Gender and Islam

First published in 1988, this volume redefined the anthropological study of menstrual customs. Examining cultures as diverse as long-house dwellers in North Borneo, African farmers, Welsh housewives, and postindustrial American workers, it challenged the previously widespread image of a universal "menstrual taboo" as well as the common assumption of universal female subordination that underlay it. Offering feminist perspectives on comparative gender politics and symbolism, the book has interested students and scholars in anthropology, women's studies, religion, and comparative health systems. Originally listed as a “Notable” book in Choice, it later won the first Most Enduring Edited Collection Prize, awarded by the Council for the Anthropology of Reproduction (a unit of the American Anthropological Association.). The book continues to be taught regularly around the world.

The hijab is seen as a tool of Gender oppression. Is it really a sign of women"s enslavement? Or "degrading prison"? Or is it a sign of women"s modesty and liberation? Why doesn"t anyone ask the women who choose to wear it"? Or is it simply cultural difference (ethnocentrism or xenophobia) that it is regarded as oppressive. Many people argue Islam oppresses and discriminates women by wearing veils or hijab, while few people view it as a sign of women"s protection or liberation. These two views are held by West and Europe, and Islam respectively. The tight, transparent or half nude dress which Islam prohibits is admired in western culture and flaunted by western women. Thus it would be quite improper and unfair to say that Islam oppresses women" unless we study it, research it or understand it in the light of Islamic perspective. In this paper, an effort has been made to throw light on hijab and its relevance with gender oppression or liberation in the light of Islamic and western perspective. This paper is primarily based on secondary data content analysis research methodology. The main objective of the paper is to make us understand what hijab is.? and to stimulate our brains regarding its relation with gender liberation or oppression.

With the economic position of women in Muslim countries being a regular focus of public attention and a fiercely debated topic amongst academics, few systematic, detailed descriptions and analyses are available. This book presents a new and nuanced exploration of the topic, introducing a theoretical framework that accommodates both women's individual agency as well as cultural, economic, religious, and political forces shaping their position. Collating research findings involving more than 300,000 women in 383 provinces in 28 Muslim countries ranging from the Middle East via Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia to Indonesia in Southeast Asia, the book, based on this wealth of data, shows how many women earn a living outside agriculture, how big the differences in employment likelihood really are, and how these differences can be explained. In doing so it addresses topical debates on the role of Islam, modernization, globalization, neocolonialism, educational inequalities, patriarchy, household hierarchies, and more. This is a sample chapter.

This article analyses the debates about mixed marriages held within the Roman Curia (and especially the Roman Inquisition) between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries, integrating these debates with the normative and prescriptive literature. These authorities generally considered mixed marriages between Protestants and Catholics valid and even sacramental in virtue of the shared sacrament of the baptism, but at the same time constructed such unions as ‘carnal crimes’ to ‘abhor’. They believed that the most harmful effect of these polluting unions was that the Catholic partner might become tolerant of Protestantism, rendering the ‘heretic’ dangerously, contagiously familiar and abandoning future generations to heresy. Women were a particular concern for these authorities. Drawing upon traditional and somewhat contradictory ideas about women, they saw the wives in these marriages on one hand as particularly likely to be seduced by the ‘false faith’ because of their presumed weakness, but on the other hand they recognised women as a group with a special talent for beguiling men and so entrusted them with a missionary function towards their ‘heretical’ husbands. The role women could assume in mixed marriages therefore dynamised gender relations, but also caused social tension because of the challenge to patriarchal society, especially if they continued to practice their own faith and were entrusted with the religious education of the children.

Sovereign Attachments rethinks sovereignty by moving it out of the exclusive domain of geopolitics and legality and into cultural, religious, and gender studies. Through a close reading of a stunning array of cultural texts produced by the Pakistani state and the Pakistan-based Taliban, Shenila Khoja-Moolji theorizes sovereignty as an ongoing attachment that is negotiated in public culture. Both the state and the Taliban recruit publics into relationships of trust, protection, and fraternity by summoning models of Islamic masculinity, mobilizing kinship metaphors, and marshalling affect. In particular, masculinity and Muslimness emerge as salient performances through which sovereign attachments are harnessed. The book shifts the discussion of sovereignty away from questions about absolute dominance to ones about shared repertoires, entanglements, and co-constitution.  Pre-order with 30% off code 17M6662 at https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520336803/sovereign-attachments

As one of the first studies on Afghan Masculinities and Gender inequality, the overall purpose of this research is to achieve an in-depth understanding of different notions of being a man in Afghanistan and how they contribute to gender inequality. A multi-method approach employed both quantitative and qualitative techniques to assess four different provinces (Nangarhar, Takhar, Bamyan, and Kabul) that manifested degrees of both conservatism and openness regarding gender issues.

