2010 Hrobon Isaiah

Bohdan Hrobon
Ethical Dimension of Cult in the Book of Isaiah
Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fr die

alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Herausgegeben von
John Barton Reinhard G. Kratz
Choon-Leong Seow Markus Witte
Band 418
De Gruyter
Bohdan Hrobon
Ethical Dimension of Cult

in the Book of Isaiah
De Gruyter
ISBN 978-3-11-024748-0
e-ISBN 978-3-11-024749-7
ISSN 0934-2575
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Hrobon, Bohdan.
Ethical dimension of cult in the book of Isaiah / Bohdan Hrobon.
p. cm. - (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ISSN 0934-2575 ; Bd. 418)
Includes bibliographical references (p.
) and index.
ISBN 978-3-11-024748-0 (hardcover 23 15,5 : alk. paper)
1. Bible. O.T. Isaiah - Theology. 2. Worship in the Bible. 3. Ethics
in the Bible. I. Title.
BS1515.6.W76H76 2010
2241.106-dc22
2010024280
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The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................... ix
Abbreviations ................................................................................................ xi
Introduction .....................................................................................................1
PART I
Chapter 1: Conception of Cult in the Prophets .......................................... 7
1.1.
Introduction .................................................................................... 7
1.2.
Ritual according to Priestly Tradition ....................................... 12
1.2.1.
Sacrifices ........................................................................................ 13
1.2.2.
Impurity and Purity ..................................................................... 17
1.2.3.
Connection between Sacrifices and Impurity ........................... 19
1.3.
Ritual and Pre-Exilic Prophets .................................................... 20
1.4.
Documentary Theory and Pre-Exilic Cult................................. 23
1.4.1.
Fundamental Difference between First and Second Temple
Cults? ............................................................................................. 24
1.4.2.
Pre-Exilic Prophets Ignorance of Mosaic Law? ....................... 28
1.5.
Knohl / Milgroms Theory of P and H and Pre-Exilic Cult .... 29
1.6.
Implications ................................................................................... 32
1.7.
Conclusion..................................................................................... 35
Chapter 2: Conception of Holiness in the Book of Isaiah ....................... 37
2.1.
Introduction .................................................................................. 37
2.2.
Holiness and Purity...................................................................... 38
2.3.
Holiness as a Cultic Notion......................................................... 39
2.4.
Holiness as an Ethical Notion? ................................................... 41
2.5.
Holiness in the Book of Isaiah .................................................... 45
2.5.1.
Holiness in PI ................................................................................ 46
2.5.2.
Holiness in DI ............................................................................... 49
2.5.3.
Holiness in TI ................................................................................ 51
2.6.
Conclusion..................................................................................... 52
vi
Table of Contents
Chapter 3: Conception of the Land in the Book of Isaiah ....................... 53

3.1.
Introduction .................................................................................. 53
3.2.
Cultic Conception of the Land in the Law ................................ 53
3.3.
Examples of Cultic Conception of the Land in the Prophets . 55
3.3.1.
Hosea.............................................................................................. 56
3.3.2.
Jeremiah ......................................................................................... 57
3.3.3.
Ezekiel ............................................................................................ 60
3.4.
Land in the Book of Isaiah........................................................... 61
3.5.
Conclusion..................................................................................... 70
Conclusion of Part I ..................................................................................... 72
PART II
Chapter 4: Cult and Ethics in Isaiah 1:10-17 ............................................. 75
4.1.
Introduction .................................................................................. 75
4.2.
Historical Background of Isa 1:10-17 ......................................... 76
4.3.
Literary Genre of Isa 1:10-17 ....................................................... 81
4.4.
Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 1:10-17 ..... 85
4.4.1.
Stanza I (v. 10) ............................................................................... 89
4.4.2.
Stanza II (v. 11) ............................................................................. 89
4.4.3.
Stanza III (vv. 12-13)..................................................................... 90
4.4.4.
Stanza IV (vv. 14-15) .................................................................. 100
4.4.5.
Stanza V (vv. 16-17) .................................................................... 101
4.5.
Functional Analysis of Isa 1:10-17 ............................................ 103
4.5.1.
Audible Structure (Surface Reading) ....................................... 107
4.5.1.1. Introduction of the Conflict (v. 10) ........................................... 107
4.5.1.2. Illustration I of the Conflict (vv. 11 13b)............................... 108
4.5.1.3. Reason I for the Conflict (v. 13c) .............................................. 108
4.5.1.4. Illustration II of the Conflict (vv. 14 15b) ............................. 108
4.5.1.5. Reason II for the Conflict (v. 15c) ............................................. 109
4.5.1.6. Solution to the Conflict (vv. 16-17)........................................... 109
4.5.2.
Readable Structure (Close Reading) ........................................ 109
4.5.2.1. Call to Instruction (v. 10) ........................................................... 110
4.5.2.2. Sacrifices I and II (A - A, vv. 11 and 16-17) ............................ 110
4.5.2.3. Offerings I and II (B - B, vv. 12-13a and 15) ........................... 111
4.5.2.4. Festivals I and II (C - C, vv. 13b and 14) ................................. 111
4.5.2.5. Clash (X, v. 13c) .......................................................................... 112
4.6.
Translation of Isa 1:10-17 ........................................................... 112
4.7.
Conclusion................................................................................... 113
Table of Contents
vii
Chapter 5: Cult and Ethics in Isaiah 43:22-28 ......................................... 117

