Habermas public sphere

L'opera, comprese tutte le sue parti, è tutelata dalla legge sui diritti d'autore. Sono vietate e sanzionate (se non espressamente autorizzate) la riproduzione in ogni modo e forma (comprese le fotocopie, la scansione, la memorizzazione elettronica) e la comunicazione (ivi inclusi a titolo esemplificativo ma non esaustivo: la distribuzione, l'adattamento, la traduzione e la rielaborazione, anche a mezzo di canali digitali interattivi e con qualsiasi modalità attualmente nota od in futuro sviluppata).

[EN] This paper briefly introduces the concepts of the public space by H. Arendt and J. Habermas, compares them and presents an analysis of the problems concerning the transformation of the public space. In this work, I try to demonstrate that a confrontation between the civic body and the state that appears in the context of the transformation of the public space is not completely grounded. The public sphere, which connects these two areas, is not autonomous. For the main points, I choose the theories of the two authors – Hannah Arendt and Jurgen Habermas. In the work, I discuss the similarities and differences of these theories as well as their conceptual interactions.

[LT] Straipsnyje aptariama viešoji erdvė ir jos sampratos bei transformacijos problemos. Pagrindiniais atramos taškais pasirinktos dviejų autorių – Hannah’os Arendt ir Jürgeno Habermaso – teorijos. Darbe aptariami šių teorijų panašumai ir skirtumai, jų konceptualios sąveikos. Straipsnyje mėginama įrodyti, kad viešosios erdvės transformacijos kontekste atsirandantis valstybės priešpriešinimas pilietinei bendruomenei nėra visiškai pagrįstas, o šias dvi sritis jungianti viešoji sfera nėra autonomiška.

Many advocates of deliberative democracy see in the Internet a new opportunity for the development of public spaces, public spheres, and places where deliberation can take place. An important element of the notion of the public sphere in general and of deliberation specifically, is the quality of the debate. In the past decade, many studies have been conducted to evaluate online discussions in light of the ideal notion of the public sphere. However, a wide gap exists between theoretical approaches and the actual operationalization of such theories for empirical research. In an attempt to bridge this gap we develop a method for examining the extent to which Internet forums meet the normative requirements of rational-critical debate, reciprocity, and reflexivity. The methodological approach consists of a textual analysis of the contributions made to an online forum. The coding scheme presented in this article is based on a case study (UK Online) and guided by the theoretical notions of deliberative democracy.

Talking politics online is not exclusively reserved for those spaces dedicated to politics, particularly the everyday political talk crucial to the public sphere. However, past net-based public sphere research has focused mostly on political spaces thereby neglecting an array of other genres. The aim of this article is to move beyond politically oriented communicative spaces by investigating political talk within the British reality TV discussion forum Wife Swap. The purpose is to see whether a forum dedicated to reality TV provides the communicative space, content, and style for politics that extends the public sphere. The central question is whether it fulfils the requirements of rationality and ‘decent’ deliberation. Moreover, the analysis moved beyond a formal notion by investigating how expressives influence the more traditional elements of deliberation. The findings revealed that Wife Swap participants engaged in political talk that was often deliberative. Moreover, it was a space where the use of expressives played a key role in enhancing such talk.

Palestra apresentada sobre o livro de Habermas.  Este trabalho mostra como foi a evolução da esfera pública e a formação do estado de bem estar a partir da Europa iluminista. (Lecture presented on the book of Habermas. This work shows how was the evolution of the public sphere and the formation of the welfare state from Enlightenment Europe.)

This chapter reassesses 20th century surrealist automatism in relation to Rodolphe Töpffer's 19th century account of comic strip composition and production, in particular the impact of technological possibilities for autographic reproduction. It is argued that perceptions of the value and success of surrealist automatic texts and images shift when such works are understood as publishing interventions within the public sphere of production.

Religious freedom, and the status of religion in the public square, is presently a matter of worldwide debate. However, it is necessary to clarify the terms of the debate. This dissertation will offer a challenging invitation to deepen our understanding of the fundamental meaning of religious freedom by analyzing and challenging the notions of "religion," "freedom," and the "public square" as they have been commonly employed in discussions related to religious freedom and the place of religion in the public square in the works of Richard John Neuhaus, John Rawls, Robert Audi, José Casanovas, Jürgen Habermas, and Charles Taylor. It will also challenge the notion of "religious freedom" employed by international and legal documents, and in the work of David Schlinder, John Courtney Murray, and Martha Nussbaum. Following the work of Rainer Forst, it will also show why religious freedom should not be understood as "tolerance."
The goal of the book, then, is to provide a more effective way of dealing with issues of religious freedom and the place of religion in the public square. My investigation will be centered on Thomas Aquinas' notion of religion as a moral virtue, and Hanna Arendt's notion of political freedom. The novelty of this investigation will be in that the virtue of religion will be analyzed in connection to the proper place for the performance of its acts, namely, the private or the public sphere. The book will also show how Aquinas' notion of religion and its deviations (vices) offers a valuable guideline insofar as the public is concerned.
As a consequence, a new meaning will be offered on the notion of religious freedom, based on Aquinas' view of religion as virtue, and Arendt's notion of political freedom as a stage for virtue, which will help clarify the debate on religious freedom and the place of religion in the public square.

Jürgen Habermas has sought to set critical theory on firm normative foundations by drawing on thinkers outside the canon of Western Marxism. My basic thesis is that Hannah Arendt is a crucial but underappreciated resource for his intellectual development. To make this point, I focus on Arendt’s importance for Habermas’s work on the public sphere in the 1960s and the social theory he developed in the 1970s and ‘80s, despite his reluctance to cite her writings in his early career. More generally, I argue that rereading Habermas’s critical theory through Arendt’s political thought helps to clarify the importance of politics within his work, thus countering accusations that he is an abstract thinker of “high liberalism” who is uninterested in “real politics.” A greater appreciation of Arendt’s work as a condition of possibility for Habermas’s philosophy demonstrates the importance of reading their work together as part of a common project.

