A Project Report On Political Situation of India and Colombia

Introduction

Here in this project represent about the Indian political situation and Colombian political situation. There are such as different political conditions and difference between Indian political situation and Colombian political situation as well as the similarity of Indian political situation and Colombian political situation compare here in this project.

Indian Political Situation

Indian political system
INTRODUCTION India with a population of around a billion and an electorate of over 700 million is the world's largest democracy and, for all its faults and flaws, this democratic system stands in marked contrast to the democratic failures of Pakistan and Bangladesh which were part of India until 1947. Unlike the American political system and the British political system which essentially have existed in their current form for centuries, the Indian political system is a much more recent construct dating from India's independence from Britain in 1947. The current constitution came into force on 26 November 1950 and advocates the trinity of justice, liberty and equality for all citizens. In stark contrast with the current constitution of Japan which has remained unchanged, the constitution of India has been one of the most amended national documents in the world with more than 80 changes. Many of these amendments have resulted from a long-running dispute involving the Parliament and the Supreme Court over the rights of parliamentary sovereignty as they clash with those of judicial review of laws and constitutional amendments. India's lower house, the LokSabha, is modelled on the British House of Commons, but its federal system of government borrows from the experience of the United States, Canada and Australia. THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH The head of state in India is the President. This is normally a ceremonial role, originally modelled on the British monarch to "advise, encourage and warn" the elected government on constitutional matters. The President can return a Parliamentary Bill once for reconsideration and, in times of crisis such as a hung Parliament, the role is pivotal. The President can declare a state of emergency which enables the LokSabha to extend its life beyond the normal fiveyear term. As members of an electoral college, around 4,500 members of the national parliament and state legislators are eligible to vote in the election of the President. The Indian Presidency has recently attracted special attention because for the first time a woman now occupies the role: PratibhaPatil who was formerly governor of the northern Indian state of Rajasthan.

There is also the post of Vice-President who is elected by the members of an electoral college consisting of both houses of parliament. The Vice-President chairs the the upper house called the RajyaSabha. The head of the government is the Prime Minister who is appointed by the President on the nomination of the majority party in the lower house or LokSabha. Currently the Prime Minister is Manmohan Singh of the ruling United Progressive Alliance. Ministers are then appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Prime Minister and these ministers collectively comprise the Council of Ministers. THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH The lower house in the Indian political system is the LokSabha or House of the People. As set out in the Constitution, the maximum size of the LokSabha is 552 members, made up of up to 530 members representing people from the states of India, up to 20 members representing people from the Union Territories, and two members to represent the Anglo-Indian community if it does not have adequate representation in the house according to the President. Currently the size of the house is 545 made up of 530 elected from the states, 13 elected from the territories, and two nominated from the Anglo-Indian community. By far the largest state representation is that of Uttar Pradesh with 80 members. At the other end of the scale, three states have only one representative each. There are certain constituencies where only candidates from scheduled casts and scheduled tribes are allowed to stand. Each member except the two nominated ones represents a geographical single-member constituency as in the British model for the House of Commons. Each LokSabha is formed for a five year term, after which it is automatically dissolved, unless extended by a Proclamation of Emergency which may extend the term in one year increments. This has happened on three occasions: 1962-1968, 1971 and 1975-1977. Elections are a huge and complex affair which nationwide are held in five seperate rounds taking a total of 28 days. Link: LokSabha The upper house in the Indian political system is the RajyaSabha or Council of States. As set out in the Constitution, the RajyaSabhahas has up to 250 members. 12 of these members are chosen by the President for their expertise in specific fields of art, literature, science, and social services. These members are known as nominated members. The remainder of the house currently comprising 238 members - is elected indirectly by the state and territorial legislatures in proportion to the unit's population. Again, of course, the largest state representation is that of Uttar Pradesh with 31 members. The method of election in the local legislatures is the single transferable vote. Terms of office are for six years, with one third of the members facing re-election every two years. The RajyaSabha meets in continuous session and, unlike the LokSabha, it is not subject to dissolution.