5.1.
Introduction ................................................................................ 117
5.2.
Historical Background of Isa 43:22-28 ..................................... 117
5.3.
Literary Genre of Isa 43:22-28 ................................................... 120
5.4.
Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 43:22-28 . 123
5.4.1.
Correlation of Cola 22aA and 22aB .......................................... 125
Excursus: The Case for Consecutive
5.4.2.
5.4.3.
5.4.4.
5.4.5.
5.5.
5.5.1.
5.5.2.
5.5.3.
5.6.
5.7.
yKi .................................................. 128
Structure of Verse 25 .................................................................. 130

Structure of Verse 26 .................................................................. 133
Progress in Verse 27 ................................................................... 134
Colon 28aA A Later Addition? .............................................. 135
Functional Analysis of Isa 43:22-28 .......................................... 141
Stanza I: Correlation of 22 and 23-24 ....................................... 141
Stanza III: Correlation of 26-27 and 28 .................................... 146
Stanza II: Relation of 25 to Its Immediate Context ................. 147
Translation of Isa 43:22-28 ......................................................... 149
Conclusion................................................................................... 150
Chapter 6: Cult and Ethics in Isaiah 58 ................................................... 151

6.1.
Introduction ................................................................................ 151
6.1.1.
Allusion in TI .............................................................................. 151
6.1.2.
Eschatology in TI ........................................................................ 154
6.2.
Historical Background of Isa 58 ............................................... 155
6.2.1.
Date of Isa 58 ............................................................................... 155
6.2.2.
Authorship of Isa 58 ................................................................... 156
6.2.3.
Audience of Isa 58 ...................................................................... 158
6.3.
Cultic Background of Isa 58 ...................................................... 159
6.3.1.
Fasting .......................................................................................... 159
6.3.2.
Sabbath......................................................................................... 161
6.3.2.1. Nature of Sabbath Observance ................................................. 161
6.3.2.2. Character of Sabbath Observance ............................................ 162
6.3.3.
Role of Cult in Isa 58 .................................................................. 165
6.4.
Literary Genre of Isa 58 ............................................................. 167
6.5.
Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 58 ........... 170
6.5.1.
Isa 58:1 .......................................................................................... 173
6.5.2.
Isa 58:2-3a .................................................................................... 173
6.5.3.
Isa 58:3b-4 .................................................................................... 176
6.5.4.
Isa 58:5 .......................................................................................... 177
6.5.5.
Isa 58:6 .......................................................................................... 178
6.5.6.
Isa 58:7 .......................................................................................... 179
viii
6.5.7.
6.5.8.
6.5.9.
6.5.10.
6.5.11.
6.5.12.
6.6.
6.6.1.
6.6.2.
6.6.3.
6.6.4.
6.7.
6.8.
6.8.1.
6.8.2.
6.8.3.
6.8.4.
6.9.
Table of Contents
Isa 58:8-9a .................................................................................... 180

