Political Clientelism

Comme de nombreux autres pays d’Amérique du Sud, le Venezuela a signé au début du xxe siècle un traité avec un ordre missionnaire catholique (les Capucins espagnols) pour lui confier la responsabilité d’évangéliser, de civiliser et de coloniser une des marges du pays – le delta de l’Orénoque – et sa population autochtone – les Warao. Mais cet objectif place ces missionnaires face à une série de contradictions qui déterminent en grande partie l’évolution de leur action. Les Warao restaient encore à évangéliser parce que leur terre était considérée comme inhabitable, et, en voulant y vivre d’une manière « civilisée », les Capucins mettent régulièrement en danger la survie même de la mission. Ils sont en effet confrontés à l’impossibilité d’établir des villages stables sur la terre ferme, de renoncer aux échanges transfrontaliers et de transformer les Warao en agriculteurs autonomes. Les missionnaires ont ainsi dû s’accoutumer aux manières de vivre dans le delta autant qu’ils ont réussi à les transformer.

As many other South American countries, Venezuela signed a treaty with a Catholic missionary order (the Spanish Capuchins) at the beginning of the 20th century, entrusting it with the responsibility of evangelizing, civilizing and colonizing one of the country’s margins - the Orinoco delta - and its indigenous population - the Warao. But this objective confronted the missionaries with a series of contradictions that largely determined the course of their action. The Warao had yet to be evangelized because their land was considered uninhabitable, and the Capuchins’ desire to live there in a “civilized” manner regularly jeopardized the very survival of the mission. They were faced with the impossibility of establishing stable villages on terra firma, abandoning cross-border trade and transforming the Warao into self-sufficient farmers. The missionaries thus had to become accustomed to the ways of life in the delta as much as they succeeded in transforming them.

One of the characteristic features of the Albanian party system during three decades of pluralism and political competition has been its stability and consolidation, with two main parties (the Socialist and the Democratic Party) dominating the political scene and securing the majority of votes of the Albanian electorate. Despite this stability of the party system with two main parties that have dominated it, it cannot be said the political system in Albania has enjoyed satisfactory levels of representation of the electorate, and it is also characterized by low levels of political accountability of the political parties to segments of the electorate that votes for them. In the mixture of different linkage strategies that political parties use to ensure votes from the electorate, Albanian political parties steadily more (especially during the end of the first decade of the 2000s and beyond, which also coincides with the introduction of the proportional regional electoral system in Albania) have relied on strategies that are increasingly moving away from the programmatic appeals to certain segments of their (traditional) electorates. This has come not only as a change prompted at the institutional level (by the introduction of a new electoral system in 2008 in Albania), but also as a functional adaptation
to the demands of a large part of the Albanian electorate. The aim of this article is to highlight the nature of Albanian political parties as seen by the Albanian citizens and which linkage strategies dominate the relationships between political parties and the electorate in Albania.
Keywords: Linkage strategies, programmaticism, charismatic personality, clientelism, political parties, accountability.

This article aims to explain why, despite the democratic legal and institutional changes that have occurred in the political system in Veracruz over the last 30 years that now point to a competitive local electoral system, illiberal structures, and practices persist, through the continuity of a form of subnational authoritarianism. Examples of this system are the political controls exercised by regional caciques and union corporativism; the reproduction of clientelistic practices; the persistent problem of the low state institutional capacities; the lack of an effective division of powers; and—more recently—the empowerment of various organized crime groups. The justice system is broken by design. Political parties lack institutionality, credible leadership, and political programs. The public space is fragile and highly fragmented. Civil society is weak and very concentrated in the capital city at the federal level. Inequality and poverty are so widespread that working classes, peasants, indigenous peoples, and urban dwellers have no capacity to organize in an autonomous manner. This situation explains the persistence of illiberal structures and practices in the process of transition to and consolidation of democracy. Veracruz is an extreme example of all these processes.

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The study of clientelism has long been dominated by analyses of its manifestations in electoral politics, party systems, and local governance, particularly in less developed nations. Yet, scholarship has largely examined clientelism only after it has become entrenched, leaving a critical gap in understanding how it first takes root. This study seizes a rare historical moment to examine the emergence-or potential absence-of clientelism in Lebanon's nascent solar energy market. Unlike traditional welfare clientelism in the electricity sector, which is deeply embedded in patron-client networks, the rapid expansion of solar photovoltaic (PV) systems in Beirut has, unexpectedly, unfolded with minimal clientelist interference. We challenge prevailing assumptions that new markets in weak institutional environments are inevitably captured by elites and integrated into existing clientelist structures. What, then, explains this anomaly? How has the rise of solar PV technology reshaped patterns of patronage in Lebanon's energy sector? Based on interviews conducted in 2022 with Beirut's solar PV entrepreneurs, this study argues that the market logic of solar PV systems differs fundamentally from the mechanisms that sustain traditional welfare clientelism. This article offers fresh insights into how technological and economic shifts can disrupt entrenched modes of political exchange. More broadly, we contribute to the study of clientelism by shifting the focus from its persistence to its potential dislocation, highlighting how new market structures may redefine citizen-state interactions at critical historical junctures.

