International Relations, Security, Strategic Studies, Politics

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

The article attempts a comprehensive review of the human security concept in order to question its utility for both research and policy-making. It notes the term’s interdisciplinary and extensively normative content that have facilitated its evolution into a successful security discourse. On the other hand, human security’s wide appeal has as a side-effect an extended conceptual polysemy inhibiting the cumulation of knowledge and the development of a relevant theory. Absence of conceptual clarity has also complicated its policy implementation. The article attempts to break the deadlock and move the debate forward by using the work of John Gerring and Paul A. Barresi on concept formation as an organizing device.

The purpose of this research was to examine the influence of globalization on Kenya’s public policy. The study begins by looking at the evolution of globalization. The thesis and hypotheses are clearly outlined and discussed in chapter 1 of the study. The study seeks to explore the processes of public policy making in Kenya and try to find out how the forces of globalization affect these processes and its outcomes.
The literature review was done with a wealth of extractions from well known authors and a rich source of publications to re-emphasize the fact that their ideologies were in line with the study objectives. This strengthened the study. The literature review focused a lot on the research questions and objectives. Thus, the areas largely explored in the literature review were economic internationalism, intergovernmental organizations and trans-border data flow.
The study explores in detail, the act of policy making, steps and outcomes in Kenya. In addition, it also enhances the reader’s understanding of globalization by exploring different forms of globalization. It gives a deeper introduction to globalization, taking the readers through the growth of globalization. Also, it explores the agents of globalization in detail including economic internationalism, trans-border data flow, and intergovernmental organizations.
The researcher then presents data analysis, presentation of data and interpretation of the collected data. This is done in form of graphs, tables and charts that clearly show correlation between the variables. This is accompanied by brief notes to explain each figure and chart, to further enhance the readers’ understanding of the data. Finally, the study gives the recommendation and conclusion. In this part, it is clear that Kenya’s policy makers have to strengthen policies that encourage and foster manufacturing in the country so as to strengthen its position in the international market. Of course innovation and creativity will be instrumental in doing this. Also, in the conclusion, the study discusses the importance of peace and stability in Kenya’s journey towards vision 2030.However, peace and stability cannot be achieved without good governance, yet human rights is obviously a prerequisite for good governance. In achieving all these, the international community through the agents of globalization has played a very significant role in the efforts to transform Kenya from a one party authoritarian state to a democracy and to invoke good governance in Kenya. And even though the democratic institutions are still weak and need a lot more stronger policies to strengthen and enhance them, we can say so far the country is in the right path towards achieving internal democracy. A lot of institutional reforms have been put in place in the last four years that still aim at making Kenya a more peaceful and stable nation and fostering good governance. Indeed, even in these reforms, the international community has played a significant role, more so through the Koffi Anan led Panel of African Imminent Personalities.
As a result of the study, it was recommended that public policy formulation and its outcomes should consider the process of globalization and its outcomes. This is because, as found out by the study, globalization and its forces significantly affect the lifestyle of the Kenyan citizens making it a force to reckon with while formulating public policies.
The recommendations were drawn from the data collected from a total of 83 respondents. The study took a downward-upwards approach as opposed to vice versa by interviewing the ordinary Kenyans and a few experts on issues to do with public policy. The researcher thought the opinions of the ordinary Kenyans were of utmost importance, since public policy is aimed at improving their livelihood. Therefore, there was need to gather their views on what they think is important for them, and what they think would enrich their lives. These views were later consolidated and classified as recommendations and will be important for policy makers as they formulate the policies.

"Participación militar argentina en misiones de paz. Desafíos para la política de defensa e influencia en la organización y funcionamiento en las Fuerzas Armadas. 1990-2013”. Co-autoría Guillermo Lafferriere y Germán Soprano. Relaciones Internacionales Nº50. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. La Plata. 2016. pp.255-280. ISSN:1515-3371.

The article aims to develop an analytical model for foreign policy experts in order to gain a better understanding of Russian-U.S. relations. The content of Russian-U.S. relations is categorized into practical and ideational agendas. This article argues that the dynamics of interaction between these two coexisting agendas is crucial for understanding the dynamics of Russian-U.S. relations. Descriptive analysis is used to study, categorize, and explain such dynamics. The paper also includes an analysis of the correlation between the practical and ideational agendas. The proposed approach helps to better understand how the unique conceptual landscape of Russian-U.S. relations influences their practical domain. This approach can be used as a separate explanatory model or in combination with explanatory models of major theories.