Isa 58:9b-10a ................................................................................ 182
Isa 58:10b-11 ................................................................................ 184
Isa 58:12 ........................................................................................ 184
Isa 58:13 ........................................................................................ 188
Isa 58:14 ........................................................................................ 190
Functional Analysis of Isa 58 .................................................... 192
Isa 58:1-3a .................................................................................... 192
Isa 58:3b-7 .................................................................................... 194
Protasis-Apodosis Pairs in Isa 58:6-14 ..................................... 195
Isa 58:13-14 .................................................................................. 197
Translation of Isa 58 ................................................................... 206
Isa 58 and Related Passages in TI ............................................. 208
Isa 58 and 59 ................................................................................ 208
Isa 58 and 56:1-8 .......................................................................... 210
Isa 58 and 61 ................................................................................ 212
Isa 58 and 66:1-4 .......................................................................... 213
Conclusion................................................................................... 215
Conclusion................................................................................................... 217
Appendix 1: Isa 1:10-17 and Priestly Literature ..................................... 221
Appendix 2: Isa 58-59 and Non-Isaianic OT Texts ................................ 227
1.
Isa 58-59 and Zech 7-8 ................................................................ 227
2.
Isa 58 and Ezek 18 and 20 .......................................................... 229
3.
Isa 58 and Amos 8:4-8 ................................................................ 232
4.
Isa 58-59 and Joel 2 ..................................................................... 233
5.
Isa 58-59 and Jonah 3.................................................................. 234
6.
Isa 58-59 and Mal 2:17-3:18........................................................ 235
7.
Isa 58-59 and Ps 73...................................................................... 236
Concluding Remark ................................................................................... 237
Bibliography................................................................................................ 239
Index of Authors ........................................................................................ 253
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank a number of people without whose help and
support this thesis would never have seen the light of day. First and
foremost my gratitude goes to my supervisor Prof. Hugh G. M.
Williamson, a scholar and a person par excellence, whose profound
insight into the book of Isaiah and personal qualities have inspired and
guided me all along. Dr. Paul Joyce, who acted as my interim
supervisor during the last two terms of my second year, was a great
encouragement to me. I have benefited also from Prof. John Barton,
who was kind enough to read parts of my thesis and made many
helpful suggestions. I am especially grateful to my good friends Dr.
Lester Meyer and Dr. Tim Edwards for proofreading and making my
arguments intelligible. For my three years of studies in Oxford, I am
particularly indebted to three institutions. The Langham Partnership
International, UK, and The Olker Foundation, USA, provided financial
and personal assistance, and the Bible School in Martin, Slovakia, who
provided release time. Many thanks go to the Bible School staff,
especially Prof. Paul Berge, Dr. Adrian Kacian, and Dr. Michal Valo,
for working an extra load to cover for my absence. My wife, Bibiana,
has been my loving companion the whole time I would not have
started, let alone finished this work without her. My gratitude to her
goes beyond words. The sparkling presence of our recently-born son
Martin has speeded up the completion of this thesis. I dedicate it to my
late father, Pastor Jn Bohdan Hrobo, a true hero of the Christian faith
under communist persecution, who nurtured my love of the Old
Testament.
Abbreviations
AB
ABD
ANE
BDAG
BDB
BH
BHS
BKAT
BKR
BTB
BTP
BWANT
BZAW
CBQ
CEP
DBY
DCH
DI
DSS
DtrH
EIN
ELB
ELO
Enc Jud
The Anchor Bible

D. N. Freedman (ed.), The Anchor Bible Dictionary (New
York, 1992)
Ancient Near East
F. W. Danker (ed.), Greek-English Lexicon of the New
Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (The University of Chicago Press, 2000)
F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Hendrickson Pub., Peabody, MA, 1997)
Biblical Hebrew
K. Elliger and W. Rudolph (ed.), Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (4th ed., Stuttgart, 1983)
Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament
Bible Kralick, 1613
Biblical Theology Bulletin
Polish Biblia Tysiaclecia, 1984
Beitrge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament
Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Catholic Biblical Quarterly
esk Ekumenick peklad, 1985
Darby Bible, 1884/1890
D. J. A. Clines (ed.), The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew
(Sheffield, 1993-)
Deutero-Isaiah
Dead Sea Scrolls
Deuteronomistic History/historian
Einheitsbersetzung der Heiligen Schrift, 1980
Elberfelder Bibel revidierte Fassung, 1993
Darby Unrevidierte Elberfelder, 1905
Encyclopaedia Judaica (16 vols; Jerusalem, 1972)
xii
ESV
FAT
FOTL
Gibson
GK
GNV
HALOT
HCOT
HUCA
IBHS
ICC
JBL
JM
JPS
JSOT
JSOTSup
JTS
KJV
LW
LXX
MT
NAB
NAS
NCBC
NET
NICOT
NIDOTTE
NIV
NJB
Abbreviations
English Standard Version, 2001

