Missile defence

This research project addresses the important issue of the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in the post-Cold War era. With the end of the Cold War, so went many restrictions to the conduct of states and non-state actors, including the acquisition and use of WMD. The United States' responsibility as the world's only remaining superpower requires its leaders to address its policies and capabilities to protect the United States and its vital national interests against WMD. We would like to acknowledge the assistance received from many outstanding sources. The continuing guidance received from our Faculty Research Advisor, Colonel Tommy D. Dickson, was instrumental in the development, refinement, and focus of the group's efforts. Other experts gracious enough to add their valuable insight to our research include Air War College faculty members: Colonel

Ballistic, advanced cruise, and hypersonic missiles pose a significant threat to global security and a major challenge to modern military operations. Strategic Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAMD) aims to create a comprehensive, multi-domain, and cross-service defensive architecture. This architecture transcends platform-specific defense to address a wide array of current and future missile and air-launched threats.

This report supports the Defence of North America project (Canadian Department of National Defence) and its academic collaborators, who are exploring the limits of strategic IAMD technologies and concepts. This document serves as an introductory overview and literature review for Canadian academic partners, with a focus on hypersonic and ballistic systems.

The report discusses the threat to North America in technological, geopolitical, operational, and national contexts. It provides an overview of ballistic and hypersonic threat systems, outlines the objectives and architecture of IAMD systems (emphasizing ballistic missile defense), reviews current and projected threats to North America, examines the potential impact of new technologies on IAMD, and presents a SWOT analysis of Canadian participation.

Detailed appendices cover the historical and treaty context of missile defense; models and simulation libraries; tools for collaborative analysis; and a country-by-country assessment of threat missile systems relevant to North American defense.

This article presents considerations regarding the prospects of the Polish defence industry. It discusses, among other things, the state of the domestic defence industry, indicates opportunities and threats to its development, as well as the general assumptions of the Technical Modernisation Plan of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland. In addition, it defines the essence of agreements concluded with entities of the domestic defence industry, namely offset, framework and implementation agreements. It also analyses the sources of financing of agreements concluded for the purpose of modernisation and re-equipping not only the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland but also other formations guarding public security and order, such as the Border Guard. The entire considerations end with conclusions, the implementation of which may contribute to the optimisation of the condition of the domestic defence industry, as well as to improving the security of the state and the effectiveness of the Polish army. One of the factors affecting the state of security of the country is its economic potential and industrial base. This applies in particular to the defense industry, which has been highlighted by the ongoing aggressive war of Russia against Ukraine. After only half a year of military operations, both sides began to experience shortages of equipment and supplies, and in particular large-caliber artillery ammunition. Currently, records are being broken in Poland in terms of defense spending - next year, funds at the disposal of the Ministry of National Defense (state budget, Armed Forces Support Fund) are to be 10% higher than in 2024. They will amount to PLN 169 billion, or 4.2% of GDP. Of this amount, PLN 53 billion, or $ 13.25 billion in 2025 alone, is to be allocated directly to the purchase of arms and military equipment. The purpose of this article is to define and indicate the prospects of the Polish defense industry. The work uses the literature studies method as the leading method, and the historical and dogmatic methods as auxiliary methods. A research limitation is access to classified information and information constituting a company's trade secret.

There is no one formal definition for AI in Israel. Yet, most operational definitions refer to AI as the technology which grants computers the ability to perform tasks that would have required thinking capability or skills generally attributed to humans. At the same time, it is worth noting that the term AI is also widely used in Israel as a synonym for the “fourth industrial revolution” (4IR) and entails ancillary technological areas such as big data, IoT , automation, robotics, swarms, and more. As such, AI is acknowledged in Israel as a strategic technology – “an infrastructure of infrastructures” – with the potential to reshape military affairs, the global economy, and the distribution of power within the international system.