Geopolitics is the study of the interaction between geography and politics. Geography is defined expansively as the study of spacial relationships, with special emphasis on how special variation in biophysical world affects human societies. Politics is the study of power—how it is attained, maintained, and used. Putting these concepts together we can define geopolitics as the study of how variation in the biophysical world shapes the pursuit and use of power by human societies. This course addresses the following questions: How does the biophysical environment shape power relations among human societies? Is geopolitical analysis useful for understanding the role of energy and the environment in the international system? Why or why not? How does the distribution of energy and environmental resources shape power relations? As new great powers emerge, are we entering an age of increased scarcity of resources (water, oil, food) and increased conflict? Will global warming cause geopolitical change? BASIC CONCEPTS The three basic building blocks of geopolitics are place, borders, and distance. Human societies are fundamentally shaped by their biophysical location. Relationships between societies are fundamentally shaped by characteristics of their borders and their distance from one another. Two other factors—technology and our mental maps of the world— shape the meaning of the core building blocks of geopolitics. Special Places (Spatial Differentiation) For centuries historians and philosophers have argued that place fundamentally shapes human societies. Open plains foster vulnerable and hostile societies and vast empires. Areas fragmented by topography and ecology (mountain ranges, forests, etc.) foster a multitude of diverse political units. Temperate zones facilitate the development of complex societies. A long coastline with many good ports facilitates the emergence of a commercial society. This type of reasoning is dismissed by some as deterministic, but there is no denying that the particular type of place a society emerges has a foundational impact on is political, economic, and cultural development over the long run. The most important role that place plays in this course is the unequal distribution of energy and environmental resources and the need to transport these resources around the globe. We

This article explains why Singapore, despite its small size and semiauthoritarian regime, retains one of the best military forces in the Indo-Pacific. It unpacks Singapore's ability to continuously innovate since the 1960stechnologically, organizationally, and conceptuallyand even recently joined the Revolution in Military Affairs bandwagon. Drawing from the broader military innovation studies literature, this article argues evolutionary peacetime military innovation is more likely to occur in a state with a unified civil-military relation and whose military faces a high-level diverse set of threats. This argument explains how the civil-military fusion under the People's Action Party-led government since Singapore's founding moment has been providing coherent and consistent strategic guidance, political support, and financial capital, allowing the Singapore Armed Forces to continuously innovate in response to high levels and diversity of threats.

Women form 50 percent of the Afghan population and the stability of this nation will be best reflected only by improvement in their condition since they have always been subjected to any change, turmoil and cultural and religious norms prevailing in the country.  Gender equality refers to a concept that all men and women, are free to develop according to their personal capabilities and can also make their choices irrespective of the hindrances posed by traditional gender rules, prejudices etc. Therefore, gender equality deciphers an equal level of consideration for all human needs and aspiration. However, in case of Afghanistan, achieving gender equality is a target that needs tons of effort to realize.
This paper also discusses Afghanistan’s efforts to achieving gender equality in light of Millennium Development Goals, actions, progresses and challenges. Equality is an ideal term and for Afghanistan, which has been a victim of conflicts, terrorism and religious fundamentalism for decades, it becomes more important to change the hierarchy of societal structure to involve women in the process of its reconstruction. The paper analyses gradual changes in the status of women in Afghanistan and their visibility in different arena to assess the present scenario and future prospects.

Keamanan merupakan salah satu konsep yang paing penting dalam disiplin Hubungan Internasional, karena didasarkan pada keamanan negara dan warga negara serta berhubungan dengan isu-isu makro keselamatan yang berhubungan dengan perang. Definisi klasik dari security adalah sebuah bidang kajian yang selama ini diartikan sebagai sebuah disiplin ilmu yang membahas tentang sistem, praktik, dan kenijakan pertahanan negara. Dalam pengrtian definisi ini, bidang kajian security studies seringkali dikitkan dan disamakan dengan bidang kajian pertahanan negara, termasuk di dalamnya pengertian pertahana secara militer dan pertahanan secara sipil. Security studies juga meliputi studi-studi tentang kebijakan dan praktik militer serta politik yang berkaitan dengan usahausaha menangkal ancaman dan mempertahankan kedaulatan dan eksistensi sebuah negara. Dalam definisi kritis, security tidak lagi sekedar kaitan dengan eksistensi negara tetapi dipahami secara lebih luas sebagai human security , yaitu kondisi-kondisi yang menjamin keberlangsungan eksistensi manusia pada umumnya, dan tidak sekedar eksistensi manusia sebagai warga negara sebuah negara tertentu. Dalam pengertian definisi ini, security studies mencakup implikasi kebijakan, praktik dan sistem politik terhadap usaha-usaha manusia untuk mepertahankan kelangsungan hidup, identitas etnitas, identitas agama, identitas gender dan kebebasan berekspresi.

