Eritrea

A comprehensive analysis of the war in the Ethiopian region of Tigray. This builds on the work of Volume 1, published in June 2021 and takes the narrative about the war to December 2021. With a forward by the former New Zealand Prime Minister, Helen Clark.
Chapters on:
1. The development of the war, with maps.
2. Humanitarian relief and famine
3. Eritrea and the sanctions regime
4. Diplomacy - both in the region and by the international community
5. Sexual violence and rape
6. The role of the Eritrean and Tigrayan diasporas
7. The looting and destruction of Tigray's unique heritage

Sosyal bir varlık olan insanın başından geçen olaylar sonucu edindiği tecrübeler, beşeri hayattaki örgütlenme gerekçelerini değiştirebilmekte veya çeşitlendirebilmektedir. Yaşanan bu süreç devam ettiği müddetçe ulusal veya uluslararası örgütlenmelerin de hızla artacağı aşikârdır. Zira toplumları oluşturan fertlerin karşılıklı etkileşimiyle bu sürece dahil olan farklı kesimlerin çıkarları ve kimlikleri birleşince daha geniş alanları kapsama ve kolektifleşme eğilimi görülmektedir. Bu durum, bir örgütün bünyesinde barındırdığı ülkelerin çıkarlarını ve kimliklerini diğerleriyle yakınlaştırma eğilimi içerisine girerek, bu süreci yapıcı manada ilerletmekte ve ortak çıkar ile ortak kimlik olgusunun kapsadığı alanın da genişlemesini sağlamaktadır. Dolayısıyla uluslararası bir örgüt, zamanla kendi üyelerinden özerklik kazanıp, uluslararası sistemde kendi başına siyasi bir aktör olabilme yoluna girebilme gücüne ulaşabilmektedir. Bu yönüyle konstrüktivizm kuramı, uluslararası dengeler açısından temel birimlerin yalnızca devletler olmadığını; devletlerin çıkar ve kimliklerinin belirli bir tarihî süreçle şekillenmesi yanında Afrika Birliği'nin de yapısı gereği bu sistemin bir unsuru olduğunun altını çizmektedir.

The experiences, which people as social beings accumulate, diversify and transform their aims of organization in social life. As this process prolongs, the number of national and international organizations shall increase rapidly. The interactions of individuals who make up societies combine with the identities and interests of different segments of people and produce a process of collectivization. This situation results in countries in an organization draw their identities and interests closer with others and enlarges the common space of identity and interest. Therefore, an international organization gains autonomy from its own members and transforms into a political actor on its own in international system. The constructivist theory underlines that states are not the only primary units in international arena, that the identity and interests of states shape through historical process and that African Union is a part of this system.

Le choix de traiter le processus de paix pour l’Erythrée et L’Ethiopie comme sujet de mémoire est influencé par mon immense désir de voir la paix s´installer non seulement entre ces deux Etats, mais également dans  toute la région de la Corne de l’Afrique ébranlée depuis des décennies par des conflits meurtriers, du Soudan jusqu’en Somalie.
Pour cela la résolution du  conflit entre l’Ethiopie et l’Erythrée, qui persiste encore, est jugée comme un facteur crucial tant les répercussions sont considérables pour les autres conflits de la région. Ces répercussions s´étendent également aux Etats occidentaux à travers les vagues de réfugiés, de migrants,  ou encore des actes de piraterie observés récemment en Somalie et largement médiatisés. Cela dit, il ne faut pas oublier les craintes de voir s´installer un islamisme militant et internationalisé dans la région qui fait beaucoup parler d´elle dans la presse actuelle. Le conflit s’est donc internationalisé .
Par ailleurs, il est important d´évoquer le rôle que joue et que peut jouer le droit international dans la résolution des conflits inter- étatiques à travers  ce cas.
Le projet a donc comme but d´analyser le processus de paix pour en tirer des conclusions basées sur les résultats, d’éclairer le rôle que joue et que peut jouer le droit international pour le maintien de la paix dans le monde et plus spécialement pour le cas analysé. Je commence par un aperçu du conflit comme introduction. Ensuite je présente les deux accords fondamentaux pour l’analyse : les accords d´Alger. J´analyserai après, le déroulement des procédures envisagées dans ces accords. Là-dessus, je me concentrerai sur la mission des Nations Unies pour l’Erythrée et l’Ethiopie (MINUEE) et le travail de la commission frontalière pour l’Erythrée et l’Ethiopie (CFEE). Les tentatives diplomatiques pour résoudre la crise entre les deux Etats seront également mentionnées, notamment la crise de démarcation de la frontière. Avant de passer à la conclusion j’analyserai l’exigence érythréenne d’une action punitive par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies en mettant en question l’obligation et  la probabilité d’une telle action. La conclusion contient les résultats majeurs de l’analyse du processus de paix et donne une idée sur l’efficacité du droit international face à la souveraineté des Etats.