Das Idealbild der europäischen Stadt mit ihrer dicht gewachsenen Baustruktur und ihren öffentlichen Räumen steht als Synonym für 'Urbanität' und beeinflußt bis zum heutigen Tag das planerische Denken und Handeln. Eng verbunden damit tauchen immer wieder Assoziationen zu Agora und Forum auf, die als Archetypen des 'Öffentlichen' schlechthin, den Mythos einer sich dort artikulierenden und konstituierenden, idealen und demokratischen Stadtgesellschaft transportieren. Zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts stellt sich jedoch die Frage, ob sich die tradierten und erprobten Denkmodelle und Bilder des öffentlichen Raumes aufgrund der rasanten gesellschaftlichen und informationstechnologischen Veränderungen, überlebt haben. Haben die typischen Ideen von Stadt, die auf dem öffentlichen Raum beruhen nur noch rein symbolische Bedeutung? Verlagern sie sich mehr und mehr in den virtuellen Raum? 'Die Stadt der kurzen Wege' mit ihrer räumlichen Mischung ist als 'Marktplatz' für den Austausch von Informationen und Waren nicht mehr in der bekannten Weise relevant und gesellschaftlich bestimmend. Die Stadt als einheitliches und homogenes Gebilde existiert nicht mehr. Stattdessen ist sie durch Fragmentierung und Zersplitterung gekennzeichnet, wie u.a. die Diagnosen von Touraine ['Die Stadt - ein überholter Entwurf', 1996], Koolhaas ['Generic City', 1997], Sieverts ['Die Zwischenstadt', 1999] und Augé ['Orte und Nicht-Orte', 1998] zeigen. Synchron dazu entstehen mit dem Cyberspace oder 'Virtual Cities' [Rötzer, 1997] neue Formen von öffentlichem Raum und Öffentlichkeit - Parallelräume zur realen Welt. Welche Auswirkungen diese neuen Räume auf das Leben der Menschen und die Stadt haben werden, kann noch nicht abgesehen werden. In der realen Welt werden die Planungsspielräume der Kommunen immer kleiner; die Wechselwirkungen, die u.a. durch Globalisierung, Privatisierung und Deregulierung öffentlicher Aufgaben ausgelöst werden, immer komplexer. Neben den international zu beobachtenden Entwicklungen [Shopping-Mall, New Urbanism, Gated Community], die sich länderübergreifend in leicht abgewandelten Varianten durchzusetzen scheinen, üben auch soziokulturelle Gesellschaftstrends großen Einfluß auf den öffentlichen Raum aus. Der öffentliche Raum als Bindeglied zwischen dem 'Öffentlichen' und dem 'Privaten' ist zunehmend dem Druck der 'Erlebnis- und Konsumgesellschaft' ausgesetzt und kann deshalb seine gesamtgesellschaftliche Funktion für die Stadt nur noch eingeschränkt wahrnehmen. Die individualisierte und mobile Gesellschaft mit ihren gewandelten und diversifizierten Lebensentwürfen und Wertvorstellungen stellt das tradierte Verständnis des öffentlichen Raums zusätzlich in Frage. Das Bild des öffentlichen Raumes als ein Bereich der Gesellschaft des 21. Jahrhunderts kann nicht mehr mit einem mythisierenden Agora-Begriff begegnet werden. Neue Wege und eine Überprüfung der aktuellen Entwicklungen sind dafür unerlässlich. Gleichzeitig müssen jedoch auch die geschichtlichen Gegebenheiten berücksichtigt werden, um aus ihnen zu lernen.

The ideal of the 'European City' with its dense organic urban structure and its coherent network of public spaces stands as the prototype of urbanity and still influences planning theory and practice strongly. The tropes of the agora or the forum often appear as the archetypes of 'the public' proper and together they signify the myth of an ideal and democratic urban society which is constituted and articulated in them. At the beginning of the 21st century, however, the question evolves, if the traditional and entrenched models of public space are still adequate against the background of a rapidly changing society, in the so called information age. Are the typical ideas and notions of the 'city' which are based to a large degree on the perception of its public spaces only of a symbolic significance? Are meaningful public spaces gradually replaced by virtual spaces like chat rooms and online forums? The compact city, the city of the short distances with its dense variety of mixed land uses isn’t any longer the sole ‘market place’ for the exchange of goods and information. The city as a coherent and homogeneous constructum does no longer exist except as a very powerful and persistent myth. Instead the city is characterised by fragmentation and splintering urbanisation as the diagnoses of Touraine ['The City – An Antiquated Bluepint', 1996], Koolhaas ['Generic City', 1997], Sieverts ['City Without Cities', 1999], and Augé ['Non-Places', 1998] show. At the same time, with the Cyberspace or 'Virtual Cities' [Roetzer, 1997] new forms of public spaces and the public sphere are evolving – parallel spaces to the material world. Which effects these new spaces will have on the life of man and the city, cannot be foreseen yet. In the material world the leeway of municipal planners becomes ever smaller; the complex socio-economic interdependencies, which are triggered by globalization, privatisation and deregulation of public tasks, become ever more complex. Beside comparable international phenomena such as proliferating shopping malls, new urbanism, gated communities, which are taking place all over the world in a similar fashion, also society-immanent socio-cultural trends are of crucial importance for public space. Public space as link between the realms of the 'private' and the 'public' is also increasingly under pressure of the 'event and consumer society' and therefore is can only fulfil its functions for the society as a whole in a reduced manner. Furthermore, the highly individualized and mobile society with its changing and diversifying life scripts and value conceptions questions the traditional notion of the public. The image of public space as an area for the society of the 21st Century can no longer be met with a mystifying Agora concept. A new fresh view and an examination of the current developments are essential for the future treatment of public space. At the same time, however, also the historical conditions need to be examined in order to obtain a clear view on the past in order to learn for the future.

