Sociology of the State

Glocal Spirituality:  Consumerism and Heritage in Puerto Rican Brujería
With the recent intensification of the circulation of ritual experts and commodities, folk religions such as Puerto Rican brujería (witch-healing) have entered a transnational arena of ritual experimentation and eclecticism. Concomitantly, the politics of identity, operating at local-political and global-commercial stages, propel the search for origins and the production of essential identities, leading to the revitalization and orthodoxy of folk religions as well as their folklorization, following a local—though globally pervasive—heritage discourse.  Why glocal spirituality? My main argument is that both these forces—the actual insertion into global circulations that promote a high degree of ritual eclecticism and the local demand for an essential Puerto Rican national identity that promote orthodoxy—work in tandem creating a complex set of conditions for ritual practice and meaning.
How can these apparently contradictory processes be theorized within folklore studies? From a historic-pragmatic perspective to ritual and through an intimate ethnographic account that traces the encounters between practitioners, clients and suppliers of ritual goods, I will show how these two processes work in tandem. That is, without an a-priori public recognition of brujos (witch-healers) as repositories of Puerto Rican wisdom (in the context of the unresolved neocolonial political status of the island), the fame and celebrity that enabled the open incorporation of African based rituals, of bureaucratic gestures and interventions, and transnational religious commodities could not have been viable. Critics of the culture industry and consumerism tend to suggest that commercial forces inherently taint the authenticity of culture, and in this case would taint the spiritual effectiveness of brujería. For practitioners and clients, however, material and spiritual progress not only are not at odds but also are intimately connected. Indeed, practitioners are driven by the attainment of “blessings”—defined by material success as well as spiritual power—which presume the spirituality of commodities and the thinghood of spirituality. Especially in a world guided by capitalist modes of production and the sensuous insatiable consumption of life styles and self-images, brujos and their clients take advantage of the opportunities opened up by multiculturalism and identity politics. They openly expand the pantheon of spirits as well as their ritual expertise, protected by the idiom of heritage—yet outside of its constraints, showing that more than endangered species they are active participants in these glocal forces, speaking to them in their own particular modern yet spiritual idiom.

1. O dia 26 de setembro foi escolhido pelas Nações Unidas (ONU) como o Dia Internacional para Eliminação Total das Armas Nucleares. Este tem sido um dos objetivos centrais da ONU por mais de 75 anos. Qual a atual situação das negociações para o desarmamento nuclear dos países? Como a diplomacia pode atuar nesse cenário? O século XX nos deixou um legado muito perigoso-milhares de armas nucleares. Muitos países adquiriram bombas nucleares e mísseis. O teste de novas amostras continua. Ainda nos falta transparência na construção nuclear. Tecnologia de bombas, segredos nucleares e materiais circulam no mercado negro. A ameaça de uso de materiais nucleares por grupos terroristas tornou-se um problema sério hoje. O progresso no desarmamento nuclear é insuficiente e o problema da proliferação nuclear está se tornando mais sério. Os programas nucleares do Irã e da Coréia do Norte continuam sendo fonte de profunda preocupação para a comunidade internacional e ameaçam o regime de não proliferação e o desarmamento nuclear. Isso significa que os riscos nucleares globais estão se diversificando, e a comunidade mundial deve tomar todas as medidas possíveis para interromper sua proliferação e prevenir o surgimento de novos Estados nucleares. A cooperação perante o problema das armas de destruição.

‘Post-national’ scholars have taken the extension of social rights to migrants that are normally accorded to citizens as evidence of the growing importance of norms of ‘universal personhood’ and the declining importance of the nation-state. However, the
distinct approach taken by the state toward another understudied category of noncitizen – stateless people – complicates these theories by demonstrating that the state
makes decisions about groups on different bases than theory would suggest. These findings suggest the need to pay more attention to how the state treats other categories of ‘semi-citizens’. This article examines the differential effects of universal healthcare reforms in Thailand on citizens, migrants, and stateless people and explores their ramifications on theories of citizenship and social rights. While the state has expanded its healthcare obligations toward people living within its borders, it has taken a variegated approach toward different groups. Citizens have been extended ‘differentiated but unambiguous rights’. Migrants have been granted ‘conditional
rights’ to healthcare coverage, dependent on their status as registered workers who pay mandatory contributions. Large numbers of stateless people, however, saw their right to state welfare programs disenfranchised following passage of the new universal healthcare law before later being granted ‘contingent rights’ through a new program.