Ausgehend von der These, dass sich u.a. das Bergbausegment in Eritrea in neokolonialen, ausbeuterischen Strukturen befindet, wird in diesem Essay analysiert, in welcher Beziehung multinationale Unternehmen zu dem autoritären Militärregime in Eritrea um Machthaber Isaias Afewerki stehen und ob von einer globalisierten Ausbeutung der Bevölkerung und der Ressourcen Eritreas ausgegangen werden kann. Es wird festgestellt, dass eine solche Ausbeutung über moderne wirtschaftliche Vehikel wie SPVs von Seiten internationaler Unternehmen stattfindet,  diese jedoch nicht mit der neokolonialen Denkschule kongruieren. Dieses Essay soll zudem auf die menschenunwürdigen Verhältnisse in Eritrea, sowie auf die skandalösen Strukturen in Teilen unserer globalisierten und zunehmend neoliberalisierten Welt aufmerksam machen. Das Essay war Teil eines Seminars für Geographien des Globalen Südens.

Vulneración a la Libertad de Culto en Eritrea. ¿Cómo se manifiestan las relaciones de poder y la separación de derecho y sociedad en la transgresión a la libertad de culto en el Estado eritreo? Desde lo que se denomina como la "independencia eritrea" frente a Etiopía en 1993, dicho Estado ha venido construyendo lo que en teoría es considerado como un "Estado constitucional". Este ha sido objeto de distintas críticas y estudios de diferentes categorías relativos a la aplicación de sus principios democráticos y constitucionales. Estas críticas y aproximaciones a los problemas del Estado eritreo se materializan particularmente en la notoria vulneración al derecho de libertad de culto consagrado en el Art.19 de su constitución el cual establece: "Toda persona tendrá la libertad de practicar cualquier religión y de manifestar dicha práctica"1. Así pues, contrario a lo establecido en la carta política, el estudio de "Amnistía Internacional" revela que este derecho ha sido abiertamente vulnerado por las prácticas religiosas tradicionales, y que el gobierno local no ha tomado las medidas respectivas para mitigar esta situación2. Este estudio muestra que en Eritrea solo son permitidas las doctrinas religiosas correspondientes la iglesia ortodoxa eritrea, católico romana, luterana e islam; a su vez que los individuos practicantes de otras doctrinar religiosas se han visto perseguidos y vulnerados en gran escala 3. A raíz de lo anterior, se puede afirmar que en dicho Estado la vulneración de normativa constitucional, en cuanto a libertad de culto, es constante y generalizada; como David Stephen Law afirmaría "Uno de los regímenes más represivos en la tierra"4. Por tal razón, en este escrito abordaré esta problemática en virtud de la pregunta de investigación previamente planteada, adaptando conceptos de la antropología del Estado y de la sociología jurídica en general. Para analizar las dinámicas que han permitido situaciones contrarias a lo establecido en la norma constitutiva de un Estado, es preciso abordar la causa naciente de la marginalidad social5 que se les ha dado a la población cuyas preferencias religiosas son distintas a las tradicionales. Esta marginalidad se puede atribuir, en parte, al naciente espíritu nacionalista generado luego de la independencia frente a Etiopía. El ya mencionado sentimiento nacionalista marcó los lineamientos culturales que la población eritrea adoptaría, en general, mediante un accionar gubernamental que trató de inculcar una homogeneización social y cultural usando medios económicos y políticos6. Este fenómeno previamente presentado ha dibujado la idea del Estado africano hace ya algún tiempo, como lo menciona Anthony Constance en su texto "State Building in Historical Perspective": " Los estados modernos en África han intentado inculcar la conciencia nacional entre sus poblaciones dispares a través de diversos medios, incluida la prohibición de los grupos étnicos, regionales y religiosos partidos y la imposición de un sistema político unipartidista"7 como es el caso de Eritrea. Por tal razón, se puede afirmar que el sentimiento nacionalista, impulsado con las tendencias de los nuevos Estados modernos africanos, ratificó el rechazo a ciertos movimientos culturales, haciendo énfasis en la libertad de culto.