Abstract
The war between Russia and Ukraine, ongoing since 2014 and suddenly escalated in 2022, has been a subject of global attention, inspiring a wide range of responses from global leaders and global organizations. One of the powerful leaders steering U.S. foreign policy during this period was former President Donald Trump, whose foreign policy approach and management of foreign wars were largely unconventional. This essay seeks to analyze Trump's intervention style into the Russia-Ukraine conflict through the prism of Social Constructivism, which is a theory of international relations based on the agency of social structures, shared norms, and collective identities in constructing political behavior. Social Constructivism is distinct from conventional theories, such as Realism or Liberalism, as it focuses not only on material power or on institutional complexes, but also on the ideational components—such as beliefs, ideologies, and discourses—that inform political decisions.
In the context of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, Trump's interventionist foreign policies and public utterances can be understood as a function of socially constructed realities, whereby identities of the United States, Russia, and Ukraine are discursively constructed and reconstructed. This essay examines how Trump's rhetoric regarding NATO, his contentious relationship with Russia, and his view of Ukraine were shaped by his broader ideological stances and his vision of American identity within the international system. By looking at Trump's language with other international leaders, above all his torn perspective regarding Russian aggression and policy decisions on offering military aid to Ukraine, this paper looks at how constructed representations of power, sovereignty, and foreign coalition determined his approach.
In addition, the paper contrasts Trump's Social Constructivist foreign policy style with that of his forebears and successors, pitting his handling of the conflict against more traditional foreign policy perspectives grounded in Realist or Liberal schools. In doing so, it provides insights into how the prominence of discourse and identity in global relations needs to be acknowledged, particularly in a conflict that remade the global system. In conclusion, this research illustrates how Trump's intervention in the Russia-Ukraine conflict can be explained through a Social Constructivist approach in order to demonstrate the role of ideas and norms in shaping global conflicts and international relations in the contemporary era.

Abstract: The Canada-US relationship is one of the pillars of international diplomacy, marked by profound economic integration, strong security collaboration, and periodic tensions on trade, environment, and sovereignty issues. Having the longest undefended border in the world, the two countries have transformed from colonial rivals to indispensable partners. This study paper offers an in-depth study of the historical development of Canada-US relations, analyzes current trends, and foresees the prognosis for the near term, based on global economic changes, global warming, and geopolitical tensions. Through a study of milestone events, current deals, and arising concerns, this study highlights the strength and nuances of the partnership and sheds light on its trajectory into the near term.

The European Sky Shield Initiative (ESSI), spearheaded by Germany, emerged in response to escalating missile threats, particularly from Russia, following Moscow’s aggressive actions in Ukraine. ESSI’s central objective is to establish a unified, ground-based air and missile defense system across Europe to bolster collective security. Proposed by Chancellor Olaf Scholz in 2022, the initiative now includes 21 member countries, including recent entrants like Türkiye and Greece. ESSI is designed to enhance NATO’s air defense capabilities through the deployment of multi-layered systems capable of addressing both short and long-range missile threats. However, the initiative must navigate several strategic, technical, and political challenges to achieve its full operational potential and effectively counter emerging threats, particularly Russia’s advanced missile systems like the Iskander and Kinzhal. Türkiye’s accession to ESSI in February 2024 significantly strengthens the initiative, given its strategic geographic location and advanced air defense capabilities. Over the past decade, Türkiye has made substantial investments in developing indigenous air defense systems, including the HİSAR and SİPER projects, which address short to long-range missile threats. These systems, which leverage domestic technology and innovation, fill critical gaps in ESSI, particularly in the area of short-range defense, a key necessity for many member countries. Türkiye’s longstanding experience in managing complex security environments on its borders, combined with its sophisticated air defense infrastructure, positions it as a valuable contributor to the initiative. However, its historically delicate relations with Russia introduce a layer of complexity to its role within ESSI, especially given its balanced stance in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Despite the promise of ESSI, it faces critiques from within Europe, particularly from France, which argues that the initiative overly relies on non-European defense systems, thereby undermining the continent’s strategic autonomy. The lack of a coherent, integrated strategy across member states, coupled with varying system requirements, has also been identified as a significant obstacle to ESSI’s success. Moreover, political challenges, including the management of leadership and coordination within the initiative, require careful handling to ensure its effectiveness. While ESSI represents a major step forward in strengthening Europe’s air defense, these challenges must be addressed to ensure the initiative delivers on its promise of enhanced collective security.

The free and independent activity of the media gives any member of the people, without representatives, the chance to participate in political processes and prove that they are a rational force by directly expressing their attitude to the government's policy. Thus, political participation does not only mean elections, rallies, demonstrations, etc., but also becoming a participant in the political process by being properly informed about the government's activities through the media and expressing opinions and suggestions about its policy.

Мотяков Ю.М., Зелений П.В., Толмачов В.Ю. Державний науково-дослідний інститут випробувань і сертифікації озброєння та військової техніки ОБРИС КОМПЛЕКСУ ПРОТИДІЇ БПАК ДЛЯ ОХОРОНИ АЕРОДРОМІВ БАЗУВАННЯ ДЕРЖАВНОЇ АВІАЦІЇ УКРАЇНИ У статті розглянуто можливі шляхи розвитку систем захисту аеродромів постійного базування державної авіації України від дії основних типів безпілотних авіаційних комплексів (БпАК) , на підставі проведеного аналізу запропонований варіант побудови, комплексу засобів виявлення, протидії (ураження) БпАК.