The thesis traces the historical, political and economic context that immediately after the post-war period saw the onset of the need of the Atlantic block States to create a system of collective international security to counter the threat coming from, at that time, Soviet Union. It has been examined in depth the historical-political process that led to the signing of the North Atlantic Pact as the constitutive treaty of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) appraising the exercised influence on relationships with the United Nations’ Member States. There have also been analyzed the following phases as well as the strategic and structural evolution of NATO in relation to the various historical periods, from the Cold War to the present day.
The issues of International Law concerning the intervention of NATO founded on its “casus foederis” and its relation with the UN Security Council have been analyzed, either from the point of view of the positive law or from the political and military comprehension to which both organizations are connected, in the light of the most recent asymmetric threats.
Furthermore, a thorough reflection has been dedicated to NATO’s intervention in former Yugoslavia and in particular to the vexata quaestio of the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention in Kosovo as well as to the profiles of hybrid war emerged in the Russian-Ukrainian juxtaposition followed by Crimea’s annexation from Russia and the issue of Middle Eastern terrorism. There have been examined the principles of international law, with particular attention to humanitarian law, such as the principle of self-defence, non-interference and self-determination, trying to assess the interference with the notion of States’ territorial sovereignty in the light of  the criteria of necessity and proportionality.
Given these points, despite the consultation of the main legal sources, further reference has been made to the Strategic Concepts of  NATO as well as the Resolutions of the UN Security Council. The study of the sources made it possible to analyze the respective law requirements, on which ground, deliberations are adopted by international politics to manage international crises and conflicts. In addition, great attention has been paid to the International Law Doctrine, to the opinion of the political diplomacy involved as well as the views of several prestigious think tanks.
The research undergoes through the examination of NATO’s intervention fields - conventional and non - in the recent years and the epochal change cyber-war has given rise to, in combination with other elements of the hybrid war, therefore have been analyzed the adopted strategies on which effectiveness will be played the Alliance’s future challenges. “Smart Defence”, “Comprehensive Approach”, “Cyber Defence Policy”, “Strategic Communication” combined with a decisive political will, which only after overcoming the sieve of legitimacy out of the “NATO method”, will thrive on becoming the “raison d'être” of the Atlantic Treaty in the near future and, as it might be foreseeable, will contribute to ensure international order and security.

After many years of effort it seems that Russia has agreed to sell 24 Sukhoi SU-35 ‘Super Flanker’ aircraft to China. According to a recent report in  Jane’s Defence Weekly the deputy director of Russian state run arms export company Rosoboronexport (ROE)  stated that a contract for the delivery of 24 SU-35 may be realised some time in 2014.
This article briefly examines the background to this announcement and the implications for India.

New Delhi is carefully following developments in the South China Sea as part of her “Looking East” policy and helping Vietnam exploit offshore oil and build her maritime capacities. However, Indian policy is cautious and aptly described as “multialigned”, rather than bent on building a coalition to resist China.

Georgia mendeklarasikan kemerdekaannya pada tanggal 9 April 1991 setelah runtuhnya Uni Soviet, dengan ibukota Tblisi. Secara geografis, Georgia berada di wilayah Kaukasus dan berbatasan langsung dengan Rusia di sebelah Utara dan di sebelah Selatan berbatasan langsung dengan Turki, Armenia, dan Azerbaijan. Wilayah Georgia yang terdiri dari 12 provinsi, termasuk di dalamnya dua wilayah yang ingin memisahkan diri, Abkhazia dan Ossetia Selatan