Forschungen zum Alten Testament
The Forms of the Old Testament Literature
J. C. L. Gibson, Davidson's Introductory Hebrew Grammar:
Syntax (4th ed., Edinburgh, 1994)
Gesenius Hebrew Grammar, edited and enlarged by E.
Kautzsch, tr. by A. E. Cowley (2nd ed., Oxford/New York,
1910)
Geneva Bible, 1599
W. Baumgartner, L. Koehler, The Hebrew and Aramaic
Lexicon of the Old Testament, tr. by M. E. J. Richardson (Brill,
Leiden: 1994-2000)
Historical Commentary on the Old Testament
Hebrew Union College Annual
B. Waltke, M. OConnor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew
Syntax (Winona Lake, IN, 1990)
International Critical Commentary on the Holy Scriptures
of the Old and New Testaments
Journal of Biblical Literature
P. Joon, T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (Rome,
1991)
The Holy Scriptures, Jewish Publication Society,1917.
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series
Journal of Theological Studies
King James Version, 1611
Luther's works, edited by H. J. Grimm, H. T. Lehmann, H.
C. Oswald, and J. Pelikan, St. Louis: 1955.
Septuaginta
Masoretic Text
New American Bible, 1991
New American Standard, 1977
New Century Bible Commentary
New English Translation, 2004
New International Commentary on the Old Testament
W. A. VanGemeren (ed.), New International Dictionary of
Old Testament Theology & Exegesis (5 vols; Carlisle, 1996)
New International Version, 1984
New Jerusalem Bible, 1985
Abbreviations
NKJ
NLT
NRSV
OT
OTG
OTL
OTS
PI
RB
S
SBL
SBLMS
SBT
SJLA
SSN
St
T
TDOT
TI
TNK
TWOT
UF
V
VT
VTSup
WBC
WEB
Williams
WMANT
ZAW
xiii
New King James Version, 1982

New Living Translation,1996
New Revised Standard Version, 1998
Old Testament
Old Testament Guides
Old Testament Library
Oudtestamentische Studin
Proto-Isaiah
Revue Biblique
Peshitta
Society of Biblical Literature
Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series
Studies in Biblical Theology
Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
Studia Semitica Neerlandica
Stanza
Targum
G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren (eds.), Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, 15 vols., tr. J.T. Willis (Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1977-2007)
Trito-Isaiah
Jewish Publication Society TANAKH, 1985 (English)
R. L. Harris (et al., eds.), Theological Wordbook of the Old
Testament (Moody Press of Chicago, IL, 1980)
Ugarit-Forschungen
Vulgata
Vetus Testmentum
Vetus Testmentum Supplement Series
Word Biblical Commentary
Noah Webster Bible, 1833
R. Williams, Hebrew Syntax: An Outline (2nd ed., Toronto,
1976)
Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen
Testament
Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Introduction
The present thesis aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion of the
prophetic understanding of the role of cult and ethics in the religion of
ancient Israel. During the late 19th and first half of the 20th century, the
religion of some of the so-called classical prophets was often described
as internal and spiritual in opposition to the external and formal
religion of the priests.1 The tendency in more recent OT scholarship is
to mitigate this opposition in various ways. 2 The present thesis brings
the prophets and the priests closer by proposing that their conception
of cult is essentially the same, reflecting the same theology and cocreating one and the same religion.3 Because a thorough assessment of
this proposal is beyond the scope of this thesis, certain limitations are
necessary. First, the discussion of the priestly and the prophetic view of
cult (Part I) only focuses on some of its key concepts, namely sacrifice,
purity and impurity, holiness, and the promised land. Second, the
testing ground of this proposal is limited to the cult-critical passages in
As discussed below (1.3 and 1.4) in more detail. Many scholars still believe that the
classical prophets interpreted the Torah in a radically new way, Temba L. J. Mafico,
Ethics, ABD 2.652.
For a brief but apt description of the various ways to tone down the differences
between what he understands as anti-cultic stance of the pre-exilic prophets and the
pro-cultic stance of the post-exilic ones, see John Barton, "The Prophets and the
Cult," in Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel, ed. John Day (Proceedings of the Oxford
Old Testament Seminar; London: T & T Clark International, 2005).
Contra, e.g., Hendel who argues for the dichotomy between the two offices: The
prophet and the priest occupied different social positions and were committed to
different hermeneutical stances, hence they interpreted their world differently. He
believes that whereas the priests see a correspondence and mutuality between ritual
and ethics, the classical prophets contrast the ethical with the ritual. Therefore, the
religious views of the prophets and priests are not merely opposed, but are in a
sense incommensurate, that is, their understanding of the order of things is
incompatible. See Ronald S. Hendel, "Prophets, Priests, and the Efficacy of Ritual," in
Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish and Near Eastern Ritual, Law,
and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom, ed. David P. Wright, David Noel Freedman,
and Avi Hurvitz (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995) 191-194.
Introduction
the book of Isaiah (Part II). These areas were chosen because of their
relevance to what appears to be at the heart of the controversy between
the prophets and the priests the role of cult and ethics in the religion
of Ancient Israel.
A methodological objection can be raised that superimposing
modern categories of cult and ethics on the reading of the OT
significantly contributed to the supposed differences between the
priests and the prophets. Contemporary scholarship increasingly
recognizes in OT books what Houston demonstrates in his study on
Leviticus, namely that the distinction so characteristic of Christian
interpretation, between ritual and moral, does not do justice to the
character of this material.4 Even such a fundamental text as the socalled Ethical Decalogue in Exod 20:2ff illustrates that the distinction
between cult and ethics was a foreign concept for ancient Israel where
religion penetrated the entire social life of the nation.5 Green seems to
be correct in saying
the Old Testament knows nothing of religion without morality, nothing of
faith which does not issue in right life and character. Neither does it []
know anything of morality without religion, anything of conduct or
character whose rightness or wrongness is independent of its relation to
God. Hence, in the Old Testament the irreligious men are the immoral
men, and the immoral men are the irreligious men.6
On the other hand, the use of the categories like ethics or cult seems to
be necessary for the understanding of the OT by a contemporary
western-world reader.7 One solution is to demonstrate how these
categories overlap, are interrelated, or even interdependent in the OT.
4
Walter J. Houston, "Toward an Integrated Reading of the Deitary Laws of Leviticus,"

