Policy Networks

This chapter provides a policy-based reading of the drivers, processes, and long-term ramifications of the outsourcing of military support services that has thus far been all but absent from the literature. Military support services represent the vast majority of contracts let by the military, so that the findings arrived at here are seen to be representative for the broader issue of military contractorisation. Focusing on the USA and the UK, the chapter will 1) identify the structural, contextual factors that frame defence services acquisition, 2) map the defence services acquisition “policy network”, and 3) identify a systemic bias towards contractorisation. Based on these findings, the chapter will 4) conclude with an outlook over the future of military contractorisation within the political context identified earlier.

A large historiographic tradition has studied the Brazilian state, yet we know relatively little about its internal dynamics and particularities. The role of informal, personal, and unintentional ties has remained underexplored in most policy network studies, mainly because of the pluralist origin of that tradition. It is possible to use network analysis to expand this knowledge by developing mesolevel analysis of those processes. This article proposes an analytical framework for studying networks inside policy communities. This framework considers the stable and resilient patterns that characterize state institutions, especially in contexts of low institutionalization, particularly those found in Latin America and Brazil. The article builds on research on urban policies in Brazil to suggest that networks made of institutional and personal ties structure state organizations internally and insert them into broader political scenarios. These networks, which I call state fabric, frame politics, infl uence public policies, and introduce more stability and predictability than the majority of the literature usually considers. They also form a specifi c power resource-positional power, associated with the positions that political actors occupy-that infl uences politics inside and around the state.

The  study  of  public  policy  and  governance  nowadays  pays  special  attention on  the  network  approach.  It  is  a  consequence  of  the  fact  that  our  society  is  now turned  into  a  network  society  by  which  public  policy  as  state  policy  and  the  approach called  government  and  traditional  public  administration  are  not  seen  to  be  effective anymore.  Instead,  a  transition  to  the  development  of  policy  networks  and  network governance  is  seen  to  be  essential.  Nevertheless,  while  the  importance  of  network approach  is  increased,  its  content  is  still  reproduced  within  a  maze  without  particular details  as  a  new  morality  and  an  aesthetics  in  architecture.  Its  quintessence  seems to  be  merely  a  metaphor,  a  rhetoric,  a  romantic  discourse  or  an  empty  signifier.  Structural  problems  are  embedded  in  its  shadow,  while  power  inequalities  are  within its  uncertain  domain.    It  turns  to  be  the  new  mode  of  control  that  hides  vertical  relations  in  its  horizontal  image.  The  network  is  appeared  as  an  innovation,  but  in  its essence  bureaucratic  and  market  mechanisms  still  operate  mostly  the  same.  Within its  operation,  new  gaps  for  new  ways  of  corruption  are  opened,  while  democracy  is not  always  promoted  and  injustice  is  reproduced.  Aside  from  criticisms,  this  article proposes  an  analytical  framework  developed  from  a  research  project  to  pave  a  way towards  the  study  of  policy  networks  and  network  governance  that  goes  beyond  an empty  signifier.  The  proposed  framework  focuses  interactions  within  networks  by offering  the  articulation  of  network  analysis  to  the  analysis  of  collaboration,  democracy and  justice,  the  quality  of  deliberation,  and  the  autonomy  as  well  as  the  capacity  of each network constituent actor.

This paper examines the phenomenon of educational policy transfer in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It is argued that our age has witnessed a phenomenon of “the accelerating transnationalization of policy norms and practices” (Peck and Theodore 2010: 169) across national borders as states seek models and exemplars for their own educational development. A variety of mechanisms has been postulated for the apparent „movement‟ of policies from an originating context, and their adoption in other national environments labelled with terms such as: 'Policy Borrowing'. These mechanisms are sometimes advocated as a “shortcut to desired outcomes and results” justified by the impetus provided by the “global pursuit of competitive performance and the discourse of the knowledge economy” (Aydarova 2012:15). This paper asks: What policy influences are manifest in the UAE context?The metaphors of scapes, networks and flows are 'appropriated' from the work on mobility developed by Urry (2000)allowing for a more fluid and accommodating frame to describe and analyse the influence of policies from other contexts on the UAE. Ball (2012) counsels that policy transfer research methods and sensibilities be more attuned to movement and owe less to structure and place. The mobility construct applied to policy flows embodies a comprehensive view of transfer and influence from one context to another as movement of “people, objects, capital and information across the world” (Hannam, Sheller, and Urry 2006: 1).Policy transfer, discourse and influence can be „carried‟ by various vectors with the focus on the enabling role of technologically facilitated globalized mobility with its inherent alacrity.