representar ese momento "raro y peligroso" en el que se muestra el rostro que se oculta tras la máscara del discurso público. La familia Poyser se sentía acorralada por las exigencias y el desprecio con el que les trataba el dueño de las tierras que cultivaban, noble y señor de la región. Rachel Poyser solía dirigirse a él con "reverencia" y aire de "perfecto respeto", pero la última visita del señor, con una imposición que amenazaba con expulsarles de la granja, desató su furia. En una expresión de dignidad y autoestima, se alejó de los términos en los que se manifiesta públicamente la subordinación. Las palabras que Eliot ponía en boca de la señora Poyser mostraban a una mujer valiente y liberada del peso de las apariencias: "le digo de una vez que no somos tontos […]; ustedes tienen el látigo en la mano sólo porque nosotros no podemos librarnos de este freno que es la servidumbre. Y si yo soy la única en decirle lo que pienso, no por eso deja de haber muchos que piensan igual". La mujer rompía en ese instante de rebelión personal con la etiqueta de las relaciones de poder que hasta ese momento habría mantenido por respeto, prudencia, miedo o deseo de obtener favores. Su diatriba había surgido de forma espontánea, fruto de la cólera incontenida o la humillación sufrida a manos de alguien con poder sobre sus vidas. Sin embargo, el mensaje, más que un ejercicio de mera improvisación parecía recoger la verdad de lo que ella creía y llevaba tiempo resonando en los dependientes del terrateniente. 1 * Este artículo es resultado del proyecto de investigación "Historia y Memoria: Castilla-La Mancha, 1868-1982" (SBPLY/23/180225/000087), financiado por la UE a través del FEDER y por la JCCM a través de INNOCAM y del proyecto de investigación "La respetabilidad burguesa y sus dinámicas culturales en la España liberal, 1830-1890" (PID2022-136358NB-I00), financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación.

Institute for Social and Economic Change (ISEC) is engaged in interdisciplinary research in analytical and applied areas of the social sciences, encompassing diverse aspects of development. ISEC works with central, state and local governments as well as international agencies by undertaking systematic studies of resource potential, identifying factors influencing growth and examining measures for reducing poverty. The thrust areas of research include state and local economic policies, issues relating to sociological and demographic transition, environmental issues and fiscal, administrative and political decentralization and governance. It pursues fruitful contacts with other institutions and scholars devoted to social science research through collaborative research programmes, seminars, etc. The Working Paper Series provides an opportunity for ISEC faculty, visiting fellows and PhD scholars to discuss their ideas and research work before publication and to get feedback from their peer group. Papers selected for publication in the series present empirical analyses and generally deal with wider issues of public policy at a sectoral, regional or national level. These working papers undergo external review but typically do not present final research results, and constitute works in progress. ISEC working papers can be downloaded from the website (www.isec.ac.in).

¿Qué tiene que ver el peronismo con el clientelismo? Tomemos una definición de clientelismo político para tratar de proponer algunas entradas a esa pregunta. La definición de Jonathan Fox en un artículo suyo bastante citado podrá servirnos: "Una relación basada en la subordinación política a cambio de recompensas materiales". Favores por votos, sí, pero con consecuencias más graves. Dice Fox, que esas prácticas, las clientelares, obligan al pobre a sacrificar sus derechos políticos si quieren acceder a programas distributivos. Esa condicionalidad interfiere con el ejercicio de los derechos ciudadanos y mina la consolidación de los regímenes democráticos. Para Fox existe una relación entre la competencia electoral nacional y la autonomía asociativa, aunque sus efectos son políticamente contingentes 1 . Aunque el concepto o noción ha viajado mucho, se puede hallar en varias de las definiciones del clientelismo ese fondo que a partir de la mistificación de la autonomía asociativa encuentra "natural" diferenciar la acción política entendida como deseable de las 1

EA 2529 CICC) « Un dévot est celui qui sous un roi athée serait athée » Jean de La Bruyère 1 Dans sa galerie satirique de Caractères, Jean de La Bruyère lie intimement dévot et courtisan. Pour l'auteur, la figure du dévot est la résultante d'une mode calquée sur une attitude et un goût royaux. Effectivement au XVII e siècle, la plus grande partie de la Cour française s'affiche dévote à l'image de ses régentes, Marie de Médicis et Anne d'Autriche, et de son Roi, Louis XIII. Il est vrai que le XVII e siècle connait un renouveau et un bouleversement des pratiques catholiques, calquées sur les préceptes du Concile de Trente 2 . Parmi les élites, y compris au sommet de l'État, beaucoup se retrouvent dans l'idéal remis au goût du temps de l'héroïsme chrétien, de l'action et de l'engagement relayé et prôné par François de Sales 3 . En revanche, il est difficile de se revendiquer dévot, et encore moins d'un parti dévot, le souvenir de la Ligue et de ses massacres étant encore prégnant dans les mémoires. D'ailleurs, le terme « parti dévot » est une création historiographique du XIX e siècle et absolument pas une construction d'hommes du XVII e siècle 4 . Directement né de la Contre-Réforme catholique, le mouvement dévot est une nébuleuse de personnes, de volonté, soudées autour de l'amour de Dieu et d'actions charitables, rien de moins inoffensif. Structurés en compagnies, en ordres, les dévots sont mus par une même volonté de changer la société en la refondant sur les valeurs catholiques. Si nous reprenons la doctrine de la Compagnie du Saint Sacrement, il s'agit de « faire tout le bien possible et éloigner tout le mal possible », dès lors, la volonté d'édification est bien réelle même si pour certains historiens, ce désir n'aurait pas d'incidences sur la gouvernance de