in The Book of Leviticus: Composition and Reception, ed. Rolf Rendtorff, Robert A.
Kugler, and Sarah Smith Bartel (VTSup 93; Leiden: Brill, 2003) 161.
Roland de Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions, trans. John McHugh (London:
Darton Longman and Todd, 1961) 271. Rowley maintains that the entire emphasis of
the Ten Commandments is on standards of conduct in ordinary human relations,
and not on ceremonial acts and summarizes that the will of God is not defined
primarily in terms of ritual acts, but in terms of behaviour, Harold Henry Rowley,
Worship in Ancient Israel: Its Forms and Meaning (London: S.P.C.K., 1967) 40-41.
William B. Green, "The Ethics of the Old Testament," Princeton Theological Review 27
(1929) 153-193: 156. Barton correctly lists religious obligations as one area of the OT
ethics, claiming that in all ancient societies religious observance was a natural part
of the social fabric, and no one could decide to ignore it, John Barton and Julia
Bowden, The Original Story: God, Israel and the World (London: Darton Longman and
Todd, 2004) 77.
As stated by Barton, we cannot explain the presuppositions of another culture to
ourselves without some translation into terms and categories which did not have
Introduction
If cult is described as the vertical dimension of the Law and ethics

its horizontal dimension, many scholars would agree with Jensen that
the vertical and horizontal dimensions go together, equally
expressions of Gods will; and this in turn means that where the
horizontal dimension (social justice, etc.) is lacking, the vertical
dimension (worship, sacrifice) is impossible. 8 However, the nature of
the interrelatedness of cult and ethics in the OT is far from obvious.
One of its most recent explorations comes from Janzen, who argues that
in the Hebrew bible sacrifice, like other rituals, communicates social
meaning to its participants, and like other rituals the meaning it
expresses is a communication of the way one social group understands
the world to be and, therefore, the moral actions that its members
should adopt.9 Janzen specifies that, even though the OT writings of
different social groups concerning sacrifices urge somewhat different
social morality, they all agree on sacrifices communicating the absolute
authority of YHWH and the necessity of adhering to the moral code that
YHWH has revealed to Israel.10 There is no space here to evaluate
Janzens thesis fully, but one has to ask the question: If this were the
case, why would the strongest promoters of social morality in the OT,
viz. the Prophets, have so little to say in support of sacrifices and other
rituals? Janzen justifies the absence of the Prophetic literature in his
study by the actual paucity of references to sacrifice in it,11 but even
the little that is there clearly reads against the grain of his main thesis.
The cult-critical passages that discourage people from practising rituals
would contradict Janzens observation that in DtrH sacrifice becomes
the most obvious way to gauge the nations fidelity to its moral code, 12
and would be contra-productive when it comes to ethical reform for
which the individual prophets called.13 The only way to explain this
8
9
10
11
12
13
exact linguistic equivalents in the culture in question, John Barton, Understanding