This chapter uses the policy-planning network concept to explain why charter school reform has become a prominent reform strategy, especially in urban districts serving primarily poor children of color. It then identifies components of the emerging charter school policy-planning network. Informed by social network and document analysis drawn from foundation financial reports, examinations of boards of directors and advisors, reviews of works cited in advocacy and research reports, speeches, and media reports, the chapter finds that the charter school policy-planning network is made up of at least eight interrelated institutional forms. Specifically, this network is characterized by: (1) local charter schools; (2) charter school management organizations; (3) charter school real estate development corporations; (4) charter school and school choice advocacy organizations; (5) alternative teacher and leadership preparation programs ; (6) choice-sympathetic policy makers; (7) independent research units (think tanks, university-affiliated groups, and research corporations); and (8) foundations and venture philanthropies. The chapter discusses the implications of this network for democratic participation in urban schooling.

This article aims to explicate Policy Network Theory through Philosophy of Social Science consideration. The study found that Policy Network Theory is epistemologically and methodologically in accord with Critical Realism perspective. In this respect, the main function of the theory establishes an explanation of analysing types of policy networks as a mechanism or structure that represent as an independent variable in the policy process. Moreover, in terms of methodology, the theory employs retroductive explanation in which proposes a theoretical framework or model to demonstrate a causal relationship of the process. Thenceforth, to verify a mechanism existence, the theory also adopts

This article aims to study the theoretical development of Policy Networks Model in the context of structure-agency debate. The question of this study is, is it possible to solve that problem via Policy Networks Model, If it is possible, how to solve that problem.

The article aims to study how the assumption of the urban health as a common can change the contemporary urbanization trends and to face the crisis of planning practices and urban policies. The paper moves from two theoretical assumptions. On the one hand, urbanization is viewed as an ecological process, and, on the other hand, the urban health as a common is recognized as a guiding principle to realize planning and public participation practices oriented to build a new urban ecological regime.

L'articolo si pone l'obiettivo di studiare come l'assunzione della salute urbana come bene comune possa modificare le tendenze in atto nell'urbanizzazione contemporanea e, insieme, affrontare la crisi della pianificazione e delle politiche urbanistiche.
I riferimenti teorici fondamentali riguardano due questioni, relative, da un lato, al modo di interpretare l'urbanizzazione come processo ecologico e, dall'altro lato, ai contenuti della definizione di salute urbana. Questi orientamenti teorici, presentati nei paragrafi 2 e 3, individuano nella salute come bene comune un criterio guida fondamentale per pratiche relative alla pianificazione urbanistica ed alla partecipazione sociale al governo della città orientate a costruire un nuovo regime ecologico per l'urbanizzazione. Questa necessità muove dalla considerazione generale sui processi di degradazione ambientale in atto e da una critica dei processi di finanziarizzazione e privatizzazione della pianificazione urbana attivi dagli anni '70-80 del '900, presentati nel paragrafo 4. Questa analisi induce ad una rivisitazione delle esperienze di pianificazione partecipata realizzate dagli anni '90 del '900 e richiede l'indicazione, elaborata nel paragrafo 5, di differenti prospettive ecologiche, sociali e temporali, affinché la pianificazione sia orientata a costruire la salute urbana come bene comune.

