Renaissance Aristotelianism

The twelfth-century Andalusian philosopher Averroes sought to understand the divine in a way independent of religious theology, by turning to the philosophical works of Aristotle and, to a lesser extent, Plato. In doing so, he established standards of scientific inquiry into God that were and remain highly influential on Jewish and Christian thought. Averroes, however, does not provide much in the way of demonstrative knowledge of God, and most of his arguments remain dialectical, rhetorical, or political. This volume explores the various pathways towards attaining divine knowledge that we find in Averroes’ commentaries on Aristotle’s De Anima, Metaphysics, and Nicomachean Ethics, and on Plato’s Republic, along with Averroes’ Epistle on Divine Knowledge, Decisive Treatise, and more.

n 1263, Moses Nahmanides debated Friar Pablo Christiani in a public setting, accounts of which survive in both Latin and Hebrew. This contribution begins by comparing these parallel, but not identical accounts and suggesting that this debate was set up using the principles of questio disputational format. Still, these principles went completely unrecognized by Nahmanides as he claimed that his arguments had won the day, even as many of those arguments were probably dismissed on procedural grounds. When Hasdai Crescas wrote his Refutation of the Christian Principles in 1398, he seems to have anticipated such procedural objections and to have prepared his readers for the questio format, or something like it. Yet the language of Crescas’ Refutation suggests that he did not draw directly on scholastic disputational practice or accounts of these practices. Rather, he seems to have drawn on a Hebrew tradition of studying Aristotelian dialectic. Between 1263 and 1398, Jews of the Midi studied Hebrew translations of commentaries on Aristotle’s Topica by Al-Fārābī and Averroes, wrote their own super-commentaries on those works, and may even have begun to develop a Hebrew tradition of disputation. This article proposes that the fourteenth century study and perhaps practice of Aristotelian dialectic in the Midi likely made it to Barcelona, enabling Crescas to account for disputational practices in a way that Nahmanides could not.

This paper is devoted to the physiology of the first novatores, notably to that of Bernardino Telesio and his followers. The term novatores has been used since the seventeenth century to trace a narrative of ‘innovators’ in natural philosophy against the Aristotelian hegemony, and Telesio has been included in this narrative as the @rst and earliest. Consequently, its impact on modern philosophy has been examined from various perspectives, surprisingly leaving out physiology. In addition, Telesio’s notion of spiritus, which lies at the heart of his conception of living beings, has rarely been regarded as such, that is, as a biological concept meant to oppose Aristotle’s account of life. Therefore, I will first address Telesio’s critical engagement with Aristotle’s physiology and the reshaping of Aristotelian terminology that he brings forth. In particular, I will focus on the harsh criticism of the Aristotelian notion of the soul as form. Then, I will outline some further developments of Telesio’s physiology, especially among his main followers: Agostino Doni, Antonio Persio, and Tommaso Campanella.

In relation to the character «dottor Bozio», a fictional figure within Iacopo Soldani's satirical composition Against the Peripatetics, the article proposes interpreting Galileo's The Assayer through an anti-Bozian lens. This suggests viewing it as a text that adeptly captured common aspirations for the renewal of knowledge, infused with ethical and political significance. While The Assayer undoubtedly emerged from a controversy involving individuals with varied dispositions, each more or less cognizant of the dynamics of power and patronage prevalent in their milieu, it would be reductionist to attribute the genesis and aims of the work solely to these factors. Importantly, The Assayer also stands as a scientific endeavor whose significance warrants reevaluation, particularly in its potential impact on subsequent discussions on comets involving Copernican astronomers.

Te regnare super nos ! Nous voulons, Dame Marie, que Tu règnes sur nous ! Qui êtes-vous, Charles De Koninck ? Êtes-vous celui qui marche sous les étoiles, le front trempé d'une lueur que nul ne saisit, un feu discret qui brûle sans se dire ? Êtes-vous la brèche dans l'armure des systèmes, ce frisson qui trouble le sommeil des certitudes, l'ombre d'un soleil trop vaste pour nos yeux ? Je vous ai rencontré, non dans les marbres froids de la raison, mais dans l'écho d'une lumière qui s'enfuit, dans cette joie austère qui appelle l'abandon. Vous n'êtes pas une réponse, mais un vertige, un effacement où la pensée s'incline, consent à se perdre pour renaître sous un ciel plus grand que ses propres murs 1. Qui êtes-vous ? Un nom parmi les noms, ou cet ami silencieux qui, sans un mot, me montre un seuil à franchir ? Êtes-vous celui qui m'a murmuré que Marie n'est ni une idée, ni un abri, mais une main tendue dans l'ombre,