Old Testament Ethics: Approaches and Explorations (Louisville, KY; London:
Westminster John Knox Press, 2003) 141.
Joseph Jensen, Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press,
2006) 29.
David Janzen, The Social Meanings of Sacrifice in the Hebrew Bible: A Study of Four
Writings (BZAW 344; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2004) 4.
Janzen, Social Meanings, 8.
Janzen, Social Meanings, 7.
Janzen, Social Meanings, 137. Later on, he specifies that sacrifice does not replace
moral rectitude in Dtr, it simply signals ones moral attitude, Janzen, Social
Meanings, 149.
Janzen agrees with Roy Rappaport that ritual does not only symbolically represent
the social contract, it also contains acceptance of it in the very act of participation,
concluding that ritual demands a moral response from its participants, and it places
Introduction
discrepancy is to suggest that these prophets failed to perceive the

importance of rituals for the enhancement of social morality an
unlikely suggestion indeed. In any case, Janzen adopts a very different
viewpoint of ritual in relation to ethics from the one presented in this
thesis. For him, the purpose of cult is people-oriented to ritualize as
much behavior as possible so he views cult as ritualized morality,14
while the present thesis understands the purpose of cult to be Godoriented (see below, 1.2) and analyses its ethical dimension. It can be
said that it views the cult of ancient Israel as moralized rituality.15
As several quotations of and references to various OT scholars
throughout the present thesis confirm, the idea that behind the ethical
appeals of the prophets might have been the cultic concepts as defined
in the Priestly literature is not a novelty. However, postulating these
concepts as the main reason for what appears to be the criticism of cult
in the book of Isaiah may be considered a fresh alternative to the
interpretation of these (and similar) texts. The fact that the cultic
concepts of the authors of these oracles are only assumed and not
explicitly stated in the book makes the whole inquiry hypothetical.
However, as Barton states, any message makes sense only against a
background of unspoken assumptions, and it is these that this paper
has attempted to draw out and make explicit.16 Since the
understanding of cult and some of its concepts forms the basis of this
inquiry, a more detailed discussion of these must pave the way for the
exploration of cultic concepts behind selected Isaianic passages.
14
15
16
them fully into social roles which they must either fully accept or fully leave,
Janzen, Social Meanings, 20 and 21.
See Janzen, Social Meanings, 36-38.
Thus, e.g., Janzens statement on p. 40 It is ritualized morality that makes ritual
work, and ritual that promotes ritualized morality, can be adopted for the present
thesis as It is moralized rituality that makes morality work, and morality that
promotes moralized rituality.
Barton, OT Ethics, 142.
PART I
Chapter 1: Conception of Cult in the Prophets

1.1. Introduction
De Vauxs definition of cult aptly describes its purpose; cult consists of
all those acts by which communities or individuals give outward
expression to their religious life, by which they seek and achieve
contact with God.1 It is important to realize with Stern that this
outward expression of the religious life of Israelites in what he labels
the Assyrian period was very similar to the one of surrounding nations:
Except for the differing images of their gods, the various nations used
the same cult objects, the same types of incense burners, chalices,
goblets and bronze and ivory sticks adorned with pomegranates etc. 2
Cult consists of rituals. In its cultic sense, a ritual is a prescribed order
of performing religious or other devotional service.3 Anthropologists
agree that where there is a religion, there is a ritual: For it is a mistake
to suppose that there can be religion which is all interior, with no rules,
no liturgy, no external signs of inward states. As with society, so with
religion, external form is the condition of its existence. 4 In the religion
of ancient Israel during the 1st and 2nd Temple periods, the main
responsibility for performing and maintaining rituals was assigned to
priests. Naturally, therefore, the description and prescription of cultic
rituals such as purification and sacrifices dominate the so called
priestly tradition (P and H). Ethics as commonly understood by the 21st
century western world seems to play the role of Cinderella here.5 On
the other hand, there are several texts in the OT that appear to be
1
2
3
4
5
De Vaux, Ancient Israel, 271.