Results affirmed that being a man refers to social roles, behaviours, and meanings prescribed in a particular context. This perception is clearly shown in the shared opinion among all groups in the Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), for older men and women as well as for younger men and women. Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) in all provinces described that men should be considered the head of the household. A man has the responsibility to procreate, support, and protect the family and country. Afghan men are perceived to possess the qualities of being brave and honourable.

The majority of the respondents agreed that gender-based violence, although not right, is justifiable when women resist men's decisions. Most of the religious male key informants believed that Islamic rules permit beating a wife in case she is a "Nashiza" (rebellious/disobedient woman). The participants and informants in all provinces stated that women's responsibility is to manage their homes. Older respondents were more inclined to accept this norm compared to their younger counterparts. Moreover, data showed that female respondents with higher educational attainment had a lower inclination to agree with the norm that women should take care of domestic tasks. Higher educational attainment had little effect on Afghan men's responses.

Construction of authenticity in Islamic law on contentious issues including gender-related issues is an outcome of an intricate and complex process of interaction between the divine and human agency situated in a specific sociopolitical context. The divine text is not monolithic and is susceptible of various interpretations. It is this interpretative space, which is employed by scholars coming from various backgrounds to articulate their authenticities. Hence, we do not find one authentic perspective on many issues. Without preferring one perspective to others, the paper aims to analyze the process of constructive mechanics by engaging with the issues of polygamy, dissolution of marriage by divorce and khul', and women's participation in political domain. For this purpose, it has attempted to deconstruct the constructive process of authenticities relating to these issues with an object to discern how mush these authenticities are product of the divine agency and where they are influenced by human agency located in a specific context.

ABSTRACT:This essay positions Egyptian physician, novelist, and activist Nawal El Saadawi's understudied novel God Dies by the Nile within a broader framework of Egyptian revolutionary movements. It analyzes representations of the peasantry—which, historically, symbolize Egyptian nationalism—and argues that British and American (neo)colonial intervention in Egyptian policies has legitimized patriarchal violence while disrupting the subaltern family unit through the misuse of religious rites; as a result, women, especially, become victims of sexual exploitation and forced labor. By focusing on the heroine's political awakening through her participation in a Zar ritual, a folklore exorcist practice, the paper highlights the importance of the ritual's failure in subverting the matrimony between Islam, patriarchy, and capitalism. The novel thus overturns preexisting beliefs concerning peasant oppression and foregrounds the significance of non-linguistic modes of political awakening, class-consciousness, concerted collective action, and, ultimately, national revolt.

We thank C. S. I. Jenkins and Neil Levy for their thoughtful comments on our article about love and addiction (Earp, Wudarczyk, Foddy, & Savulescu, in press). While we do not have room for a comprehensive reply, we would like to touch on a few main issues.

Medieval Muslim mystic and thinker Ibn al-‘Arabi (d. 1240) claims all mean- ings drawn from within the semantic boundaries of the language of the Qur’an are intended by God. If so, how do Muslims concerned about violence against women reconcile their faith with verses such as 4:34 which can be read as a prescription to beat women to control their rebelliousness? This paper will explore the problem posed by the existence of verse 4:34 in the Qur’an through the lens of Ibn al-‘Arabi’s ontology and ethics and the traditionally received example of the Prophet Muhammad. God’s self-disclosure through the macro- cosm, logocosm, and microcosm demands the full expression of his beautiful and terrible attributes as well as the human responsibility to cultivate the proper balance between the two. I argue that Muhammad’s example demon- strates that cultivating that balance requires resisting divine prescriptions that are ultimately not worthy of us as children of Adam.