(ENG) The purpose of book is to examine evolution of British security policy after the Cold War. The author focuses on the description of crucial determinants of british approach to security and defence issues, and on present “continuity and change” in specific dimensions of British security policy after 1989. The aim of the analysis is to collect and organize as many avalible information on this issue as possible, and transfer them on the ground of polish science which until now had no monograph on this matter.
The first chapter is mentioned to be an introduction to further parts of the monograph. It scrutinizes the impact of historical and traditional issues on process of shaping contemporary British security policy. There is also a role of security issues in british political reality analized. Second chapter is devoted to evolution of the concept of British security policy. It contains detailed analysis of british defence white papers and defence reviews published in post-Cold War era with special focus on Strategic Defence Review 1998 and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2010. The second chapter tries also to anticipate challenges for future defence review which is to be published after next General Elections.
Next five chapters of the monograph are devoted to the specific areas of post-Cold War British security policy. The third chapter describes transformation of British armed forces after end of the Cold War with particular emphasis on military dimension of Strategic Defence and Security Review 2010. It also tries to anticipate future shape of armed forces of the United Kingdom. Fourth part of the paper scrutinizes evolution of british approach to the expeditionary operations with special focus on implications of Tony Blairs’s “International Community Doctrine” on future of the british expeditionary policy. The fifth chapter contains analysis of the british approach to the nuclear weapons after end of the Cold War. It outlines basic parameters of british nuclear doctrine and analyzes the current debate over future of  United Kingdom’s nuclear deterrent. The sixth chapter charaterises traditional “atlanticism” of british security policy. It presents role which anglo-american “special relationship” and  North Atlantic Treaty Organization play in post-Cold war british security policy. Seventh and final chapter examines evolution of british approach to the process of european military integration in last 25 years. It emphasizes especially the role of the United Kingdom in process of developing the Common Security and Defence Policy of European Union.
The most important conclusion of hereby monograph is that despite the revolutionary changes in strategic environment of the United Kingdom, which have occured since 1989, shape of british security policy has not been changed substantially. Despite the fact, that there have been some important changes in british approach to the security issues, many of british security policy dimensions are still inside the framework created before 1989.

This new publication concerning the geopolitical situation and the challenges for security in the region of Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus has been the result fo the research within the international research project: “Geopolitical Dilemmas. Poland and Germany and the Processes and Challenges of Europeanisation in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus”, co-ordinated by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of Jagiellonian University and Viadrina European University
in Frankfurt (Oder). The realisation of this project was possible thanks to the financial support of the Foundation for Polish-German Co-operation, the Robert Bosch Foundation and the “Bratniak” Foundation, for whom the authors wish to express their gratitude.
The realisation of this project led to the creation of a scientific consortium and research network, whereby academics representing various countries could carry out their research, the results of which have been published in this book. This publication contains papers prepared by both Polish and German authors, as well as by scientists from those states covered by the Eastern Partnership Programme. The
studies of these European academics have been enriched by adding the perspective of researchers from the USA and China, whose papers have also been published in this book.
The conflict in Ukraine led to a complete change in the geopolitical situation in Central and Eastern Europe and affected the level of security in the region. The objective of the studies within the consortium was thus the examination of the impact of the Ukrainian conflict on current geopolitical conditions in that part of the world, as well as the level of regional security. The publication presents texts discussing the most significant problems and processes affecting the shape of the deformed geopolitical “Eastern Chessboard” in a world region regarded up until now as stable.

Η περιπτωσιολογική εξέταση του παραδείγματος της υψηλής στρατηγικής των Η.Π.Α κατά τη διάρκεια του Ψυχρού πολέμου παρουσιάζει αναμφίβολα τεράστιο ενδιαφέρον για το στρατηγικό αναλυτή καθόσον διαφαίνονται στοιχεία ιστορικής επαναληψιμότητας σχετικά με τη στρατηγική θεωρία. Το δίπολο ισχύος Η.Π.Α – Ε.Σ.Σ.Δ λοιπόν εύλογα παραπέμπει στο δίπολο ισχύος Αθήνας – Σπάρτης, παραλληλίζοντας την Η.Π.Α με την Αθήνα και την Ε.Σ.Σ.Δ με την επεκτατική Σπάρτη. Η ομοιότητα μεταξύ των δύο περιπτώσεων είναι ενδιαφέρουσα. Η Αμερικανική υψηλή στρατηγική κατά τη διάρκεια του Ψυχρού Πολέμου, συνοψίζεται στην ιδέα της ανάσχεσης της εκληφθείσας Σοβιετικής επιθετικότητας, που όπως και στην περίπτωση της Αρχαίας Αθήνας περιελάμβανε αποτροπή (deterrence) [πυρηνικά όπλα – μακρά τείχη], απονομιμοποίηση της αντίπαλης πολιτικο - κοινωνικής ιδεολογίας, προσπάθεια επίτευξης στρατηγικής υπερεξάπλωσης του αντιπάλου (πόλεμος των άστρων – Σικελική εκστρατεία), επένδυση σε ισχυρές ένοπλες δυνάμεις, απόρριψη του κατευνασμού  (αξίωση Σπάρτης για απόρριψη Μεγαρικού ψηφίσματος -  αξίωση Σοβιετικών για περιορισμό του Αμερικανικού πυρηνικού οπλοστασίου) και τέλος η υπονόμευση της διεθνούς εικόνας της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης.