Ephraim Stern, "Religion in Palestine in the Assyrian and Persian Periods," in The
Crisis of Israelite Religion: Transformation of Religious Tradition in Exilic and Post-Exilic
Times, ed. Bob Becking and Marjo C. A. Korpel (OTS; Leiden: Brill, 1999) 246.
J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1989) 13.992.
Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concept of Pollution and Taboo
(Routledge classics; London: Routledge, 2002 (1966)) 77.
For the artificiality of applying cult and ethics as philosophical categories to the OT,
see above.
Conception of Cult in the Prophets
critical of, even hostile to rituals.6 Furthermore, the depreciation of

ritual in these texts is juxtaposed with a commendation of some sort of
ethical behaviour, creating an impression that the role of cult is taken
over by ethics. The fact that most of these texts occur in the prophetic
literature prompted many scholars to explain this discrepancy by
comparing or contrasting the supposed ideologies of priestly and
prophetic literature, or, more personally, the priest and the prophets. 7
Most of the studies on this subject fall into one of two groups those
that view the relationship between the two entities as antithetical and
those that understand it as complementary.
The representatives of the first group often credit the prophets with
antiritualism, promoting an internal religion as opposed to the external
one of the priests. Since, as anthropologists claim, rituals and religion
are inseparable, this antiritualistic attitude of the prophets would be
rather immature and nave. This, of course, is a real possibility, and
various evolutionary models often use this navet to reconstruct the
early stages of Israelite religion. The antithetical hypothesis must also
deal with the problem of the origins of and the reasons for two
opposing ideologies coexisting in one canon.8 The relative dating of the
priestly and prophetic materials becomes a prominent question that
further subdivides this group. Those who put the prophetic material
before P (most notably Wellhausen and his followers) often understand
the priestly influence as overpowering the spontaneous interior
religion of the prophets by the scrupulous exterior religion of the
priests.9 Priestly formalizing of Israelite religion is seen as a step
backward, creating a tension that was eventually resolved in
Christianity.10 Those who date P before the Prophets (most notably
6
7
8
9
10
See, e.g., 1 Sam 15:22; Amos 5:21-27; Mic 6:6-8; Hos 6:6, 8:13; Isa 1:11-15, 58:2-5, 66:24; Jer 7:21-23; Pss 40:6-8, 50:8-13, 51:18-19; Prov 21:3. For lack of a better term, these
texts will be referred to as cult-critical throughout this study.
For a recent attempt to contrast priest with prophets, see, e.g., Hendel, "Prophets,
Priests, and the Efficacy of Ritual."
For the plausibility that opposite views on ritual can coexist in the same religious
culture, see Mary Douglas, Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology (London:
Barrie & Rockliff Cresset Press, 1970) passim.
See Julius Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels, 5 ed. (Berlin: G. Reimer,
1899) 101.
Douglas considers this development unlikely: The history of the Israelites is
sometimes presented as a struggle between the prophets who demanded interior
union with God and the people, continually liable to slide back into primitive
magicality, to which they are particularly prone when in contact with other more
primitive cultures. The paradox is that magicality seems finally to prevail with the
compilation of the Priestly Code, Douglas, Purity and Danger, 32.
Introduction
Kaufmann and his followers) tend to understand the prophetic

