-379). Especially in larger metropolitan areas, city governments are more than ever focussed on the promotion of their economic competitiveness (GOLDSMITH, 2005:239). But urban Governments can’t do this alone, in their search for a better economic development, they also count on the active participation of non-governmental participants (LOUGHLIN, 2000: 14; LE GALES, 2002: 14; BORRAZ & LE GALES, 2005: 17). Sometimes, governmental actors limit their action and leave the implementation and financial responsibility to the other stakeholders so that new forms of governance-forms as “third party governance” arise (SALAMON, 2002: 29).

The Rt Hon Sir Keith Starmer MP, the new Prime Minister in waiting said, "we did it and the change begins now". The Labour Party secures 412 seats out of the total 650 seats ending the Conservative rule of 14 years. Starmer manged to achieve 'Charso Par'-meaning passing the 400 marks, ending 14 years of Labour 'Vanvas'.

'I would describe myself as a socialist. I describe myself as a progressive'. These were Labour leader Keir Starmer's words in May 2024, shortly after his first speech of the election campaign. Labour's constitution defines it as a democratic socialist party. So, in theory, Starmer is a socialist.

, and participants of the Australasian Political Studies Association, and the Department of Political Science seminar at ANU for comments on an earlier draft. I would particularly like to thank the Social Philosophy and Policy Center, Bowling Green State University. Finally, I would like to thank an anonymous referee for some particularly useful comments and criticism.

Desde hace décadas, la filosofía política y social se ha visto inhibida por aquella admonición posmoderna del “fin de los grandes relatos”. Mucha teoría crítica ve la luz sobre un punto u otro, pero la perspectiva global ha sido eludida por miedo a las utopías, a los sistemas, a las ideologías. Sin embargo, sin una teoría comprensiva, es difícil sobrepasar la esfera de los micro combates. Evidentemente es un desafío mayor y se puede entender la reticencia de los filósofos.
El presente libro pasa por sobre aquellos temores osando una perspectiva global, una teoría completa de los cambios sociopolíticos, ecológicos, económicos y antropológicos que están en curso y los que deberían ponerse en marcha para que se pueda hablar verdaderamente de sociedad futura.
En diez puntos fundamentales se perfila esta nueva filosofía política conducente a lo que el autor llama transocialismo, una visión radical de los cambios necesarios, destinada a reforzar el empoderamiento de los nuevos movimientos sociales e inspirar la generación de futuras constituciones.
Su escritura clara y directa y su original estructura hacen que el lector disponga de alguna manera de tres libros o tres niveles de lectura: un manifiesto (la introducción, el manifiesto propiamente tal y la conclusión), llamado a impactar las consciencias; un ensayo (el corpus de los 10 capítulos) que moviliza la imaginación política de largo alcance; y un tratado (agregando las más 800 notas al pie de página) que hace que sea un instrumento universitario y de investigación indispensable para los desafíos de las sociedades del mañana.

This article examines the complex trajectory of democratic socialism in Yugoslavia from 1948 to 1972, a period characterized by groundbreaking experimentation and subsequent retreat from socialist ideals. The study begins with Yugoslavia's 1948 break from Stalin, marking the inception of its independent socialist path, distinct from the Soviet model. It highlights the implementation of innovative policies, particularly the model of worker self-management, reflecting Yugoslavia's endeavor to marry socialist principles with democratic practices. These policies, initially successful in fostering economic growth and a unique Yugoslav identity, faced internal challenges of ethnic and national complexities and external pressures owing to its non-aligned stance during the Cold War. The article delves into the internal political dynamics and leadership strategies of Yugoslavia during this transformative period, which is a domain that has received less scholarly attention compared to Yugoslav economic and foreign policies. It scrutinizes how Tito and his contemporaries navigated the challenges of maintaining a socialist state while balancing the ideals of democracy with the practicalities of governance. Special attention is given to the interplay between domestic policies and international influences, offering a comprehensive view of the Yugoslav socialist experiment. The decline of democratic socialism in Yugoslavia, culminating in the political shifts of 1972, is portrayed not as an abrupt collapse but as a gradual process, marked by changes in both policy and ideology. The authors conclude that the Yugoslav experience provides valuable insights into the complexities of implementing socialism in a diverse and multifaceted society, illustrating both the potential and limitations of merging socialism with democratic principles.

This work connects two explanations of the notion of millennial dream: one based on Paul Smith's thoughts in Millennial Dreams-Contemporary Culture and Capital in the North from 1997 which are placed in juxtaposition with the views of Gregg Hemmings offered in his documentary film The Millennial Dream from 2016. The argument states that American self-definition has undergone a notable change at the contemporary level of globalization and the notion of local has gained on importance and transformed into a political catchword. Politicizing of culture has long been reflected in the documentary film genre and the present analysis aims at demonstrating how political indoctrination reshapes documentary films. Global challenges before and after the turn of the century placed the USA in a novel position in which the pressure of strengthening global competition in a seemingly unilateral world has mixed with conflicting ideologies which have been competing for the right to (re-)define postmillennial Americanness. A second objective is to demonstrate that cultural discourse has shifted towards a more left-wing-type interpretation of American identity as laissez-faire capitalism have been struggling with providing comparable life-chances for the Y and Z generations of Americans with the consequence that these cohorts have serious problems in maintaining life standards comparable with the standard of living of their parents and grandparents. The argument states that the transformation of the American dream into a Millennial dream is one effort to maintain continuity of American cultural evolution. Recent political conflict, the result of which is a greatly divided America writhing between antithetical interpretations of reality, is just one symptom of redefining Americanness for and by the millennials.