Link: RajyaSabha The two houses share legislative powers, except in the area of supply (money) where the LokSabha has overriding powers. In the case of conflicting legislation, a joint sitting of the two houses is held. If there is a conflict which cannot be resolved even by the joint committee of the two houses, it is solved in the joint session of the Parliament, where the will of the LokSabha almost always prevails, since the LokSabha is more than twice as large as the RajyaSabha. POLITICAL PARTIES In India, political parties are either a National Party of a State Party. To be considered a National Party, a political party has to be recognised in four or more states and to be either the ruling party or in the opposition in those states. Ever since its formation in 1885, the Indian National Congress (INC) and its successor - has been the dominant political party in India. For its first six decades, its focus was on campaigning for Indian independence from Britain. Since independence in 1947, it has sought to be the governing party of the nation with repeated success. As a result, for most of its democratic history, the LokSabha has been dominated by the Indian Congress Party which has been in power for a great deal of the time. However, since the Congress Party lost power in 1989, no single party has been able to secure an overal majority in the LokSabha, making coalitions inevitable. Also, unlike Japan where the Liberal Democrat Party has been in power almost continuously , Congress has had (usually short) periods out of power, between 1977-1980, 1989-1991 and 1996-2004. The original Congress Party espoused moderate socialism and a planned, mixed economy. However, its spin-off and successor, Congress (I) 'I' in honour of Indira Gandhi now supports deregulation, privatisation and foreign investment. While the Congress Party has historically dominated Indian politics, the leadership of the Congress Party in turn has been dominated by one family: Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister, served for 17 years; his daughter Indira Gandhi later became Prime Minister; his grandson Rajiv Gandhi was also Prime Minister; currently the widow of Rajiv Gandhi, the Italian-born Sonia Gandhi holds the position as Congress President although she has refused to accept the post of Prime Minister; and her son Rahul Gandhi is a Member of Parliament, while her daughter Priyanka Gandhi is an active political campaigner. The Indian Congress Party is the leading party in the Centre-Left political coalition called the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) which embraces a total of 16 parties. The other major, but more recently-established, political party in India is the BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP). Created in 1980, it represents itself as a champion of the socio-religious cultural values of the country's Hindu majority and advocates conservative social policies and strong national defence. The BJP, in alliance with several other parties, led the government between 1998-2004.

The BharatiyaJanata Party is the leading party in the Right-wing political coalition called the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). When it was originally founded in 1998, there were 13 parties in the coalition but currently there are eight. A Third Front is a grouping centred on the Communists.

THE JUDICIAL BRANCH The Supreme Court is the highest judicial authority in civil, criminal and constitutional cases. The court consists of up to 26 judges, including the Chief Justice of India, all of whom are appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Prime Minister. They serve until the age of 65. THE STATES India is a huge country both demographically and geographically and consequently it operates a federal system of government. Below the national level, there are 28 States and seven Union Territories. The largest of India's states is Uttar Pradesh (UP) in the north of the country. With over 175 million inhabitants, UP is the most populous state in India and is also the most populous country subdivision in the world. On its own, if it was an independent nation, this state would be the world's sixth biggest country. Only China, India itself, the United States, Indonesia and Brazil have a higher population. In Indian general elections, it fills more than one-seventh of the seats in India's Parliament and, such is the state's caste-based and sometimes violent politics that, currently a quarter of UP's MPs face criminal charges. Over the years, India has evolved from a highly centralised state dominated by one political party to an increasingly fragmented nation, more and more influenced by regional parties and more and more governed locally by unstable multi-party alliances. In the General Election of 2009, Congress and the BJP faced each other in only seven of the 28 States; elsewhere, one of the two national parties faced a regional party. CONCLUSION Politics in India is much rougher and much more corrupt that in the democracies of Europe and North America. Political assassination is not uncommon: the revered Mahatma Gandhi in 1948, the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1984, and the Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 were all killed by assassins. Communal, caste and regional tensions continue to haunt Indian politics, sometimes threatening its long-standing democratic and secular ethos. Recent years have seen the emergence of so-called RTI activists - tens of thousands of citizens, often poor, sometimes almost illiterate, frequently highly motivated - who use the Right To Information legislation of 2005 to promote transparency and attack corruption in public institutions. In the first five years of the legislation, over a million RTI requests were

filed and so threatening to authority have some of the RTI activists become that a number of have been murdered