L'étude analyse les personnages et le décor d'une tragédie en italien et en prose, La Tragedia del libero arbitrio, composée par un moine défroqué, le bénédictin Francesco Negri. La tragédie paraît en 1546, sans lieu d'édition, mais publiée probablement chez J. Oporin à Bâle et elle obtient un succés que cette étude cherche à expliquer. La tragédie paraît au moment de l'ouverture du Concile de Trente et traite des thèmes actuels, tels que la grâce et le libre arbitre. Mais bien au-delà d'un sec débat théologique, la pièce donne corps et voix aux controverses les plus abstraites: le 'petit livre', en effet, met sous les yeux du spectateur -lecteur une fiction spatiale -le règne du libre arbitre -qui matérialise horriblement les concepts et les institutions catholiques. Il s'agit d'un procédé de construction satyrique qui vise à écraser l'Église romaine en la représentant comme un vaste paysage en ruine et une architecture grandiose, mais intimement pourrie, vouée à la décomposition. L'étude met en relief la finalité de ce paysage pédagogique: ce règne permet aux néophytes de la foi luthérienne de visualiser, donc de mémoriser, selon le procédé connu des arts de la mémoire, le 'système' catholique et sa corruption. Même le libre arbitre, acquiert tout autre familiarité si l'on apprend sans effort sa généalogie et son histoire : le destin tragique du personnage consiste en effet dans une confiance en ses propres actions qui devient arrogance et tyrannie à la fin de la pièce jusqu'au moment où Grâce justifiante, envoyée par Dieu, tranche la tête de 'Libero Arbitrio', en dénonçant son aveugle présomption. Reimprimée à Venise en 1547, la tragèdie de Negri connaît une nouvelle édition en 1550 avec une Préface et une Confession de l'auteur signée Francesco Negri Bassanese. Une traduction française est publiée à Genève chez Jean Crispin en 1558, bientôt suivie d'une contrefaçon, la première trace de l'activité d'un faussaire normand qui publie sous la marque de Crespin. L'étude analyse aussi la fortune 'française' de la tragédie.

Resumo: Este artigo pretende avaliar a exegese do texto clássico e "modesto" de Victor Caston acerca da identificação do intelecto agente com o intelecto divino em Aristóteles. Segundo Caston, a similaridade de diversos adjetivos utilizados na obra De anima III, 5, ao descrever o intelecto agente, com aqueles presentes na Metaphysica XII, 7-9, relacionados ao intelecto divino, ratificaria tal identificação. Embora exista uma longa tradição divergente que defende o intelecto agente como uma parte da alma, ainda não se investigou essa questão sob o método proposto neste trabalho. Trata-se de analisar o adjetivo "divino", ou seja, o mais elevado possível, em sua forma comparativa e superlativa ("mais divino"), para verificar se ele é aplicável de modo explícito tanto para o intelecto agente quanto para o intelecto divino. Neste caso, não parece plausível aceitar que outros adjetivos menos elevados, como sugeridos por Caston, possam justificar tal identificação de intelectos. De fato, tomando a Ética a Nicômaco como chave de leitura, auxiliada pela exegese de Alexandre de Afrodísia, Miguel de Éfeso, Alberto Magno e Tomás de Aquino, bem como outros autores, conclui-se que nem a proposta de Caston ou a reformulação de Enrico Berti são verossímeis. Antes, existem muitos indícios para a tese oposta de que o intelecto agente seja parte da alma.

As is well known to historians of ancient, medieval, and Renaissance philosophy, readers in the Middle Ages did not have direct access to the entirety of Plato's literary output. 1 One third of the Timaeus (up to 53c) was available in the translation and commentary by Calcidius, which dates to 321 AD. In the 12th century the Sicilian scholar Henricus Aristippus, archdeacon of Catania, translated the Meno and the Phaedo into Latin, but his translations did not have a wide circulation. In the late 13th century the Flemish Dominican William of Moerbeke translated Proclus's commentary on the Parmenides, which included Plato's dialogue up to 142b. Indirect access to Platonic ideas, moreover, could be gained through Seneca, Apuleius, Macrobius, Augustine, and Pseudo-Dionysius, but also through Avicenna, Averroes, and of course Aristotle. The revival of Plato started at the beginning of the 15th century with the first generation of humanists instructed in Greek, especially after the arrival in Florence of the Byzantine scholar Manuel Chrysoloras, who initiated the wave of humanist translations. 2 In about 1402, with the help of his student Uberto Decembrio, 1 On access to Plato's philosophy during the Middle Ages see 'Introduction', pp. 1-2. 2 On the early humanist translations of Plato see E.