Il potenziale critico fondamentale delle scienze storiche risiede nel poter includere nella ricerca idee e punti di vista che rischierebbero altrimenti di esserne esclusi. Nell'ambito specifico che interessa questo articolo, quello dello studio della percezione della natura selvaggia e della montagna da parte delle élites europee tra età moderna e età contemporanea, si deve constatare che l'analisi del discorso alpino si è basata perlopiù su opere redatte in contesti culturali esterni a tali regioni, sulla scia dell'influenza dei grandi classici della letteratura "alpina" (da von Haller a Rousseau). Si è invece trascurato il polo "periferico" del dialogo, e cioè la reazione, l'eco interna dell'élite locale rispetto a rappresentazioni, a immagini della montagna e dei loro abitanti, diffuse in questi scritti. Per completare questa prospettiva, occorrerebbe invece considerare il discorso sulle Alpi come il risultato di un processo dialettico, nel quale anche il polo "interno" alpino poteva giocare un ruolo 2 .

China’s rapid socio-economic transformation has generated extraordinary movements of people from rural areas to urban centres. At the peak of labour migration in the early 2000s, some 100 to 200 million people moved to cities in search of higher wages and better standards of living.

State of Exchange examines how – despite the authoritarian nature of the Chinese state – non-governmental organizations in China have increased dramatically as central and local states tacitly allow migrant NGOs to deliver community services to workers in Beijing and Shanghai. Interacting with spaces and layers of the state at various levels of government, NGOs conduct and scale up their programs, while the state, in turn, engages with NGOs as a means to remain relevant and further legitimize its own interests. Jennifer Hsu uses a new conceptual framework to assess state-NGO relations and ultimately to reveal how NGOs navigate the complex web of central and local government bodies to lend stability to, and form mutually beneficial relationships with, the Chinese state. 

As North Africa and the Middle East move into a new era of politics, the Chinese experience outlined in this book will serve as a blueprint for better understanding the best practices and lessons learned for state-society relationships at the central and local levels.

Who acts in during international relations? From state theory generally, and the field of International Relations specifically, the readymade answer is: ‘states do’ – so long as we assume states to be the high-modern regime of nation-states that so dominantly sorted-out conceptual possibilities of political agency during the 20th century. An alternative approach to global politics, in contrast, searches for political power beyond the state. Contemporary shifts toward neo-liberal and other transnational regimes are reshaping the political landscape to enable entities beyond the state to gain importance in governance. We are, thus, left with two options: We see states as entities capable of acting on the stage of global politics, or we see states as one of many patterns through which political activity is enacted. This dichotomy neatly parallels how agency has been conceptualized in social theory: Either we swallow the bitter pill of essentializing a high-modern model of human nature to understand how actors establish, maintain, and transform political order, or we join the deconstruction camp and dissect the mechanisms, techniques, and discursive patterns that surround this model of human nature, which will then one day probably be ‘erased, like a face drawn in the sand at the edge of the sea.’ We develop this tension in our paper about who or what acts during international relations.

This paper develops an analytical framework that can serve to analyse the genesis and evolution of institutions that instantiate urban policy. To this end, two theoretical approaches are integrated: the state theoretical regulation approach and the governmentality approach. Although these approaches depart from different ontological and epistemological starting points, the research tools that they have developed are largely complementary. Therefore, in
concrete research, a framework that combines elements from both approaches could yield important empirical insights. Urban policy in the Netherlands is analysed to illustrate some of the theoretical and methodological propositions that have been developed.