Colombias Political Situation

Colombia's Political System
Like the U.S. system of government, Colombias political structure is divided into executive, judicial and legislative branches of government, with the latter, like the U.S. system, divided into a Senate and a House of Representatives. Senators are elected via a national ballot, while representatives are elected by their local constituents. Congress convenes twice annually, and the president can summon a special session when necessary. However, unlike the U.S. system, the Colombian president is chosen directly by the electorate, without the intervention of an electoral college. He then serves as both head of state and head of government, overseeing a multi-party representative democracy. The president serves for four years and may only be elected for two terms. There are two high courts in Colombia that serve separate functions: the Constitutional court, which as its name indicates, interprets the Constitution and monitors observance of laws, and then there is the Supreme Court, consisting of 23 judges who are appointed by the legislature for eight-year terms. This court is divided into three chambers: a civil-agrarian, a labor and a penal. The Constitution was reformed in 1991 to allow for greater civil liberties, such as divorce and dual citizenship, and most importantly, the right to request a tribunal if a citizen can provide evidence that his or her constitutional rights are not being honored. In 2004, Article 197 of the Constitution was amended to allow presidents to serve two terms, and not just one.

History of Colombian political background

Originally inhabited by tribal groups dominated by the Chibchas, Colombia was first visited by Spanish sailors as early as 1500. Yet, the first permanent European settlement was not established until 1525. Declared a Spanish colony in 1549, Colombia was organized into the vice-royalty of New Granada in 1717, along with what are now Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama. Under the tutelage of South America's liberator, Simn Bolvar, the country began its quest for independence. With the defeat of the Spanish army in 1819, the Republic of Gran Colombia was formed as an independent state comprising the territory of the former vice-

royalty. Two further wars created the autonomous states of Venezuela and Ecuador (1830) and Panama (1903). The political history of Colombia has been dominated since independence by two opposing groups, eventually organized as the Liberal Party (PL, Partido Liberal) and the Conservative Party (PSC, PartidoConservador), which is historically linked to the followers of Simn Bolvar, Colombia's liberator and first president. The PSC helped to create a strong centralized government. The PL contributed a separation of church and state and universal suffrage to the political landscape. Colombian politics is marked by extraordinary violence. Citizens resort to arms to resolve political differences to a degree unmatched on the continent. Three presidential candidates were assassinated during the 1990 campaign, and others had attempts made on their lives. The election of Cesar Gaviria in 1990 brought an opportunity for political peace. A new Constitution was written in 1991, and several guerrilla groups entered the political arena after being demobilized. By that time, drug lords had come to replace guerrilla leaders as the main threat to political and social stability. Pablo Escobar, the leader of the powerful Medelln drug cartel, was imprisoned but eventually managed to escape. At that point, Gaviria declared war on drug cartels and was killed in a 1993 confrontation. Demand for drugs in the United States remained high, and despite government efforts to eradicate coca leaf plantations, the influence of drug lords contaminated the country. The 1994 presidential elections showed the extent to which drugs had invaded every aspect of the nation's life. Liberal candidate Ernesto Samper won the election, but accusations of drugrelated campaign financing almost toppled his government months after his inauguration. In the 1998 presidential election, Conservative candidate Andrs Pastrana ran on a peace platform, promising to reduce conflicts with guerrilla groups and drug cartels. Four years later, crime and violence had increased and the influence of cartels had grown. The United States developed a strategy (known as Plan Colombia ) with the Pastrana government to aid the Colombian military to combat the illegal production of cocaine. Implementation of the multiyear plan began in 2001, but critics claimed that it would lead to a civil war and to the occupation of Colombia by U.S. troops. The 2002 presidential elections were primarily about strategies to put an end to violence and to effectively combat the growing influence of drug cartels in Colombian society.

Political parties - Colombia - system, power, policy

Political Parties in Colombia

Colombian Conservative Party (PC), Alternative Democratic Role (PDA), Liberal Party (PL), Radical Change (CR), Social National Unity Party (U Party). There were once fifteen other recognized political parties and even more unofficial ones, however they did not meet the 2006 voter threshold to be recognized as official parties.