Conflict and war, but most of all overwhelming despair are driving massive numbers of mostly young people from the Middle East and North Africa, Central Africa, the Balkans, Ukraine and Central Asia to leave their homes for Europe in search of safety. What do they need most in order to lead their lives in peace and security? How can opportunities for a meaningful and secure future in their countries of origin be improved? How can the EU – acting in concert with its principles – support these people in their search for freedom, self-determination and well-being? These are the questions addressed in " Escaping the Escape. " The publication features authors from refugee-source countries and experts from Europe who examine the situation in the crisis regions and offer concrete recommendations for actions to be taken in each region. Countries and regions covered in this publication are: Afghanistan, Algeria and Sahel, the Balkans, Egypt, Eritrea, Gaza, Greece, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Nigeria, Somalia, South-Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Yemen.

Escaping the Escape Toward Solutions for the Humanitarian Migration Crisis. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/315770341_Escaping_the_Escape_Toward_Solutions_for_the_Humanitarian_Migration_Crisis [accessed Apr 4, 2017].

The literature review below presents the leading conceptualizations and approaches in the field of conflict resolution. The starting point of this discussion is the understanding that the field of conflict resolution is shaped by the shifting structure of global politics and the changes that have occurred in conflicts in the international arena since the emergence of the discipline in the late 1940s. These changes have significantly influenced how researchers in the field think about conflict resolution processes. This article is now available in a PDF file in the Hebrew version.

The English Version is Available Here: https://bit.ly/2Uc4B4x

The vast majority of the force employed by the Italians to crush local resistance in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica was composed of Libyans, Eritreans and Ethiopians. The article examines why the Italians came to rely so heavily on colonial soldiers. It highlights two key predicaments the Italians faced: how to contend with the social, economic and political repercussions that military recruitment for the counter-insurgency created in East Africa; and the extent to which they could depend on forces raised in Libya itself. Finally, the article offers an initial assessment of how the counter-insurgency exacerbated tensions between Libyans and East Africans.

This article argues that the Somali people have a distinctive view on heritage and a different approach to its preservation relevant to their society. It suggests that a locally appropriate theoretical framework for heritage management and archaeological research can only be achieved if this local approach is taken into consideration and integrated into archaeological and heritage methodologies. The lack of qualified Somalis and indigenous perspectives in the archaeological research and heritage management policies characterizes Somali cultural heritage and archaeological research history. This research shows that previous approaches that have been pursued lacked dialogue and incorporation of local views of heritage practice. This lack of dialogue has been of paramount importance for the failure of the preservation of Somali cultural heritage, evident both in the previous neglect of its preservation and in the current looting and destruction of archaeological sites in Somaliland, Puntland and south-central Somalia. It is demonstrated how Somali indigenous perspectives are concurring and contributing to world heritage management and archaeological research methods. I suggest that any heritage work must integrate local approaches and trained local groups should lead archaeological research and heritage management in order to achieve sustainable development and self-representation.

