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Page 1. Daniel L. Seiden Cambyses' Madness, or the Reason of History Das Denken ist die Urdichtung, die aller Poesie voraufgeht, aber auch dem Dichterischen der Kunst, insofern diese innerhalb des Bezirkes der Sprache ins Werk kommt. ...

This book is intended to be a stimulus for educators who want to teach or plan curriculum with the long view in mind. The book states that although sustainability-meeting today's needs without jeopardizing the interests of future generations-has become a dominating force in diverse disciplines, it has yet to play a substantive role in English studies. It argues that, in light of worsening environmental crises and accelerating social injustices, there is a need to use sustainability as a way to structure courses and curricula, and that composition studies, with its inherent cross-disciplinarity and its unique function in students' academic lives, can play a key role in giving sustainability a central place in students' thinking and in the curriculum as a whole. Presenting his own classroom, the book's educator/author draws on student writing to articulate a pedagogy that gives students opportunities to think and write in three zones of inquiry: place, work, and future. This approach allows the educator/author to create a variegated course wherein students write neighborhood portraits, critique their work experiences, reflect on their majors, investigate alternative theories of education, compose oral histories, construct narratives about their futures, and design their own assignments-all from the perspective of sustainability. In the book these writings are juxtaposed, as is a neighborhood portrait, with observations from writers in architecture, ecological economics, future studies, planning, sociology, sustainable business, and urban studies. Appendixes include environmental statistics, and a detailed description of the author/educator's composition course, with assignments ready to use or adapt. (Contains chapter notes and extensive works cited.) (NKA)

This thesis examines issues of judicial independence and judicial accountability with special reference to public confidence in the judiciary. The central issues of this thesis are the tension between judicial independence and accountability and the ways the two conflicting values may be balanced in the administration of justice to dehver an effective judicial service and win public confidence. The thesis emphasises that proper measures should be taken to maintain judicial independence and at the same time, an adequate system of judicial accountability should be established without undermining the independence of judges. The thesis examines the conditions of judicial independence and accountability in Bangladesh in comparison with general principles, international standards and practices of some countries in the common law tradition. It evaluates the law and practice which have been followed in Bangladesh to deal with various aspects of the judiciary involving the independence and a...

Th e subliminal messages in magazine advertising and the RCM’s policies
within the breastfeeding arena... James Akre, author and member of the
board of directors of the International Board of Lactation Consultant
Examiners gives his insight into this contentious world.