Astronomica ex Doctrina, livro que viria a ter um grande impacto na discussão cosmológica em Portugal ao longo do século XVII. Entre as teses aí propostas, Borri defendeu as teorias da fluidez e da corruptibilidade celeste, baseando-se, entre outros argumentos, num conjunto de observações astronómicas, a saber, do aparecimento de cometas, da superfície irregular da Lua, do movimento orbital de Vénus e Mercúrio em torno do Sol, do movimento dos "satélites" de Júpiter e de Saturno, bem como das observações de Marte, nomeadamente de suas diferentes posições em relação à Terra e ao Sol e dos cometas que ocorreram no "céu" de Marte 1. Entre estas observações, as relativas aos cometas de 1577 e 1618 ocupam um lugar especial uma vez que, para Borri, a observação destes "grandes" cometas provava simultaneamente que os céus eram fluidos e passíveis de corrupção, contrariando o que a autoridade de Aristóteles tinha estipulado. Referindo-se à questão sensível da corruptibilidade celeste, afirmava retoricamente o jesuíta italiano: "Deve afirmar-se que o céu é, sem dúvida, corruptível. Tal prova-se, em primeiro lugar, pela refutação do referido princípio de Aristóteles [de que não se assiste a manifestações de corrupção nos céus], pois, afastado este princípio, todo o edifício da incorruptibilidade peritatética necessariamente ruirá de igual modo. Na verdade, existe quem não veja já completamente refutado todo esse princípio pelo modo até agora demonstrado nas partes precedentes da nossa Astronomia, já que observámos novas estrelas e cometas serem gerados na região celestial e novos fenómenos serem observados nos planetas bem como em torno destes?" (Borri, 1631, 297-98) No texto de 1631, os cometas apareciam, portanto, para Borri, como evidências de que nos céus, à semelhança do que acontecia na região terrestre, se assistia à ocorrência de fenómenos efémeros. Contudo, uma dificuldade se apresentava no texto de Borri. Como

This volume provides its readers with an analysis of György Enyedi’s (third bishop of the Antitrinitarian Church in Transylvania, 1555-1597) exegetical publications and manuscripts in the 1590s. While developing his brilliant views on New Testament criticism against the background of Antitrinitarian theology, Enyedi relied on the auxiliary sciences of classical philology and philosophy. The joint use of Humanist lexicography and Late Renaissance Aristotelian philosophy (J. Zabarella) resulted in Enyedi’s unique conception of literal sense. As Enyedi’s criticism had to wait until the Enlightenment era for real appreciation, the volume follows up the traces of Enyedi’s reception until the 18th century (R. Simon, J. LeClerc and minor authors).

L’esperienza poetica di Stefano D’Arrigo racchiusa in Codice siciliano, unica silloge pubblicata dall’autore nelle due edizioni del 1957 e del 1978, segna la prima stagione artistica di uno dei narratori più interessanti e irregolari del Novecento italiano. Eppure poco spazio è stato riservato finora dalla critica al noviziato poetico darrighiano, messo in ombra dal successivo mito nato attorno alla grandiosa impresa di Horcynus Orca. Questa monografia si propone dunque di attuare un’indagine multiprospettica sulla poesia di D’Arrigo, troppo spesso considerata come un esempio minore del talento letterario del romanziere messinese, contribuendo a focalizzare il valore autonomo della scrittura giovanile prehorcyniana. Mediante l’uso di notizie biografiche, documenti d’archivio e di un’aggiornata ricognizione bibliografica vengono infatti ricostruite alcune delle dinamiche culturali vissute dal giovane poeta dell’Orca, contestualizzando la poesia nella ben più conosciuta scrittura narrativa e sondando anche un possibile dialogo con l’attività di elzevirista e critico d’arte che impegnò lo scrittore tra gli anni Quaranta e Cinquanta. Il libro contiene poi sia puntuali analisi critiche, che riguardano itinerari intertestuali, autobiograficità, peculiarità prospettiche e riferimenti figurativi della poesia darrighiana, sia percorsi di lettura basati su questioni redazionali e sull’isolamento di alcuni temi centrali dell’unica raccolta edita di D’Arrigo.