For many years, the Colombian constitution allowed only two political parties, the Liberal and the Conservative, to participate in the national government. These two parties consistently dominated Colombian politics. Recent changes allow for more parties, and several have emerged, but the Conservative and Liberal parties control a majority of elected offices. The Liberal Party (Partido LiberalPL) continues to support religious toleration and a positive response to the social and economic demands of the masses. The Liberals theoretically support separation of church and state, though in practice a strong church is accepted. Federalism, while important in theory, has been abandoned in practice by Liberal leaders. In general Liberals have been more successful in elections than the Conservatives, having won all but one post-National Front presidential elections, and controlling a majority of seats in both houses. In 1998, the Liberal Party lost the presidency but retained control of both Chambers. The policy of the Conservative Party (PartidoConservador SocialPCS) has been characterized by close cooperation with the Roman Catholic Church, a lack of tolerance for nonRoman Catholic religious beliefs, maintenance of class privileges, and highly centralized government, with local authority strictly subservient to national rule. Before universal suffrage, the Conservatives sought to allow only heads of families to vote. Under the

leadership of Andrs Pastrana, the son of former Conservative president MisaelPastrana, the PCS regained the presidency in 1998. Despite the spread of suffrage and the rise of industrialization and a middle class, both parties continue to be dominated by a wealthy oligarchy. Both are controlled at the national level by a convention and a directorate, and congressional discipline is strong. Since the National Front agreement of 1958, the two parties have become increasingly similar ideologically. Congressional and presidential elections from 1958 through 1982 primarily constituted votes of confidence in the National Front. Perhaps as a means of protest, 60% of eligible voters abstained from the presidential election in 1978, and 80% of the electorate abstained from the municipal and local elections of March 1980. In 1982 and 1986, however, Colombian voters turned out in record numbers, with 55% of the electorate participating in the presidential ballot in 1982 and 57% in 1988. The Colombian Communist Party (PartidoCommunista de ColombiaPCC), a traditional, Marxist-oriented party, combined with the nation's largest guerrilla group, the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de ColombiaFARC, to form the Patriotic Union (UP); the group has not become major force in electoral politics. There is considerable independent party activity in Colombia, and it has been increasing. Traditionally, the third force in Colombian politics was provided by former dictator Rojas Pinilla, whose National Popular Alliance (AlianzaNacional PopularANAPO), now defunct, was a strong party movement. The election of 19 April 1970 gave rise to the extremist rebel group M-19, which stood for the April 19th Movement. After over two decades of military actions against the government, M-19 demobilized in 1991 and fielded candidates in the 1990 elections. Currently, M-19 is part of a coalition of leftist parties and other dissident groups, called Democratic Alliance M-19. Several militant leftist groups remain outside the political system, including the National Liberation Army (Ejrcito de LiberacinNacionalELN) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. Although officially a member of the Patriotic Union, the FARC also refuses to demobilize. The People's Liberation Army (EPL) began to demobilize in 1993, but a dissident faction refused orders to lay down arms, and returned to the field. Ernesto Samper Pizano of the Liberal Party was elected president in 1994 with 50.4% of the vote, defeating PSC candidate Andrs Pastrana. Following the 1994 elections, 59 Senate seats

were held by the Liberal Party, 31 by Conservatives, and 12 by other parties; in the House of Representatives, the Liberals had 89 seats, Conservatives 53, AD/M-19 had 2, and other parties had 17. In 1998, Pastrana obtained 52% of the vote and became Colombia's first Conservative president in more than a decade. The Liberal Party retained control of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies with 98 of 161 seats in the Chamber and 51 out of 102 seats in the Senate. In 2002, the Liberal Party obtained 31 and 54 seats in Senate and Chamber respectively, consolidating its leading position. But many more parties gained seats and party fractionalization became the rule rather than the exception. The traditional parties have lost so much power that even the president, for the first time since 1957, was not elected under the Liberal or Conservative party tickets.

Colombias current political situation

As with most Latin American countries, Colombias political history has been one of civil wars, social injustice, corruption and violence. A fraudulent election in 1970 prompted the organization of the guerrilla movement M-19 four years later, and in the latter half of the 20th century high-profile kidnappings, right-wing, leftwing and criminal terrorismalong with repressive countermeasureshave pretty much defined this nation. The gravest threat to Colombian stability came about through the rise of drug cartels in the 1970s and 1980s. Exploiting the increasingly high demand for cocaine in North America and Europe, their lucrative operations enabled them to bribe and/or coerce police and politicians, as well as ordinary (and usually) poor citizens. They combined their buying-off with barbarity; apart from their own pattern of abductions and violence, they also financed both right-wing paramilitaries and left-wing guerrillas, all to undermine law enforcement. In 1999, President Andrs Pastrana began Plan Colombia, an aggressive effort to fight the drug trade, along with minor attempts to address the underlying social issues that sustain it. The military facet of the plan was backed by the United States, with money, arms and advisors. Plan Colombia, however, failed to affect much change. The next president, lvaro Uribe, enacted an aggressive hard line against guerrilla groups, which reduced crime and violence, and in turn produced notable economic growth, but major social problems poverty, illiteracy, class and political polarizationremained. Under the present president, Juan Manuel Santos, Plan Colombia continues, with increased U.S. presence; an agreement was signed to allow eight U.S. military bases in Colombia, on which construction has begun. The civil society also is playing a more active role in the nations politics. Communities like San Jos de Apartad have taken a non-partisan, non-violence stance against the Civil War and as a result have faced attacks by guerrilla, paramilitary and (according to some reports) Colombian military forces. Former Senator PiedadCrdova continues to mediate with the FARC for release of the kidnap victims they hold.