Currently dental caries is regarded as a public health problem throughout world. Ninety percent of the Latin American population suffers from caries. In Mexico, a research informs of a prevalence of 78% in 5-year-old children from the Southern of the Federal District, while the nearby State of Mexico reports 90% in children the same age that suffers from this same problem. Identifying the prevalence of dental caries, dmf-t and dmf-s indexes, and the relation ship with associated factors in daycare centers of the # 3 Southwest Delegation of the Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social (IMSS). A total of 934 children from ages 1 to 6 years of age from October 1997 to May 1998, were studied; 52.3% were boys and 47.7%, girls. The presence of caries was examined and determined through WHO criteria. Socioeconomic level was identified the parents questionnaire. Prevalence of caries in the population studied was 22.1%; we also found a decayed, missing, filled-teeth index (dmf-t) for the whole p...

Italy's celebration of Eritrean askaris - its colonial troops - were celebrated in postcard propaganda. These were miniture masterpieces, which can be traced back to the early 1930's and came to the fore during the Italian invasion of Ethiopia.

Il libro ha la presentazione del prof. Antonio Grilli, professore associato di Storia del diritto medievale e moderno, Università e-campus (Novedrate/Roma) e anche il privilegio e la soddisfazione di essere inserito nella collana storica del prof. Mario Ascheri, già Professore nelle Università di Sassari, Siena e Roma 3, Senior Fellow University of California, Robbins Collection Berkeley, Doctor h. c. Université de l’Auvergne (Clermont-Ferrand) e membro del Consiglio scientifico dell’Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo. Per me un grande premio già prima dell’uscita del libro. Li ringrazio pubblicamente e sono riconoscente per la loro benevolenza.
Dopo anni di ricerca e studio delle fonti e in attesa di riuscire a trovare i documenti processuali, quasi sull’orlo dell’abbandono del progetto, perché i memoriali dei due protagonisti del libro sembravano introvabili, finalmente ho potuto concludere questo nuovo faticoso libro.
Si tratta del caso giudiziario che fece tremare le fondamenta dell’Italia liberale del primo governo Crispi (1887-1891) e che coinvolse anche gli alti vertici militari e la struttura dell’amministrazione coloniale.
Obiettivo della prima parte del libro, che parte con una lunga e approfondita cornice storica che inizia nei mesi successivi ai combattimenti di Saati e Dogali, è quello di far conoscere che tipo di vita si conduceva a Massaua fra il 1887 e il 1891, quali erano i condizionamenti che derivavano da un perenne stato di guerra, chi erano i personaggi, sia della politica locale che internazionale, con i quali bisognava confrontarsi. Una lettura che accompagna il lettore fino allo scoppio dello scandalo, postumo rispetto ai tragici eventi accaduti. Nella seconda parte viene dato risalto alle cronache giornalistiche raccontate con fervore dal giornalista Napoleone Corazzini ma non si trascurano i numerosi documenti di archivio per riuscire a far luce sulla veridicità delle accuse rivolte dal giornalista e sulle verità emerse dagli interrogatori del processo. Non sono trascurate nemmeno le discussioni parlamentari sulle condizioni del possedimento in Africa, inserite per far comprendere quali erano le argomentazioni pro e contro sul colonialismo italiano. Viene affrontata in dettaglio tutta la procedura processuale riportando le testimonianze degli indagati, sia italiani che indigeni, fino all’atto conclusivo dei due processi, il primo nei confronti di Eteocle Cagnassi, segretario degli Affari coloniali e di Dario Livraghi, tenente dei Reali Carabinieri, e dei loro presunti complici, che hanno come capi di accusa malversazione e appropriazione indebita; il secondo con il capo di accusa di omicidio solo nei confronti del tenente Livraghi e dei suoi presunti complici. Lo scandalo nasce con le sentenze di questi due processi, entrambi conclusi con una assoluzione piena per i due imputati italiani con la motivazione di non aver commesso il fatto e la indiretta assoluzione dei vertici militari presenti a Massaua in quegli anni quanto meno correi dei fatti evidenziati nei processi.
Nell’Appendice del libro sono presenti documenti inediti che riguardano i memoriali scritti da Livraghi e Cagnassi, le sentenze dei due processi e la nota relazione finale scritta dalla Commissione regia d’inchiesta in Eritrea, riportata sulla Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno d’Italia n. 286 del 7 dicembre 1891.