This paper examines two Jewish thinkers of the early 14th century who applied dialectical methods to questions in physics. One of these, Immanuel of Rome, did so in a humorous manner, poking fun at the ways in which dialectic can be used to promote sophisms. The other, Jedaiah Bedersi, probably of Béziers, did so in two epistles that critique another Hebrew physical thinker, possibly Levi Gersonides. Both of these thinkers employ dialectic in a literary way, i.e., in a written form, not in spoken form. Both employ dialectic in an aggressive manner, designed to attack and defeat the physical arguments of their opponents. Even though Immanuel’s approach is one of ridiculing dialectic, his words suggest a limited interest in dialectic that existed outside of his purview. One place we find such interest is in the works of Jedaiah.

La Renaissance voit l'émergence d'un d'intérêt nouveau pour le rêve, pensé comme relevant à la fois de la médecine (il peut signaler un déséquilibre des humeurs) et de la théologie (lorsqu'il est produit par des forces divines ou occultes). Dans ce chapitre, nous montrerons comment l'un des savants les plus complets de l'époque, Giambattista Della Porta, démontre que les rêves peuvent être provoqués par la prise de psychotropes, et que ces derniers permettent également d'expliquer de manière « naturelle » et non plus mystique les récits fabuleux des expériences de sorcières.

Una raccolta di saggi di Pasquale Stoppelli ancora mancava; per questo motivo, gli undici interventi critici, corredati da una bibliografia degli scritti dell’autore (pp. 141-150), che sono stati pubblicati nel volume uscito per i tipi di Viella a cura di Anna Carocci e Valeria Guarna, si segnalano, oltre che per la loro evidente rilevanza intrinseca, anche per il merito di colmare un vuoto bibliografico [...]

This article aims to establish that Descartes accepted the scholastic view that God's duration in itself ("eternity") is not successive but "all at once," as opposed to temporal things' durations. Though most scholars have assumed this to be Descartes' view, Geoffrey Gorham recently called it into question with a number of strong arguments. We contest his interpretation on multiple grounds. First, we show that when Descartes asserts that a duration which is "all at once" is "inconceivable," he is not making a metaphysical claim but, rather, is making an epistemological one, based on the limitations of the human intellect in understanding the attributes of God. Second, we object to a number of Gorham's systematic reconstructions of Descartes' views. He argues among other things that divine simplicity is consistent with temporal parts and that the laws of Cartesian physics require God to have temporal parts. We refute these claims based on Descartes' fundamental metaphysical commitments. We thus conclude that Descartes does not think that, per se, God's existence unfolds successively, moment after moment.

Jacob Mantino’s translation of a critical passage of Averroes’ Middle Commentary on Aristotle’s De Interpretatione, 16a3-8, contains at least one philosophically significant alteration from the earlier translation, in addition to stylistic changes. Averroes’ discussion of the connection between al-maᶜānī and al-mawjūdāt had come into William of Luna’s 13th century translation as concerning intentiones and res. Mantino changed the terms in question to res and entia respectively. He does something similar in his translation of a critical passage from Averroes’ Short Commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics. This is not merely a stylistic change, but one that promotes a kind of philosophical realism. Mantino could have accessed such realism through reading Maimonides’ Treatise on the Art of Logic and Abraham Farissol’s restatement / commentary on it, but he may also have been influence by Walter Burley or the Burelyanism then in vogue. Mantino’s translation choice, then, may have been philosophically motiva- ted to promote a realist reading of Averroes.

Four Ways to Use Petrarch […] nam mixta duorum Corpora iunguntur faciesque inducitur illis Vna, uelut, siquis conducat cortice ramos, Crescendo iungi pariterque adolescere cernit. 29 Venier's adaptation of this verse is surprisingly similar to the version of Metamorphoses 4, 375 provided by Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara (4, 286, 7f.-287, 1-4), who composed his translation during the Fifties, but published it in its entirety only in 1561: Son due, ma non però fanno una coppia, ma in un corpo comun la forma è doppia. Così ramo con ramo ancor s'innesta, e poi che ben s'è unito, e alquanto alzato, così conforme l'uno a l'altro resta, che par che 'l ramo sia nel tronco nato. 30