El objetivo del artículo es analizar la incidencia del género en las dinámicas clientelares mediante el estudio de la participación de las mujeres en el programa Salario Rosa, en el Estado de México (2018 y 2023). Desde una perspectiva de género el artículo analiza la intermediación clientelar. El diseño metodológico fue cualitativo, basado en investigación documental y entrevistas semiestructuradas. Los resultados arrojan que el clientelismo utiliza dispositivos cotidianos que preservan asimetrías de poder en detrimento de las mujeres. Destacan elementos novedosos como: roles duales, reglamentación ambigua, y uso de nuevas tecnologías, que fortalecieron las relaciones “patrón-cliente” y las nociones de “hombre proveedor-mujer hogareña”. Aunque se estudió un programa social subnacional, los resultados evidencian la rentabilidad política de las desigualdades de género. Los hallazgos reflejan la forma en que las desigualdades de género se utilizan para el apoyo de las mujeres en beneficio de una figura patronal varonil (subsidio político de género). El género ha recibido poca atención en los estudios sobre el clientelismo, por lo que el artículo es un aporte en la literatura especializada.
Tapia Muro, Cristina. Martínez Espinoza, Manuel Ignacio (2025). “Mujeres y prácticas clientelares en México: el caso del Salario Rosa” En Revista de El Colegio de San Luis, vol 15, num. 26. Pp. 1-26.

Moving beyond conventional corruption narratives, the paper situates dynastic power within a broader historical and cultural framework—tracing its roots from precolonial kinship systems and colonial patronage structures to modern electoral capture. It argues that political families consolidate power not merely through material resources but by mobilizing symbolic capital, moral economies, and media-driven myth-making. Drawing on theoretical insights from Gramsci, Bourdieu, Debord, and postcolonial thinkers, the article explains how hegemonic consent is secured through cultural rituals, relational norms such as utang na loob and pakikisama, and the transformation of political campaigns into spectacles.

This paper measures the extent to which both donor finance and resource revenues have contributed to higher rates of expenditure in key development sectors of the PNG economy-social services (including health and education) and infrastructure, between 1975 and 2010. Estimated elasticities are then compared against a hypothetical revenue scenario to assess the potential contribution that post-2014 LNG revenue inflows may have on increasing the financing available to these sectors.

Para a compreensão do contexto político português da segunda metade de oitocentos são de uma riqueza extraordinária, as fontes de origem literária. Cruzadas com outro tipo de fontes, como a imprensa, permitem o estabelecimento de quadros correlacionais de interpretação histórica na perspectiva comparativista, bastante elucidativos. Muito deste contributo literário deveu-se a autores contemporâneos da designada Geração de 70 (1870) como Eça de Queirós, Ramalho Ortigão, Guerra Junqueiro, Júlio Dinis e Oliveira Martins entre outros. No contexto transformista da historiografia portuguesa contemporânea, muitos historiadores já utilizam estes recursos como fonte sociológica estabelecendo a intersecção entre a literatura e a imprensa coeva, que constitui outro testemunho ímpar para o esclarecimento destas questões. A viragem para a adopção na nossa historiografia desta metodologia deu-se com Joel Serrão e é depois prosseguida numa fase mais recente por outros estudiosos, como

The article examines the interconnections between the use of republican concepts and the practice of political life in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the late 16th century. Dymitr Chalecki, who belonged to the petty nobility, made a brilliant political career for those times. In April 1590, he was nominated for the Land Treasurer of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Chalecki put forward a program of improving the state economy and became one of the leaders of the nobility movement in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 1590s. Primary sources (mainly epistolary ones) show that Dymitr Chalecki quite often referred to such categories as law, justice, freedom, conscience, duty, patriotism, and the common good. The author emphasizes that Chalecki’s views were shaped not so much by his education, but by the traditions and practice of public life of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In turn, it indicates how deeply the classical republican tradition penetrated the political consciousness of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania’s nobility at the end of the 16th century.

Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime. During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. By 2000, however, the regime came to an end when the PRI lost the presidency. Mexico became a democracy, and the PRI made the transition from authoritarian ruling party to authoritarian successor party. Yet the PRI did not disappear. It continued to be the largest party in Congress and in the states, and it was voted back into the presidency in 2012. This electoral performance has made the PRI one of the world's most resilient authoritarian successor parties. What explains its resilience? I argue that three main factors explain the PRI's resilience in the aftermath of the transition: 1) the PRI's control over government resources at the subnational level, 2) the post-2000 democratic governments' failure to dismantle key institutions inherited from the authoritarian regime, and 3) voters' dissatisfaction with the mediocre performance of the PRI's competitors. I also suggest that the PRI's resilience has been harmful in various ways, including by propping up pockets of subnational authoritarianism, perpetuating corrupt practices, and undermining freedom of the press and human rights.

Objetivo/contexto: cuatro décadas después de la democratización en América Latina, los vínculos particularistas, como el clientelismo y la compra de votos, persisten entre los políticos y la ciudadanía en la región. El artículo busca entender su transformación a lo largo de las últimas décadas. Metodología: el artículo utiliza primero una base de datos original que abarca todos los artículos empíricos de veintidós revistas de ciencia política de América Latina y seis revistas latinoamericanistas del periodo 2010 a 2022, y, segundo, ilustraciones de dos estudios de casos prototípicos a partir de literatura secundaria y revisión de prensa. Conclusiones: el artículo ofrece dos principales argumentos. Por un lado, el clientelismo y la compra de votos son relativamente poco estudiados en las principales revistas de la región y existen mesas separadas entre la producción en español y en inglés en términos conceptuales, metodológicos y empíricos. Por otro lado, el artículo argumenta que, con el debilitamiento de los partidos latinoamericanos, la lógica general de los vínculos particularistas en la región se está moviendo de un clientelismo anclado en partidos políticos (Paraguay) hacia una compra de votos mediante líderes locales independientes (Guatemala). Originalidad: el artículo contribuye a la literatura sobre la transformación de los vínculos particularistas y su estudio en América Latina. Por un lado, ofrece un análisis de contenido original de las revistas latinoamericanas y latinoamericanistas entre 2010 y 2022. Por otro lado, sintetiza las principales características del clientelismo y la compra de votos en Paraguay y Guatemala, dos casos comparativamente poco estudiados, aunque con altos niveles de exposición a prácticas particularistas, utilizándolos como ejemplos prototípicos de los dos fenómenos.