‫ﻣﮭﯾدي‬ ‫ﺑن‬ ‫اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ -‫اﻟﺑواﻗﻲ‬ ‫أم‬ -‫اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻌﻠوم‬ ‫اﻟﺣﻘوق‬ ‫ﻛﻠﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻠوم‬ ‫ﻗﺳم‬ Ê<ÜÒ]à¢]<∞e<ÌÈfl⁄˘]<l^OE¯√÷]<ª<ÌÈfl⁄˘]<Ì◊ñ√π] < hÜ«π] < < ُ ‫ﻤ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺴﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻠوم‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﯿﺴﺎﻨس‬ ‫ﺸﻬﺎدة‬ ‫ﻟﻨﯿل‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ذﻛر‬ ‫ـﺔ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـﯿ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫دوﻟ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎت‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺼص:‬

The concept of security has long since been a core tenet as well as a debated issue amongst International Relations scholars. Currently, constructivist stream of IR represents a peculiar framework through which engaging with security studies. In this regard, the main argument lays in the “securitization paradigm”, conceptualised by the Copehnagen School of IR,  which claims that security issues are socially constructed through discourse. Indeed, it is advanced a different perspective through which dealing with the life cycle of a security issue as it is not necessarily an “objective sense” measured in terms of threats prior to the language, but the result of political and social interaction through discourse, within which collective identities, social values and norms are part of an intersubjectively constructed world. In this regard, the securitisation paradigm has widened and deepened the perspective of security studies by deconstructing the reified meaning of “power politics”, unveiled the securitising power of speech acts when it comes to define an issue as existential threat decoupling it from “normal politics” , and promoted the discourse analysis to a method to critically evaluate securitisation processes.
However, this approach has showed to be “problematically narrow”. In fact, it has been underspecified the effect of other form of representation on the securitisation process, in other words “facilitating conditions”,  by overfocusing on speech acts of only securitising actors (mainly political elites) rather than  considering that images or material practice can speak security themselves. Furthermore, by focusing only on the moment of the intervention it has been ignored how security threats can be constructed through peculiar representations of “Self-Other” sedimented in different social contexts over time  . Indeed, the securitisation paradigm seems to have reified the negative concept of security into a  “commodity”  which i.a. undermines its applicability to different socio-political backgrounds). Therefore, it is required to highlight the importance of “contextual factors” in altering functional and analytical dimensions of the securitisation process to enhance the  understanding of the dynamics  which construct security issues.

This paper examines the regional security implications of China's realpolitik approach in its territorial claim over the South China Sea. It observes that China uses the following power-politics tactics: (i) citing a historic claim; (ii) applying a bilateral approach to weaken ASEAN; (iii) relying on a divideand-rule stratagem in dealing individually with ASEAN member states and creating a wedge between ASEAN and the USA; and (iv) buttressing its naval capabilities to resolve the territorial dispute according to its own terms. This consequently has driven the small claimant states, like Vietnam and the Philippines, to adopt a balancing strategy that involves the USA in the issue. In conclusion, the paper argues that with China's realpolitik approach, the idea that Europe's (violent) past is becoming East Asia's future is turning into reality.p afo_1084 262..289