Aristotle's Organon in Old and New Logic 1800–1950 explores the reception and interpretation of Aristotle's logic over the last two centuries. The volume covers seminal works during this period by logicians, historians of logic, and historians of philosophy, including John Lloyd Akrill, Francesco Barone, Günther Patzig, Enrico Berti, and Mario Mignucci.
Contributors consider the reception of the Organon in old logic and chart the appearance of formal approaches to logic beginning with Boole. This in-depth study of Aristotelianism also covers logic in Kant and Hegel, alongside the problems and projects of interpreting Aristotle in the new logic after Boole and Frege. The background of modern debates concerning induction and abduction provides further insight into Aristotelian logic during the period. By filling gaps in our understanding of Aristotelian logic, this book provides a fundamental missing link in 21st century studies of the history of Aristotelianism. It brings together scholars of both ancient and modern logic to understand the interpretation of ancient logic before and after the development of the modern, algebraic approach to logic.

La presente investigación se enfoca en el estudio de las traducciones realizadas desde el griego antiguo y el latín hacia el español desde 1891 hasta 1939. El problema histórico escogido comprende las razones tras los cambios en los criterios de traducción incorporados en la producción de estos textos en el periodo. Para finales del siglo XIX, los traductores defendieron, por un lado, priorizar la transparencia del sentido del texto, y por otro, transmitir el sentimiento contenido en el original. A partir del estudio de los traductores y sus obras, se propone que este cambio consistió en la creación de un criterio nuevo al final del periodo estudiado: la fidelidad a la integridad del texto original, que se componía de la forma y el fondo a la vez.  La tesis incluye primero un capítulo sobre la formación de los traductores; segundo, un capítulo sobre la recepción de las traducciones en la esfera hispana; tercero, un capítulo sobre el paradigma de las decisiones traductológicas; y por último, un capítulo sobre el caso de estudio de Egidio Poblete y su manuscrito de la Eneida. Disponible en
https://repositorio.uc.cl/handle/11534/102119

The purpose of this chapter si ot give an overview of the role of Aristotle ni the Renaissance.' My question is this: Why did philosophers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries study Aristotle's works? Thus, I free myself from the obligation to tell every turn and twist or to take to task previous research. My intention is to outline the field of Aristotelianism in the Renaissance, into which the new Philoponus reception entered, for this is the specific focus of this book. Not every Aristotelian philosopher felt the need to deal with the ancient reception as represented by Philoponus, who thus marks one type of Aristotelian reception among others. Instead of classifying the types of Aristotelianism beforehand, it is methodologically appropriate to find the motives and goals of learning from the maestro di color che sanno. The best way, I think, is to take a look at some Renaissance editions, introductions and other programmatic statements on Aristotle, paying attention to the wording, and to see how the editors or commentators viewed the role and importance of this very philosopher. What we will see is a kind of development from focusing on moral philosophy towards questions of method, which caused taking distance from Plato; implied is the importance of Aristotelianism for the education of intellectuals and considerations of the relation of philosophy to theology; the end result of this development is the Aristotle of natural studies, and it is here where Philoponus gained importance for later Renaissance philosophy.

This article considers the publication in 1879 of the Moral Philosophy of Aristotle, a book aimed at Oxford University undergraduates studying for the Classics degree course known as Literae Humaniores. This book is of contemporary interest. It takes us to the heart of the question of whether the work of Aristotle is meant for everyone or just for a select few. In principle, whatever we have inherited from Antiquity (whether materially or intellectually) belongs to us all. Therefore, there is an educational requirement to make it accessible to everyone and this should apply to Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics. But Aristotle is famously obscure and so in practice the study of Aristotle is confined to a small elite. Hatch's The Moral Philosophy of Aristotle tries to overcome the problem of Aristotle's obscurity by paraphrasing the Nicomachean Ethics in a popularising fashion and in sharp contrast to the way Aristotle is usually presented. To bring out the distinctive qualities of the Hatch approach this article compares The Moral Philosophy of Aristotle with the translations published in the modern Clarendon Aristotle series, which are intended for a readership made up largely of professionals working in universities. The article contrasts Hatch's goals of readability and dogmatic clarity with the insistence on semantic fidelity which is the hallmark of the Clarendon series. The article concludes that there is a greater risk of distorting Aristotle's meaning on the Hatch approach, but that this is compensated for by its pedagogic merits, and suggests that ideally teachers will use both Hatch and Clarendon together.