In light of the empirical evidence on clientelism and ethno-regional favouritism in African politics, the present paper examines the relationship between ethnic divisions and clientelism. Specifically, we ask whetherand what type ofethnic divisions affect the experiences with, perceived prevalence of, and attitudes to clientelism. Empirical findings drawing on data for more than 20 000 respondents across 15 African countries challenge the dominant role of ethnic divisions for clientelist practices in Africa. Contextual measures of ethnic fragmentation and ethnic identification are found to have limited explanatory power for the concerned clientelism outcomes, and, considering possible subjects of ethno-regional favouritism, the empirical findings point more to the relevance of regional than ethnically based targeting of clientelist transfers.

Patria, Justicia y Libertad », tel était le slogan des synarchistes mexicains. Ainsi ces contrerévolutionnaires qui s'organisèrent en mouvement dans le Mexique des années 1930, incluaient-ils dans leur rhétorique le terme de « liberté » et lui accordaient-ils une place de choix. Or synarchie signifie « avec ordre et gouvernement ». L'extrême structuration du mouvement, le nombre de normes structurant les conduites des membres ainsi que celui des préceptes, laissent perplexe. L'ambivalence semble conduire au paradoxe. Le présent article envisage les significations que les synarchistes donnent au terme « liberté » pour établir s'il y a un paradoxe idéologique effectif ou bien une ambivalence idéologique assumée et envisage leurs marges de liberté de conduite et de pensée Cette étude s'appuie sur trois types de documents : les textes synarchistes fondamentaux, leur journal -l'hebdomadaire El Sinarquista-ainsi que la Constitution mexicaine de 1917.

Este texto presenta una sistematizacion analitica de la categoria “trabajo politico” a partir de experiencias de investigacion acumuladas en trabajos de campo de corte sociologico y etnografico y de literatura especializada. Desde una sociologia de las practicas politicas, en este articulo se construye una definicion del trabajo politico centrada en tres aspectos: las competencias y habilidades practicas que desarrollan los politicos, los recursos que utilizan y los productos que crean. A partir de esto se propone y disecciona un conjunto de dimensiones analiticas clave (escalas de accion, recursos y destrezas, carreras y trayectorias politicas) para configurar objetos de investigacion a partir del quehacer cotidiano de actores politicos. Finalmente se situan los modos en que los mundos sociales atraviesan las practicas politicas.

This chapter includes three main sections that progress on three different levels: an issue (urban vulnerability), a solution (urban design guides as a tool), and an educational interface (urban design workshop ıı course syllabus) structured on the problem-solution axis, and a final section that contains a synthesis through the overlap of these three sections.

[This essay first appeared on the LA Progressive website on April 17, 2025.] While there is now little doubt that President Trump is attacking some of the most important pillars of our democracy, the question of what type of rule he is trying to create  is not so clear. Fascism? Authoritarianism? Patrimonialism? Or his own unique brand of one-man mafia-like rule? The latest evidence seems to suggest some sort of combination of patrimonialism and mafia-like rule. Among the many analysts of Trump’s governing style, one (Stephen Hanson) insists that he “has no coherent ideology. He has shifted positions on all sorts of issues . . . . His center is that he alone can fix it. He sees himself as the anointed leader.” This viewpoint fits in well with an insistence that egoism is Trump’s most glaring trait and that unless it serves his ego, he will dismiss any ideology that fails to serve it. Regarding how long Trumpism will remain prominent, our future remains uncertain. In no small measure it will depend on how wisely we voters respond to Trump’s assault on the best of our past practices.

The aim of this research was to gather and analyse the stances of relevant stakeholders in the EU-led Belgrade-Pristina dialogue and the normalisation of the relations process between Kosovo and Serbia. The paper revealed there are four distinctive narratives of the dialogue and expectations for the final outcome among the different actors in Kosovo and Serbia. Most of actors in Kosovo perceive dialogue as a method of state-building and expect mutual recognition as the final outcome of the normalisation process. On the contrary, in Serbia, most of the stakeholders in the process do not see the dialogue and normalisation in the same vein. Especially for the government of Serbia, the final outcome does not include the recognition of Kosovo’s independence. Rather, the dialogue is settled within the UNSC 1244 (1999) and does not question Serbia’s sovereignty. These two diametrically opposite stances create tension in the dialogue, which has been only stimulated by the EU’s constructive ambiguity approach. Ohrid Agreement (2023) brought new developments in bilateral relations, thus creating a third narrative focused on functional recognition. This narrative is supported mostly by stakeholders from Kosovska Mitrovica but received significant support in Belgrade and Pristina as well. The fourth narrative revolves around de facto recognition but denies Kosovo’s membership in all international organisations. This
narrative receives the most support in Belgrade only. Understanding different narratives is absolutely necessary to overcome the ongoing dialogue crisis and enable progress in the normalisation process. Settling an actor in one of the narratives can explain and predict its behaviour. Alongside narratives of the outcome, the research found that the dialogue itself faces a crisis. At the same time, the future of the Ohrid Agreement might be questionable. Association/Community of Serb Majority Municipalities is a necessary step for moving forward in the dialogue, yet at the same time, it is a stumbling block and burdens the dialogue. Finally, the Banjska incident served as a warning, all the while, potential for conflict should not be neglected.