Non-chronological though interconnected 'minisodes'-inspired by Devil-themed idioms-to catalogue the misadventures of Lucifer and Chloe, squeezed in-between their respective and occasionally overlapping day jobs. Whether his next hurdle be preternatural or not, the Devil's finally found his advocate. [ Deckerstar, pure and simple. ] Minisode I-Lucifer babysits. That's all. Minisode II-Lucifer and Chloe weather a storm. Minisode III-Lucifer earns back his wings in a bloodier fashion. Minisode IV-Chloe learns a thing or two from Dante's Inferno. Minisode V-Maze and Chloe take on the original she-devil. Minisode VI-The Christmas Minisode. My personal favorite. Minisode VII-Chloe meets the family. Minisode VIII-Enter a certain petty dabbler in the dark arts. Minisode IX-Lucifer fractures a wing. Minisode X-Lucifer and Chloe go to Hell. Literally. When Hell Freezes Over Chapter Notes With all the spare time I don't have, obviously I've gone and challenged myself: write Lucifer 'minisodes' inspired by every Devil reference, idiom, and catch-phrase in common vernacular. From the sidelines, I've seen a lot of fandoms come and go, and this little newborn carries a beautiful message, a healthy splash of controversy, and the potential to grow into something great. C'mon, join me in my minisode mission. Apparently the dark side doesn't actually have cookies, but the Devil does make a mean omelet. See the end of the chapter for more notes Starting with an oldie but goodie, Minisode I: When Hell Freezes Over With all the confidence she could fake, Chloe marched into Lux. Per usual, Lucifer sat at his bar, tumbler in one hand, decanter in the other, rocking a three-piece suit and smelling of expensive whiskey at ten o'clock in the morning on a Sunday. If that man ever dared to drink water or wear t-shirts, he kept it very hush-hush. "Morning, detective. Afraid you're about twelve hours late for the party." He gestured about the club, only half-cleaned, strewn with empty cocktails and other unmentionable evidence of debauchery. "Or twelve hours early," contemplated Lucifer, "depending how you look at it." Chloe crossed her arms and tapped her boot. He knew her well enough to recognize the 'I've-got-acase' look when he saw it. Lucifer stood with a flourish and bowed deep at the waist. "What d'you need of me?" He clapped and rubbed his hands. "A hammer of justice, a ruthless smiter of the wicked and d-" "I need you to babysit." Lucifer barked more than laughed. "As you once aptly put: when Hell freezes over." Fully anticipating rejection, Chloe launched into an explanatory tirade. Huge drug-bust downtown. She, Dan, the whole department called in. Her mother vacationing with her new beau in Punta Cana. The usual babysitter studying for finals. Nobody to watch Trixie-"I'm your consultant, not your nanny!" ranted Lucifer. "Hire somebody off Craigslist." "And I'm a homicide detective," gaped Chloe. "D'you know how many horror stories begin with the words, 'hire somebody off Craigslist?'" Mere mention of putting her daughter in danger plucked some inexplicably empathetic cord within the Prince of Darkness. His jaw twitched, and his head tilted, hallmark proof that Lucifer the Eternal Asshat was locked in mortal combat with Lucifer the Bleeding Heart. As happened more often than not nowadays, the later won. Hands down. "I won't be braiding hair or indulging that ninja-chemist nonsense." He sighed, displeased but resigned, and took one last, very generous slug of whiskey. "And the Underworld best batten down its hatches for a bloody blizzard tonight." As expected, Trixie was over the moon about this arrangement. "Can we make popcorn," harangued the child, "and watch movies all day?" Lucifer's face ignited in that devilish grin. "We can, indeed." He knelt to her level. "But only if you're a dear and tell me where your mother's hidden Hot Tub Hi-" A pink and frilly Barbie DVD flew out of nowhere and clocked Lucifer square in the jaw. Chloe whistled innocently as he nursed his wounds, which actually bruised now. "Teeth brushed, homework done, tucked in by nine." Trixie loudly protested, but Chloe was louder. "It's a school night!" Paying no attention whatsoever to the house rules, Lucifer had already hacked into Chloe's tablet and found Angry Birds. "Oh, splendid. An outlet for my rage." Chloe pulled him aside, quite serious. "Trix has trouble sleeping when I'm not home." She glanced over her shoulder at the annoyingly perceptive child, currently mulling over her favorite cartoons On Demand. "Don't worry if she stays up reading until I'm back, or if she asks to text me before bedtime, or-" "I lorded over Hell since time immemorial," assured Lucifer. "I got this." The sting took about fourteen hours, and she didn't return home until well past midnight. Chloe eased open the front door and crept into her dark living room, where the Mulan DVD menu played 'Reflection' on endless repeat and a blinking red battery flashed across the forgotten iPad upon Lucifer's lap. He snored a little, unnervingly at home on her sofa, lax face illuminated in the dim light of Disney icons and a tablet in desperate need of charging. Trixie was fast asleep in the crook of his elbow and stirred only when her mother eased her into her arms. Chloe tried her best not to disturb the Devil himself. Still, better Satan for a babysitter than the Craigslist Killer. And miracle of miracles, he actually got Trixie to sleep. Without her mother around. "We watched all the sing-alongs, and I beat him at Candy Crush," whispered Trixie, bleary but glowing. "He let me stay up past bedtime, but I'm not supposed to tell." Chloe snorted, carrying the little one to bed and tucking her in. "How devious." Trixie hugged her Uglydoll. "Don't let him leave in the morning. Luci promised to make waffles." She yawned, though still smiling. "We have a deal. He's not allowed to back out on deals." Chloe kissed her forehead, and Trixie was asleep again before mother could ask daughter to expand upon her end of the waffle-deal. Chloe flipped on the nightlight, turned to the doorway, and came face-to-face with tall, dark, and hellish. "Jesus, quit that," she whispered, covering her heart. "You scared me." "Wrong Biblical figurehead," corrected Lucifer with a sleepy smile. "The Messiah charges double my rate for babysitting. I'm a much better hourly value. And I can cook more than bread and wine." Chloe crossed her arms. "I hope my daughter didn't sell her soul for waffles." "No, but she did promise to go to sleep without argument, if I stayed to make her breakfast tomorrow." He tried and failed to flatten the wrinkles in his once-pristine dress shirt. "A little bribery goes a long way, detective." Chloe caught his forearm as he shuffled back toward the couch. Lucifer braced himself to get kicked out-again. "A deal's a deal," he implored. "I've no choice but to stay here until morning, and what would the neighbors think about a handsome Devil loitering on your doorstep?" "You'll toss and turn all night on that sofa." Chloe rolled her eyes. "C'mon, you earned yourself a bed." Even in the dark, that telltale flicker behind his eyes burned sinister and obvious, and his voice dropped a decibel or two. "Now for bonuses like that, I do charge extra." She clarified, "A guest bed." Chloe pointed him down the hall and to the left, laying the ground-rules before she herself shattered them. Save her, forgive her, protect her, but Lucifer had grown on her, roguish and tempting and oh so beautiful, salacious smile and all, and she need only say the word to have him. Though willpower, self-worth, and 'forgetting' to shave her legs were surprisingly effective armor. Before vanishing into the spare room, he paused. "How'd the case go?" Small talk took her aback. "Er-fine. Caught the bad guys. Saved the good ones. Nobody got hurt." "Glad to hear. G'night." And that was that. Chloe inched toward her own bedroom, her very safe and very empty bedroom, intent on locking the door behind her and barricading it with an armoire, because Lucifer was the Devil after all. A girl couldn't be too careful. Though she realized to her utmost horror, heartstrings humming at his mussed hair and gentle manner, such a fortress wasn't as much about keeping Lucifer out anymore as keeping Chloe in. Chapter End Notes I spotted a few requests for Lucifer's adventures-in-babysitting. By the time I post, this may not be the first nor best of its kind, but there you have it. Short, sweet, hopefully incharacter. Would love your thoughts.