(to obtain a copy of this paper, please contact me by mail)

This paper deals with the Muslim slave presence within the “Bagno” of Livorno in the 17th century, placing a particular emphasis on aspects of everyday life and relationships with the city’s inhabitants. Through the analysis of inquisition records relating to magical practices held by the Archiepiscopal Archives of Pisa, it has come to light that a number of Christians had recourse to the magical arts of the “Turks”. Through the detailed descriptions provided in these documents it has been possible to ascertain that such practices were, in fact, in accordance with North African Islamic tradition. This phenomenon appears to both confirm the ideological association of the “Infidels” with the demonic world, while at the same time representing a medium for cultural exchange between the two shores of the Mediterranean.

Cesare Santus, Il “turco” e l’inquisitore. Schiavi musulmani e processi per magia nel Bagno di Livorno (XVII secolo).

L’articolo prende in esame la presenza di schiavi musulmani all’interno del Bagno di Livorno nel XVII secolo, soffermandosi sulla loro esistenza quotidiana ed in particolare sulle relazioni da essi intrattenute con gli abitanti della città. L’analisi di alcuni processi inquisitoriali conservati presso l’Archivio arcivescovile di Pisa ha portato ad evidenziare l’esistenza di casi in cui clienti cristiani ricorrevano alle arti magiche dei “turchi”, dettagliatamente descritte e perciò confrontabili con la tradizione islamica nordafricana. Questo fenomeno si dimostra allo stesso tempo frutto di un’ideologia che associava gli infedeli al mondo demoniaco ma anche uno dei canali attraverso cui si esercitava il confronto culturale tra le due sponde del Mediterraneo.

El presente documento tiene dos objetivos, en primer lugar tiene como propósito realizar un acercamiento con el ARS para posteriormente vincular su utilidad con el estudio de nuevos modelos de gestión de políticas públicas como lo es el concepto de gobernanza. Por otra parte tiene como objetivo realizar una introducción práctica a la modelación de redes por medio del software UCINET enfatizando algunos indicadores del ARS a menudo utilizados para el estudio del gobierno y la administración pública.
El documento se encuentra dividido en 3 apartados. En primer lugar se da cuenta de
los estudios que enmarcan al ARS, aquí se prioriza esclarecer los distintos enfoques que existen entorno al estudio de redes en las ciencias sociales y algunos de sus principales postulados. En segundo lugar se expone de manera general la discusión actual en torno al estudio del concepto de gobernanza. En un tercer momento se describe cómo se realiza una modelación básica de ARS por medio del software UCINET concentrándose en algunas de las medidas más populares que giran en torno a esta herramienta. El documento concluye con una serie de reflexiones finales en torno a la utilidad de la metodología de ARS para el estudio del concepto de gobernanza.

Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es, eine Perspektive zu entwickeln, um politische Transnationalisierungsphänomene aus sehr unterschiedlichen empirischen Kontexten in einem gemeinsamen theoretischen Bezugsrahmen zu analysieren. Die Arbeit geht davon aus, dass diese verschiedenen Aspekte transnationaler Politik genügend Gemeinsamkeiten aufweisen, so dass man sie mit einer einheitlichen Theorie untersuchen kann. Ein solches Modell transnationaler Politik soll vor allem eine analytische Alternative zur dominierenden Regierungszentrik anbieten, dieses jedoch nicht grundsätzlich ablösen, sondern nur unter bestimmten, klar zu benennenden Bedingungen eine überlegene Interpretation ermöglichen. Als Grundbausteine für ein solches Modell wurden hier einerseits das Politiknetzwerkkonzept aus Policy-Forschung bzw. Organisationstheorie verwendet und andererseits Vorstellungen zur transnationalen Politik, die in den Internationalen Beziehungen entwickelt wurden. Dieses „eingebettete Ressourcenabhängigkeitsmodell transnationaler Politiknetzwerke“ geht davon aus, dass sich ein Großteil politischer Transnationalisierungsphänomene als Tausch von Ressourcen innerhalb eines Netzwerkes korporativer Akteure analysieren lässt. Wann diese Tauschprozesse jedoch relevant werden und welcher Einfluss verschiedenen Akteuren dabei zukommt, lässt sich nur vor dem Hintergrund der historischen und räumlichen Einbettung dieser Netzwerke in verschiedene Interessen- und Institutionenstrukturen klären. Die Arbeit entwickelt und testet Hypothesen über diese Strukturen in vier empirischen Anwendungsfeldern (transgouvernementale Koordination von Wirtschaftshilfe, Mikroregionalismus in Grenzregionen, Nichtregierungsorganisationen in der nationalen und internationalen Politik, EU-Mehrebenensystem).