This paper is an International Security study. It is not sufficient in international security to concentrate on only the consequences of terrorism, there are political, economic and criminal causes with respect to security. There are many factors that sustain terrorism. In this study, we will focus on just one of the factors of the terror-drug trafficking connection. In the context of drug trafficking we will examine the PKK example as a case study. According to our findings, far from being only an ethnic-separatist terrorist organization targeting Turkey, the PKK has a large network in the Middle East, Central Asia, East-West Europe and North Africa regions. The PKK also has relations with many legitimate and illegitimate organizations. It would be impossible to think that an organization with such a wide network and that acts in a hierarchical structure was not involved in the drug trafficking and smuggling. There is a special relationship based on mutual benefit between international drug trafficking and the PKK which has existed for the last 35 years. Terrorism is a form of abuse of competition between nations. Failure among the world states to provide a consensus allows terrorist organizations to strengthen and maintain their survival. The 35-year survival of the PKK is one of the clearest proofs of this assumption. We expect that understanding the essence of the PKK’s role in drug trafficking will make a useful contribution to the effective fight against international terrorism.
Prof. Dr. Sedat Laçiner & Ahmet Doğru
Ankara 2016

On 29 June 2014, the ISIS/ISIL or Daesh announced the change of its name to just "Islamic State" (IS), proclaimed itself a "Caliphate" and named its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as "Caliph Ibrahim". About a year later, this article intends to evaluate the trajectory and reach of this territorial jihadist entity. It starts by contextualizing the self-proclamation in terms of ideology and objectives and then it describes how the IS has sought to consolidate itself as a  de facto "State" and the tragic effects of its policy of terror. The last part examines the international expansion of the IS, analysing its reach in attracting "foreign fighters", the new wilayats created outside Syria and Iraq, the newly affiliated local groups, and the activities of the IS in cyberspace.

"This article seeks to add to the post-Cold War character of conflict debate by putting air power, its attractiveness to liberal democracies and the subsequent British way of war, in both conventional war and counter-insurgency, into historical context. The article starts with a synoptic examination of the utility of air power in what David Edgerton has called liberal militarism, enabling Britain to avoid bloody and expensive land conflict by using economic, technical and industrial superiority. The article then questions the notion that air power has limited utility in counter-insurgency by examining Britain’s use of air power as part of a liberal militarist approach to counter-insurgency. The third section critically analyses the argument deployed before the SDSR that unitary, land-centric conflict would predominate and therefore Britain’s armed forces needed rebalancing. The article concludes by contending the intervention in Libya is an example of liberal militarism and continuation of the British way of war. The article’s conclusion is that air power remains fundamental to the British way of war in post-Cold War conflict, as it has since the First World War."

This paper deals with the background, role players, sequence of events, geopolitical considerations and history of the Angolan War which took place from 1975 to 1990 between the Soviet Union and its allies & proxies on the one hand, and the Republic of South Africa and its allies on the other. It also has a section presenting a rebuttal of previously published material on this subject, and a section on disinformation techniques used in and by the Soviet Union.

近年南海领海争端加剧以及中国与日俱增的经济影响，一直在激化亚细安内部的分歧。各成员国立场的差异，从今年六月和七月分别在云南和老挝举办的多国会议上可见。亚细安成员国当时要在南海主权问题上建立基本共识所面对的困难特别明显。今年九月在万象举行的亚细安－中国高峰会议上，各方似乎也只能暂时回避异议，再度同意遵守已有的海军《海上意外相遇规则》(Code for Unexpected Encounters at Sea，简称CUES)。除非亚细安成员国正视并着手整合其组织的内部运作和操作，这个历经冷战和后冷战时期的东南亚区域组织恐怕会面临被现实淘汰的可能。为了开拓亚细安的未来，成员国或许需考虑如何推动内部协调、理顺决策过程，甚至调整心态接受其他东南亚区域组织的存在等改革方向。

（見頁52-55）

What drives a state's choice to assimilate, accommodate, or exclude ethnic groups within its territory? In this innovative work on the international politics of nation-building, Harris Mylonas argues that a state's nation-building policies toward non-core groups – any aggregation of individuals perceived as an ethnic group by the ruling elite of a state – are influenced by both its foreign policy goals and its relations with the external patrons of these groups. Through a detailed study of the Balkans, Mylonas shows that how a state treats a non-core group within its own borders is determined largely by whether the state's foreign policy is revisionist or cleaves to the international status quo, and whether it is allied or in rivalry with that group's external patrons. Mylonas injects international politics into the study of nation-building, building a bridge between international relations and the comparative politics of ethnicity and nationalism. This is the first book to explain systematically how the politics of ethnicity in the international arena determine which groups are assimilated, accommodated, or annihilated by their host states.