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Over the last three decades, sociologists have expanded the scope of sociological analysis to include nonhuman objects. We build on these works to address the role of nonhuman, nonphysical objects in social interaction. Through participant observation at a Reiki training course, we examine how students learned to identify, experience, and meaningfully interact with Reiki energy, a nonhuman, nonphysical object. We show how Reiki energy emerged as a significant interactant through the following processes: participants in the class historicized Reiki; they defined the capacities and consequences of Reiki; and they learned to detect Reiki energy's apparent presence in their bodies. We then show how Reiki energy resisted the initial definitions and expectations of it, leading participants to redefine the energy's qualities and develop new practices to accommodate its emerging capacities. These findings support theoretical claims about humans' ability to "do mind" for nonhuman objects and the temporally emergent qualities of material agency.

THE spectre of Castroism lingering long on our doorstep has focused the anxious attention of the United States on Latin American problems. Mixing self-interest with humanitarian motives, the United States has committed itself heavily to backing the Alliance for Progress as an instrument for preventing the spread of Communism in the Western hemisphere while bettering the sorry living conditions of the working classes. Among the broad social and economic reforms which it hopes to induce in member countries, the Alliance has attached high priority to tenurial reform and agricultural improvement.' But land tenure reform-large scale changes in existing tenurial patternsis more complicated an issue than is indicated by its advocates, who often project an idyllic Jeffersonian view of nations of yeoman farmers as both their political and their economic goal. 2 In areas where large scale farming is required to maximize productivity, the political goal of widespread farm ownership conflicts with the economic goal of maximum productivity. And in parts of Latin America, 3 particularly those areas dominated by plantation latifundia, 4 the political demand for land reform may represent not so much a craving for land by would-be farmers as a desire for "social justice" by a "rural prole-The Yale Law Journal thanks Professor Charles Reich of the Property Division for bringing this paper to its attention.

Modern jewelry is prized for its pearls and precious stones-for the fine cutting of the stones and for their elaborate setting. This was not the case in antiquity, when diamonds and rubies were virtually unknown, and when emeralds and sapphires were extremely rare. The pearls and the precious and semiprecious stones that were sparingly used in Hellenistic and Roman jewelry were usually left rough, or if cut, cut cabochon, that is, in a smooth rounded form. Ancient jewelry was treasured for its gold, and, to a much lesser extent, its silver. Gold had been valued since remote antiquity on account of its rarity and incorruptibility. The survival of Greek and Roman gold coins and gold jewelry, as well as the reports of gold vessels and statues once deposited in ancient treasuries but now lost, reveal the value placed on this metal and the special uses to which it was put. Silver, on the other hand, though far more common than gold, corrodes. The vast numbers of ancient silver coins and vessels that we have today owe their survival to their relatively substantial form. Delicate jewelry of that metal cannot be expected to have survived in quantity, and, indeed, little has. The real reason, however, may be that little was made. Tarnishing, it would soon become unsightly. And when in contact with skin for repeated periods, silver can cause infection. The ancients surely discovered, for instance, that silver earrings were not suitable for pierced ears. The Metropolitan Museum possesses a rich collection of ancient jewelry. To illustrate the taste of various periods, a small selection will be discussed here. A few have been illustrated elsewhere, but are included because they represent periods not otherwise covered. This is not intended to be a survey of the history of ancient jewelry, but is meant rather to show, with some small trifling objects, and some true masterpieces, the range and varying aspects of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman jewelry. The earliest object to be shown (Figure I) iS a Mycenaean gold pendant in the form of two rampant lions, pictured here twice actual size. It is made in two halves, stamped in the same mold, that form the front and back, so that the lions are fully modeled on both sides. The subject brings to mind the monumental scuipture of the two heraldic lions over the gate of the citadel at Mycenae, on which two lions place their forepaws s. Gold pendant in the form of two rampant lions. Mycenaean, ISOO-I200 B.C. Height 1X6 inch. Bequest of Richard B. Seager, 26.3I.426