Program S3 Ilmu Filsafat, Fakultas Ilmu Budaya Universitas Indonesia Oktober 2008 Pendahuluan Jurgen Habermas adalah anggota generasi kedua Sekolah Frankfurt, yang merupakan figur paling terkemuka dan juga kontroversial, dalam dunia berdebatan sosio-kritis dan filosofis Jerman. Ajaran Habermas banyak dipengaruhi gurunya, T.W. Adorno, namun Habermas juga banyak mengangkat berbagai isu bersama gurunya itu. Habermas mengabdikan karya kehidupannya untuk membela dan mengklaim kembali proyek kritik pencerahan, atau apa yang disebutnya -wacana filosofis tentang modernitas.‖ Dalam karya awalnya, seperti Knowledge and Human Interests (1968), ia mengadopsi pendekatan yang dipengaruhi aliran Marxis dan Kantian secara meluas. Ia berusaha merekonstruksi genealogi ilmu pengetahuan kemanusiaan dan ilmu pengetahuan alam modern, dengan mempertanyakan kembali kondisi kemunculan ilmu-ilmu itu secara sosial, historis, dan epistemologis. Karya Habermas sangat banyak. Namun, karena keterbatasan dan ketidaksanggupan makalah ini untuk membahas semuanya, maka bahasan di sini lebih dipusatkan ke karya Habermas yang berkaitan dengan ranah publik (public sphere). Fokus pilihan ini penulis kira sangat relevan dengan konteks Indonesia, dengan makin tumbuhnya media elektronik (televisi) di berbagai kota, sejak era reformasi. Saat ini sedikitnya ada 11 stasiun TV yang bersiaran secara nasional. Belum lagi ditambah puluhan stasiun TV lokal, seperti TV Bali, TV Banten, Jak TV, dan sebagainya. Sementara ada keterbatasan alokasi frekuensi bagi keberadaan media-media tersebut. Pada saat yang sama, banyak media TV dianggap belum menyajikan program-program yang mendidik dan bermanfaat bagi masyarakat. Sementara mereka memanfaatkan frekuensi yang terbatas (ranah publik) tersebut lebih untuk kepentingan komersial dirinya sendiri. Riwayat Jurgen Habermas Jurgen Habermas lahir pada 18 Juni 1929 di Dusseldorf, North Rhine-Westphalia, Jerman. Ia adalah filsuf dan sosiolog Jerman dalam tradisi teori kritis dan pragmatisme Amerika. Ia mungkin paling dikenal berkat karyanya tentang konsep ranah publik, topik dan judul dari buku pertamanya. Karya Habermas berfokus pada landasan-landasan teori sosial dan epistemologi, analisis masyarakat kapitalistik maju dan demokrasi, penegakan hukum (rule of law) dalam konteks sosial-evolusioner kritis, dan politik kontemporerkhususnya politik Jerman. Sistem teoretis Habermas diabdikan untuk mengungkapkan kemungkinan nalar, emansipasi, dan komunikasi rasional-kritis --yang laten dalam institusi-institusi modern dan dalam kapasitas manusia--untuk mempertimbangkan secara sungguhsungguh dan mengejar kepentingan-kepentingan rasional. Sampai kelulusannya dari gimnasium, Habermas tinggal di Gummersbach, dekat Cologne. Ayahnya, Ernst Habermas, adalah Direktur Eksekutif Kamar Dagang dan Industri Cologne. Jurgen Habermas belajar di Universitas Gottingen (1949/50), Zurich (1950/51), dan Bonn (1951-54) dan meraih doktor filsafat dari Bonn pada 1954, dengan disertasi berjudul das Absolute und die Geschichte. Von der Zwiepaltigkeit in Schellings Denken (Yang Absolut dan Sejarah: Tentang Kontradiksi dalam Pemikiran Schelling). Jurgen Habermas Dari tahun 1956 dan seterusnya, ia belajar filsafat dan sosiologi di bawah pengusung teori kritis Max Horkheimer dan Theodor Adorno di Institut untuk Riset Sosial di Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt am Main. Namun, kemudian terjadi perselisihan antara dua tokoh itu tentang disertasi Habermas. Adorno yang bangga pada Habermas, relatif lebih bisa menerima disertasi Habermas. Namun, Horkheimer, yang menganggap Habermas terlalu radikal,

[Published worldwide in print and e-book editions on Amazon on December 1, 2018. Here you find summary, table of contents, prefaces, introduction, recap and index of persons. Firs published in Germany in print in 2006 (487 p.) and in the second edition as an e-book in 2013]

What enables human beings to understand themselves as individuals and to recognize others as such? How can they imagine themselves and others in a public order – and more fundamentally: What do those concepts of " public " and " order " really mean? Where does the ability of individual political judgment come from? Which kind of cultural preconditions are required for this ability to emerge and to grow? These questions will be examined, first in a historical perspective and then in a philosophical analysis in order to dig to the very grounds of the individual competency to create political judgments. The subtitle 'The Long Way form the Subject to the Citizen' indicates that something must have changed since we were subordinates to a Sovereign and even his legal property.

Ongoing discussion of this paper here: https://www.academia.edu/s/cf13d33860?source=link
Philosophy – whether traditional or contemporary – has nothing to say about the human metaphysical predicament, and cannot even offer a basic phenomenology of the human condition. Part of the problem is the ongoing confusion as to what philosophy actually amounts to, and what it can achieve. It is necessary to demystify philosophy, and have it restricted to the discipline of critical thinking, and it should not be thought of as possessing any substantial theoretical content of its own. It is a method, a skillset, a series of techniques, not a repository of various highbrow theories, whether about mind, epistemology, ontology, cosmology, science, or anything else. Metaphysics is an entirely distinct and separate field of inquiry, and concerns the human predicament, and ultimate human fulfilment, and it is to this end that critical thinking skills can usefully be applied. The purpose of this short study is to give some help to those hoping to gain an insight into the metaphysical realms of their being, and who would like some guidance with regard to those formal and academic disciplines supposedly geared to dealing with that very subject.

Son dönemlerde yapılan pek çok araştırma, inceleme ve üretilen yeni halkla ilişkiler
modelleri temelde iki yönlü simetrik halkla ilişkilere vurgu yapılarak diyalog ve etkileşim
kavramlarına dayandırılmaktadır. Hem akademik alanda hem uygulamada halkla ilişkiler uzunca
süre tek yönlü ve tek yanlı, mekaniksel, monoloğa dayalı olarak yorumlanmıştır. Ancak artık
halkla ilişkiler alanının daha kültürel bir bağlamda yorumlanarak dengelenmesi ihtiyacı ortaya
çıkmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Habermas ve Bourdieu’den yola çıkarak geliştirilen yeni halkla
ilişkiler modelleri incelenmiş ve bir araya getirilmiştir. Bunun için Habermas’ın iletişimsel
eylem kuramındaki anlama yaklaşımına ve kamusal alan kavramına değinilmiş, Bourdieu’nün
de geliştirmiş olduğu farklı sermayeler yaklaşımı ve alan kuramı üzerinde durulmuştur.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Bourdieu, Habermas, Diyaloğa Dayalı Halkla İlişkiler, Mükemmel
Halkla İlişkiler.