The status of ‘international law’ is examined critically. In the first section, the basis of (national) legislation is described. This consists of an inquiry into a credible meaning of ‘natural law’. It is focused on the question whether universal principles exist and, if so, of what kind. Section 2 deals with the issue of enforcement. National legislation invariably realizes this, but this is not obvious at the international level. Section 3 deals with human rights. It is discussed whether their presence points to the existence of ‘international law’. To this end, a possible reason for these rights to have developed is expounded.

The historical union between religion and the state has bred all forms of vices, religion playing intrinsic role in the subjugation of the people while reward is postponed to afterlife.  This work  x-ray the dynamic contest between the state and religion with special focus on Nigeria. It examines the evolution and dimension of the conflict and also explores the separation between religion and the state. It seeks to draw a synergy between the prevailing theories of terrorism in Nigeria and it thereby identifies several internal facilitators. It concludes that Boko haram conflict is a secretion of the nature and quality of leadership of the state in the past and the lackadaisical approach to religious intolerance, ethnicity, youth restiveness, unemployment and alternative educational system of Almajiri, practice in northern Nigeria. It therefore recommends constitutional amendment of a total separation of the state from religion. It also recommends a concerted effort by the sub regional body ECOWAS in the fight against terrorism.

Key Words: Boko Haram, secularism, pan-Islamism, church, killing, Islam.

Bu kitap; ülkemizin bölünmesi ve devletimizin dinamitlenmesi tehlikesine ve toplumun bu vurdumduymaz tepkisizliğine karşı bir isyan çığlığıdır!..
Bu kitap; Milli ve manevi değerlerini midesinden, bağımsızlık ve bekasını menfaatinden üstün tutanlara bir çağrıdır!..

Bu kitap; ülkemiz, bölgemiz ve yüce dinimiz üzerinde hesapları olan Siyonist ve emperyalist merkezlerin işbirlikçi gafillerine bir uyarıdır!..

Bu kitap; bunca haksızlık ve ahlaksızlık karşısında susan dilsiz şeytan olmamak için yazılmıştır!…

This article studies the security politics of Artificial Intelligence (AI) in China. Using securitization as an analytical framework, it examines the official Chinese AI discourse and how AI is becoming a security matter. The article argues that the Chinese central government is securitizing AI to mobilize local states, market actors, intellectuals, and the general public. China's historical anxieties about its technology and regime security needs are conducive to the rise of a security discourse in China's AI politics, a trend also fuelled by tensions arising from great power competition. Although helpful in convincing domestic actors, this securitization trend could undermine Chinese key AI objectives by heading in an inward-looking, techno-nationalistic direction that may be seriously detrimental to China's AI industry and leadership ambitions.

Closely associated with China’s growing prominence in international politics are discussions about how to understand Chinese history, and how such perspectives inform the way a stronger China may relate to the rest of the world. This article examines two narratives as cases, and considers how they fit against more careful historical scholarship. The first is the nationalist narrative dealing with Qing and Republican history, and the second is the narrative on the Chinese world order. Analyses of Chinese nationalism tend to see a more powerful China as being more assertive internationally, based in part on a belief in the need to address and overcome past wrongs. Studies of historical regional systems in Asia point to the role that a peaceful ‘Confucian’ ethos played in sustaining a stable Chinese-led order, and highlight the promise it holds for checking regional and international tensions. The two perspectives create an obvious tension when trying to understand China’s rise, which can suggest that using historical viewpoints to understand contemporary developments may be doomed to incoherence. This article argues that difficulties in applying knowledge of the past to analyses of China’s role in contemporary world politics indicate a relative inattentiveness to Chinese and Asian history. It illustrates how the nature of China’s rise may be more contingent on the external environment that it faces than popular received wisdom may indicate. The article suggests that a more extensive engagement with historical research and historiography can augment and enrich attempts to appreciate the context surrounding China’s rise.

This paper highlights China's views regarding CPEC and argues that stakes are very high for China in CPEC, and it is a project that must succeed if BRI is to go down in history as a success. However, CPEC's success cannot be ensured without responding to the security challenge present in Pakistan and Afghanistan, which has the potential to jeopardise the CPEC and as a result the entire BRI. Hence, China is required to engage with both Pakistan and Afghanistan to ensure the long-term security of the CPEC. Building of CPEC and its further extension leaves India with limited options but augmenting economic, political and security concerns.