Political stabilityin Colombia:

Since 1999, NDI has contributed to political reform processes in Colombia by strengthening the leadership skills and abilities of young Colombian political leaders from traditional and emerging parties. Following extensive, fundamental reforms to the political party system in 2003, NDI established a field presence in 2005 to provide technical assistance to parties working internally to improve party structures, statutes and practices. NDI has worked with Colombian political parties across the political spectrum to support organizational strengthening; internal democracy practices and accountability; and to increase the political participation and skills of women, young people, Afro-Colombians and the indigenous community. NDI has worked to increase citizen participation in Bolvar and Sucre, departments within the post-conflict region of Montes de Mara, and in the department of Choc, home to Colombias highest percentage of the traditionally underrepresented AfroColombians. As of the 2005 national and local elections, NDI has worked to promote transparent electoral processes and a better informed electorate by supporting debates and forums featuring candidates and civil society groups. Political Context Despite a half century of uninterrupted democratic governance, Colombias governing institutions have faced significant challenges in recent decades because of guerrilla, paramilitary and narco-trafficking forces. Political reforms enacted in 2003, 2005 and 2009 impacted the political party system by changing the rules and structures of congressional party caucuses, thus advancing party reform measures and strengthening the electoral system. The political party system in Colombia is relatively strong compared to other countries in the region; however, parties face several challenges. First, parties struggle to build a presence and to engage citizens in regions where protracted violence has discouraged many from participating in the political process. Second, many parties struggle to develop an ideology or set of core policies that sets them apart from others, resulting in failure to provide voters with clear options. Three demographic groups continue to face particular challenges to effective engagement in the political process: Afro-Colombians, internally displaced persons (IDPs) and women. Afro-Colombians, who are concentrated in coastal regions, have been disproportionally

affected because of prolonged government neglect in providing basic services. People displaced by conflict or natural disasters often remain vulnerable away from their traditional communities and support structures and face difficulty exercising their rights, including those related to political participation. Women continue facing political participation challenges despite efforts to increase their representation. NDI Activities NDI's activities in Colombia are dedicated in memory of Nevio Fernando Serna Daz, a Colombian mayor who participated in NDI's regional Political Leadership Program. Nevio Fernando Serna Daz was brutally assassinated in 2000. Regional Priorities NDI activities focus on the 12 departments along the Pacific and Caribbean coasts, which have the highest percentage of Afro-descendant citizens and the lowest percentage of citizen trust in the political and electoral system. The Institute places special emphasis on promoting party strengthening and citizen participation in the impoverished, mostly Afro-Colombian department of Choc and the post-conflict region of Montes de Mara. In Choc, NDI is working to increase peoples ability to organize politically and to improve the responsiveness of national parties to the departments unique concerns and priorities. NDI is helping to strengthen the capability of a multiparty roundtable composed of six major parties to engage citizens on local issues. NDI supports creating a roundtable of civil society organizations focused on improving Chocs education system. NDI public events in the capital of Quibd and other municipalities encourage engagement between parties, elected officials, civic groups and citizens to address the departments pressing needs. In late 2009, NDI began work in four Montes de Mara locations to support civil society networks advocating for citizen priorities and with party caucuses in municipal councils to establish participatory accountability measures. Political Party Reform Since 2005, in-country political party reform programs have created partnerships with a range of political parties to advance initiatives and support parties efforts to adjust to legal changes designed to promote more responsive and effective parties. Currently, NDI has standing memorandums of understanding with eight parties as an outline for technical assistance to support reform initiatives. NDIs technical assistance supports party plans that address a range of issues that parties identified as priorities, such as development of candidate selection models; use of new technologies; development of party messages and communication strategies; design of party poll-watching strategies; and strengthening internal party oversight bodies. NDI has worked with party caucuses to strengthen internal organization, improve capacity to oversee departmental or municipal programs and promote accountability.