Il saggio tenta di rispondere alle seguenti domande: come cambiano le caratteristiche di un'opinione pubblica? In particolare, come si manifesta il passaggio da una sfera pubblica totalitaria ad una sfera pubblica pluralista e democratica? Il passaggio non è scontato ed incide sull’idea stessa di opinione pubblica, almeno sotto due aspetti: in primo luogo, suggerisce l'idea di una pluralizzazione dell'opinione pubblica in differenti, e talora confliggenti, “opinioni pubbliche”; in secondo luogo porta a credere che, persino in un sistema totalitario, nonostante il controllo e la manipolazione dell’informazione, rimangano vivi nella società bisogni di informazione, conoscenza, e di critica che trovano espressione legittima come opinione pubblica una volta eliminate le cause oggettive che ne impedivano la manifestazione. Ci si può chiedere: è legittima, per quanto contraddittoria, la possibilità di opinioni pubbliche clandestine? Esistono sfere di opinioni pubbliche non ufficiali, o il cui ambito di pubblicità è ristretto a piccoli gruppi, senza che ricadano nelle opinioni private? Ed è possibile vedere nelle opinioni di minoranza un elemento attivo ed autonomo di trasformazione del consenso di maggioranza?
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Going up the spiral of silence

The essay tries to answer the following questions: How do the characteristics of a public opinion change? In particular, how does the transition from a totalitarian public sphere to a pluralistic and democratic public sphere occur? This step is not obvious and influences the idea of public opinion, at least in two respects: firstly, it suggests the idea of a pluralization of public opinion in different and sometimes conflicting "public opinions"; second, it leads us to believe that even in a totalitarian system, despite the control and manipulation of information, a minority opinion remains alive in society and finds legitimate expression as public opinion once the objective causes that have prevented its expression are eliminated. In this case, can we speak of "clandestine public opinions", however contradictory is this concept? Are there spheres of unofficial public opinion, or whose scope of advertising is limited to small groups, without falling into private opinions? Is it possible to see in the opinions of minorities an active and autonomous element at the origin of the transformation of the majority consensus?

Following widespread use of social media to raise awareness and aggregate public opinion during the EndSARS protests in Nigeria, this paper discusses the status of Twitter as the epitome of the Habermasian public sphere. The paper argues that Twitter has become a veritable public space, in the mode of the Habermasian public sphere, playing host to enlightened citizens, journalists, activists, politicians, government functionaries and agencies, the international community and the media. The conversations and discourse that trend on Twitter go on to form public opinion, set the agenda for what the traditional and other social media focus on and, consequently, influence society. As a nascent public sphere, Twitter in Nigeria has become a space for public opinion formation, agenda-setting, and mobilisation of social action, elements necessary for enhancing participatory democracy.

Neste trabalho, faz-se a reconstrução de um “escândalo” mediático desencadeado a partir da divulgação, pelos telejornais brasileiros, no início de 1997, de imagens em vídeo que documentavam brutalidades cometidas pela polícia militar na periferia da Grande São Paulo (na “Favela Naval” de Diadema). Este estudo aborda, numa perspectiva pragmática, algumas implicações do uso das vídeo-imagens para o funcionamento da esfera pública contemporânea. Essa esfera é concebida como uma rede na qual se interconectam diversos contextos comunicativos públicos (espaços públicos). Conforme essa concepção, pode-se dizer que o discurso público tende a assumir as feições de um “hipertexto”, que seria constituído pelo entrelaçamento entre as  enunciações de atores sociais e políticos. A partir dos textos dos telejornais transmitidos nas duas semanas posteriores à primeira denúncia, investigou-se o modo pelo qual o uso público das vídeo-imagens ocasionou a formação de um contexto comunicativo nos espaços público-mediáticos e como as interações dos diversos atores foram “catalisadas” em torno de temas determinados. A análise dos textos foi feita mediante o agrupamento dos enunciados em três perspectivas de interpretação: a dos interlocutores associados aos telejornais (“ator-midiador”), a da corporação policial-militar paulista (“ator-polícia”) e a dos sujeitos pertinentes à sociedade civil, organizada e não organizada (“ator sociedade civil”). O exame dos procedimentos de aparição pública e das características narrativas das enunciações, emersas nos telejornais, permitiu discernir algumas tendências de interpretação e formas de intervenção pública peculiares a cada um desses “atores”. O progressivo entretecimento das suas interpretações mostra como o processo social de atribuição de sentido às vídeo-imagens conformou a discussão sobre temas como violência policial, Direitos Humanos e cidadania e conduziu à críticas ao funcionamento de diversas instituições oficiais brasileiras.