This book has been written in Britain by two journalists whose names on the South African government blacklist have prevented them from working in Namibia. While we might have missed the atmosphere, the human contacts and visual insights vital to a reporter, there are compensating factors in doing an 'outside job'. The story of the war would have been impossible to ascertain under the rigorous conditions of censorship. The facts are more freely retold abroad. However, we make no claims to be presenting the definitive story of the struggle for liberation. That will follow when independence and peace-and access to the archives-are granted to this tragic land. The Namibia Communications Centre was established in 1984 as an ecumenical news agency to publicise the struggle of the churches and the people of Africa's last colony. The world formally favoured Namibian independence, yet the realization of the goal seemed as distant as ever. Hardly any news came out of the country, and what did was selected and fashioned by the mind of the South African military. The Centre quickly established a territorial network of churchbased amateur and professional stringers able to supply news for transmission around the world. The offices in central London became a meeting place for Namibians living in Britain, and a stopping-off point for the churchmen and women, students, politicians, freedom fighters to-ing and fro-ing between southern Africa and the outside world. What we heard from our *spies' inside the territory, and Namibian visitors to London, forms much of the marerial in this book. Namibia is unique in the 20th century not for its experience of genocide, for there are the Armenians and Jews and Cambodians; nor for the apartheid shared with blacks in South Africa; nor are they a people starved of a motherland, as are the Kurds or Palestinians; while Eritreans would even dispute the territory's claim to being Africa's last colony. What makes it different is being the last surviving League of Nations mandate administered as a 'sacred trust of civilization'. This Preface status was unique in international diplomacy for not placing its faith in the good government of subject peoples, but in providing safeguards towards the fulfilment of that aim. It is one of the ironies of the century that the country given the most solid protection under international law should suffer the more for it. In the scramble for Africa, Europe's undignified carve-up of the'dark continent', imperial Germany gained Namibia. The German emperor proclaimed a 'protectorate' over its people. In the exercise of this 'protection', his representatives signed treaties with local chiefs which the Germans usually did not honour, but when blacks deviated from the 'contract' they were punished by armed poss6s, their land seized, yet more onerous treaties imposed. When the Hereros saw that their grazing lands would soon all be stolen, they launched a war of resistance. A well-trumpeted justification for German protection was to bring peace between Namas and Hereros, who had skirmished over land for a quarter of a century, usually with guns supplied by Afrikaner traders, and on at least one occasion by a German missionary. But joint resistance was not yet possible. In planning the insurrection, the Herero supreme chief, Samuel Maharero, wrote his 'let us die fighting' letter to Hendrik Witbooi of the Namas. All our obedience and patience with the Germans is of little avail, for each day they shoot someone dead for no reason at all. Hence I appeal to you, my Brother, not to hold aloof from the uprising, but to make your voice heard so that all Africa may take up arms against the Germans. Let us die fighting rather than die as a result of maltreatment, imprisonment or some other calamity. Tell all the kapteins [chiefs] down there to rise and do battle. [Drechsler 1980, p. 143.] Maharero asked Hermanus van Wyk, kaptein of the Basters (of Nama and European descent) to deliver the letter to Witbooi. It never arrived. Van Wyk handed it to the Germans. Even so, it is doubtful whether the appeal would have induced Witbooi to change his mind at that stage. Governor Theodor Leutwein later admitted he had been saved from 'disaster' at the beginning of the uprising because Herero and Nama were kept from joining forces for nine months, until October 1904. Divide and rule tactics in which real or imagined differences were played upon by their rulers became a hallmark of the colonial and South African style of government, with serious consequences for Namibia's liberation struggle. The second lesson which Namibians might have learnt at this early stage was the poisonous power of Western propaganda. In matters of warfare and culture, Germany was perhaps the most advanced Preface civilization the world had seen, though lagging behind the USA, France or Britain in democratic institutions. Yet the German conduct of the war in no way matched that of its 'uncivilized' enemy. Compare