As Canadians prepare to cast their ballots on April 28, the nation confronts an unprecedented constellation of challenges to its global standing and democratic institutions. Against this tumultuous backdrop, the Indo-Pacific region represents perhaps the most consequential foreign policy arena facing the country.

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Il Global Combat Air Programme (Gcap) lanciato da Giappone, Italia e Regno Unito nel 2022 rappresenta una nuova partnership tra i tre Paesi per lo sviluppo e produzione di un caccia (con pilota a bordo) di nuova generazione. Una partnership basata sull'uguaglianza di diritti e investimenti tra i partner fondatori, nonché sui principi di libertà di azione e libertà di modifica a livello nazionale-ovvero sulla piena sovranità operativa e tecnologica sulla piattaforma, diversamente dall'esperienza dell'F-35. Il Gcap presenta dunque nuove sfide e opportunità in termini politici, militari e industriali, oltre alla serrata tempistica del programma e all'elevato livello di ambizione tecnologica. La cooperazione ha accelerato nel 2024 con l'istituzione di un'organizzazione governativa internazionale dedicata alla gestione del programma, e l'accordo su una joint venture paritetica tra le tre principali aziende coinvolte dai rispettivi Paesi. Questo documento è la traduzione dell'executive summary e delle conclusioni dello studio IAI che fornisce un'analisi approfondita e completa dei rispettivi approcci britannico, giapponese e italiano al Gcap, della governance politicoistituzionale e dell'architettura industriale del programma, nonché della questione dell'addestramento e delle implicazioni trasversali per l'Italia. Le conclusioni indicano 15 raccomandazioni per l'Italia riguardo al Gcap.

This  paper  examines  the  international  legal  dimensions  of  Ukraine‟s renunciation  of  nuclear  weapons  in  1994  within  the  framework  of  the Budapest  Memorandum  and  the  subsequent  russian  aggression.  The analysis  highlights  the  non-binding  nature  of  the  security  assurances provided  by  the  signatory  states  and  the  resultant  shifts  in  the  global security  system.  These  shifts  were  triggered  by  the  armed  aggression of the russian federation and its implications for international law

This paper examines how North Korea can strengthen its nuclear deterrence against the United States in an asymmetric dyad. It outlines five key conditions for effective deterrence—communication, capability, credibility, identification, and rational adversaries—and analyzes how U.S. cyber capabilities, missile defenses, and strategic ambiguity undermine them.

To bolster deterrence, the paper recommends expanding mobile and submarine-based nuclear forces, developing MIRVs and hypersonic weapons, decentralizing command-and-control systems, and threatening retaliatory strikes on Japan and South Korea. Drawing on theorists like Waltz, Jervis, and Schelling, the paper argues that a credible second-strike capability and strategic signaling are essential to deterring U.S. aggression.

While containing Iran’s immediate threats is necessary, it is not sufficient. The United States must think beyond short-term containment and toward long-term transformation. This requires a broader strategic vision: to reintegrate Iran into the community of free nations.

The international security architecture faces unprecedented challenges with the erosion of treaties and the resurgence of nationalist agendas, raising the specter of unconstrained nuclear proliferation. The demise of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty and the uncertain future of the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) signal a dangerous erosion of strategic stability. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) also suffered a blow, fueling anxieties about Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Trends in arms control are marked by great power competition and declining multilateralism, with China’s military rise challenging the existing framework. Advanced technologies like hypersonic weapons and AI further complicate arms control. The erosion of trust, strategic ambiguity, and nationalist agendas undermine consensus on arms control. President Trump’s “America First” agenda, exemplified by withdrawing from the INF Treaty and the JCPOA, alienated allies and emboldened adversaries. Addressing these challenges requires a renewed commitment to multilateralism, transparency, and dialogue to mitigate proliferation risks and ensure a stable future.

In the digital age, information security and professionalism are foundational to the integrity and trustworthiness of modern media platforms. The rapid development of digital communication channels has transformed how information is disseminated, creating both opportunities and challenges. Information security concerns—such as data breaches, cybersecurity threats, and misinformation—have become central to
media ethics. Simultaneously, professionalism in media has evolved with new challenges, including the pressure to maintain editorial standards, ensure transparency, and uphold ethical journalism in an age of rapidly evolving digital platforms. This paper explores these issues, examining the intersection of information security and professionalism in modern media and suggesting frameworks for addressing the emerging risks.
Keywords: Information security, professionalism, modern media, cybersecurity, misinformation, ethical journalism, data privacy, media ethics.