While Nicholas of Cusa’s work has historically been viewed through the lens of Platonism or anti-Aristotelian criticism, his engagement with the intellectual exchanges surrounding the Plato-Aristotle controversy of the 15th century has remained largely unexplored. This conference captures this crucial yet often overlooked aspect of Cusa’s thought by mapping the networks of manuscript circulation, personal relationships and philosophical allegiances that informed Cusa’s comparative analysis of Plato and Aristotle.
The conference is part of the manicula project (https://manicula.uni-siegen.de), based at the University of Siegen and funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG). The project examines the corpus of Platonic and Aristotelian manuscripts possessed and read by Nicholas of Cusa. The aim of the project is to produce a critical edition of Cusa’s glosses and marginal notes to the Latin translations of Plato and Aristotle, and to investigate Cusa’s reading practices in the broader context of the 15th-century reception of Plato and Aristotle.

Abstract: The paper examines Titus Andronicus, a Roman historical tragedy by William Shakespeare
(1594), from the perspective of power and dispossession. The play opens when Titus, the General of the Army
and the protagonist, proudly makes the queen of Goths and her sons, war prisoners, stripping off the power
they once had. The situation does not remain the same as the play progresses and this transitory possession
of power turns into dispossession in no time. The play has significance in the list of revenge plays as it is full
of targeted and untargeted killings, making it a tragedy full of blood. This paper takes into consideration the
short-lived happiness of the characters that power has given them and then how the main characters in Titus
Andronicus are eventually stripped of their authority and agency, drawing on Michel Foucault's idea that
power is something that is practiced rather than owned. Shakespeare's handling of power exposes its
ephemeral and fluid aspect, as it combines with dispossession in ways that undermine the characters'
ephemeral domination. Regardless of whether the story takes place in a comedy or a tragedy, the tragedy
emphasizes the transience of authority in Shakespearean theater, where changes in time and situation upend
hierarchies and shatter certainties. In addition to highlighting the characters' active participation in their
ultimate loss of control, this analysis aims to shed light on how Titus Andronicus represents the erratic and
performative nature of power. This paper investigates that the Shakespearean tragedies provide important
insights on the malleable nature of power and its role in determining human destiny by examining the
relationship between power and dispossession

La relación entre Santo Tomás de Aquino y el Maestro Eckhart es un tema complejo, especialmente en lo referido a la noética. Nuestro trabajo explora la posibilidad de establecer conexiones y diferencias a partir del ejemplo noético del muro usado por el Aquinate en De unitate intellectus, y al cual Eckhart hace referencia en algunas de sus obras. Se ofrece un análisis del ejemplo del muro y su uso por parte de Eckhart en algunos de sus sermones y tratados. A partir de ahí, se concluye que la perspectiva de Eckhart, si bien conoce la posición del Aquinate, supera los esquemas tomistas.

Devoir pour Domuni : Metaphysique 1. Dans l'auréole de sa recherche, en tant qu’élaboration vers la métaphysique, l’être se dissocie de la matérialité des monistes de la première heure pour se ‘liquéfier’, se transcender en matière beaucoup plus abstraite qui sera réinterprété par Platon et Aristote comme essence de l’être et comme substance divine.

Rabelais n’est pas seulement l’inventeur de l’abbaye de Theleme : la petite compagnie qui entoure les bons rois Pantagruel et Gargantua est en elle-meme une societe utopique, dans laquelle la religion semble tenir un role, secondaire selon certains interpretes, primordial selon d’autres. Detache des communautes monastiques qu’il avait connues chez les franciscains et les benedictins, Rabelais semble toutefois s’en inspirer lorsqu’il se donne le titre de « calloier (moine) des iles d’Hyeres » pour evoquer l’idee d’un ermitage insulaire, transformant ainsi l’eremitisme des premiers temps en un cercle d’amis choisis et reunis dans quelque lieu habite par la doctrine composite du « pantagruelisme ».

Two distinct teleological perspectives emerge from the ancient Greek tradition. (1) Platonic teleology, which represents teleology as the result of intentional agency and is the origin of the idea of design; and (2) Aristotelian teleology, which introduces teleology as the result of natural and intrinsic causes. The preceding framework for understanding nature was superseded by the advent of the modern era and the establishment of the scientific method. Nevertheless, despite the prevailing skepticism regarding the possibility and utility of teleology in the modern era, it is asserted that several prominent scientists of the modern era are staunch defenders of teleology (design). However, with Darwin's proposal of the theory of evolution, the path to the destruction of teleology was initiated. This article examines the interconnection between Darwin's theory of evolution (then neo-Darwinism) and teleology, focusing on how this theory effectively undermines the teleological perspective. However, it seems that recent findings in the field of biology challenge this dominant view and open the way for the revival of teleology.