"Postface au rapport:
La gestion de la diversité ethnique dans les armées. Le cas du Royaume-Uni, des Etats-Unis, de la Belgique et des Pays-Bas, par Anaïs Reding, Matt Bassford, Claire Celia, Kristin Weed, Emmanuel Hassan (Rand Europe), 2012"

Townsend Middleton's The Demands of Recognition is an invitation to think through the everyday dilemmas of ethnic minorities as well as the state anthropologists who certify them as 'scheduled tribes' in contemporary India. Through an extended case study of Nepali-speaking groups that are collectively known as 'Gorkhas', Middleton shows how late liberal governmentality and what he calls the 'ethno-contemporary' make and remake each other. As the postcolonial state has devised affirmative action policies to redress the historical disadvantages of socially marginalized groups, a new kind of 'ethnopolitics' has emerged to claim the loaves and fishes offered by the state. In turn, this new ethnopolitics has compelled the state to rethink its classificatory schemas and mechanisms in order to decide which groups ought to be considered as 'tribes', and hence, merit affirmative action. In most cases, the primary aim of ethnopolitics in contemporary India is to enter official lists or 'schedules' that record castes and tribes as well as other groups deemed to be 'backward' enough to warrant affirmative action. The situation with the Gorkhas was no different after their demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland went unmet a generation ago. By undertaking a fine-grained ethnographic exploration of the Gorkhas' ethnopolitics and the travails of their interlocutors within the postcolonial ethnographic state, Middleton challenges us to interrogate our received notions of ethnicity and about the place of anthropology in our world.

There has been a continuous attack on education, particularly alternative, progressive, democratic and liberatory forms of education that seek social justice and an equality of opportunity for all to develop.  In the UK this has led to an attack on educators as 'the enemies of promise' by the Secretary of State for Education.  However, what is being proposed by policy makers are the old 'know your station in life' strategies of managing inequality.  These have always resulted in a violation of the intelligence of people.

...one day you set foot in someone else's country and your world turned upside down. These people were *weird*, really off the wall. The neighbours back home might be slack, but at least you could talk to them. In this new place, it was, well, eerie. A bit dangerous too. You were 100% outnumbered, and they called you a foreigner. You kept a low profile, and sort of adapted. Maybe you changed a bit too. After living on Mars for a few years, when you went home for a holiday the old family reckoned you'd gone native. Well, come to think of it, *they* looked sort of silly now...

This paper provides a conceptual augmentation of the notion of responsibility offered by Roth. This augmentation is predicated on the idea that Being is grounded in actions (or answerable deeds) that contribute to the unfolding collective sociocultural practices stretching from the past to the present and carrying the past in them while also incurring changes for the future. To advance this position, I consider a merger of Bakhtin's and Vygotsky's ideas that allows for a productive integration of the ethical (the 'ought') into the most basic description of human development and learning.

Call N.4 «Digital work: more autonomy or a new subjugation of work?» Guest Editors: Antunes Ricardo-University of Campinas (rantunes@unicamp.br), Basso Pietro-University of Venice (pbasso@unive.it), and Perocco Fabio-University of Venice (fabio.perocco@unive.it). The last two decades have seen profound transformations of work, both in the process of work organisation and in the functioning of the labour market. Among these, the most recent and fastest is the computerisation of work, in particular the digitisation of work. A new frontier has thus opened up in the field of work and, at the same time, in the exploitation and precarisation of work, which the current health and social-economic crisis is widening out of all proportion. The practice and the myth of "smart working" are the visible signs of a planetary dynamic of capitalist matrix which, once again, presents the possible liberation and humanization of labour within the framework of a new, and perhaps more radical, alienation, atomization and subordination of labour to the imperatives of the market and profit. The aim of this issue of the Journal is to critically analyse this dynamic, paying particular attention to the relationship between the so-called "digital platforms" and their "applications": alongside the intense development of informal and digital technology, we are witnessing the expansion of different modes of intense exploitation of the workforce, which is expressed in highly precarious working conditions, long working days, low wages, high levels of illness. Usually these new forms of work are presented as free and autonomous "services", the workers involved become "self-entrepreneurs", "masters" of their working time. And this allows the platforms, i.e. the companies that own and control them, to circumvent and cheat on the labour laws of the countries in which they operate. From this set of labour transformation processes, in which the technological element appears on the surface as prevalent on the structure of social relations that actually subsume it, important issues emerge that are of great interest for this call for papers dedicated to digital work:-What, in fact, characterizes this new mode of work? First of all: Is it something completely new, for the use it makes of ITC resources, or is it a combination of old and new forms of work organization? Based on what criteria, and for what purposes, were the algorithms built? How do they control the time and intensity of work? Who controls the algorithms? What is the role of artificial intelligence in these new forms of work delivery? What are, in them, the connections between materiality, immateriality, digital work and the creation of value and wealth? What about the exploitation of labour and overwork (surplus value)? How does the creation of surplus value take place when work is unpaid? What are the new ways taken up by the conflict between capital and labour? Is it possible to regulate these jobs that do not stop expanding?-There are also important questions relating to the social consequences of the computerization and digitization of work, which are also of great importance for this issue of the Journal: the impact of computerization on work intensification and working time; the effects of digitization