O objetivo deste artigo é mapear a visão da Rússia sobre o seu arsenal estratégico
,
sobretudo como ferramenta de dissuasão nuclear contra os Estados Unidos da América (EUA)
e os aliados estadunidenses da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN). Logo, a
pergunta de pesquisa é: Qual o papel vislumbrado por Moscou das suas armas nucleares
estratégicas? A hipótese deste trabalho é que os russos enxergam a paridade nuclear –
através de programas de desenvolvimento de novos sistemas de armas nucleares – com os
EUA/OTAN como um fator determinante para sua segurança e também como fiador da não
intromissão de outros Estados na busca dos seus objetivos políticos no certamente
internacional, com destaque o leste europeu.
Para que o objetivo abordo acima seja atingido, é necessário considerar três aspectos:
1º O que é o equilíbrio nuclear estratégico e como este conceito se diferencia da noção de
dissuasão nuclear mínima; 2º Contextualização das forças nucleares russas nas duas
primeiras décadas após o esfacelamento da União das Repúblicas Soviéticas (URSS) e as
pressões externas sofridas pelo Kremlin neste contexto; e por fim, 3º Os desenvolvimentos já
feitos/e que estão por fazer dos sistemas nucleares estratégicos da Rússia e qual o impacto
disto na balança de poder com Washington e com os aliados estadunidenses da organização
de defesa atlântica. Agora, traremos mais detalhes da importância de esmiuçar estes três
fatores para melhor entendimento da temática desta pesquisa.
Sobre o primeiro ponto, no capítulo XIV, denominado A Estratégia da Dissuasão, do
livro “Paz e Guerra Entre as Nações” (2018), Raymond Aron utiliza a expressão “equilíbrio do
terror” para definir que a dissuasão nuclear, quando dois Estados tem poderio nuclear
semelhante, é mais segura de ocorrer do que a dissuasão mínima, ou seja, na condição de
grande disparidade de arsenais nucleares de dois possíveis rivais. Segundo este autor,
quando existe grande discrepância de forças nucleares dos lados envolvidos em uma crise
político/militar, o mais forte pode ficar tentado a realizar um primeiro ataque nuclear com
objetivo de desarmar o seu inimigo. Contudo, o Estado com menor poder nuclear, sabendo
desta possibilidade, pode atacar primeiro para garantir poder de destruição contra o seu
antagonista.
Já o segundo aspecto, pode ser bifurcado em dois momentos: 1. O esfacelamento da
força nuclear herdada pela Rússia ao passo que os Estados Unidos expandiram a capacidade
das suas armas nucleares (Lieber; Press, 2006); 2. A expansão da organização atlântica para
o leste (Powaski, 2019), a saída dos norte-americanos dos acordos de controle de forças
nucleares, principalmente o Antibalistic Missile Treaty (ABM) (ODASDNM, 2020),
respectivamente em 2002 e 2019, e, as intervenções do Kremlin na Geórgia, 2008, e na
Ucrânia, tanto em 2014 quanto em 2022.
A soma dos dois elementos acima, ou seja, a busca do “equilíbrio do terror” e os fatores
de ordem político/militar, sobretudo no entorno estratégico russo, levaram ao último tópico,
modernização das forças nucleares da Rússia. Estas vem sendo realizada, a partir da última
década, através do programa State Arms Programm 2020 (Tennis, 2018). Vemos, neste
sentido, a criação de uma série de sistemas de armas estratégicos para serem operadas
através da terra, do ar e do mar (Kristensen et al, 2024).
Para a realização desta pesquisa foi utilizada a metodologia hipotético-dedutiva
elaborada por Popper. Nela se vislumbra uma hipótese, que no nosso caso é a visão russa
da relevância primordial dada à paridade nuclear-estratégica com os EUA/OTAN, para a
resposta de uma pergunta de pesquisa. Posteriormente, a hipótese deve passar por etapas
de “falseamento”, que significa testar sua validade. No caso deste trabalho isto é feito através
da análise de livros, artigos, documentos oficiais dos Estados citados (EUA, 2022; Rússia
2020) e notícias de materiais que abordam temáticas já citadas aqui (Lakatos; Marconi, 2003).
Esta pesquisa demostra ser relevante pois nos encontramos em um momento de forte
atrito político entre a Rússia e os Estados Unidos e seus respectivos aliados. Assim, estudar
o desenvolvimento nuclear russo é importante para entender as perspectivas deste país no
Sistema Internacional.