HAYATI Habermas, 1929 yılında Almanya'nın Düsseldof şehrinde doğmuştur. Babasının dönemin Ticaret ve Sanayi Odası başkanı olması sebebiyle varlıklı bir aile içinde yetişen Habermas, gençlik dönemini maddi sıkıntı çekmeden geçirmiş olsa da İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın olumsuz etkilerini yaşamıştır. İçinde yaşadığı bu olumsuz şartlardan çok fazla etkilenen Habermas, ülkesinin geçirmiş olduğu toplumsal değişim sürecini de şahsen deneyimlemiş ve bu değişimi iyi bir şekilde analiz edebilmiştir. Habermas 2001 yılında yaptığı söyleşide İkinci Dünya Savaşı döneminde yaşadığı anılarını anlatmış ve o dönemde gazete ve dergilerde öldürülen Yahudi sayısını okuduktan sonra bundan çok fazla etkilendiğini belirtmiştir. Habermas böyle bir durumdan sonra normale dönülmesinin çok zor olduğunu söylemiş fakat toplumda gördüğü şey bunun tam tersi olmuştur. Habermas'a göre, savaşın ilk yıllarından itibaren Nazi ideolojisi temelinde komünistlere ve sosyal demokratlara yapılan kötü muameleler, Yahudilere karşı yapılan faşizan hareketler ve bunlarla birlikte en temel insan haklarının çiğnenmesi karşısında uygar olarak nitelendirilen bir ülkede kimsenin yapılan bu yanlış uygulamalara karşı sesini çıkartmaması ve onaylayıcı tutumları geleneğin siyasi tutumunu açıkça göz önüne sermiştir. Aslında Habermas'ın kamusal alan eleştirisi de bu dönemde tecrübe ettiği bu olaylara dayanaktadır (Timur, 2008, s.18-21). Aslında Habermas'ın yaşadığı buhranlı gençlik yılları onun entelektüel hayatına geçiş sürecinde ve bu süreçte oluşturduğu düşüncelerinde çok fazla etkili olmuştur. Nazi iktidarının her Alman gencini Nazi gençlik derneklerine üye yapması neticesinde, Habermas da gençlik yıllarında kaçınılmaz olarak bu derneklere üye yapılmıştır. Özellikle bu durum Habermas'ın Nazi ideolojisine karşı olan düşüncelerini çok şiddetli bir biçimde etkilemiştir. 1949 yılında üniversite hayatına başlayan Habermas, Berlin ve Frankfurt Ünversitelerinde iktisat, hukuk ve felsefe eğitimi almıştır. Üniversite yıllarında yoğun bir şekilde varoluşçu felsefenin etkisinde kalan Habermas bu dönemde Heidegger'den de oldukça etkilenmiştir. Fakat Heidegger'ın daha önce Nazizm sempatizanlığı taşıyan kitabının o dönemler tekrar basılması Habermas'ın Heidegger'in düşünce dünyasından kendini uzaklaştırmasına neden olmuştur. Aslında Habermas'ın deneyimlediği bu durum ona bir düşünürün felsefi düşüncesiyle siyasal düşüncesinin ve tutumlarının birbirinden ayrılamayacağını göstermiştir. Bir başka deyişle, üniversitede yapılan akademik 1 çalışmalar ile kamusal alanda entellektüellerin yaptığı müdahaleler aslında birbirinden ayrı olmayan durumlardır (Timur, 2008, s.22). Çünkü akademisyenlerin üniversitelerde yaptıkları akademik çalışmalar her ne kadar bilimsel metodolojiye uygun olarak yapılmış olsa da akademisyenlerin felsefi ve siyasal düşüncelerinden tamamen bağımsız olmamaktadır. Bu nedenle kamusal alanda da entelektüel kişiliklerle yapılan müdahaleler sadece mekânsal olarak değişim göstermektedir. Habermas'ın kendi üniversite hocalarından verdiği örnek de aslında bu durumu iyi bir şekilde açıklamaktadır. Hitler'in devrilmesinden sonra Federal Alman Cumhuriyet'i kurulmuş fakat akademik alanda hala bir Nazi kültürü geleneği devam etmiştir. Nazi ideolojisi etkisindeki akademik camia bu ideolojilerini kamusal alanda da göstermiştir. Böylelikle Habermas'ın belirttiği gibi filozofla entelektüelin yaptığı etkinlikleri birbirinden farklılaştırmamak gereklidir. Her iki etkinlik de birbiri içine geçebilen ve farklı mekanlarda temsiliyet kazanabilen etkinlikler olabilmektedir. Genel olarak döneminin siyasal olaylarından ve içinde yetiştiği Alman toplumunun değerlerinden etkilenen Habermas, soyut kavramlar ve kuramlar aracılığıyla bütünselleştirdiği düşünsel kimliğini bu somut toplumsal gerçekliklerden etkilenerek oluşturmuştur. Adorno'nun asistanlığını yapmasıyla başlayan entelektüel hayatı, bu dönemlerde ele aldığı yazılarında dile getirmiş olduğu Hegelci ve Weberci Marksist anlayışın yerine yeni araçlarla bu anlayışın devamını sağlama yönündeki düşüncesi ile birleşerek Habermas'ın esas olan entelektüel kimliğini oluşturmuştur.

A study of the beginnings of the modern diary allows to qualify the current critique of an irrational and pervasive publication of the private in online journals. When – in the second half of the 18th century – the modern concept of the individual emerged, it was common to read out diaries in order to discuss publicly how one should live according to the new ideals of humanity. The online journal therefore does not disrupt the public/private distinction but has to be understood as a return to a practice that had only temporarily been superseeded by the practice of the ‚secret‘ diary. The practice of public and interactive diary writing lays bare the conditions of individualization as such.

Ein Blick zurück auf die Anfänge des modernen Tagebuchs ermöglicht es, die vielfach geäußerte Kritik an der Publikation des Privaten in Online-Journalen zu relativieren. Schon als sich in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts das moderne Konzept der Individualität herausbildete, war es üblich, Tagebücher vorzulesen und zu diskutieren, um sich über die richtige Lebensführung zu verständigen. Das Online-Journal wäre somit nicht als kultureller Bruch zu verstehen, sondern als Rückkehr zu einer Praxis, die durch das geheime Tagebuch vorübergehend in den Hintergrund gedrängt wurde. Im öffentlichen und interaktiven Tagebuchschreiben treten die Bedingungen jeglicher Individualisierung an die Oberfläche.

The public sphere conception continues to hold center stage in debates and visions of radical democratic society, and Jürgen Habermas' work continues to be the most popular starting point for developing this conception. However, the Habermasian public sphere has also come under powerful and sustained criticism from many quarters. Here I concentrate upon the critiques of a group of theorists to whom I refer as difference democrats. I examine the three key arguments of these critics: that the public sphere conception involves the exclusion of aesthetic-affective modes of communication and hence the voices of certain groups; that it assumes that power can be separated from public discourse, which masks exclusion and domination; and that it promotes consensus as the purpose of deliberation, which marginalizes voices that do not readily agree. Against these claims I show that the Habermasian public sphere can be read as maximizing the inclusion of difference in deliberative exchange. I demonstrate how the conception extensively accommodates aesthetic-affective modes of discourse, how it accounts for both negative and positive forms of power in discourse, and how it promotes the process over the end-point of rational discourse in public opinion formation.