Resulta muy difícil entender la política en nuestro mundo actual sin conocer las claves que ayudan a descifrar el complejo sistema de pesos y contrapesos que la accionan. Frente a esta realidad, las redes políticas son la urdimbre que entrelaza las relaciones entre actores como el Estado, las instituciones y las corporaciones. En esta obra se aborda el referente institucional de las redes políticas, planteando preguntas que la autora considera básicas y que tienen que ver con el modo en que las redes políticas se configuran para ayudar a identificar los diversos escenarios en los cuales ocurren. Siendo que de la interacción de las redes políticas se determinan las decisiones públicas, entonces nuestras vidas cotidianas pudieran estar atravesadas por las relaciones entre los factores que conforman las redes políticas, pues establecen las condiciones en las cuales se desarrolla nuestra convivencia ciudadana.

En la presente obra, la autora reúne de manera exhaustiva un extenso compendio de autores, en los que se apoya para desarrollar su perspectiva acerca del complejo tema de las redes políticas. Factores ejecutivos, alto gobierno, ministerios, grupos y actores sociales, económicos y educativos, son objeto de estudio incluyendo otros tan controversiales en el mundo político actual, como los lobbies.

Employing a policy network approach within a multiple theories framework, this paper explicates a unifying analytical framework for examining state-level policy change in educational subsystems. In the politically fluid context of current educational domains, policy networks have strong potential for conceptualizing the contemporary nature of policy-making, in which a loose coordination of private and public actors work together across issues. Likewise, the complex and dynamic nature of state policy-making may not conform to a single theory of the policy process, requiring concepts to be synthesized across theories. This theoretical model addresses these issues by linking subsystem attributes to network characteristics, which I show may then be empirically linked to a number of policy outcomes in educational contexts.

RU: В ходе исследования автором выявлена обратная корреляция между количеством активных пользователей W eb 2.0 площадок, сервисов, приложений в регионах и явкой на выборах в электоральном цикле 2016 года (чем больше в регионе активных пользователей, тем явка ниже, и наоборот). Также установлено, что после принятия каждой законодательной инициативы, направленной на регулирование сетевого пространства, значительно возрастает число пользователей сети Tor (обеспечивающей анонимность и позволяющей обходить установленные ограничения), что свидетельствует о стремлении сетевого пространства получить автономию от государственного надзора и регулирования. Анализируя полученные эмпирические результаты, а также такие процессы и явления как киберпартии, сетевые мониторные акторы, политические сетевые движения и сообщества, вовлечение через сетевое пространство в политическую жизнь общества «цифровых» поколений Y и Z, влияние сетевого пространства на процессы протестной мобилизации, использование цифровых сетевых коммуникации в качестве инструмента политического участия граждан, автор приходит к выводу, что состоялось сопряжение сетевого пространства и политической реальности. В заключении автор выделяет основные особенности сопряжения и его возможные последствия.
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EN: In the course of the research, the author revealed an inverse correlation between the number of active users of Web 2.0 platforms, services, applications in the regions and the voter turnout in the 2016 electoral cycle (the more number of active users in the region, the voter turnout is lower, and vice versa).Also found that after the adoption of each legislative initiative aimed at regulating the network space, the number of Tor (allows to stay anonymous in the network and bypass the state-imposed restrictions) users increases significantly, which indicates the desire of the network space to gain autonomy from state supervision and regulation.Analyzing the obtained empirical results, as well as such processes and phenomena as cyberparties, network monitory actors, political network movements and communities, the involvement of the "digital" generations Y and Z through the network space into the political life of the society, the influence of the network space on the processes of protest mobilization, the use of digital network communications as an instrument of political participation of citizens, the author concludes that there was a conjugation of the network space and political reality. In conclusion, the author outlines the main features of conjugation and its possible consequences.