RISE OF CHINA AND ITS FOREIGN POLICY RAJ MONGIA INTRODUCTION The vast majority of Indians is worried about China's rise and considers it a security threat, an opinion poll has revealed, with the results exposing a serious trust deficit between the Asian giants. The survey, conducted by the Lowy Institute for International Policy and the Australia India Institute, found that 83 per cent of Indians considered China a security threat. A possible war with China was rated a "big threat" by almost three in four respondents. Reasons included China's possession of nuclear weapons, competition for resources, and border disputes. Even though China is now India's largest trading partner, just 31 per cent of Indians agreed that China's rise had been good for India. 1 Both India and China, two of the most populous countries in the world, have been moving up the ladder, militarily, economically, and politically, but each has its own priorities, strategies, successes, and failures. These have been discussed and continue to be discussed in detail on several platforms. Today, these two countries are masters of their own fate and are well on their way to take their rightful place

Diplomacy is an integral part of the Chinese state machinery. Though
always important and firmly embedded in the Chinese mind from
time immemorial, of late it has widened its reach. The institutional
base of China’s diplomatic machinery is firm and strong. It has found
legitimacy in the state apparatus. An analysis of the past and the
present will enable an appropriate understanding of the Chinese
actions of recent times.

On Thursday evening, the Trump administration announced the creation of the "Space Force", a sixth branch of the armed forces designed to enable the United States to "dominate space". The announcement was met with almost universal skepticism, due to the cost and relative (in)usefulness of this new administrative entity.

The dismissiveness with which Trump treats relations with nations that are friends and allies, glossing over tactless comments as jokes or misunderstandings, is reminiscent of other world leaders who have used bullying, threats and aggression to assert dominance and control.

In the realm of international relations, political rhetoric matters.  Words, especially those coming from the leaders of nations, carry weight and can serve as precursors to actions.  Donald Trump's return to the American presidency four years after a tumultuous first term, characterized by divisive comments about allies and threats against those who wronged him, raises alarming questions about the future of US-Canada relations.

The results of PIR Center's work are of particular interest for the country's foreign policy agencies, given the relapses into a policy of the unilateral use of force that have caused small countries to feel that security is scarce and pushed large countries towards increasing weapons procurement. The continuing stagnation in the area of disarmament, though no fault of Russia, along with the increasing potential for conflict in the world as a whole are causes for concern. Russia has inherited the tradition of fighting for disarmament. The decrease in its activities in this area has ended. There is every reason to expect that Russia will present proposals aimed, if not at stopping, then at least at slowing the most dangerous aspirations of those who believe that there are neither commonsensical nor other limits to their ambitions. Sino Russian relations are not only more complicated, but also more contradictory than they appear in the speeches of the Russian president and the Chinese Communist Party chairman. Russia's leaders, whatever they say publicly and however strongly they suspect the United States of trying to drive a wedge into "model" Sino Russian relations, will not accept a strategic bloc with China. Demographic threats could be woven into the discourse of the March 2008 presidential campaign. Rather than the Faustian "loans for shares" pact of 1996, or the initiation of a second Chechen campaign in 1999 ahead of the 2000 election, March 2008 could well be characterized by the creation of a new Super National Russian idea-a unifying strategic rationale on a par with the "Third Rome" ideology of the medieval and early modern period. The new dangers that have emerged in the international arena, which are primarily linked with the further spread of nuclear weapons and the more acute threat of terrorism, have marginalized the idea of nuclear disarmament as untimely and utopian. It is very seductive to accord the nuclear weapon the role of arbiter "The Great Inquisitor" something that is sorely needed to prevent nations from engaging in mortal combat for their own selfish interests. This approach would be tantamount to acknowledging the fatal inevitability of continuing the nuclear arms race and having these weapons continue to spread across the earth's surface.

This paper examines the tensions between Canada and United States and the Trump Administration implementing aggressive tariffs against Canada while stating it will become the 51 st state. It will provide a general overview of how these tensions arose, its impact on long term Canada-U.S. relations, while also discussing the risk of an escalating trade war, including the ramifications of annexing Canada-a sovereign territory.

Neste  artigo,  propomos  analisar  se  o  sistema  ASTROS  pode  ser  uma  ferramenta  da  estratégia  de  presença  e  dissuasão  extrarregional.  A  pesquisa  foi  desenvolvida  por  meio  de  revisão  bibliográfica e documental, à luz da literatura que aborda o Sistema de  Foguetes  de  Artilharia  para  Saturação  de  Área,  focando  na estratégia de dissuasão preconizada na Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (END) e na presença indicada na Estratégia Militar Terrestre e em como é utilizado em outras nações, particularmente com a utilização da estratégia de Antiacesso e Negação de área (A2/AD). O estudo visa  apresentar  as  possibilidades  de  emprego  do  sistema  ASTROS,  como uma ferramenta de A2/AD, concluindo sobre a sua capacidade de colaborar com a estratégia de dissuasão extrarregional e presença. Por fim, o trabalho é relevante para contribuir com a Força Terrestre na construção das capacidades militares terrestres em virtude do que ficou estabelecido na END.