Taking ideas about interfaith communication among stakeholders in the British “God Debate”
as an illustrative case, I propose that the translation metaphor, widely adopted across
disciplines, might productively be replaced by a different metaphor, “translanguaging”
(García and Wei 2013). I suggest that the model of sociolinguistic relations offered by
translanguaging nicely addresses the genealogical inseparability of “religious” language and
“secular” language. This working replacement for the translation metaphor invites new kinds
of philosophical and anthropological engagements with difference and may be extended to the
analysis of other phenomena that demand non-binary thought, such as transculturalism,
transgenderism and transnationalism. [translation metaphor, translanguaging, Britain,
religion, interfaith dialogue]

This article examines the place of botanical gardens in the public sphere, historically and currently, analyzing the variety of cultural dynamics shaping these locales. Botanical gardens are complex cultural sites where multispecies relations are cultivated and managed. These sites typically combine scientific inquiry with conservation efforts and public attractions. Botanical gardens in Spain offer a distinctive perspective on these locations because of their regional orientations, histories of empire, and distinctive research programs. Located in Spain’s three largest cities—Madrid, Barcelona, and Valencia—these gardens provide an opportunity
to think about multispecies relations that unfold in institutional settings located in dense urban zones. This article theorizes multispecies publics as distinctive cultural assemblages that distinctly combine and align humans and nonhumans in relations of care. These publics combine deep historical roots with considerable current transformative potential for reimagining urban space and the nation.

With the publication of Faktizität und Gelrung, Jürgen Habermas reunites two principle concerns from his earlier writings into a comprehensive theoretical discourse on law. First, the democratic thrust behind Habermas' considerations place this work within the tradition inaugurated by the critique of contemporary political life found in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Second, an original reconstruction of the philosophy of language drawn from the author's earlier Theory of Communicative Actions addresses the proposed tension between facticity and validity through the claims of communicative reason. From these preliminary considerations the complex basis from which Between Facts and Norms originates becomes apparent: in reconsidering the relation between the philosophy of law and political theory, we must discern what grants validity to law. The justifications Habermas provides for a system of rights bring together the central intentions behind the proposed theory of law. On the one hand, these justifications develop the underlying tension between facticity and validity as the basic structure of law: Habermas' argument develops from the extreme aspect of law as a guarantor of liberty through coercion. On the other, the theoretical reconstruction of rights elucidates the grounds for reestablishing a connection between legal and social theories.

Ever since the advent of the Internet, political communication scholars have debated its potential to facilitate and support public deliberation as a means of revitalizing and extending the public sphere. Much of the debate has focused on the medium’s potential in offering communicative spaces that transcend the limitations of time, space and access (and the traditional mass media) whereby open communication, deliberation and exchange of information among the public can prosper. Following the initial enthusiasm over the possibilities of a more interactive and deliberative electorate, along with the cyber-pessimist response, a growing body of rich empirical research into online deliberation has arisen in its wake. In search of online deliberation, scholars have conducted a broad range of investigations, developing several prominent directions in the field. One popular line of research has been the study of informal political talk through the lens of public sphere ideals.The aim of this chapter is to detail and discuss this growing body of research and its significance. First, I begin by discussing what scholars mean by political talk and why it is thought to be essential for (a more deliberative) democracy. Following this, the major findings to date are set out focusing specifically on three of the most common features of political talk investigated by scholars in the field. I discuss scholarly disagreement and offer my thoughts and critical reflection on the topic. Finally, the chapter ends with several recommendations for future research into informal political talk in the Internet-based public sphere.

"[...] Je vais d’abord examiner la relation entre la théorie normative et la théorie empirique (I), puis expliquer pourquoi et comment nous devons comprendre le processus démocratique, une fois institutionnalisé dans les conditions d’une société individualisée et pluraliste, à la lumière de la politique délibérative (II), et enfin je rappellerai les conditions improbables de stabilité d’une démocratie capitaliste en crise (III). Dans ce cadre théorique, pour lequel L’espace public (1962/1978) était un travail socio-historique préliminaire, je décris la structure des médias numériquement transformés et leur impact sur le processus politique. Le progrès technologique de la communication numérisée favorise d’abord les tendances à la dissolution des frontières, mais aussi à la fragmentation de l’espace public. Le caractère de plateforme des nouveaux médias crée, en plus de l’espace éditorial, un espace de communication dans lequel les lecteurs, les auditeurs et les téléspectateurs peuvent spontanément assumer le rôle d’auteurs (IV). L’ampleur des nouveaux médias est visible dans les résultats d’une enquête diachronique sur l’utilisation élargie des offres médiatiques. Alors que l’utilisation d’Internet s’est rapidement répandue au cours des deux dernières décennies et que la télévision et la radio ont plus ou moins maintenu leurs parts, la consommation de journaux et de magazines imprimés a chuté de manière spectaculaire (V). L’essor des nouveaux médias se fait dans l’ombre d’une exploitation commerciale de la communication en réseau, qui n’est pour l’instant pas réglementée. D’une part, cela menace de priver les journalistes, c’est-à-dire le groupe professionnel responsable des médias traditionnels, de leur base économique ; d’autre part, une forme de discussion semi-publique, fragmentée et circulaire semble se répandre parmi les utilisateurs exclusifs des réseaux sociaux, ce qui déforme la perception de l’espace public politique en tant que tel. Si cette hypothèse est correcte, une importante condition subjective préalable au mode plus ou moins délibératif de formation de l’opinion et de la volonté est menacée dans une proportion croissante de citoyens (VI)".

La traduction française a été réalisée, sans modification substantielle, par Luca Corchia et Françoise Albertini à partir du manuscrit allemand de Jürgen Habermas. Le texte initial a été publié, sous le titre Überlegungen und Hypothesen zu einem erneuten Strukturwandel der politischen Öffentlichkeit dans “Leviathan – Berliner Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft”, dans le numéro monographique “Ein neuer Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit?”, sous la direction de Martin Seeliger et Sebastian Sevignani, 2021, pp. 470-500. Nous remercions l’auteur et le journal pour l’autorisation de traduction.

This chapter seeks to re-interpret Iraqi politics after the US-led intervention of 2003 by examining the alternative discourses of democracy emanating from within Re-Colonial Iraq. It details the complex public sphere of the post-Saddam era and points to the inclusive nature of the positive developments that have occurred across the nation since 2003. The first part discusses the post-Saddam media landscape which has played a positive role in covering the nation’s difficult transition to democracy. The second part of this chapter documents and examines the Iraqi people’s exercise of their democratic right to protest and the influence these protests have had on the politics of the post-Saddam era. The chapter concludes that Iraqi citizens who play an active role in their own governance and participate in democratic mechanisms such as elections and mass demonstrations are helping to create a more robust democracy.