Often peppered with religious references, “family values” rhetoric has become a trademark of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan since his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002. His frequent encouragement of early marriage and criticism of childless women illustrate an ever-expanding repertoire of conservative pronouncements regarding gender, reproduction and the family. Erdoğan’s critics often downplay these religiously inflected pronouncements as either diversions from its policy failures or indicative of the AKP government’s ulterior agenda to Islamize Turkish society by imposing religiously inspired norms. Rather than simply a rhetorical sideshow or shorthand for covert Islamism, however, Erdoğan and the AKP’s emphasis on strengthening family values and promoting conservative views on reproduction and gender are central to the AKP government’s broader demographic, social service and welfare policies predicated on neoconservative, neoliberal and neo-patriarchal rationalities. Moreover, the AKP’s politics of family values is at the core of its long-term strategy to rebuild a “New Turkey” by recuperating from the alleged damages to the social fabric and strength of the nation perpetrated by the formerly hegemonic Kemalist oligarchy.

I study feminine discourse in socio-political economy, especially the sophistication in women’s intervention/participation and frustration, which are governed by social structures that are on one hand beyond them and that, on the other hand, they influence, often to the women’s hurt themselves. I argue for an inclusive discourse for the development of all, male and female.

In this paper the processes of embryonic osteogenesis (the production of bone) and myogenesis (formation of muscular tissue) are described in biological terminology; then the Qur’anic terms ’izam (skeleton, bones) and lahm (muscles, flesh) are discussed. First presented at an international conference in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia (September 1983).

This paper briefly describes the Post Modernism philosophy, introduces the work of its key proponents, provides a critical appraisal of Post Modernism thought and finally it compares the Post Modernism philosophy with philosophical heritage of Islamic faith and civilization and recommends ways to cope up with the challenge of postmodernism.

This ethnographic paper try to give an anthropological perspective on the all too obscured existence of homosexuality and transsexuality inside Kurdish culture. While this has always existed within Kurdish, as any other society, cultural norms mean that it has at the same time been kept as an ‘open secret’; everyone knows it happens, but nobody talks about the controversial subject. Because of this unwillingness to treat the topic, transgender and homosexual people in Kurdish society have never been given a recognised role. This also has a great deal to do with conventional gender roles; although male homosexuality has been informally known about, if not discussed, lesbianism and transsexuality is much less tolerated, even informally. But with the rise of feminism for Kurdish women, they are now experiencing their sexuality too through this paradigm. There is a scarcity of written records about the issue of homosexuality in Kurdish society as well, although there have been attempts by Kurdish or non-Kurdish writers to research this cultural taboo. This leaves little documentation to reference. As Kurdish society in all parts of Kurdistan and throughout diaspora struggles – sometimes violently - with modernity and the changing gender roles which follow, there remains a big challenge to the acceptance of open practice of sexual freedom. In what follows I show some case studies of individuals whom I interviewed for this research, and explore their motivations and practices of homosexuality, as well as the ways they see themselves viewed in Kurdish society.

Turkey has witnessed remarkable sociocultural change under the regime of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP), particularly regarding its religious communities. As individuals with pious identities have increasingly gained access to state power and accumulated economic influence, so religious appearances and practices have become more visible in Turkey's `secular' public spaces. More than this, consumption practices have changed and new Islamic and Islamist identities have emerged.
This book investigates three of the most widespread faith-inspired communities in Turkey: the Gulen, Suleymanli and the Menzil. Nazli Alimen compares these communities, looking at their diverse interpretations of Islamic rules related to the body and dress, and how these different groups compete for power and control in Turkey. In tracing what motivates consumption practices, the book adds to the growing interest in the commercial aspects of modest and Islamic fashion. It also highlights the importance of clothing and bodily rituals (such as veiling, grooming and food choices) for the formation of community identities. Based on ethnographic research, Alimen analyses the relationship between the marketplace and religion, and shows how different communities interact with each other and state institutions. Of particular note are the varied expressions of Islamic masculinities and femininities at play. Appealing to a cross-disciplinary readership, the book will be relevant for scholars within Turkish Studies, Gender Studies, Islamic Studies, Fashion, Consumption Studies, Sociology of Religion and Middle Eastern Studies.