In this experiment, the primary goal is to investigate the free vibration characteristics of a single-degree-of-freedom (SDOF) mechanical system. The objectives include determining the system's natural frequency, damping ratio, and analyzing its transient behavior during free vibrations. We employ a combination of theoretical analysis, numerical simulations using Simulink, and experimental observations to achieve these objectives. Numerical results provide insights into the dynamic response, revealing critical system behaviors such as damping effects. The discussion contextualizes the findings within the realm of mechanical engineering principles, emphasizing practical implications. In conclusion, this study offers an understanding of SDOF system dynamics, with applications in engineering design and analysis.

On Thursday evening, the Trump administration announced the creation of the "Space Force", a sixth branch of the armed forces designed to enable the United States to "dominate space". The announcement was met with almost universal skepticism, due to the cost and relative (in)usefulness of this new administrative entity.

La sexta generación de aviación tendrá que enfrentarse a un entorno altamente congestionado de amenazas (enjambres de drones y misiles hipersónicos), requiriendo sistemas antimisiles mucho más avanzados que los actuales, donde las armas de energía dirigida serán cruciales pudiendo llegar a reemplazar al cañón y los misiles aire-aire en el combate aéreo cercano.
En este trabajo se plantea un algoritmo para el cálculo de estrategias de evasión óptimas aplicando la teoría de control, a partir de las funciones de transferencia del sistema de guiado de las amenazas, transformando las señales al plano de Laplace, y calculando un sistema de ecuaciones diferenciales, el cual puede resolverse y obtener los extremos relativos de la curva de distancia de paso amenaza-avión atacado.
Identificando al agresor con los alertadores de amenazas del avión atacado se pueden presentar dos situaciones. Que se conozcan las constantes de tiempo de su función de transferencia del sistema de guiado, con lo que el sistema de ecuaciones diferenciales puede integrarse numéricamente y calcular la distancia de paso.
Si no se conocen estas constantes de tiempo de la amenaza, con los alertadores de amenaza del avión atacado se obtiene una distancia de paso real a comienzo del vuelo, y mediante una combinación de algoritmos (Meméticos y Redes Neuronales Artificiales), comparar la distancia de paso real con la calculada al integrar el sistema de ecuaciones diferenciales, determinando las constantes de tiempo en un proceso de optimización iterativo.
Finalmente, las amenazas hostiles se clasifican en función de su distancia de paso en dos grupos, adoptando el avión atacado estrategias de evasión óptimas que maximicen la distancia de paso contra las amenazas del primer grupo, mientras que aquellas amenazas donde no es posible maximizar la distancia de paso serán interceptadas con los dispositivos de energía dirigida instalados en el avión atacado.

El objeto de este trabajo consiste en la determinación de maniobras evasivas óptimas de una aeronave contra misil, utilizando la teoría de control. Partiendo de las funciones de transferencia de cada uno de los bloques del sistema de guiado, aplicando la transformada de Laplace a las señales, y empleando la teoría de control, se obtiene un sistema de ecuaciones diferenciales que describe la dinámica del proceso, el cual una vez resuelto permitiría obtener los extremos relativos de la gráfica de distancia de paso. El principal problema en esta fase es conocer las constantes de tiempo que caracterizan la función de transferencia. Si los sensores encargados de la detección de amenazas del avión atacado, son capaces de asegurar, con elevada probabilidad, la identificación concreta del misil agresor y se conoce su función de transferencia (dentro de un catálogo conocido a través de técnicas de inteligencia), el sistema de ecuaciones diferenciales puede integrarse numéricamente y calcularse la distancia de paso misil-avión atacado. En caso de no conocer las constantes de tiempo, se considera proceder a usar un algoritmo genético, integrar el sistema de ecuaciones diferenciales y obtener una distancia de paso calculada. Si los sensores de detección de amenazas del avión atacado, obtienen la distancia de paso real en una fase inicial del vuelo, se puede comparar la distancia de paso real con la distancia de paso calculada y aplicando el algoritmo genético en un proceso de optimización iterativo, converger a unas constantes de tiempo donde la distancia de paso real y calculada estén muy próximas.