Report on four manuscripts (two in the Italian vulgar and two in Latin), either owned or copied by individuals from Crema, or demonstrably present in Crema in ancient times, which are deemed worth drawing attention to. This is both because they have been neglected by scholars until now and as a complement to previous studies on related subjects. Vernacular manuscripts: Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Chigiano L.IV.117; Brescia, Biblioteca Civica Queriniana, A.IV.15. Latin manuscripts: Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, Nazionale, VIII.D.81; Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, IV 185.

This paper aims at outlining a first overview of the references to Aristotle that can be found in Federico Zuccari’s texts, especially L’Idea de’ pittori, scultori, et architetti: these references will be retraced and examined, first of all, in order to reconstruct how and through which mediations Zuccari refers the Stagirite’s texts, by paraphrasing or summarising them in the vernacular; on a further level, the intention is to point out the function played by Aristotelian, and more generally 'peripatetic', thought in the overall structure of the two books of the Idea.

Estratto dalla propria tesi di dottorato, dedicata al confronto fra la posizione di Giordano Bruno espressa nei suoi Dialoghi Italiani e la tradizione di alcune opere aristoteliche (Metafisica, Fisica, Il Cielo), il testo qui presentato giunge progressivamente alla dimostrazione della presenza all’interno del pensiero bruniano di una struttura argomentativa estremamente complessa, centrata sul principio teoretico e pratico dell’infinito creativo e doppiamente dialettico. Contro la finitezza e la limitatezza eterodeterminata ed autocentrata del mondo unico aristotelico (come pure di tutti i poteri e mondi unici imposti), l’apertura infinita del cielo bruniano dimostra di contenere una pluralità infinita di mondi, che nella sua radice creativa è poi capace di aprire anche il passaggio all’applicazione etico-politica dello stesso principio, basculante ed oscillante nella reciproca compenetrazione dei due criteri teologico-politici della libertà e dell’eguaglianza, tenuti insieme dalla profondità abissale e dalla tensione elevatissima di un desiderio amoroso, che svela e al contempo nasconde la propria misteriosa tenebrosità ed apparente caoticità vitale. Corrente calda estromessa da quella fredda, sviluppatasi all’inizio della modernità, proprio con la neutralizzazione razionalistica e scientifica della materia, la proposta bruniana bussa di nuovo alle porte della nostra attuale crisi apocalittica, quale àncora di salvezza e di restituzione delle fraterne ed eguali libertà perdute.

In this article I announce the discovery of two hitherto unknown witnesses of Pomponazzi's De fato and Contarini's De immortalitate animae, in a manuscript codex in the Real Biblioteca de El Escorial (henceforth S). The discovery of S provides important historical information on the circulation of philosophical texts among European intellectual elites. Moreover, in the case of Contarini's De immortalitate animae, S will be crucial for the revision of the critical text. This article contains a material description of the codex; a specific description of each text it contains; and some notes on the history of the codex and its illustrious owners at the court of Charles V. Finally, I analyse the two new witnesses in comparison to their respective modern critical editions, with the aim of hypothesising relationships between S and the rest of the stemmata codicum.

Soon available on:
https://www.vitaepensiero.it/scheda-articolo_digital/luca-burzelli/new-manuscript-witnesses-of-pomponazzis-de-fatoand-contarinis-de-immortalitate-animae-001050_000452-399460.html

This text considers the word "event" semantically (going back to its etymological formation and to its usage for capturing phenomenological realities). The word event serves as a tool for rendering facts that have been grasped as globalities ("globalités saisies"). This approach is illustrated by literary examples, literary techniques, and historical facts.
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C'est à la matière même de la narration – littéraire comme historique – que sont consacrées les dix études rassemblées dans cet ouvrage : à l'Événement, aux événements. Qu'est-ce qu'un événement ? Comment une pluralité de faits, de coïncidences, de paramètres se mue-t-elle – et pour qui ? – en un "événement" ? Les mêmes choses ne font pas "événement" pour tous, n'ayant pas été "vues" comme tel.
Riche d'ambiguïtés, la notion de l'événement se prête à des interprétations dont le foisonnement même est susceptible d'en occulter l'essence.