La desigualdad social es de naturaleza multidimensional, por lo que las políticas públicas en este campo demanda la intervención de los actores e instituciones tanto del Estado como de la sociedad civil.
En el caso de México el fracaso de las políticas públicas se debe en una buena medida a las políticas de corte clientelar y paternalista que se han implementado por los diferentes gobiernos, incluyendo el de la autodenominada cuarta transformación; persistiendo el círculo vicioso entre el patrimonialismo y las reducidas capacidades institucionales del Estado para el combate a la pobreza y la desigualdad, cuyas causas también están vinculadas con el patronazgo presidencial y la notoria  debilidad estructural del servicio profesional de carrera en la administración pública federal.

Abstract:
This presentation deals with the developments regarding the population of the Turkish Cypriot citizens of the Republic of Cyprus since 1960. The population structure started to change with the transfer of Anatolian settlers after the occupation of the northern part of the island in 1974. The newcomers were given the right to vote and form political parties. How the political balances were influenced with the involvement of the settlers and their parties is the other subject referred to in this presentation. The other interesting aspect is the abnormal increase in the number of voters in each successive election and the attitude of the Turkish Cypriot political parties towards this process. The presentation ends with the latest available population data.

Study of rural local power in Spain (1948–1983), focusing on mayors and councillors during late Francoism and the transition. Combines archival and oral sources to explore political continuity, party implantation, and structural challenges in rural governance.

The Solomon Island Makira Early Childhood Development Program operated from 2005 to 2011 through a partnership between World Vision Solomon Islands (WVSI), and Makira Provincial Government. Working through two phases the program focused on improving literacy and primary school attendance while also including a more holistic approach to child development. Previous research has identified positive outcomes for the program. This study sought to identify the program impact. A quasi-experimental approach was taken to investigation of impact, looking to compare the performance of children from Makira province who had graduated to school, with the performance of children from a comparable province. This was complemented by additional qualitative research. Overall the findings provide statistical verification of higher competencies in numeracy and literacy for children who attended the early childhood education program compared to those children who had not had the opportunity to attend the...

The essay concentrates on a master narrative strategy presiding over the early emergence of modernity in the area in which contemporary Romania is situated. This narrative strategy richly illustrates the neo-Byzantine survival strategies of the Greek elites who ruled the Danubian Principalities (Moldova and Valahia) during the earlier stages of Romanian modernization (18th century). Early modem Romanian political and intellectual elites borrowed from the post-Byzantine political theology a set of Gnostic-inflected narrative strategies to explain their subordination to alien powers (Turkish, Ottoman, Russian, Austrian, or Hungarian). These strategies operated a reversal of "real" and "unreal" or of "essential" and "fleeting" attributes of social-historical situations. The aim of these strategies was to construct the local elites as the agents of a political ideology of national redemption that will ultimately put them above their temporary masters. The paper focuses mainly on the so-called Phanariot period (17th to 18th Centuries). At the middle of the 16th century the Ottoman Empire reached its zenith spanning three continents under the rule of its most famous Sultan, Suleiman the Magnificent (1520-1566) (lnalcik, 2001 ). Only a few years before (1512) and after several decades of resistance and negotiations, the Romanian Principality of Moldova, a buffer state between the Ottomans, Poland, and Hungary finally accepted the Sultan as its sovereign lord . The process of submission was neither simple nor swift. ~tefan the Great was the first Moldovan ruler to.pay tribute to the Turks in 1483 , while his son Bogdan III officially and permanently submitted to the Sultan in 1512 . This was not, however, the end ofMoldova's resistance to Turkish rules. Several wars of attrition under various princes stretched Moldova's resistance to Ottoman dominance for 1 The order in which the authors are listed does not reflect importance of contribution. Authors have contributed to this manuscript equally. Caius Dobrescu's contribution to the the present article was suported by the Sectorial Operational Programme Human Resources Development (SOP HRD), financed from the European Social Fund and by the Romanian Government under the contract number SOP HRD/89/ 1.5/S/59758. The authors would like to thank Marius Turda, Costica Briidatan, Michael Shafir, Vesna Goldsworthy, and Victor Roudometof, and the three anonymous reviewers for their valuable feedback and advice for improving this manuscript.

African elections are usually highly contested and competitive because of the winner takes all making of most of the political systems on the continent. Since the third wave of democracy , due to the competitive nature of these elections, attention is usually focused on making these elections peaceful and often relatively credible. Little attention has been paid to documenting good practices across these retinue of elections with the bid to providing election practitioners opportunity to learn from good practices that could be applied in similar context and circumstances. This paper is an attempt at that. It chronicles some of the important measures deployed by different stakeholders towards successful 2016 General Elections in Ghana. It recommends that managing electoral competition in African election requires commitment of political stakeholders, development of mechanisms and measures for both political and judicial redress and commitment to rule of law through independence of the judiciary.

Clientelism refers an exchange between political support and material needs. Clientelist policies are prevalent in the political and social structures of developing and transition countries. The reason for this is a poorly functioning civil society, the disconnection between the center and the periphery, and bureaucratic corruption. Clientelism in political dimension refers the relation between electoral and political mobilization and reredistribution of goods and benefits. Essential forms of this relation are patronage, vote buying, turnout buying and brokerage. Analyzing these clientelist relations in a specific country, region or province presents the historical conditions of the case. In this study, the situation of clientelist policies and relations in post-Soviet Georgia, will be evaluated. It will focus on how the great transformations in the social and political structure and the transition to democratic administration determine clientelist relations. The democratic situation, economic development, political development and clientelism in Georgia case will be examined. By this analyze, this study will try to fill a gap in studies about Georgia and clientelism in Georgia.