Aircraft that operate in a "hot" zone, under the simultaneous threat of several missiles, need to have technologies that effectively integrate evasive maneuvers, interference (Electronic Countermeasures or ECM), decoys (chaff, flares, ...), etc .; that provide advantages over the superior maneuverability of the missiles. In this context, it is clear that the missile is superior to the airplane in terms of maneuverability and thrust-to-weight ratio, with the aircraft attacked having resources that compensate for this superior maneuverability. With a cost much lower than the current combat aircraft, the missiles pose a very important threat to the crews, being necessary the development of strategies about how an aircraft can make an effective and effective defense against missile. In this way, the theory of control applied to the determination of optimal maneuvers of an aircraft that has been illuminated by a missile, aims to provide technical support to the decision-making process of the pilot of the aircraft.

South Asia is locked in several disputes. The nuclear curtain, which was lifted from the subcontinent at the end of the twentieth century, has made it more fragile and one of the “most dangerous places on Earth”. The aspiration for nuclear weapons has resulted in competition between India and Pakistan along with China, characterised by the action–reaction spiral. Security experts argue that the nuclear arms competition in South Asia is a classic case of the security dilemma. Arms acquisitions are rising along competitive lines, as countries purchase defence systems in reaction to the policies and procurements of neighbours. This paper studies the expanding nuclear capabilities and arsenals. It illustrates the arms race in South Asia and gives theoretical explanations for it. In conclusion the author revisits various implications of missile development between the two neighbours in the security context of South Asia.

The need for autonomous missile defence in the EU in the face of growing ballistic and cruise missile threats is analysed, highlighting Europe's current dependence on the US and NATO, mainly due to the lack of its own satellite-based early-warning system. In this context, Germany is promoting the European Sky Shield Initiative (ESSI), a missile shield relient on US and Israeli systems, sparking tensions with France, which advocates for autonomy and brings its nuclear deterrent into the strategic discussion.
The article details the capabilities needed for a missile defence shield, highlighting the importance of satellite-based early detection. While the US has advanced systems such as SBIRS, which will be enhanced by Next-Generation OPIR, the EU lacks a similar capability and faces financial and technological difficulties in developing a system of its own. Europe's TWISTER and ODIN's EYE II, HYDEF and HYDIS projects, still at an early stage, aim to create an early-warning satellite system and new interceptors, although they are not expected to be operational in the short term.
Financing these developments is a major challenge, with options such as joint debt issuance being considered. The EU must decide how to strengthen its defence and space industries, reduce its dependence on certain allies, and operate within constrained budgetary resources, with space-based early-warning capabilities being essential to achieving strategic autonomy in the defence sphere.

While world attention is focused on the nuclear programmes of Iran and North Korea, eight states possess about 12 100 operational nuclear weapons (see table 13A.1). 1 Several thousand nuclear weapons are kept on high alert, ready to be launched within minutes. If all nuclear warheads are counted-operational warheads, spares, and those in both active and inactive storage-the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, India, Pakistan and Israel together possess a total of more than 27 000 warheads. None of the five legally recognized nuclear weapon states, as defined by the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), appears to be planning to disarm its nuclear arsenal in the foreseeable future. 2 Russia and the USA are in the process of reducing their operational nuclear forces as a result of two bilateral treaties-the 1991 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I Treaty) and the 2002 Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT). 3 In the USA, implementation of the 2001 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) 4 has begun on all aspects of the nuclear postures. This includes a reduction by 'almost half' of the total stockpile by 2012 and the development of new ballistic missiles, strategic submarines, long-range bombers, new or modified nuclear weapons, nuclear weapon production facilities, nuclear command and control systems, and modified nuclear war plans. Similarly, Russia has announced its plan to reduce mainly land-based strategic missiles but also to retain for another decade, rather than dismantling, intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) equipped with multiple, independently targetable re-entry vehicles (MIRVs). A new ICBM, a new class of strategic submarines and a new cruise missile are being introduced. Tables 13A.2 and 13A.3 show the composition of the deployed nuclear forces of the USA and Russia, respectively.

This paper focused on use of GPS technology and Relative GPS/ATACMS Scenario. We have also looked at Relative Techniques Employing Ground-Based Receivers. The missile can be guided by a number of ways for example by using radio waves, infrared, laser and by using GPS and INS. Radio waves are used when missile is guided by a human operator or by using radar system. Infrared is used to guide the missile when target emits thermal energy. With the help of infrared thermal energy emit by the target which is detected, then missile is guided by following heat produce by the target. Laser guidance works by pointing laser on the target, then missile is guided by following laser beam. Finally we have also discussed the advantages and difficulties in GPS based weapons.