This research explored the rebuilding of a public university, Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny, in the West African nation of Côte d’Ivoire, destroyed as a result of a highly contested Presidential election. We began by viewing rebuilding as the result of policy networks, a pantheon of interdependent actors cooperating and competing to address policymaking. Then we investigated the characteristics of these efforts, focusing on the policies that result from the complex interplay between university stakeholders and government bodies and the subsequent implementation of policy into practice. The study resulted in a preliminary understanding of one institution’s rebuilding efforts.

Transnationale Politiknetzwerke bieten sich als attraktives gemeinsames Untersuchungsobjekt von Regierungslehre und Internationalen Beziehungen an, wenn es darum geht, die Folgen von Globalisierungsprozessen für die staatliche Handlungsfähigkeit zu untersuchen. Im Vordergrund des Aufsatzes steht die Konfrontation zwischen Ansätzen, die diese Netzwerke als neues Steuerungsinstrument propagieren, und einer eher kritisch-analytischen Perspektive. Ausgehend von einem theoretischen Modell, das transnationale Politiknetzwerke als interorganisatorische Austauschprozesse analysiert, werden empirische Beispiele aus der Kooperation in Grenzregionen, der transnationalen Advocacy-Tätigkeit von Nichtregierungsorganisationen und dem europäischen Mehrebenensystem untersucht. Dabei wird gezeigt, daß transnationalen Politiknetzwerken nur unter besonderen Bedingungen empirische Relevanz zukommt, diese Netzwerke nur in sehr engen Grenzen von einem Steuerungssubjekt aus zu Zwecken der Problemlösung zu gestalten sind und daß das Regieren in Netzwerken auch kaum demokratischen Kriterien entspricht. Transnational policy networks appear to be an attractive common subject of both Public Policy and International Relations, if we are interested in the consequences of globalization on public policy-making capacities. The article focuses on the confrontation between approaches which propose these networks as a new governance instrument and a more critical analytical perspective. Based on a theoretical model that analyzes transnational policy networks as inter-organizational resource exchanges, empirical illustrations from the following research areas are presented: cooperation in border regions, transnational advocacy NGOs in human rights protection and multi-level governance in the European Union. The article concludes that transnational policy networks are only relevant under very specific empirical conditions. Furthermore, the possibility to regulate these networks is severely limited. Finally, transnational policy networks raise important questions of democratic legitimacy.