El presente trabajo pretende realizar una revisión del movimiento obrero en el entorno rural y el área de influencia de Talavera de la Reina a finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX. El objetivo es conocer como el trabajador del campo evoluciona desde una situación anclada en la protesta tradicional hasta una organización obrera y la lucha por sus derechos según las diferentes tendencias ideológicas, terminando por configurar bloques antagónicos respecto a la cuestión social.

Por JOSÉ CAZORLA Durante los últimos cuatro siglos, dos características específicas han venido marcando singularmente la estructura social española: la desigualdad y la intolerancia. En mi opinión, ambas han constituido probablemente los principales factores de nuestros inacabables conflictos colectivos, en su mayoría violentos, por desgracia. En modo alguno pretendo que hayan sido su único origen o pertenezcan en exclusiva a nuestro país; pero sí creo que debe otorgárseles un papel extremadamente relevante, no solo en nuestra problemática histórica, sino incluso en la de nuestra esfera de influencia. No en vano ambas características fueron trasplantadas con más o menos, éxito a nuestras colonizaciones u ocupaciones en Europa y Ultramar, en donde los pueblos autóctonos, pese a todas las leyes protectoras, fueron habitualmente tratados como subditos de última clase, actitud ésta que desdeluego tampoco nos es exclusiva. Y decía así el Duque de Alba, sojuzgador de los Países Bajos: «Muchomás vale conservar por medio de la guerra, para Dios y para el Rey, un Reino empobrecido y hasta arruinado que, sin ella, mantenerlo íntegro para el demonio y para los herejes, sus satélites.» Opuesta a esa ideología, otra, hasta no hace mucho minoritaria, mantenía el principio contrario. Con estas palabras se expresaba Gonzalo de Valcárcel frente al de Alba: «¿Qué tiene que ver para que cesen allá las herejías que nosotros acá paguemos tributo de la harina? ¿Por ventura serán Francia, Flandes o Inglaterra más buenas (*) El presente artículo reproduce en parte las tesis mantenidas por el autor en> su discurso inaugural del II Congreso de Sociología celebrado en Santander (UIMP,. septiembre de 1984), bajo el título general de Conflicto y estructura social.

¿Por qué brókeres persiguen bienes que no pueden cambiar a discreción? Una teoría comprensiva sobre las acciones de brókeres y clientes es ofrecida para responder a dicho interrogante. Al respecto, se sugiere que brókeres persiguen bienes que no pueden cambiar a discreción más a menudo de lo que se cree. Para ello se apela a la noción “comunidades identificantes” y a aspectos que definen a la figura del bróker. Cuatro historias que transcurren entre 1980 y 2015 en barrios populares de un distrito de la periferia de Buenos Aires (Argentina) ilustran los argumentos aquí vertidos. El diseño teórico-metodológico incluyó etnografía en territorio y virtual.

This book covers different objects that were common in the second half of the 20th century and are now completely disappeared. About each of them, after a generic introduction, information is expressed about the word that designates it, which has been present in dictionaries since the 16th century. In several cases it was possible to determine changes in meaning and the time at which they were possibly introduced into the Portuguese language. The historical evolution of each object was also investigated and extracts of its allusion in works of Lusophone literature are presented. Objects covered in this second volume are:
Lighter license, the war between matches and lighters, and philumenism - history of matches in Portugal; the match monopoly; the State as a shareholder in matchboxes; match packaging labels and philumenism in Portugal;
Blackboard, slate or stone and the evolution of primary education in Portugal - teaching of the first letters until the 16th century; the Cartinha (Little Letter) of João de Barros (1539); Enlightenment ideas and the Pombaline Reform of education; the turbulent times of confrontation between liberals and absolutists; the Castilho Method (1850) and blackboards/slates; the Cartilha Maternal (mother's book) of João de Deus (1876); imitations of blackboards; primary education in the Estado Novo; the Centennial Plan and the construction of primary schools:
Typewriter - the keyboards; electric typewriters and the emergence of personal computers; typewriters in literature;
Iron pot - iron pots in medicine; iron pan in dictionaries; pan in the vox populi; pots in literature;
Blotting paper - blotting paper in dictionaries; blotting paper in medicine and other applications; blotting paper in literature;
Carbon paper - carbon paper in dictionaries and legislation; carbon paper in literature;
Stamped Paper - stamped paper through the ages, in Portugal; the institution of the new tax (1660) and the Stamped Paper Revolt (1661); second institution of stamped paper (1797); third institution of stamped paper (1809); reformulation of stamped paper (1843); the stamp tax and stamped paper in the Military Dictatorship.
Petromax (incandescence oil-lamp) - a brief history of petromaxes in Portugal; petromaxes in the literature;
Pirolito (Codd bottle - bottle filled under gas pressure which pushed a marble against a rubber washer in the neck) – the pirolito's song; pirolito in dictionaries; the pirolito (drink) in literature;
Pocket watch and brief history of portable watches - the first portable watches; watches, vests and rubis; hour, minutes and seconds hands; French revolutionary decimal time; clocks and the question of longitude; chatelaines and watch chains; first mechanical clocks in Portugal;  small pocket watches spreading; clocks in Portugal in times of Enlightenment; the clocks of D. João V; Marquis of Pombal and the Rato watch factory; meridian sun-dials and mean time; average time and trains; adoption of the Greenwich meridian as the basis for measuring time; the dance of the hours and summer time; the emergence of wristwatches. ISBN: 978-989-53821-3-2