The Tweed Ring spawned a vibrant financial sector that was integral to its brief success but has never been previously examined. William “Boss” Tweed and his allies employed banks controlled or comanaged by Tammany politicians to embezzle funds, build political alliances, and invest in a wide array of business ventures. The capital of these savings and commercial banks—city money, deposits from Catholic charities, and the savings of immigrant laborers—was accumulated through political channels. During their operation between 1867 and 1871, politician-bankers engaged in a mix of patronage deals and profit-driven financial speculation. In effect, Tammany banks were ground zero for the Ring's conversion of political hegemony into a windfall of economic capital that fueled party activities and buoyed personal fortunes. Importantly, the anti-Ring mobilization by upper-class reformers was more than a revolt of wealthy taxpayers concerned with abstract goals of good government or rescuing city credit; it was also a reaction by old-line bankers in direct competition with Tammany upstarts. A dramatic bank run catalyzed by reformers in November 1871 drove them into bankruptcy, bringing this novel experiment in political capitalism to an end.

Se desarrolla una discusión crítica acerca de
las nociones de exclusión y ciudadanía, a partir del concepto
de desafiliación y de un modelo genético-estructural de las
relaciones entre el Estado y la sociedad. Asimismo, se argumenta
que, para comprender tanto los fenómenos de exclusión como los
de construcción de ciudadanía, es ineludible partir de la hipótesis de
trabajo según la cual el Estado es la principal institución estructuradora
de las sociedades y economías contemporáneas. Asimismo, se
hace una reflexión respecto de la economía informal como fuente
de exclusión o desafiliación; por lo tanto, limitante de la condición
de ciudadanía, y del lugar del Estado ante ella.

alexandre de Paiva Rio camargo 2 O leitor está diante de uma obra madura, resultado de sólida e longeva parceria intelectual entre os autores, que há vinte e cinco anos têm se dedicado à política dos números e à sócio-história da estatística. Não por acaso, o livro em tela consiste na revisão e ampliação de oito artigos publicados entre 1997 e 2009 em prestigiosos periódicos canadenses, americanos e franceses, acrescidos de uma esclarecedora introdução que dá unidade e fio condutor à leitura. Nesta extensa trajetória, cumpre destacar a realização, em setembro de 1999, de um ciclo de conferências na sua instituição de origem, a Université du Québec à Montréal, que deu origem ao instigante livro L´Ère du Chiffre: Systèmes Statistiques et Traditions Nationales (Beaud; Prévost, 2000). Na ocasião, os autores coordenaram os trabalhos de nomes como Ian Hacking, Alain Desrosières,

Este trabajo –parafraseando a Descartes- es un discurso sobre el método y la necesidad de reposicionar el sujeto en el proceso de construcción de conocimiento. Para ello nos proponemos esbozar algunas consideraciones que esperamos sirvan como disparadores para abrir horizontes de un debate urgente. Con este objetivo planteamos el documento en tres ámbitos que procuran articularse: El primero llama la atención sobre la necesidad de pensar el método en tanto postura y su relación con lo que podemos llamar la “subjetividad epistémica”. El segundo avanza en esta perspectiva con la intensión de presentar algunas reflexiones sobre la construcción de los objetos de estudios, específicamente de los sujetos sociales qua objetos y algunos procesos metodológicos involucrados. Finalmente exponemos el esqueleto metodológico de una investigación realizada sobre el Movimiento de Desocupados en Argentina.

This article discusses the transformation of the Moroccan state under contemporary neoliberal globalization, and considers what this transition means for the ways in which scholars view state-society interplay in Morocco and the Arab world more generally. Specifically, it examines the protest of unemployed graduates in Morocco, suggesting that public demonstrations are not only a means to communicate and mobilize demands, but also a technology to reclaim and reproduce a particular “truth” in public. This truth does not necessarily equate with the reality of the neoliberal state as a dispersed material force. As such, by looking at the case of Morocco, we hope to instigate further debate on the nature of the state and its specific relation to phenomena as globalization, society and social protest.