From 1916 to 1918 the "Tirailleurs Somalis" were the only military unit from the Horn of Africa to operate on the Western Front, distinguishing itself at Verdun and in the Chemin des Dames offensive. The allies were concerned that the strong sympathies of the Ethiopian Crown Prince Lïj Iyasu toward the Central Powers could favour an alliance with Muḥammad 'Abd Allāh Ḥassān.

This chapter analyses the interlacing of migration, national belonging, and familial ties across Ethiopia and Eritrea, a context where the process of defining nation-state borders can be observed in the making. The independence of Eritrea and the war of 1998-2000 both determined new criteria for defining nationalities and citizenship rights and introduced the idea of impassable boundaries, making many families " transnational " , which has had significant consequences for intimate relationships. By focusing on the children of mixed couples, this chapter explores how their incoherent biographical paths challenge monolithic representations of national identity, but, at the same time, produce and reproduce nationalistic belonging; ultimately, the chapter aims to highlight the affective, symbolic and practical connections of kinship and nationalism. Moreover, for people in-between, these connections and the new possibilities of handling family networks open innovative ways of global and local mobility through which new futures may be invented. Kinship, citizenship and mobility create an interplay made up of strategic and arduous choices, fortuitous and forced positions, and opposed and conflicting options, suggesting to reflect on individuals and their actions. Nevertheless, while the category of choice is usually linked to a process of liberation from constraining social and family roles, in a context crossed by irreconcilable differences, it seems rather a cause of suffering, because of the losses felt each time.

An exhaustive article that deals with 'Terzo Ciclo operazioni per la conquista delle regioni del Tana, dell’Ausa, battaglia dell’Ascianghi, Marcia su Addis Abeba 5, March – May 1936’. The fourth of a five-part series of articles on the subject.

Si esaminano i profili dei Capi, notabili e personaggi di interesse, inclusi quelli del clero, sia eritrei che etiopici del 1892 e, pur essendo senza firma, il documento originale è quasi sicuramente da attribuire al Governatore della Colonia Eritrea, il Generale Oreste Baratieri. L’originale è conservato presso l’Archivio Storico dello Stato Maggiore dell’Esercito.

The paper attempts to explain the active policies adopted by Saudi Arabia and UAE towards the horn of Africa, which could be attributed to the existence of rival regional powers, especially Iran and Turkey, and their adoption of policies that deemed threatening to Riyadh and AbuDhabi. To this purpose, the paper utilizes “alliance politics” to explain how both countries are containing regional threats by building alliances with countries in the horn of Africa, through promoting military and trade relations, and boosting development.

The aim for this paper is to understand the processes by which Asmarinos appropriated Asmara and the colonial cultural capital. How did it come about and what is the meaning of space in that process?

What unfolds through the paper is a discrepancy between the meta narrative of the fascist city and the local urban experience. Everyday life, social practices, individual strategies for social and economic mobility, and institutional structures within the city perpetuate a different representation of Asmara than that envisioned by Mussolini. Such representation of Asmara is probably closer to the reality of Eritrean life under colonialism. In that sense, appropriation of the settlers’ Asmara and their cultural aesthetics is what birth the Asmarino.