Il saggio si inserisce nel dibattito in corso sullo sviluppo delle aree rurali italiane con lo scopo di sostenere come, nella attuale situazione dell'economia, l'unità di riferimento per l'analisi delle trasformazioni economiche e sociali del mondo rurale e per la definizione di eventuali politiche di sviluppo sia rappresentata dal sistema locale rurale, e come anche le residue politiche settoriali debbano essere “aggiustate” alla dimensione locale della struttura produttiva agricola e di quella sociale. Si intende sostenere cioè che non è possibile definire una politica di sviluppo rurale per l’intera Unione europea ma che la Commissione deve limitarsi ad individuare e definire quali siano i motivi per attuare una ridistribuzione di reddito a favore delle aree rurali, ognuna delle quali è la sola in grado di definire i problemi da risolvere in relazione alle condizioni sociali ed economiche specifiche; inoltre, nel momento in cui l’Unione formuli delle politiche dirette esplicitamente al settore produttivo “agricoltura”, queste devono essere modulate e calibrate alle condizioni che determinano il grado di efficienza e di concorrenzialità di un determinato sistema produttivo (usualmente localmente definito) piuttosto che sul complessivo grado di concorrenzialità dell’agricoltura comunitaria nei confronti dei partner commerciali.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the state contribute considerably to the unique state of Caribbean politics, yet their  relationship is turbulent which prevents effective policymaking. Specifically, the problem this study addressed is the turbulent relationship between NGOs and the state in Trinidad and Tobago from a postinternational framework. The purpose of this research was to provide an explanation of the NGO-state relationship through the postinternational concepts of turbulence and distant proximities. Data for this study were acquired through open-ended surveys from 22 leaders of NGOs and publicly available documentation pertaining to the relationship between government and NGOs. These data theoretically coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. The results indicated that the NGO-state relationship can be best described as turbulent and characteristic of a distant proximity, thereby implying that the relationship between the participants is characterized by a dynamic tension and the efficacy of the relationship is further exacerbated by distance and proximity. Further, there was evidence of advocacy coalitions (or non-advocacy coalitions) in the relationships and the state can be resistant to engage in participation. The positive social change implications stemming from this study include opportunities for further academic investigation and presents new knowledge of the NGO-State relationship in Trinidad and Tobago. This  understanding enhances social change by offering direction in the creation and
modification of public policies in the Caribbean.

In questo breve saggio l'autore sviluppa i primi risultati di una ricerca sulla rigenerazione del quartiere di Bagnoli a Napoli, conclusa nel febbraio del 2003, condotta all'interno del Dottorato di ricerca in Sociologia dei Fenomeni culturali dei Processi normativi dell'Istituto di Sociologia, dell'Università degli Studi di Urbino "Carlo Bo". Questa ricerca s'inquadra nel filone di studi neo-istituzionalista applicato all'analisi della politica locale napoletana. L'osservazione del contesto associativo bagnolese è stata realizzata sulla base di un gruppo di 25 interviste semi-strutturate a traccia unica (rivolta ai dirigenti delle associazioni iscritte al Forum) e 45 interviste in profondità (cittadini, dirigenti di grandi organizzazioni, politici locali, tecnici); sullo studio di una composita letteratura di scienze sociali; sull'analisi di un folto materiale documentale a carattere normativo (pianificazione urbanistica, delibere comunali, atti costitutivi) e a carattere divulgativo (brochure delle attività associative e rassegne stampa).

The Hague is more and more the legal capital of the world. The Hague municipality and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs successfully promoted the city as such and made it a real global center of justice, peace and security (Eyffinger, 1999) (Wladimiroff, 2009). The process of attracting and managing international organizations, centers of knowledge, governmental and non-governmental organizations, was not always easy. Internal and external factors determine the way the city still develops its status as ‘legal capital of the world'. Based on literature and about twenty interviews with representatives of the local and national governments and employees of international organizations, this article concludes that progress can be made through more cooperation between the municipality and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Attracting new international organizations can be streamlined in a better way. Some new tribunals might be established in The Hague.

This paper maps the policy actors and their networks in the European Union's Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Action Plan and the Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) process in the Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR). It analyzes power relations in the FLEGT VPA process, as well as actors' preferences in relation to a number of policy issues dealt with in the FLEGT VPA. To provide contextual understanding, the paper explores pathways of policy influence along which international actors influence domestic decision-making processes within the FLEGT VPA. We find that in the Lao FLEGT VPA policy process, power is held by the traditionally most powerful policy actors, the central governmental agencies, donor community and international development partners, while the private sector , civil society organizations and actors from subnational levels are substantially less powerful. Strong policy preferences were noted for all aspects of timber legality, except for the legality of non-timber forest products (NTFPs). Similarly, strong preferences were observed for considerations of transparency and accountability, while preferences were comparatively weaker for issues concerning i) forest communi-ties' rights to forest and land, ii) livelihood impacts on small-scale operators and family businesses as well as those of forest communities, and iii) the involvement of civil society organizations in the VPA process. The most dominant pathways through which VPA influences domestic policy-making is the direct access to domestic policy-making, followed by the international rules pathway of influence. Based on our analysis, we argue that imbalance in distribution of power and in representation of actors in the VPA policy network may obstruct the intended outcomes and progress on important policy issues, despite the stated policy goals and resources provided by the donor community. This in turn fosters perpetual dominance of the traditionally powerful policy actors, which is likely to lead to further marginalization and disem-powerment of the less powerful actors, such as forest communities and informal operators.