This project builds on James' Scott synthesis of “reactive statelessness” theory (famously beginning with Pierre Clastres), in which he argues that pastoralism, nomadism, and foraging were often secondary forms of adaptation in response to the coercive forces of agrarian states (Scott, 2009).

“[The] argument reverses much received wisdom about “primitivism” generally. Pastoralism, foraging, shifting cultivation, and segmentary lineage systems are often a “secondary adaptation,” a kind of “self-barbarianization” adopted by peoples whose location, subsistence, and social structure are adapted to state evasion. For those living in the shadow of states, such evasion is also perfectly compatible with derivative, imitative, and parasitic state forms in the hills. (Scott, 2000, pX)”

My contention is that new foraging and nomadic livelihoods are on the rise  in the wake of global neoliberalism and the transnational corporatization of power on the one hand, and the techno-militarization of States on the other. These need to be examined and contrasted with studies of the new forms of alienation that are also arising among the world's “middle” and “affluent” classes. There is nothing new here, of course (see David Graeber on the past 5000 years), except for a question of scale.

I argue that the world's old and new foragers have a lot to teach us about sustainable knowledge and livelihoods, socio-political organization, and ecological justice.

The aim of this research effort, then, is to gather ethnographic and empirical data to support the claim that there are strong overall benefits (social, political, ecological, epidemiological, etc.) to foraging lifestyles.

A word of warning, of course, about using  “foraging” as an ideological, atemporal, naturalized category. 19th and 20th century science and anthropology have produced too much of that.
My use of the term is heuristic. Tim Ingold's critique of narrow extrapolations of Optimal Foraging Theory and rational choice in biology, economics, and anthropology is a good starting point for this discussion (see Ingold, 2000; see also Barnard, 1983; 2004, or anything by Richard Lee). Following Ingold and others (see bibliography below), I focus on a few broad aspects of livelihood that can be loosely characterized as foraging, and contrasted to the increasingly standardized systems of “modernity”.

An emphasis on autonomy, immediacy, and sharing at the level of social organization; autonomy being defined as relational—in contrast to the self-contained, self-interested 'rational' individual of modern societal constructs (Ingold, 2004); relationality being forged through decentralized, established or emerging relationships among humans and non-humans in a non-finite, complex, and dynamic field of operation.
Knowledge derived and kept alive from (not just of) the environment (“natural” or not); collaborative knowledge established through the “fine-tuning” of  these “relational contexts” between humans and the world (Ingold, 2000);
Perceptual and relational involvement with the world through open-ended wayfinding, or wayfaring practices, in contrast to grid-and-point, goal-and-destination oriented navigation and cartography (Ingold, 2000; 2007).

While we must be cautious about using modern constructs like “equality” (e.g., in terms of “gender” or “poverty”--Karen Endicot (2004) has a good review of debates on gender equality among foragers), the emphasis on relational autonomy must include more-or-less conscious efforts to avoid coercion and alienation. This usually entails knowledge of more coercive systems (e.g., agrarian, industrial, militaristic, etc.), and the “reactive” adaptive efforts to “vote with one's feet” (Lee, 2004), or “take to the hills” (Scott, 2009).

“Traditional Ecological Knowledge” is not a model to be put in a powerpoint pie-chart! The point here is to look for anti-model forms of wayfaring knowledge and social organization that are constantly renegotiated in adaptive contexts.  The Inuit Elders Saullu Nakasuk, Hervé Paniaq, Elisapee Ootoova, and Pauloosie Angmaalik put it best in their group interviews with anthropologists Jarich Oosten & Frédéric Laugrand:

“Traditional knowledge is not static and not something abstract and separated from the context in which it is produced, but is always related to the present. In this respect, it contrasts with the modern education system, which sets great value on the absorption of objectified knowledge”. (Aupilarjuk  et al, 2002, p3, emphasis added)

Lewis and Maslin explore geological markers for the beginning of the "Anthropocene"-beginning, in their periodization, in either 1492 (naming the birth of capitalism as the cause of planetary crisis) or 1945 (naming elitedriven militarization as its cause). In this essay, I argue for a synthesis of these two dynamics, locating both the birth of capitalism and a transformation of elite-driven militarization in the conquest of the New World during the Long Sixteenth Century. As such, I propose narrating planetary history through a "capitalocene as polemocene," "the age of capital as an age of war" framework.