The gig economy is a term used to describe a labour market where freelance or shortterm contracts are more common than permanent positions. Contemporary technological advancements and trends have transformed and broadened the scope of business operations. This has completely changed how people interact at work and created new opportunities for anyone, from anywhere, to follow their passion and make money. But this has also led to issues with financial security and income inequality. The workers' morale is impacted by the fact that although this new type of employment offers flexibility in terms of timing and hours worked, it also comes with high commission fees, delayed payments, and no social security regulations. Following the development of technology and rising competition in gig economy has created threat to some section of gig workers. In the end, the article attempts to investigate the factors contributing to income inequality in gig economy in India.

Well, we know where we're goin' But we don't know where we've been And we know what we're knowin' But we can't say what we've seen And we're not little children And we know what we want And the future is certain Give us time to work it out We're on a road to nowhere 1 "A Road to Nowhere"? Gli anni Ottanta fra transizione e fondazione * Non so se sarà mai possibile concepire e costruire una macchina del tempo, un apparecchio che magari ci consenta di salvarci dai nostri errori, da quelli per cui più abbiamo sofferto, di cui più ci vergogniamo, che ci permetta di vedere anche solo per un attimo i nostri cari, magari di dir loro quella parola che avremmo voluto o dovuto pronunciare senza però esservi riusciti, o di tacere quello che avremmo dovuto tacere. Il viaggio nel tempo è da sempre presente nelle narrazioni fantastiche, in letteratura come nei film, ma a ben pensarci una strada verso il passato, una via percorribile in due diversi sensi di marcia, esiste ed è la memoria. Lo storico sa che il passato non è un monumento statico e incorruttibile, ma cambia: cambia in relazione alle domande che ci facciamo per ricostruirlo, al tempo in cui viviamo e che ce le suggerisce, alla luce con la quale lo illuminiamo. Anche la memoria è materia fragile, la si può persino manipolare, la si può persino perdere… Così, la memoria, individuale o collettiva che sia, è quella strada e, se non abbiamo, almeno non ancora, macchine del tempo, è vero che abbiamo da sempre una potente macchina della memoria: la musica. Nulla ci riporta indietro nel tempo come l'ascolto di un brano musicale, facendoci letteralmente rivivere, non solo ricordare, un momento passato. Non a caso un grande psicologo italiano 2 pose l'origine di quel mistero che chiamiamo musica-e che ritroviamo ovunque nel mondo, in ogni cultura, anche la più isolata-nella vita prima della nascita, nei nostri primordi nel grembo materno. Inevitabile dunque che una riflessione sugli anni Ottanta, sia stata per me accompagnata da un brano di allora, perché la musica assorbe il suo tempo come una spugna; eppure, strizzandola, da quella spugna stilla un fluido nuovo. Nel mio caso gli stessi versi di una canzone, scritti 1 Versi iniziali di Road To Nowhere, ultima traccia dell'album del 1985 Little Creatures dei Talking Heads. Il brano sembra recepire fin dal titolo-anche, e forse soprattutto, in modo inconscio-gli umori e le contraddizioni del suo tempo. * Originale pubblicato in Romeno in Ioana Drăgulin (a cura di), Constituții și regimuri politice din statele europene în

The liberal consensus that had maintained a kind of shared value base for the democracies of the West, e.g., the importance of free speech, respect for those of opposing views, the importance of law and order, equality before that same law and equality of opportunity; and then undergirded by the basic democratic principle that the fundamental legitimacy of government derived itself from the will of the people in the sense that the people could choose their leaders and replace them by exercising their vote, has been collapsing. In this essay, we posit that this is a deliberate policy.

The concluding chapter pulls together the implications of the earlier chapters of this book for an assessment of where policing is heading, and what is to be done to achieve greater effectiveness, fairness, and justice. It seeks to answer eight specific questions: What is policing? Who does it? What do police do? What are police powers? What social functions do they achieve? How does policing impact on different groups? By whom are the police themselves policed? How can policing practices be understood? It considers technological, cultural, social, political, economic changes and their implications for crime, order, and policing. It also examines the multifaceted reorientation of police thinking, especially shifts in the theory and practice of policing in the 1990s that included the rhetoric of consumerism. The chapter considers the limits of police reform and the implications of neo-liberalism for the police before concluding with a call for policing based on the principles of soci...

En la presente publicación intentaremos corregir la interpretación promedio de los investigadores, que suelen asociar las ideas de gobierno de Raúl Alfonsín a las de notables intelectuales de la talla de Juan Carlos Portantiero o Emilio de Ípola. Demostraremos que las ideas filosóficas que daban sustento al gobierno que recuperó la democracia y el Estado de derecho en Argentina, estaban directamente relacionadas con quien fue un brillante asesor, colaborador y miembro de gabinete: Carlos Santiago Nino. La relación entre Nino y Alfonsín se trenza entre las ideas filosóficas y la coyuntura histórica. Para comprender esta relación, la clave está en el tríptico conceptual alfonsinista que resumía los principios, la metodología y los objetivos de su gobierno.

The public space of the city was always the most important place for representation of social, national, religious and other kinds of identities. Today's multitude of identities and the speed of their change require new models of their coexistence within central public space of the city. Austro-Hungarian architects have already been confronted with similar issues in the second half of the 19 th and at the beginning of the 20 th centuries. They used the space of the former defensive city walls or other vacant spaces for creating the loop with public buildings, places, streets, parks and monuments that represented cultural and social richness of Austro-Hungarian population and complex structure of authority. Their methods and strategies can be used in today's practice of city planning.