Bourdieu’nün Alan Teorisi içinde kendine yer bulan ve ihtilaflı ilişkiler ile
karakterize olmuş politik alan, gerçekliğin en fazla manipüle edildiği alanlardan
biridir. Politik alan, fiziksel ve simgesel gerçeklik boyutlarını aynı anda kendinde
taşır. Fiziksel dünyada, failler, eylemler ve yapılarla var olur. Fiziksel dünyayı
belli biçimlere yoran bilişsel kategorilerle de simgesellik kazanır.
Politik alan, çok katmanlı ilişkilerin gerçekleştiği, tahakkümün ve
özgürlüğün birbiri ile var olabildiği bir yerdir. O, ayrımı ve tekliği kendinde
barındırır. Politik alan, içinde eyleyen failleri ise uzlaşmazlık konusunda
uzlaştırır. Kendine has değerlere, normlara, eğilimlere, aktörlere ve çıkarlara
sahiptir. Politik alan, bir yandan güç ilişkileri dolayısıyla statükoyu var ederken,
öte yandan değişim imkanını da destekler.
Politik alanın simgeselliği, Bourdieu’nün toplumsal kuramından
hareketle, onun yaptığı ontolojik ve epistemolojik analizler ekseninde ele
alınmaktadır. Bourdieu’nün simgesel alan, simgesel güç, simgesel sermaye ve
simgesel şiddet gibi kavramlarında beliren simgesellik, onun en çok dil ile
açıkladığı bir tür uzamlar bütünüdür. Simgesellik, alan içinde dolaşan bir
enerjidir.
Bu tezde, politik alanın simgeselliği esasen modernitede
sorunsallaştırılmış ancak köken bakımından Eski Yunan’a dayandırılmıştır.
Çalışmanın konusu, politik alan olarak beliren politik mücadele ve güç
alanlarındaki iktidar ilişkileri kültürüdür. Bu doğrultuda birinci bölümde
Bourdieu’nün temel kavramları dahilinde politik alan, simge ve simgesellik
kavramlarıyla bir arada konu edilmiştir. İkinci bölümde, politik alanın içeriği
fail-eylem-yapı üçgeninde politik olana getirilen açıklamalar nezdinde
tartışılmıştır. Üçüncü ve son bölümde ise modern politik alanların manipüle
edilmiş gerçeklikleri olarak doksik yükler ele alınmıştır.


The political field within Bourdieu's Field Theory, characterized by
conflictual relations, is one of the places where reality is most manipulated. The
political field contains the physical and symbolic dimensions of reality at the same
time. It exists through the agents, actions, and structures in the physical world. It
attains symbolism through cognitive categories that distill the physical world into
certain forms.
The political field is a place where multidimensional relationships take
place, where domination and freedom can exist with each other. It contains
distinction and uniqueness. The political field reconciles the agents acting within
it on the subject of dissensus. It has its own values, norms, dispositions, actors,
and interests. While the political field creates the status quo due to power
relations, it also supports the possibility of change.
The symbolism of the political field is discussed in Bourdieu's social theory
and his ontological and epistemological analyses. Symbolism, which appears in
Bourdieu's concepts such as symbolic space, symbolic power, symbolic capital,
and symbolic violence, is a set of spaces that Bourdieu explains mostly through
language. Symbolism is an energy that circulates within space.
In this thesis, the symbolism of the political field is essentially
problematized in modernity, but its origins are based on Ancient Greece. The
subject of the study is the culture of power relations in political struggle and
power fields that emerge as the political field. Accordingly in the first chapter,
political field is mentioned together with the concepts of symbol and symbolism
within the context of Bourdieu's basic concepts. In the second chapter, the content
of the political field is discussed in terms of the explanations brought to the
political within the agent-action-structure triangle.. In the third and final chapter,
doxic charges are discussed as manipulated realities of modern political fields.

บทคัดย่อ - งานวิจัยนี้ศึกษาปรากฏการณ์ที่เรียกว่า "ประวัติศาสตร์หวนคืน (Historical Recurrence)" โดยเฉพาะในแง่ของการกลับมาของระบบจักรวรรดินิยมและโครงสร้างอำนาจแบบขุนนาง (Aristocratic Power Structure) ที่เคยรุ่งเรืองเมื่อพันปีก่อน แต่มาปรากฏใหม่ภายใต้บริบทของระบบทุนนิยมยุคปัจจุบัน ที่อำนาจและโอกาสถูกผูกขาดโดยกลุ่มทุนใหญ่และเครือข่ายชนชั้นสูงสมัยใหม่ผ่านการเชื่อมโยงทางเครือข่ายเส้นสาย (Cronyism) และอภิสิทธิ์ทางโอกาส (Privileged Opportunities) ส่งผลให้บัณฑิตและผู้มีความสามารถที่ขาดเครือข่ายทางสังคม ไม่มีโอกาสแสดงศักยภาพของตนได้อย่างเต็มที่

This paper discusses the political legacies of transmigration in local elections in Indonesia. Lampung in the south of Sumatra has an unusual ethnic make-up because in the past 100 years both the Dutch colonial administration and Indonesian Government have been implementing a transmigration programme, attempting to move people from densely populated areas to less densely populated ones. Transmigration has therefore changed the demographic pattern of Lampung, with the result that native Lampungese, who were in a majority in the 1930s, had become a minority ethnic group by 2010. Since 2005, the mode of local election has been changed from indirect to direct. As a consequence of this, there is a revival of ethnic identity politics in local elections. In this paper, we focus on a transmigration affected area where the descendants of Javanese transmigrants are numerically dominant and correspondingly powerful in local politics. This research leads us to argue that, as a result of the country's decentralization policies and elections for local government offices, ethnicity has become an important factor in local elections and in transmigration affected areas has led to the political domination of Javanese transmigrant descendants in local politics. We further show how, in response to this situation, native Lampungese elites have adopted a number of strategies to help them retain a role in local politics. Our argument runs contrary to that of some scholars who have claimed that ethnicity is playing a diminishing role in Indonesian local elections.