Abstract Two important challenges in policy design are better understanding of the design space and consideration of the temporal factors. Moreover, in recent years it has been demonstrated that understanding the complex interactions of policy measures can play an important role in policy design and analysis. In this paper, the advances made in conceptualization and application of networks to policy design in the past decade are highlighted. Specifically, the use of a network-centric policy design approach in better understanding the design space and temporal consequences of design choices are presented. Network-centric policy design approach has been used in classification, visualization, and analysis of the relations among policy measures as well as ranking of policy measures using their internal properties and interactions, and conducting sensitivity analysis using Monte Carlo simulations. Furthermore, through use of a decision support system, network-centric approach facilitates ranking, visualization, and selection of policies using different sets of criteria, and exploring the potential for compromise in policy formulation. The advantage of the network-centric approach is providing the ability to go beyond visualizations and analysis of policies and piecemeal use of network concepts as a
tool for different policy design tasks to moving to a more integrated bottom–up approach to design. Furthermore, the computational advantages of the network-centric policy design in considering temporal factors such as policy sequencing and addressing issues such as layering, drift, policy failure, and delay are presented. Finally, some of the current challenges of network-centric design are discussed, and some potential avenues of exploration in policy design through use of computational methodologies, as well as possible integration with approaches from other disciplines, are highlighted.

This research paper focuses on  the analysis of the
network  that links governmental institutions, non-governmental
organizations and United Nations agencies involved in the
process of adapting to climate change in Sudan; to find out how
they are communicating and cooperating. This paper has adopted
qualitative method approach and  Desk-based review of various
documents and similar research papers as methodology to attain
the results. Interviews and focus group discussions have been
carried out with key  ministries and institutions at  national and
sub-national levels, executive personnel in  local
nongovernmental organizations and  with some  United Nations
agencies working in Sudan. The diagram  drawn from the data
collected during interviews has  yielded a visualization of the
main actors of the process of adapting to climate change in
Sudan. The study has concluded that;  using the concepts of
network analysis methodologies has helped in  acquiring a clear
image of institutional and policy network of adapting to climate
change in Sudan

In this article the author examines the networks of civic initiatives in Saint Petersburg and their inclusion into urban public policy. Th e configuration of institutional environment of urban governance is the key factor that determines patterns of interaction between city government and civic initiatives. As a result of empirical study three types of coordination in urban governance are observed: centralized, cooperative and confrontational.

This chapter provides a policy-based reading of the drivers, processes, and long-term ramifications of the outsourcing of military support services that has thus far been all but absent from the literature. Military support services represent the vast majority of contracts let by the military, so that the findings arrived at here are seen to be representative for the broader issue of military contractorisation. Focusing on the USA and the UK, the chapter 1) identifies the structural, contextual factors that frame defence services acquisition, 2) maps the defence services acquisition “policy network”, and 3) identifies a systemic bias towards contractorisation. Based on these findings, the chapter 4) concludes with an outlook over the future of military contractorisation within the political context identified earlier.