the two battle commands. The extermination order of General Lother von Trotha, the German commander-inchief, issued after the defeat of the Hereros at Hamakari: The Herero people will have to leave the country. Otherwise I shall force them to do so by means of guns. Within the German boundaries, every Herero, whether found armed or unarmed, with or without cattle, will be shot. I shall not accept 1958, p. 223.] On 14 December 1946 the General Assembly voted to reject incorporation, recommending instead that 'SWA' be placed under the Trusteeship Committee (which had replaced the permanent mandate's committee of the League). The 37 states in favour included the United States, Canada and Belgium (and the then sole black independent African countries. Liberia and Ethiopia), while Britain, France and Australia were among the seven abstentions. No one voted for incorporation. To this day, white South Africans blame India or 'the communists and Third World' for the rejection. The passionate opposition led by Kutako had prevented 'South West' from being swallowed by its hungry neighbour. But if direct annexation had been denied Pretoria. the next best thing was incorporation by stealth. Smuts was voted out of office in May 1948. One of the first actions of his 'Give Us Back A Dwelling Place' successors was to give white Namibians eight seats in the South African parliament. The new government of Dr. Daniel Malan refused to furnish annual reports to the Trusteeship Committee detailing its contribution, if any, to black material and spiritual well-being; and so the service was provided by Chief Kotako. When he or members of his chief's council were refused permission to leave the territory, they were represented by the British Anglican priest, Michael Scott. It took three years to overcome objections, principally from Britain and South Africa, to Scott's testifying before the UN. Britain's delegates, Labour and Conservative, would complain that 'the correct procedure' had not been followed, or (once Scott was eventually illowed to appear) that 'a very dangerous precedent has been established.' Kutako's aim, apart from the maintenance of the country's international status, was to reunify the Hereros in Namibia under Frederick Maharero. For those willing to listen, his simple prayer could only have advanced the cause-'0 Lord, help us who roam about. Help us who have been placed in Africa and have no dwelling place of our own. Give us back a dwelling place. 0 God, all power is yours in Heaven and Earth. Amen.' (Benson 1989, p. 59.) But the land they wanted to roam again was being grazed profitably by the white man's cattle and karakul sheep. Kutako was by no means the only petitioner keeping the world informed of worsening conditions in Namibia. In 1957, Mburumba Kerina, a student at Lincoln University. became the first Namibian to appear before the UN. Two years later Jariretendu Kozonguizi left Namibia clandestinely as an emissary of the Herero chief's council. The solitary Herero and Nama petition in 1946 had grown to 120 by 1960. Political Organisation One of these petitioners was Father Theopil Hamutumbangela who, from his Anglican mission at Odibo in Ovamboland, had founded a movement called (in translation) 'The cry of the people is guided by God'. In 1954 he petitioned the UN on the strength of evidence collected from migrant workers. He was charged by South Africa, but his trial in the north created such a stir that it was postponed and he was transferred to Windhoek by a nervous white bishop. The priest's concern reflected the shift in resistance northwards, something which would one day lead to the end of colonial rule. From the late 1940s, secure in their domination of the southern sub-continent, foreign industrialists turned greedily to South West Africa. The American control of the northern copper mining complex of The Devils Are Among Us Tsumeb, the Oppenheimer family's limitless expanse of alluvial diamonds at the Orange River mouth, the fishing boats and canning factories, the karakul farms, all required black muscle to achieve 'El Dorado'. Poor pay. dangerous working conditions, isolation from family, an all-male environment, the paternalism of the mine and factory-owners and police harassment contrived to radicalize the workers of the mines and coastal towns. But organized resistance in these circumstances was fraught with difficulties. At the first sign of 'trouble', the mine or factory manager would telephone his golf-club friend, the local police chief. A good beating. deportation to Ovamboland, or a devastating fine was the invariable punishment. In one case, 54 contract workers who went on strike in Walvis Bay in June 1962 were fined R60, a crippling amount in those days. Helao Shityuwete was born in Windhoek, but spent his formative years in Ovamboland. He recalls his recruitment at the SWANLA government-industry offices in Ondangua: You would stand outside the building, and if picked...