Middle-class progressives in the early 20th Century wanted to transform a corrupt and chaotic industrial America into an "authentic" democracy. But they were led astray by their privilege. Focused on enhancing the voices of individuals, generations of progressives remained blind to the rich culture of "democratic solidarity" infusing labor unions and organizing in poor communities. This book traces the problematic evolution of progressive democracy in America, focusing on schools as a key site of progressive practice. At the same time, it examines alternative strategies for developing more empowering approaches to democratic education and collective action.

The competing theories of state recognition and their failings actively demonstrate that recognition of a state does not have any normative content per se, but rather, that the rules of state recognition, although legal rules, are legal vehicles for political choices. We have the dilemma of concurrently wanting the right cases to result in independent states while prohibiting the wrong ones from becoming so, and so we sail between political choices, using the language of law. The state is neither truly free to recognize another entity nor entirely bound. Differing cases require different legal criteria and different legal results. This flexibility in state recognition theory though, while depriving the act of any inherent legal meaning, has value in its utility for establishing lawful relationships.

This paper will argue that the reason we find it difficult to resolve the controversy over state recognition theory is because the international legal system translates political controversies into legal questions that can then be addressed through legal means. Legal actors, by announcing preference for one side of the question, often reveal certain legal and moral choices they are making about the nature of the state and the legitimacy of the international legal system - law and politics. In the area of state recognition, no theory of recognition has extinguished competition because no political choice has gained universal acceptance. The predominant political choice is most frequently deliberate indeterminacy, a co-existence of mutually opposing arguments. This indeterminacy is most likely deliberate because it permits the underlying rationale for the legal actor’s policies to change and evolve to suit the situation.

This article examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research: (a) theoretical knowledge is more valuable than practical knowledge; (b) one cannot generalize from a single case, therefore, the single-case study cannot contribute to scientific development; (c) the case study is most useful for generating hypotheses, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building; (d) the case study contains a bias toward verification; and (e) it is often difficult to summarize specific case studies. This article explains and corrects these misunderstandings one by one and concludes with the Kuhnian insight that a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars, and a discipline without exemplars is an ineffective one. Social science may be strengthened by the execution of a greater number of good case studies.

This revised and truncated article is meant to serve as a survey and reference for further inquiry, the original source article is accessible in its entirety online ; the focal points herein are (1) racialization of drug addiction and criminality, (2) neurobiology and psychodynamics of addiction, (3) diversification of treatment options and informed consent in healthcare, (4) the social pattern of substance addiction, and transnational dimensions of the War on Drugs. Foremost (1), a corpus delicti to evince that the War on Drugs was designed to control minority communities is analyzed and synthesized in what Cornel West calls, ‚the secular bible of a new social movement;‛ The New Jim Crow by American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) lawyer Michelle Alexander (2010). Associate professor of law Geneva Brown (2010) writes on the detriment to Black families, and particularly, the perceptions and perspectives of African American women: To deliver up bodies destined for profitable punishment, the political economy of [the prisonindustrial-complex] relies on racialized assumptions of criminality -such as images of black welfare mothers reproducing criminal children -and on racist practices in arrest, conviction, and sentencing patterns. (p. 1) Next at hand (2), addiction formation is thought to involve the complex interaction of genetics, environmental and developmental factors, neurobiological mechanisms, and socialized deviancy. A detailed synopsis is explicated by addiction specialist Gabor Maté, MD in his must read book, In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts (2010, pp. 148-183). Dr. Maté works at the Portland Hotel, a safe injection site in Vancouver, B.C.'s downtown lower eastside.

This paper is prepared for presentation at the plenary session of the Global Studies association, Brandeis University April 24, 2004 in which Leslie Sklair and Leo Panitch are the other speakers. Sklair is a sociologist whose work on the transnational capitalist class has been formative. Leo Panitch, a political scientist, along with his long time collaborator Sam Gindin has made major contributions to our understanding of the capitalist state. I am an economist. So while my focus is different it is made in the hope of contributing to a larger dialogue on ways of seeing the elephant that is capitalist globalization.