Imprisonment Behind the Burqa?
The first part of this book deals with the screening verses, and the so called veiling verses that specify the garments which commonly constitute the dress of Muslim Women as commanded in the Qur’an are only addressed later on. These “veiling garments” are referred to as “khimur” (head scarves) and “jalabiyb” (outer cloaks). The word “hijaab” in the Qur’an is not the “hijab” modern Muslim women wear. Rather, it mostly refers to something that is, perhaps, related but applied somewhat differently.
The word حِجَابٍ or حِجَابًا (Hijaab or Hijaaba) appears seven times in the Qur’an. Only two of these manifest the quality of screening off a woman from the gaze of others, one from non-family members whilst the other is from family members. It is perhaps this quality of ‘screening a woman from the outside gaze’ that gave rise to the common nomenclature for modest covering, in some cases specifically the covering used to hide from view her hair, neck and neckline, that most Muslim women use. The others from the seven also describe the function of the “hijaab” (screen) as a ‘guard’, though not necessarily a guard for women against attracting a male controlling gaze or even a physical guard obscuring searching eyes.
When it comes to the veiling or covering of women, it is a fairly contentious issue among Muslims, especially modern Muslims. For example, does a woman need to modestly cover at all? This book only addresses that question implicitly. If the case is that they do, then the subject of debate is often when and when not to screen oneself from strangers. It is pretty standard, now, to agree that women must bare their faces for identification photographs in passports, driving licences and identity cards, and to officials making security checks if they need to prove their identity, even among the strict interpretation that women should veil their faces. But should the looser interpretation that women can leave their faces uncovered mean they can uncover elsewhere as well? Again, this is only implicitly addressed in this book. Instead, the last three quarters of the book deal with the veiling verses and what they literally require, or not require.
How, then should the verses about women’s dress in Surahs 24 and 33 be interpreted? It should be stated that the two verses (24:30 and 33:59) have two different and polar purposes. The verse of Surat Al-Nur decrees that a woman does not draw attention to herself in public. It is a verse that asks her to conceal herself, blend in, and become faceless and unnoticeable.
The verse of Surat Al-Ahzab, on the other hand, decrees that she becomes instantly seen, and noticed for her piety and wilful chastity. It does not require her to be personally identified, but to be recognized as a pure refined lady: a respectable kind of woman - clearly distinguishable from the altogether looser and more approachable vulgar type of female.
Finally, Surat Al-Nur also provides a condition for women to discard their need to cover, but only in a way that preserves decency. Even when discarding the rules of covering, the principle of avoiding vulgarity and guarding chastity is still important even when a lady finds herself infertile; important enough to go without make-up or jewellery in public and to use plain neat clothing abroad.
Fundamentally, what do all these verses aim at? Is it guarding chastity and distancing men and women from sin? Or is it the imprisonment of women behind a burqa?

In light of the recent US Supreme Court ruling on gay marriage, we have seen a number of Muslim scholars reiterate the position of Islamic law on same-sex acts. What we have not seen much of, however, is reasoning explaining why Islamic law prohibits same-sex acts. Clearly many people today including Muslims do not understand why Islam or any religion would forbid homoeroticism. As it is often put, if two people love each other and want to consummate their love, what difference does it make if they happen to be of the same sex? What could be wrong about this?
To understand what is wrong requires addressing several large assumptions about sexuality and morality. These assumptions make it virtually impossible for people today to understand the moral reasoning and intuitions inherent to Islam's stance on homosexuality. But once those assumptions are addressed, then Islam's position starts to look more and more compelling. At the very least, Islam's position stops looking like sheer hate, bigotry, prudery, etc.
The way that I have framed my thoughts on this issue is in the form of a “debate” with myself. Over the years, we have all heard the typical arguments and one-liners in support of homosexuality, so much so that these arguments have become embedded into the way most of us think about the topic. I give voice to this position in the form of questions and charges that a typical pro-gay advocate would raise against Islam's stance on homosexuality. I then respond to these in turn, defending the Islamic view.