Developing domestic technology in the defense sector strengthens a country's independence from foreign suppliers. Nations that rely heavily on imported defense technologies risk potential embargoes, restrictions, or vulnerabilities in times of geopolitical tension. A self-reliant defense industry mitigates such risks and ensures uninterrupted access to critical resources and systems. Economic Advantages Investing in local defense industries creates economic benefits such as job creation, technological spillovers to civilian industries, and reduced foreign expenditure. For example, countries like South Korea and Turkey have witnessed significant growth in their domestic economies through indigenous defense programs. Key Areas of Technological Development Artificial Intelligence and Cybersecurity Artificial intelligence (AI) is transforming the defense landscape by enabling autonomous systems, advanced analytics, and predictive maintenance. Cybersecurity, another critical area, ensures the protection of sensitive defense systems against potential cyberattacks, a growing threat in modern warfare.

est ministre des Affaires étrangères de Finlande 1. La stratégie de Lisbonne est basée sur un partenariat entre la Communauté et les E ´tats membres. Elle présente une série de réformes visant à stimuler la croissance et l'emploi et a soutenir le modèle social européen.

The current critical phase of the conflict in the Middle East, which was triggered by the surprise mega-terrorist attack by Hamas against Israel, is in its third month. The vicious cycle of violence endures and tends to expand spatially, involving more actors. The end of the conflict is not in sight; moreover, the escalatory potential remains high. The shockwave from the Middle East is spreading out far beyond that region, influencing global dynamics in its various aspects, one of which is the war in Ukraine. 
Therefore, this IDD Analytical Policy Brief scrutinizes current developments, emerging trends, and strategies of the actors engaged in the Middle East’s open-ended multi-theatre war at its present-day intermediate stage. Beyond that, the brief considers the issue of “legal asymmetry” between Israel and Hamas and the extra-regional impacts of that war.

The outbreak of war in Ukraine and Western
support for the Ukrainian state have brought up
the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) in international politics, a subject debated
in the press and media, in universities, in states,
and in international organizations. In hasty
assessments, the argument that emerges is that
the war, particularly the Russian administration
of Vladimir Putin, has given NATO a new reason
of life, since it no longer had any reason to
exist in the face of the defeat and dissolution of
the USSR. Our aim in this article is therefore to
demonstrate that NATO has always had a reason
to exist in order to fulfill the function assigned
to it by the Western powers: to eliminate
politically and militarily obstacles to the
expansion of Western capitalism. Because it is an
international political and military organization
linked to the capitalist powers led by the United
States, with its smaller European partners, it is
an organization whose dynamic is expansionist.
So, our object is NATO in its founding treaty,
institutional organization, strategic concepts,
summit meetings, geopolitical expansion,
partnerships, and military operations.
Keywords: NATO. Capitalism. Expansion.

The study covers key principles of building aerial robots, including those related to construction, aerodynamics, navigation and data acquisition systems. The focus is on integration of modern technologies, such as sensors, GPS modules, and specialized software, which ensure efficient task performance in challenging environments. The paper analyzes benefits of implementing intelligent control systems, including algorithms for automatic route planning, flight correction, and obstacle detection. Particular attention is paid to the aerodynamic design of the body and choice of materials that ensure lightness, durability, and resistance to external factors such as wind, rain, and high temperatures. The study offers practical examples of implementation of design principles on example of modern agricultural aerial robots used for monitoring and data collection. A critical analysis of design and operational challenges provides deep understanding of potential of these technologies. Visual elements of work contribute to better understanding of complex technical solutions.

The unfolding scenarios in the international system require some interrogation. The ominous threats of nuclear weapons by competing and contending powers, both major and global, give the system a complex character at a time it is relapsing into imminent anarchy. In East Asia, the crisis between China and Taiwan is experiencing massive troop and armament deployment. Also, the sticky situation between North Korea and South Korea has witnessed series of missile tests by North Korea to which South Korea has not responded other than to swagger with the U.S. in joint military drills. It is evident that the provocations are calculated. In South Asia, Iran looks unstoppable with its uranium development. The recent arms deal between North Korea and Russia was also meant to expand the scope of threat. The Russian-Ukrainian war in Eastern Europe can boast of deployment of different kinds of technological equipment and gadgets of war. This study is designed to provide theoretical understanding to these build-ups via empirical findings in order to establish their potential for escalatory tendencies into an all-out war of global proportion. The study adopts nuclear weapons and international conflict theory as its theoretical framework. There is very scarce literature on the endangerment of nuclear symmetries compelled by the overwhelming actions and desires of individual states to also develop their own nuclear capabilities like others. This paper therefore attempts a theoretical contextualization of nuclear weapons symmetries and asymmetries and the psychological and political maturity of the countries' leaderships not to allow this grandstanding to undermine and imperil global peace.