THE MING EROTIC NOVEL Jin Ping Mei appears to be a chaotic narrative with a wealth of information about daily practice as well as a vast accumulation of character and event. IN this article, however, Victoria Cass argues that the novel is, in fact, carefully structured around the image of the Lantern Festival. The nighttime holiday occurs multiple times in the novel and conveys the larger narrative of anti-structure, disorder, and release. Each appearance of the holiday encodes a logical progression, marking important changes in the text, inserting overall structure and meaning to the novel. Cass bases her characterization on the use of the holiday in the novel, as well as on the characterization of the Lantern Festival in Ming journals, poetry and private historiography.

Increasing collagen stiffness causes a shift in highly invasive MDA-MB231 cancer cells from glycolysis to oxidative phosphorylation. Glioma U251MG cells show an opposite trend and MCF10A non-tumorigenic cells have little change in metabolism signatures in response to substrates stiffness. .

... For example, Norman Holland de-scribed George as mirroring experiences in such a way as to place himself between two poles-merger and abstraction. Merg-er has its temptations for George, but also its dangers, and he seeks abstraction as a defense against it. ...

A mismatch between labour demand and supply occurs very often and in several ways. Besides the so-called "constrained" part-time which implies under-employment, over-employment can take place. In the spirit of Van Soest and al. (1990), we estimate a structural microeconometric model of female labour supply in the presence of hours restrictions. The hours distribution is split between full-time (40 hours), reduced-time (35 hours) and part-time (20 hours). This fits quite well the french case as three usual contracting agreements are usually encountered. Moreover, we estimate the effect of individual heterogeneity on the probability to find a job. Young people and people born in France appear to have an increased probability to receive job offers. We find an excess of part-time demand on the French labour market. Finally, we stress the fact that 1 over 5 employed women could have an increased welfare by adjusting her working time. Résumé Les formes d'inadéquation entre les heures désirées et les heures travaillées sont nombreuses. A côté du travail à temps partiel "contraint" peuvent se développer des formes de sur-emploi, moins souvent mises en évidence dans les enquêtes. Dans la lignée des travaux de Van Soest et al. (1990), nous réalisons une estimation structurelle des déterminants de l'offre de travail des femmes en couple ou célibataires permettant de dégager un processus de restriction des heures de travail. La distribution des heures hebdomadaires de travail est discrétisée selon le modèle contractuel français à savoir: temps plein, temps réduit et temps partiel. Nous mettons en évidence un excès d'emplois postés à temps partiel dans l'économie. Nous estimons par ailleurs l'effet des caractéristiques individuelles sur la probabilité de trouver un emploi. Il apparaît notamment que la jeunesse et le fait d'être né en France

This paper develops a long-term, multi-project model of factors affecting organizational benefits from enterprise systems (ES), then reports a preliminary test of the model. In the shorter-term half of the model, it is hypothesized that once a system has gone live, two factors, namely functional fit and overcoming organizational inertia, drive organizational benefits flowing from each major ES improvement project. The importance of these factors may vary from project to project. In the long-term half of the model, it is hypothesized that four additional factors, namely integration, process optimization, improved access to information, and ongoing major ES business improvement projects, drive organizational benefits from ES over the long term. Preliminary tests of the model were conducted using data from 126 customer presentations from SAP's 2003 and 2005 Sapphire U.S. conferences. All six factors were found to be important in explaining variance in organizational benefits from enterprise systems from the perspective of senior management.

or some twenty-five years now the historiography of the English Revolution has been dominated by a powerful revisionism that has all but dismantled the older Whig and Marxist paradigms. Advancing a view of English society as fundamentally conservative, this revisionism directly challenges the assumptions of the traditional schools in all of its key arguments: a rejection of teleological history; a refusal to accept uncritically the role of ideas and ideology as carriers of political principle (focusing instead on personality, faction, patronage, and high politics); a denial of long-term causation rooted in social or economic change. The revisionist view of seventeenth-century England sees a world where people feared change, especially political change; and where order, unity, and consensus were the dominant political values, and the idea of politics as an arena of conflict, opposition, and party division was unacknowledged publicly. The revisionists point to an active and vibrant Royalist culture that was by no means wholly reactionary and to a population that was for the most part steadfastly neutral. Even in the minds of those who fought for Parliament, there was hesitancy, doubt, and fear. To the end, people resisted choosing sides, assuming responsibility, and moving forward too rapidly; often they were diffident and lacked confidence in the merits or success of their cause. In short, the revolution was not the easy product of the inexorable forces of progress but was hard and frightening, met with continual resistance, and stood in constant danger of failure. Indeed, in the end it did fail.' So effective has been this critique that it is the historiographical conservatives who have appeared skeptical and iconoclastic, while the liberal-left schools have

The 1986 meeting of the Society for French Historical Studies in Quebec, March 21-22, featured several sessions concerned with labor and workingclass issues. Claire G. Moses (University of Maryland) chaired one of the most intellectually coherent sessions, "Nineteenth-Century Social Legislation and Urban Women: Cultures in Conflict." The intended focus of the papers in this session was working-class women. As commentators Leslie Page Moch (University of Michigan-Flint) and Patricia O'Brien (University of California-Irvine) pointed out, all three papers revealed the centrality of the state as an agency for the imposition of a particular set of values. In a paper titled "Women's Proper Roles: Women Textile Workers and Reform Legislation," Gay L. Gullickson (University of Maryland) examined the role of women and children in the textile industry in Rouen, Le Harve, and Dieppe through an 1837 survey which was commissioned to establish guidelines for legislation to regulate the labor of women and children in the mills. Gullickson had little to say about women but provided much information on ages (as young as four years old), wages (as low as two francs per week for children under seven years of age and not higher than eight francs per week for adolescent girls), and hours (fifteen hours per day) of child laborers. The reason Gullickson had little to tell us about women working in the mills is related to her focus on reform legislation; she concluded that no one was opposed to female labor in 1837 on moral or any other grounds but argued that there was a consensus on the need for an established minimum age and regulated hours for child and adolescent workers. Thus the law that was adopted in 1841 established regulations regarding child laborers. Women were added to the group of those considered in need of protective legislation by an 1874 law. As for women's proper roles, Gullickson's paper suggested that clear formulation of the domestic ideal was not yet achieved by 1841 and that we must look to the period 1840-70 for the development of that ideal.