The subjects of international law, the states agreed upon the Convention on the Law of Sea on 1982. This convention is based on customary law and on facts that states agreed upon for a long time in usage of the sea, seabed and on other areas. Within this convention, the judicial body of the United Nations named International Court of Justice aims on resulting disputes between the states with the regulations of the convention. States, which are the signatories of the Convention on the Law of the Sea, are obligated to follow the regulations based on the conventions. Several disputes has been resulted by International Court of Justice regarding sea matters based on the convention. Within this article two cases are examined that were seen in the ICJ. First, the case upon the sovereignty claim over the Bakkasi Island and Chad Lake was examined in this article which was a dispute between Cameron and Nigeria. Second, North Sea Continental Shelf Judgement was held on ICJ between the states of Germany, Denmark, and Netherlands. Besides, the cases held in ICJ, the International Court of Arbitration has given a note regarding the dispute of claims of sovereignty over the holm, islands, and archipelagos in the Red Sea. The Court of Arbitration has given its advice upon the dispute to the parties of Yemen and Eritrea by having the judiciary authority of the states. Within this article two cases held in ICJ and a case held in ICA is examined by stating the reasons of disputes, claims of parties and resolutions and advice's of states.

Ethiopia, having all the assets [natural and human resources] the rest of Africa have, in addition to being a pioneer in cementing African unity and, forming and hosting the OAU (now AU), and it influence in shaping the African political discourse [more specifically in the horn of Africa (HOA)] – the global powers from West to East have always competed to win Ethiopia as their sole trophy in the geopolitically significant Horn of Africa.

With the exception of the Derg regime that was forced to stick with the communist bloc betrayed by the west that sided with Somalia’s ZaedBarre& the separatist insurgents in the north, and the TPLF- led – EPRDF regime that made itself of full service to the western powers who brought them to power while playing with the Chinese along the side, Ethiopia has always taken a neutral stance in global political affairs – thereby expanding its diplomatic reach on all fronts from Africa to Europe, from Middle East to the Caribbean, and from the US to Russia, China, Japan, Korea and other Asian powerhouses.

Under Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia has further strengthened its diplomatic ties with the Middle East who relied on Africa for food and water security – and port and military domination over the Red Sea and Bab-el-Mandeb, while influencing the global political dynamics using their oil resource as leverage. Similarly, Ethiopia has strengthened its diplomatic ties with China and Russia – whose growing economic and military influence in HOA countries [ET, ERI, SOM, DJI and SUD] and the rest of Africa is of immense threat to western [most particularly, US] interest in the region.

As a result, Ethiopia is under the surge of diplomatic pressures on account of several strategic issues arising from the GERD, global geopolitical rivalry between western powers, China & Russia; as well as some Middle East/Arab states. Sudan's irredentist border claims as potential trigger of high risk border conflict in the horizon, the intense global political pressure on Ethiopia is being shooted from all sides-be it the US, UK, European Union and the Arab League. It is to be noted that all these problems are coupled with one another. Decoupling these problems might help the Ethiopian government and the diplomatic community.

Moderns Abroad Moderns Abroad analyzes the theory and practice of Italian architecture and urbanism in modern-era colonies in North Africa, East Africa, and the eastern Mediterranean. Introducing the history of Italian imperialism and the expectations that shaped it, the book analyzes Italian architects' theories of modernism with respect to Italy as well as its colonies; and describes how Italian administrators and planners developed Tripoli, Addis Ababa and settlements for migrant farmers in Libya and Ethiopia. In addition to introducing the history of Italian colonialism (1869-1943), the book discusses the symbolic geographies governing Italians' approaches to the colonies: Italian colonizers worked from different assumptions regarding Mediterranean and sub-Saharan African populations, assuming the former to be more akin to themselves, and the latter less so. Colonial governments initially took no interest in how Italians' buildings represented the colonial power, but by the late 1920s architects began to theorize colonial design, and these different assumptions about the local populations and their level of "civilization" influenced their design theories. Similarly, in the mid-1930s, planners and administrators began to develop strict ideologies of racial segregation in colonial cities, particularly in East Africa. The final chapters of this book bring these theories into juxtaposition with what was actually built in the colonial settings, illustrating how wide the gaps between theory and practice were. Moderns Abroad is the first book to present an overview of Italian colonial architecture and city planning. In chronicling Italian architects' attempts to define a distinctly Italian colonial architecture that would set Italy apart from Britain and France, it provides a uniquely comparative study of Italian colonialism and architecture that will be of interest to specialists in modern architecture, colonial studies, and Italian studies alike.