Greklerin Prokroistis'i pek meşhurdur. Prokroistis, Atina ve çevresinde eşkıyâlık yapar, halk arasında türlü rivâyetler yayar, onları korkuturmuş. Karşısına çıktığı kişilerin ise kurtuluşu yok; onları, kaçırıp inine götürür, sonra da küçük bir yatağa yatırıp dışta kalan uzuvlarını keserek öldürürmüş. Olgular da bir kez dünyâ görüşlerine, ideolojilere, siyâset teorilerine "dar gelmeye görsün"; onları kesip biçecek ve bunu yaparken onların ölümüne yol açacak; yaşamla bağını koparacak bir Prokroistis de hemen çıkıveriyor ve olgular, belirli birtakım zorlamalarla bunlara uygun hâle getirilerek nesnel gerçekliğini yitiriyor. Oysa, bir dünyâ görüşü, ideoloji, siyâset teorisi, içinden çıktığı topluma ve âit olduğu çağa târihin belirli bir döneminde "upuygun" olsa bile, ilerleyen zaman içinde bunları tekrar elden geçirmek; bu değişim içinde onların geçerlilik koşullarını yeniden değerlendirmek gerekir. Bunu yapmak yerine olgularda belirli birtakım zorlamalara gidilmesi gerek nesnenin, gerekse de öznenin kaybıyla sonuçlanmaktadır.

¿Qué tiene qué ver la deliberación con la democracia?, ¿qué lugar ocupa o ha de ocupar la deliberación en los procesos democráticos?, ¿hasta qué punto la idea de democracia deliberativa supone un programa teórico capaz de renovar el liberalismo político? De la elucidación de estas cuestiones se ocupa el presente trabajo y ello se hace en cinco pasos: en el primero se presenta la deliberación pública y las virtudes epistémicos asociadas a ella como ingrediente central del proceso democrático (2); a continuación se muestran las afinidades que el enfoque deliberativo comparte con el republicanismo contemporáneo (3); posteriormente se destacan las implicaciones que las exigencias deliberativas generan tanto en el ámbito de la sociedad civil como en el de las instituciones políticas públicas (4); en el paso siguiente se analizan las oportunidades que las innovaciones tecnológicas en el mundo de las comunicaciones ofrecen para el desarrollo de la deliberación pública (5); y, finalmente, se argumenta a favor de las potencialidades que ofrece la perspectiva crítico-utópica que impregna el modelo deliberativo propuesto (6).

This essay will focus on Habermas's discourse ethics and the theory of communicative action. More specifically, it will examine Habermas's discourse theory of law and the relationship (interaction, differences and similarities) between law, morality and ethics.

Özet Kamu, Kamusal Alan kavramları özellikle 1980 ile birlikte literatürde oldukça sıkça kullanılan kavramlar olmuştur. Kamusal alan, günümüz toplumunun farklılıklarla birlikte yaşayabilme idealine ulaşabilmesi adına oldukça önemli bir olgudur. Çalışmamızda farklı olana saygılı, çoğulcu bir toplum ve demokratik yönetimi sağlamak için, topluluğu ve devleti temsil edebilecek bir alan ihtiyacı olarak kamusal alandan bahsetmiş olacağız. Kamusal alanın ne' ligi, kamusal alanın nerede başlayıp nerede sonlandığı hakkında hala tam olarak üzerinde anlaşmaya varılmış ortak tanım yoktur. Bununla birlikte, 'Herkese açık alanlar mı kamusal alanlardır? Yoksa kamusal binalar mı kamusal alanı temsil eder?' gibi kamusal alanı tanımlamaya dönük soruları cevaplandırmak için kamusal alanın bazı temel özelliklerini de ifade etmeliyiz. Bu özellikleri şimdilik kısaca, kamusal alan kavramının içindeki kabul edilebilme özelliği, yani kamusal tasvibin olması gerekliliği ve kamusal görüş anlamında tepki gösterebilme, ilan etme gibi aleniyete dayalı özellikler olarak ifade edebiliriz. Habermas'ın 'Kamusallığın Yapısal Dönüşümü' adlı eseri kamusal alanı anlamlandırma açısından önemli bir kaynaktır. Habermas'ın bahsetmiş olduğumuz bu eserinde, kamusal alanın tarihsel bir süreç içerisinde nasıl oluştuğu ve kamusal alanın kavram olarak nasıl dönüşümler geçirdiğinden bahseder. Habermas'ın geç-kapitalist toplumlardaki özel-kamusal arasındaki ilişkinin dönüşümü üzerine yapmış olduğu tahlilleri kamusal alanının tarihsel seyrini incelememiz açısından da büyük önem taşır. Habermas eserinde, kamusal alandan demokrasinin bir temeli olarak bahsetmiştir. Kamusal alanın bu politik kabulünün kökenini de Kant'ın iki eserine dayandığı ifade edilmiştir. 1 Çalışmamızın içerisinde de ifade edilecek olan iki eserde temel olarak, insan aklının önemine ve aklın sadece tür içerinde gelişim gösterebileceğinden bahsedilmiştir. İnsanın benzerleriyle birlikte oluşturup geliştirdiği kurumlar yardımı ile özgürleşeceği vurgulanmıştır. Dolayısıyla Habermas, bu metinlerden hareketle Aydınlanmadan doğmuş olan kamusal alan fikrini geliştirmiş ve kamusal alanı devlet ve yurttaşların sorunları açıkça müzakere ettikleri bir müzakere alanı olarak tanımlamıştır. Habermas'ın tanımladığı şekilde kamusal alan bir burjuva kamusal alanıdır. Sadece burjuvaziyi karakterize eden bir kamusal alan tanımlanması yapılmış olduğundan dolayı, zaman içerisinde hakim burjuva kamusal alanı anlayışına da eleştiriler de getirilmeye 1 Dacheux, Eric, dü. Kamusal Alan. Çev. Hüseyi Köse. İstanbul: Ayrıntı Yayınları, 2008.

The aim of this study then is to move beyond politically oriented discussion forums by also examining the  communicative practices of participants within fan-based forums. The focus is on how participants talk politics in online informal discussion forums. By informal discussion forums, I am referring to those forums that are not bound to any formal predetermined agendas such as e-consultations or e-juries, but rather to forums who’s primary purpose is to simply provide a communicative space for talk, e.g. fan-based discussion forums, news media message boards, and Usenet newsgroups. By political talk, I am referring to everyday, informal, political conversation carried out freely between participants in these online spaces, which is often spontaneous and lacks any purpose outside the purpose of talk for talk sake, representing the practical communicative form of what Habermas (1984, p. 327) calls communicative action. It is through this type of everyday political talk whereby citizens achieve mutual understanding about the self and each other, and it represents the fundamental ingredient of the public sphere.