Board Conflicts within the Middle East cannot be separated from its peoples' culture. Seventh-century Arab tribal culture influenced Islam and its adherents' attitudes toward. 14 Muslim generals instituted similar practices in Afghanistan and India. ?Syllabus-History 105-200801 14 Jan 2008. session devoted entirely to the Rise of Islam in 610 CE.

I he hardest questions can be the simplest ones. For example, what was "theory"? In its heyday-the decade after 1968-theory could mean almost anything, from Deleuze and Guattari's "schizoanalysis" to Habermas's seemingly endless defense of "communicative rationality." No matter what the word might have meant at the time, however, people somehow sensed its importance, and they knew, if they knew absolutely nothing else, that theory had to do with "the text." But now, almost thirty years afterward, people somehow sense that theory is passe, and they know, if they still pay attention at all, that it has been displaced by any number of successors: by New Historicism, for instance, and by cultural studies, and by the eclectic mix referred to as "post-theory." While terms like "cultural studies" and "post-theory" circulate as loosely as "theory" did in its brief golden age, theory's successors all share among themselves at least one identifying feature-a commitment to descending from textuality into the particulars of everyday life. Yet theory today is anything but dead, and it survives through the movements that claim to have left it behind. When Judith Butler in Gender Trouble sets out to rethink the logic of heterosexuality, she calls on Derrida. When Homi Bhabha, in Redrawing the Boundaries, starts to map the new terrain of postcolonial studies, he goes back to Barthes and Bakhtin. Although we tend to see ourselves as working in the era after theory, the truth may be far more complicated-and also far more troubling. We are, perhaps, trapped in theory, and trapped so inextricably that even our most careful efforts to escape keep returning us to the isolation that drove us from theory in the first place. And now, when the future of our profession has begun to look uncomfortably like a rerun of our past, the moment may have come for us to admit that theory itself brought us here. If the world is not a text, then

El presente artículo propone que en la España de Felipe IV, convergieron las condiciones propicias para poner en marcha un proyecto en contra de la prostitución femenina. A raíz de la emisión de dos reales cédulas que restringían el oficio de las prostitutas, se desencadenaron una serie de cambios en el discurso de la moral pública que trascendieron las fronteras del reino e impactaron también en sus territorios de ultramar. Aquí se abordará el caso de la Ciudad de México a partir de dos ejemplos concretos: en primer lugar, la fundación del recogimiento Santa María Magdalena y en segundo lugar, la pintura La conversión de Santa María Magdalena de Juan Correa. La finalidad es analizar cada elemento para comprender en qué medida pudieron estar vinculados a partir de una serie de discursos moralizantes que pretendían concientizar a las prostitutas sobre la conveniencia de mudar su estilo de vida.

Revisionist scholars have recently challenged the hornbook rule that United States federal courts shall determine questions of customary international law as federal law. The revisionists claim that the traditional rule violates constitutional history and doctrine, and offends fundamental principles of separation of powers, federalism, and democracy. Professor Koh rebuts the revisionist challenge, applying each of the revisionists' own stated criteria. He demonstrates that the lawful and sensible practice of treating international law as federal law should be left undisturbed by both the political and judicial branches.

In many real-life scenarios, a group of agents needs to agree on a common action, e.g., on the location for a public facility, while there is some consistency between their preferences, e.g., all preferences are derived from a common metric space. The facility location problem models such scenarios and it is a well-studied problem in social choice. We study mechanisms for facility location on unweighted undirected graphs, which are resistant to manipulations (strategy-proof, abstentionproof, and false-name-proof) by both individuals and coalitions and are efficient (Pareto optimal). We define a family of graphs, ZV-line graphs, and show a general facility location mechanism for these graphs which satisfies all these desired properties. Moreover, we show that this mechanism can be computed in polynomial time, the mechanism is anonymous, and it can equivalently be defined as the first Pareto optimal location according to some predefined order. Our main result, the ZV-line graphs family and the mechanism we present for it, unifies the few current works in the literature of false-name-proof facility location on discrete graphs, including all the preliminary (unpublished) works we are aware of. Finally, we discuss some generalizations and limitations of our result for problems of facility location on other structures.