Bu bildiride, tarih boyunca felsefenin ve sosyal bilimlerin şekillendirdiği “hayvan” kavramının, bugün hâlâ etkisini sürdüren insanmerkezli düşünceyi nasıl beslediğini eleştirel bir yaklaşımla inceleyeceğim. Bildiriye Platon ve Aristoteles gibi Antik dönem filozoflarından Friedrich Nietzsche ve Martin Heidegger gibi modern düşünürlere uzanan bir çizgide, “hayvan” kavramının düşünce tarihinde nasıl konumlandırıldığını ve bu konumlandırmanın insan-hayvan ikiliğini nasıl katılaştırdığını ele alarak başlayacağım. Buna ek olarak, René Descartes, G.W.F. Hegel ve Immanuel Kant gibi isimlerin rasyonalite odaklı yaklaşımlarının, insan olmayan hayvanları birer “makine” veya “aşağı statülü varlıklar” olarak tasvir ederek türcü bir söylemi kalıcı hale getirmedeki rollerini de gözden geçireceğim.

Bu felsefi miras, sosyal bilimlerin birçok alanında “hayvan” kategorisini tek bir bütün olarak varsayma eğilimini pekiştirerek farklı türlerin özgül deneyim ve gereksinimlerini çoğu zaman belirsizleştirdi ve belirsizleştiriyor. Halbuki tekil bir “hayvan” kategorisine sıkışmak, saha araştırmalarında ve teorik incelemelerde metodolojik açıdan ciddi sakıncalar barındırabilir. Özellikle insan-olmayan ötekiye dair yapıalan çalışmalar, böylesi bir indirgemeciliğin tehlikelerine daha fazla açıktır: Farklı türler arasında ortak veya ayrışan yönleri saptamak yerine, genelleyici bir yaklaşım özcülüğe ve insanmerkezli yorumların güçlenmesine yol açabilirler. Bu nedenle, araştırmacıların hem kavramsal hem de yöntemsel düzeyde “hayvan” kavramına dair varsayımlarını gözden geçirmeleri, çoktürlü [multispecies] bir etnografi ve eleştirel hayvan çalışmaları [critical animal studies] perspektifinden büyük önem taşır.

Bu bildiride, tarihsel olarak katılaşmış “hayvan” kategorisinin nasıl süreklilik kazandığını aktarırken bugünün akademik ve kamusal söylemlerinde ondan bir kopuş mümkün olup olmadığını sorgulayacağım. Örnek olarak, Türkiye’de son yıllarda sık sık gündem olan sokakta yaşayan hayvanlara ilişkin politikaların ve toplumsal algıların, bu homojenleştirici yaklaşımı nasıl beslediğini tartışacağım. Sonuç bölümünde ise, türcü ve insanmerkezli mirasa yönelik eleştirel bir kopuş girişimi olarak çoktürlü etnografik yaklaşımın sunduğu imkânları değerlendireceğim. Bu çerçevede, türler arası ilişkilerde özcülüğe düşmeden, farklı ekolojik, sosyal ve kültürel boyutları dikkate alan bir araştırma pratiğinin gerekliliğini vurgulayacak; “hayvan” kavramının yeniden düşünülmesinin sosyal bilimlerde ve gündelik pratiklerde nasıl dönüştürücü bir rol oynayabileceğini göstermeye çalışacağım.

The customary forest of the Iban Sungai Utik Dayak community located in Lintang Village, Kapuas Hulu Regency, West Kalimantan Province has high ecological and cultural value. Customary forests provide natural resources and serve as dwellings for many protected species of flora and fauna. The research was carried out from January to February 2023. The research focuses on exploring the conservation efforts of the indigenous forests of the Iban Dayak community and how it is carried out through cultural mitigation. Data collection techniques used in this study are: documentation studies, interviews, direct observation in Sungai Utik Hamlet. Data processing is carried out by grouping data and information using a qualitative approach. Overall, the findings of this study show that the Iban Dayak people still highly value their local wisdom in carrying out their daily lives. This local wisdom not only contributes to the welfare of the community, but also has the potential to support sustainable development in the area. The Iban Dayak community still maintains local traditions and wisdom in the fields of cultivation, forest product management, so that natural and forest conditions are still sustainable.

Research on ethnic politics has extensively examined electoral representation and ethnic parties. Nevertheless, nonprogrammatic linkages between indigenous representatives and citizens remain underexplored, particularly in formal institutional settings. To address this gap, we analyse 49,845 formal meetings (hearings) between mayors and citizens in Chile to assess how ethnic ancestry influences political mediation at the local level. Our findings reveal two key patterns. First, mayors of indigenous ancestry demonstrate a higher propensity to grant meetings for individual or targeted requests, suggesting increased receptivity to the fundamental needs of citizens. Second, we find evidence of ethnic solidarity, as indigenous mayors exhibit a greater propensity to grant meetings for requests of co-ethnic citizens, particularly for individual concerns. These findings highlight the influence of ethnic identity on political interactions, even in highly institutionalised settings. Our study extends research on ethnic representation beyond electoral dynamics, demonstrating that ethnic identities shape everyday governance and local political mediation.