Here, I delve into pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial Indian history in order to understand recent (as of December 2014) political changes affecting LGBT rights in India. Specifically, I sought to understand and unpack the supposed contradiction—understood as such by many Western observers—between the Indian Supreme Court recognizing transgender rights while upholding Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, a colonial-era law that effectively criminalizes homosexuality. Previously, there had been much speculation about the subject in the media but no thorough attempts to illuminate the issue. This research paper, written at the conclusion of the graduate class 'Politics of Religion in South Asia' (Dr. Jonah Blank, Fall 2014, JHU-SAIS), was meant to fill that gap.

The Holy Qur’an is the divine text of over one fifth of the world’s population and is the guiding book of the Muslim faith. Though a written manuscript, similar in textual length to the New Testament, its origins are deeply rooted in an oral tradition and is, up to the present day, rote memorised and recited in its original Arabic form in its entirety by countless followers, as well as being undisputedly, the most recited text on the planet. Yet outside Muslim communities living in the west and the Islamic world, little is known about this book. In an era where there is much scepticism in the west about cultures and traditions within the Muslim world, an understanding of the historical importance of the Qur’anic scripture is needed. Through the examination of literary and oral traditions surrounding the scripture, this paper focuses on the importance of The Holy Qur’an as a work of literature in a global context, its significance from a historical perspective, its diversity of content and its relevance as a key transitory mechanism in transforming human civilisation from an oral to a written tradition.

The Qur’ān refers on several occasions to Christians. Its attitude toward them, however, has often been seen as an ambivalent one. At times the Qur’ān praises the Christians; while in other cases it condemns them. This article will attempt to analyze the Qur’ān’s view of Christians by examining Islamic exegetical writings dating from the earliest period of Qur’ānic commentary up to the late Middle Ages.

Özet:
Birçok alanda yeni krizlerle karşı karşıya olan insanlığı huzura kavuşturabilecek yeni bir medeniyet tasavvuru üzerine düşünmek gerekiyor. Bu çerçevede, mevcut Batılı medeniyet ve bunu oluşturan bilgi, bilim kavramlarının eleştirel tahlili gerekir.  Çünkü dini ve metafizik değerlerden arındırılmış seküler, maddeci-pozitivist bilgi, bilim tasavvuru ve bunlar üzerine kurulu medeniyet anlayışının taşınmasıyla insan insanın kurdu haline geldi: Kitle katliamları yapılmaya; bireysel anlamda bencillik, hazcılık, faydacılık ve sefahat öncelenmeye başlandı. Eğer yeni bir medeniyet anlayışı kurgulamak ve hayata geçirmek istiyorsak, öncelikle 17-19.yüzyıllara hâkim olan pozitivist "bilgi güçtür, güç de bilgidir" anlayışın tutarlılığını tahlil etmek gerekiyor. Nitekim bu yaklaşım bilgi-bilim felsefesi bağlamında ciddi eleştirilere uğramaya başladı. Bu bağlamda, pozitivist öğretiye ciddi eleştiriler yönelten Risale-i Nur, bilim-din uzlaşması genellemesine düşmeden incelenecek, İslam Medeniyetini kuran felsefi düşüncenin temellerine işaret edilecektir. Bu iki medeniyetin iki farklı paradigma olduğunu, birbirinden benzeyen, ayrılan ve çelişen noktaların neler olduğu ve bunun nedenleri üzerine durulacaktır. Said Nursi’nin eleştirdiği felsefenin hangi paradigmanın görüşüne tekabül ettiği araştırılacak ve temel kavramlarının Farabi gibi Müslüman filozoflardan farklı olup olmadığı sorgulanacaktır. İlahi Risaletlerin birliği çerçevesinde üretilen medeniyet ile “Mim”siz Medeniyet kavramları arasındaki fark vurgulanacaktır. Böylece, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kuruluş felsefesinin pozitivist felsefeden etkilenmesinin olası sonuçlarına da işaret edilmesi hedeflenmektedir.