¡Vive Dios, si me ayudáis, ISo mas que porque me teman Que los he de dar mil palos!.... ALFONSO.=NO sé que os dé por respuesta: Por lo que soy caballero Me obliga el nombre por fuerza; Pero es poca discreción Meterme en causas agenas. TELLO.=NO temáis, que vive Dios, Que no mas de con que vean Que no soy solo, yo basto Para tres, y aun para treinta. ALFONSO.=NO temo yo, ni en mi vida Tuve temor; mas quisiera Que no dijera después Alguna enemiga lengua Que aventurase sin causa Un hombre, es poca prudencia. Mas si me decís quien es Quien en su lugar os deja. Palabra os doy de ayudaros Y lo que viniere, venga: Que aunque sé que es desatino, El ánimo, que en mi reina. Me obliga á sacar la espada. TELLO.=Pues por la palabra vuestra Don Juan de Menéses es. ALFONso.=Muy en horabuena sea. Que soy muy amigo suyo: Llegad con gentil destreza, Y dádles dos cuchilladas. TELLo.=Hidalgos, los de la reja, ¿Qué están acechando ahí? Quítense della ó en ella Les daré de cabezadas. NUNO.==¿De la brida ó la gineta? TELLO.=Del diablo. IIODRIGO.=: Matadlo á palos. TELLO.=¿A quién, hidalgo? (riñen.) IIODRIGO.=== Pelea, Como un Rodaraonte el hombre. M'Ño.=No quiero hacer resistencia Por el honor de esta casa. {vánse,) 32 LITERATORA ESPAÑOLA. TELLO.=Gallina disculpa es esa. ALFONSO.==XO váis trás ellos hidalgo? TELLO.=MÍ1 veces beso la tierra, A donde poncis los pies. ¡Pesia tal!... si el rey os viera Daros un hábito es poco: Enviaros puede á Ceuta Por general. ALFO>SO.= Hombre soy Que puedo estar á su mesa. TELLO.-jQué valientes cuchilladas':... ¡Qué briol Qué gentileza!.... ¿Ño podré saber quien sois? ALFO>'SO.=SÍ pudiera os lo dijera; Pero id, cuando haya lugar, A palacio. TELLO.= Y ¿con qué señas Os tengo de conocer? ALFONSO.==SÍ me dais alguna prenda, Que no os sirva, vos sabréis Quien soy yo, cuando os la vuelva. TELLO.=Cosa aquí, que no me sirva. No sé, mas ya se rae acuerda: La bolsa nunca me sirve. Nunca tengo nada en ella, Véisla aquí. ALFONSO.= ¿Pues tan vacía? TEiLO.=Señor, poco se maneja El dinero entre escuderos: Todo es tratar de noblezas. De dorar ejecutorias, De mostrar armas diversas, Castillos, leones, barras Perros, gatos y culebras. &c. Compréndese fácilmente que cuando en el secundo acto devuelve el rey á Tello su bolsa, dándosele á conocer de esta manera, resulta de aquí una escena muy agradable : el rey pregunta al escudero si consentiría en recibir algún regalo, y Tello responde que, al morir su padre, ordenó que le dejaran una mano fuera de la sepultura, para que si alguno quería darle aun algo, pudiese tomarlo. Don Alfonso le concede en efec-JüAN.=Obe(lezco del rey el mandamiento; Ko triste de perder del rey la gracia, Porque de mi verdad estoy seguro Que saldré de esta cárcel con victoria Y será de José corona y gloria. Pero de no poder, Ramiro noble, Decirte las palabras que pensaba, Que tú me entiendes ya. RAMIIIO.= Todo se acaba, Y esta prisión se acabará muy presto; Y á responderte me hallarás dispuesto Siempre que tú quisieres. .lrA>== Pues yo tomo Esa palabra por consuelo mió. LITERATURA ESPAÑOLA. 35 VASCO-No es tiempo de tratar de desafio, Cuando por fuerza has de dejar la espada, Ni pienso que en el Africa bañada Se vio de tanta sangre, que amenace Caballeros, que son como Ramiro. JuAN.=Vasco de Acuña, nunca yo me admiro De las adversidades de fortuna: Admiróme de ver que estéis haciendo Lances los tres en mí, porque os parezca Que el rey es hombre y que engañarse puede La envidia, que tenéis de que me estima. Esta espada, que os doy, bien sabéis todos Que en Coimbra sirvió y en los Algarves, Si en el Africa nó; mas ¿qué me canso En dar satisfacción á vuestra furia? Tomadla; y estad ciertos que esta injuria Me pagareis muy presto. NtÑp.= A no estar preso No hablárais tan sobervio.

I offer a new proposal to prevent some of the harms of gun violence in the United States. First, I argue that gun violence is a negative externality of gun production, on an analogy with industrial pollution. Second, I outline a law that the United States might use to internalize the violent costs of gun production. This law would provide a financial incentive for gun manufacturers to reduce gun violence in whatever legally permissible way they can, not necessarily by reducing the prevalence of gun ownership. Thus, strictly speaking, my proposal would be a form of gun violence control, not gun control per se. Third, I show that this approach to controlling gun violence avoids the three main pro-gun-rights arguments: the Consequentialistic Argument, the Moral Rights Argument, and the Legal Rights Argument. I conclude by explaining why even libertarians should have few principled objections to my proposal.

II faut done lire 1 'histoire de Felix Albert, de preference en version franyaise, pour prendre conscience une fois de plus de la complexite du monde rural quebecois du siecle demier, et pour se rendre compte que dans ce domaine, le travail des historiens commence a peine.