The Hague and Geneva are two cities that historically grew into global centers, specialized in specific human rights, peace and justice topics. The aim of this paper is to compare both cities with regard to their local and national governance towards International Organizations (IOs) and International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs). Both cities experience increased competition due to globalization: there are other, more profitable settlement places for IOs and INGOs. To face this competition the settlement conditions should be improved in both cities. At the same time, however, sources are decreasing. Therefore the need exists to reformulate strategies and tactics in attracting and retaining IOs and INGOs. Through a qualitative, international-comparative case study this article treats the following research question: How do the local and national governments of The Hague and Geneva cooperate and manage their IOs and INGOs? The results: Geneva focuses mostly on retaining IOs and INGOs, The Hague on attracting more. Whereas Geneva is an omnivore that wants to attract any IO or INGO, The Hague focuses mainly on themes, such as Peace and Justice. The Geneva Welcome Center is more extended and advanced than The Hague’s. The paper concludes with a discussion on how to improve the competitive position of both cities.

While there is broad scholarly agreement that policy-making in the
European Union (EU) involves a multitude of public and private actors
at different levels of government, there is less agreement whether the EU
should be conceptualized as a form of governance by networks or
governance in networks. This article first examines different concepts of
networks. It then sets out multiple functions of networks within the EU
policy process. Particular attention is paid to the extent to which
networks may provide added value to European integration and improve
the quality of governance by effectively solving common problems and
helping to address the democratic deficit or whether, by acting as
mechanisms of exclusion rather than inclusion, they actually contribute to
the EU’s legitimacy deficit. Since networks can enhance governance
quality as well as undermine its democratic credentials, a balance sheet
shows both positive and negative consequences.

En  el  turismo  las  redes  sociales  se  presentan  como  la  materialización  de  la  gobernanza, facilitando el intercambio de recursos entre las partes interesadas y permitiendo la realización de tareas complejas que no pueden resolverse mediante acciones individuales. Pese a ser una actividad con características inherentes que la relacionan estrictamente con los conceptos de redes y capital social, existe una carencia de estudios que aborden conjuntamente los aspectos
estructurales de las redes sociales y los principales elementos del capital social para analizar los procesos de gobernanza turística. Este trabajo presenta el enfoque de las teorías de redes sociales y capital social con el fin de analizar sus relaciones con los procesos de gobernanza y contribuir así en la discusión sobre sus implicaciones en la actividad turística, concretamente, en el desarrollo de prácticas turísticas más sostenibles.

El presente artículo se basa en un estudio que muestra la disputa entre proyectos políticos en torno a la gestión del agua en dos acuíferos del centro de México afectados por sobreexplotación. Los casos se refieren al acuífero del Valle de León, Guanajuato y del Valle de Aguascalientes. Analíticamente la atención se pone en el tipo de relaciones entabladas entre los actores públicos y privados involucrados en la gestión del agua subterránea, así como en los arreglos institucionales que moldean dichas relaciones a partir de la perspectiva llamada “análisis de redes de política pública”. El presente trabajo tiene  el objetivo de resaltar no sólo el conflicto distributivo del agua en México, sino identificar condiciones estructurales de la persistencia de la crisis del agua. Los resultados de esta investigación permiten expresar dos ideas generales en este sentido: Primero, las políticas y estrategias basadas en la perspectiva que ve al agua como un bien económico son insuficientes y parciales al dejar fuera soluciones basadas en mayor justicia distributiva y comprometidas con la sustentabilidad del medio ambiente; y segundo, ahí donde los arreglos institucionales logren consolidar en el futuro un conjunto de reglas del juego que configuren un sector agua más inclusivo y que incida integralmente en las estrategias de desarrollo local, tendrá más oportunidades de encontrar soluciones eficaces a la crisis del agua.

Reports are occasional studies that provide support or background information for wider research projects. They include reviews of scientific literature, state of the art reports, and country studies. They are works in progress and offer practical combinations of academic and policy writing.  c e N t e r f o r P o l i c y S t u d i e S P o l i c y r e S e a r c h r e P o r t 2

This chapter will illustrate how an “outside-in” view of policy making may implement a balanced perspective for assessing sustainable outcomes through an integrated Dynamic Performance Management and Governance framework. In the next sections such a framework will be illustrated and applied to different examples of collaborative networks. In the remaining part of this section practical implications from an “outside-in” view of policy making will be illustrated.