The purpose of this study first is a normative one; it is to examine the democratic quality of this fundamental ingredient, of the communicative practices of participants within online discussions forums in light of a set of normative conditions of the public sphere. It is also to move beyond a formal notion of deliberation (beyond rationality via argumentation) by providing a more accurate account of how the political emerges in online discussions (particularly within nonpolitically oriented forums), how people actually talk politics in those discussions, and finally, how alternative communicative forms such as humor, emotional comments, and acknowledgements interact and influence the more ‘traditional’ elements of deliberation (e.g. rational-critical debate and reciprocity). Consequently, I present the following three research questions, which are central to this study:

To what extent do the communicative practices of online political discussions satisfy the normative conditions of the process of deliberation of the public sphere?

What role, if any, do expressives (humor, emotional comments, and acknowledgements) play within online political discussions and in relation to the normative conditions of deliberation?

How does political talk emerge in nonpolitically oriented discussion forums?

Together, the answers to these questions present a more comprehensive account of online political talk. They seek not only to offer insight into the quality of such talk, but also to provide a better understanding of its expressive and affective nature. Moreover, they seek to improve our understanding of how political talk occurs outside the realm of politically oriented discussion forums, and how it emerges in such communicative spaces. Therefore, in order to answer these questions and provide this insight, I examine and compare political talk within three online discussion forums of the Guardian, Big Brother, and Wife Swap. A comparative study design with normative, descriptive, and explorative characteristics was utilized. A content analysis with both qualitative and quantitative features was employed as the primary instrument for examination. Additional textual and network analyses were carried out to provide more depth to the investigation.

I examine the “science of human nature” of David Hume, Francis Hutcheson, Adam Smith, and other British moralists and writers, and show how this “science” is expression of the 18-century new way of looking at aesthetic and moral sentiment, passion and perception.  The “science of human nature”, which  may be (and commonly is) considered an ancestor of our philosophy and psychology, is in fact a radically historical form of knowledge, whose truth comes from history and whose notion of experience is that of a collection of human types and cases.  Its producers and intended readers were from the “conversable” and polite society -- that is, groups of non-philosophers, non-psychologists discussing people and life in moralistic and mechanistic terms.

Rational optimism and functional optimization are expressions that show two antagonistic positions in relation to the juridical phenomenon. The first one is supported by J. Habermas, and the second one by N. Luhmann. In this paper, I will attempt to analyze the terms of these theoretical alternatives, the live wire being Habermas's articulation of the contemporary discussion about Right, which is formulated in his last book Faktizität und Geltung. The present work is divided in four sections. The first one shows the main philosophical points of Luhmann's Sociology of Right. The second section discusses Rawls's position about justice and its fundation. The third section presents a reconstruction of Habermas's point of view on this subject. Finally, the last section suggests a critical balance of the habermasian proposal considering the role played by the "narrative identity" and the "mass media" in his juridical theory.

As we start our journey through the twenty-first century, we will continue to be faced with two divergent trends, the rise of the Internet and the steady decline in the public sphere, and in political participation in general.  The hopes of many are that eventually the one trend will offset the other; that the rapid growth of the Internet will be tapped into in hopes of harnessing its potential to enhance and reinvigorate a fading and ailing public sphere.  The question now becomes can this potential be translated into an enhancement for democracy, a remedy for an ailing public sphere?

This thesis examines this potential more closely by using the deliberative model of democracy and its emphasis on a ‘well functioning’ public sphere as a lens for examination of Internet practices, particularly those practices taking place within online political forums.  More specifically, this thesis has constructed a set of normative conditions of the ideal public sphere developed from the works of Habermas and other deliberative democrats, which were used as an evaluation scheme whereby these Internet practices were assessed - those being the process of understanding, sincerity, equality, and freedom.

This thesis’ research question: to what extent do current online political forums correspond to the ideal notion of the public sphere advocated by Habermas and other deliberative democrats, was assessed at three levels.  First, an examination was carried out by comparing the results from recent research, with regards to deliberating within online forums, to the set of normative conditions.  Secondly, an examination of the methods used by these researchers was conducted, again using the set of normative conditions as the frame of analysis.  Finally, an exploratory case study was conducted to assess current discursive practices within online political forums with the focus being placed on the testing of new methodological approaches for such an analysis. 

This case study focuses on exploring new methodological approaches for analyzing the normative condition of the process of understanding, more specifically the normative elements of rational-critical debate, reciprocity, and reflexivity, which when we consider the current state of research is much needed. 

The highlights of this exploratory case study consist of, first a visual mapping of the message flow within the discussion thread.  Second, a ‘web of reciprocity’ approach was used to assessing discussion threads for their level of reciprocity as a whole.  Finally, taking from argumentation theory, a three progressive level of analysis of reflexivity, which assessed messages for their use of counter-arguments and counter-evidence as a means of detecting the level of reflexivity present within a single message and within the messages as a whole.

The aim of this chapter is to see whether online discussion forums dedicated to popular culture (reality TV) provide a communicative space, content and style for politics that extends the public sphere. Given their typically casual, chatty and frivolous nature, we might assume that political talk doesn’t emerge in such spaces, and if it does, it would fall well short of the type of talk crucial to the public sphere. To what extent does political talk emerge in such spaces? If so, do such forums fulfil the requirements of rationality and ‘decent’ deliberation? Given the nature of the forums, the analysis moves beyond a formal notion of deliberation by also taking into account the use of expressive speech acts: emotion, humour and acknowledgements. What role do ‘expressives’ play within online political talk and how do they impact the normative conditions of deliberation? Moreover, comparing these spaces with a space dedicated to high politics – the Guardian political discussion forum – allows us to see whether, as critics would expect, deliberative talk is taking place in the one and emotional and irrational talk in the other.

This study examines gap—traditional reciprocal associations common in Central Asia. Gap is an unofficial, regular get-together of people of similar age bound by socially acknowledged ties. The study argues that gap
represents a communal type of civil society featuring many differences from analogous groups in Western liberal societies. Gap may effect social consciousness and facilitate mobilisation. The study also analyses modern forms of gap such as joint savings funds, female-only get-togethers, and internet-based gap.