Promoting Greater Participation by Underrepresented Groups The Institute promotes womens and Afro-Colombians participation in politics. NDI also assists the Committee on Gender Equity in the Colombian Congress, campaigns promoting the participation and candidacies of Afro-Colombians and women, and party secretariats for underrepresented groups. In its work helping civic groups to advocate for the interests of Afro-Colombians and women,.the Institute supported the recommendations of a commission on Afro-Colombian political participation among party leaders and the public. NDI emphasizes the importance of including underrepresented groups throughout its work with parties and election monitors, helping parties strengthen their internal structures and outreach mechanisms for these groups and supporting election observation in the coastal departments. Support for Electoral Transparency Building on efforts to organize candidate debates and train party poll watchers during the 2007 municipal elections, NDI trained over 1,400 party poll-watching trainers for the 2010 general elections. In turn, they trained thousands of additional poll watchers. NDI also helped the Election Observation Mission (MOE), a Colombian nonpartisan election monitoring organization, with overall strategy and logistics for deploying 1,762 observers in 11 Caribbean and Pacific coast departments. For the 2011 departmental and local elections, NDI will support MOEs efforts to monitor voter registration in priority areas; produce general information on election integrity based on a nationwide random sample; and collaborate with others to recommend improvements to electoral law enforcement. NDI will help MOE and the New Rainbow Corporation (Corporacin Nuevo Arco Iris) to produce a report on political networks and the influence of illegal armed groups on the electoral process in 50 at-risk municipalities. Cleaner campaign financing: In 2007, NDI began assisting Transparency for Colombia (TPC), the Colombian chapter of Transparency International, with creating and updating its Clear Accounts financial reporting software for campaigns. Recognizing the quality, speed and accuracy of the software, electoral authorities required everyone participating in the 2010 legislative and presidential elections to file campaign finance reports using Clear Accounts. TPC continues adapting the software to the needs of 2011s almost 100,000 election candidates. TPC and other civic groups will analyze the electoral authorities information systems, particularly candidates legal histories, and provide recommendations for increasing the systems ability to help political parties screen their candidates. Better communication between parties and citizens: NDI has been working to advance the use of campaign proposals that address citizen priorities by helping groups identify concerns in their communities and communicate them to local politicians. In preparation for the October 2011 local elections, NDI and civic groups such as the National Forum for Colombia will conduct multiparty forums on policy issues and publicize proposals addressing the needs of citizens, especially Afro-Colombians and women, using print and electronic media. NDI is partnering with permanent commissions in Choc and Montes de Mara to conduct debates on issues important to citizens.

Conclusion
Difference between Indian political situation & Colombian political situation.
About India.
Indian system is much more constructed dating from Indias independence from Britain in1947. Indias Political Structure follows democratic structure. In India there is one high court that serves constitutional court. Constitutional made on 26th, Jan, 1950. Indian politics marked by violence.

About Colombia.
In Colombia divide in to three structure 1) Executive 2) Judicial 3) Legislative There is total Two high court in Colombia. Constitution made in 1991. Colombian politics is marked by extra ordinary violence.

Similarity of Indian Political situation and Colombian Political situation

The main competitive decisions related to country takes by president in Colombia, When in India all the decision which are the related to country that takes by prime minister

 The selection of prime minister and president in India andColumbia are in elective manner.

Bibliography
http://www.rogerdarlington.co.uk/Indianpoliticalsystem.html Political background Colombiahttp://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/World-Leaders2003/Colombia-POLITICAL-BACKGROUND.html#ixzz1aDCGHGPF Colombian Government Profile 2009: Overview of the Republic of Colombia's Political Structure | Suite101.comhttp://carmensofiagrant.suite101.com/republic-of-colombiagovernment-profile-2009-a105035#ixzz1aDRzpKIm

Political parties - Colombia - system, power, policyhttp://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/Americas/ColombiaPOLITICAL-PARTIES.html#ixzz1aDDTPdRy

http://www.ndi.org/colombia