Abstract
'The plight of Muslim women' periodically surfaces in the Indian media as well as in academic forums. These discussions often focus on the tropes of parda, polygamy and personal laws with 'Muslim women' often placed in the position of symbolic bearers of the identity of 'the Muslim community'. This article explores the construction of 'Muslim women in India' outside of media and academic discourses, looking at the ways that women, who are identified as Muslim, themselves construct this category in their personal narratives. The analysis is based on discussions with women living in a majority-Muslim area of Delhi, Zakir Nagar. These discussions reveal competing constructions of 'Muslim women' in relation to parda and personal laws as well as in comparison with various groups including 'Hindu women', 'the poor', and 'the uneducated'. 'Muslim women' is thus revealed as a category that has limited and differing resonance in the ways that women themselves represent their identities. The article calls for an exploration of women's identities outside of the over-determined category 'Muslim women', taking into account multiple and contingent identifications including religion but also including class, regional affiliation, age, migration history, status, etc.
Keywords: Muslim women; India; Islam; religious identity; parda; personal laws

This book contains English essays on gender issues the author Shah Abdul Hannan originally wrote in Bangla over more than two decades. As part of his continuing quest for justice, he has been passionate about establishing gender egalitarianism in Bangladesh society. Even though the sociocultural reality of Bangladesh has been at the back of his mind while penning his thoughts transmitted in these essays, they can be effective in addressing gender disparities in other societies as well. The crux of his arguments with regard to gender issues corresponds with what the emerging Islamic feminist discourse promotes, that is, the best way to address gender inequities and gender based discrimination is to go back to the teachings of Islam. At the same time, Shah Abdul Hannan believes, it is important to understand the primary sources of Islam – the Qur’an and the Sunnah – in the context of contemporary concerns and perspectives. This book should be highly useful to all those who are interested in Islam and gender as well as policy makers and researchers in this field.

Why is this the earliest commentary on the Quran? Most historians have said that the first commentary on the Quran was made by Ali’s paternal first cousin, Abdullah Ibn Abbas (619-687CE). Yet Abdullah Ibn Abbas claims to have learned the science of interpretation from his older first cousin, Ali.
Once the Sermons, Letters and Sayings were compiled in the Nahj al-Balagha (Path of Eloquence), it should have been recognized as the earliest commentary on the Quran as the Commentary here shows. Ali tells us:
Not a single verse of the Quran was revealed to the Messenger of God which he did not proceed to dictate tome and make me recite. I would write it with my own hand, and he would instruct me as to its tafsir (the literal explanation) and the ta'wil (the spiritual exegesis), the nasikh (the verse which abrogates) and the mansukh(the abrogatedverse), the muhkamand the mutashabih (the fixed and the ambiguous), the particular and the general. He would pray to God to increase my understanding and my memory. Then he would lay his hand on my breast and ask God to fill my heart with knowledge and understanding, with judgement and illumination.

In Forging the Ideal Educated Girl, Shenila Khoja-Moolji traces the figure of the ‘educated girl’ to examine the evolving politics of educational reform and development campaigns in colonial India and Pakistan. She challenges the prevailing common sense associated with calls for women’s and girls’ education and argues that such advocacy is not simply about access to education but, more crucially, concerned with producing ideal Muslim woman-/girl-subjects with specific relationships to the patriarchal family, paid work, Islam, and the nation-state. Thus, discourses on girls’/ women’s education are sites for the construction of not only gender but also class relations, religion, and the nation.

Many Westerners view Islam as a religion that restricts and subordinates women in both private and public life. Yet a surprising number of women in Western Europe and America are converting to Islam. What attracts these women to a belief system that is markedly different from both Western Christianity and Western secularism? What benefits do they gain by converting, and what are the costs? How do Western women converts live their new Islamic faith, and how does their conversion affect their families and communities? How do women converts transmit Islamic values to their children? These are some of the questions that Women Embracing Islam seeks to answer.


In this vanguard study of gender and conversion to Islam, leading historians, sociologists, anthropologists, and theologians investigate why non-Muslim women in the United States, several European countries, and South Africa are converting to Islam. Drawing on extensive interviews with female converts, the authors explore the life experiences that lead Western women to adopt Islam, as well as the appeal that various forms of Islam, as well as the Nation of Islam, have for women. The authors find that while no single set of factors can explain why Western women are embracing Islamic faith traditions, some common motivations emerge. These include an attraction to Islam's high regard for family and community, its strict moral and ethical standards, and the rationality and spirituality of its theology, as well as a disillusionment with Christianity and with the unrestrained sexuality of so much of Western culture.