teaching as a progress toward the spiritualization of the Israelite
religion, resulting in Judaism.
In spite of many valuable insights, a number of objections can be
raised against both of the theories in this first group:
The insufficiency of the textual evidence for the suggested
developments forces the protagonists to look between the lines
for the supposed contrasts and tensions, so some of the major
arguments are from silence.11
Some supportive arguments are circular, because both schools
excessively rely on their own historical and sociological
reconstructions of ancient Israel.12
These studies interpret the criticism of rituals always in
contrast to, not in connection with the juxtaposed endorsement
of ethical behaviour.
These studies tend to overlook the prophetic texts favourable
toward rituals.
The superimposed dichotomy between priestly and prophetic
material results in a misguided search for two self-contained,
even conflicting ideologies in one canon.13
As the continuous coexistence of both theories paradoxically
demonstrates, these evolutionistic or devolutionistic models do
not do justice to both bodies of literature.14 In the words of
11
12
13
14
The notorious one is the absence of references to priestly writings in the early
prophets and vice versa.
Just as Wellhausen had his reasons for supposing that Second Temple Judaism was
in a state of moral decline, so too Milgrom and Knohl have their reasons for arguing
that First Temple Israelite tradition exhibited a linear positive, ethical development
over time, Jonathan Klawans, Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and
Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism (Oxford; New York: Oxford University
Press, 2006) 51.
What Ben Zvi states about prophetic books even more applies to the cult-critical
texts in them, namely that in order to be accepted as authoritative literature the
world of these books could not stand in a flagrant contradiction with the world of
knowledge and the theological or ideological viewpoints shared by authorship and
primary readership and rereadership, Ehud Ben Zvi, "The Prophetic Book: A Key
Form of Prophetic Literature," in The Changing Face of Form Criticism for the TwentyFirst Century, ed. Marvin A. Sweeney and Ehud Ben Zvi (Grand Rapids, MI;
Cambridge, U.K.: W.B. Eerdmans, 2003) 289.
In this connection, Klawans rightly questions the assumptions that what is more
ethical must be later, and what is earlier is deemed subject to due criticism,
Klawans, Purity, 51. Douglas sufficiently demonstrated that magical practice, in this
10
Kraus, Hegels philosophy of history with its three stages of

development is a system into which the Old Testament texts
cannot be pressed.15
The second group consists of those who see the ideologies of P and of
the Prophets as complementary. The differences between the two
bodies of literature are not due to different ideologies, but to the
different realms in which they operate, the different purpose they
serve, and the different focus they have. The world of the priests is
defined and represented by the Temple and all that belongs to it. The
purpose of their writings is to maintain what the Temple symbolizes
the presence of YHWH in the midst of his people. Naturally, their main
focus is on cult and rituals. Prophets, on the other hand, are thought to
operate outside the temple precincts, closer to the people and the real
world. Their concern, therefore, is society governed by YHWH and
functioning according to his principles, so ethics comes to the fore as a
matter of course. The negative treatment of cult and rituals in the
Prophets is not to be understood as their repudiation, but as a
rhetorical feature that forces the audience to focus on the importance of
their ethical behaviour.
Again, although fruitful and constructive, this approach is not
without shortcomings:
Since the ritual as such is not seen as problematic, the
protagonists of the complementary hypothesis are forced to
look for the true object of the prophets criticism through an
15
sense of automatically effective ritual, is not a sign of primitiveness, nor is a high

ethical content the prerogative of evolved religions, Douglas, Purity and Danger, 23.
Hans-Joachim Kraus, Worship in Israel: A Cultic History of the Old Testament, trans.
Geoffrey Buswell (Oxford: Blackwell, 1966) 19. If only Judaism is taken into
consideration, Barton correctly states that rather than by Hegel or Darwin,
Wellhausen was influenced by Herder and German Romanticism with its belief that
human awareness of the divine does not improve over time; what is earlier is usually
the best, and the later ages of a culture represent more a decline than a progress,
John Barton, "Wellhausen's Prolegomena to the History of Israel: Influences and
Effects," in Text & Experience: Towards a Cultural Exegesis of the Bible, ed. Daniel L.
Smith-Christopher (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995) 327. Levenson also
argues that Wellhausens model of Judaism cannot be classified as Hegelian or
evolutionary, because it works qualitatively in the opposite direction; it is
degenerative, whereas Hegels model was one of increasing manifestation of the
Spirit. However, when Wellhausens view of Christianity with its gospel as the
final, tension-resolving stage is brought into the picture, then the charge seems to be
justified. For further discussion, see Jon Douglas Levenson, The Hebrew Bible, the Old
Testament, and Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians in Biblical Studies (Louisville,
KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993) 11-12.
Introduction
11
oblique approach to the cult-critical texts. The frequent

suggestions are a manipulative use of rituals, excessive reliance
on their effect, performance of a ritual without corresponding
interior disposition, use of ritual to cover immorality, etc.
Besides the lack of textual support, the fact that some rituals
atone for moral failures presents a paradox for these
interpretations.16
The cult-critical language in some statements is too radical and
too straightforward not to be taken literally, and its mitigation
by attributing it to rhetoric does not seem to do justice to the
text.17
The studies in this group allow for very little interaction
between the worlds of the priests and the prophets. If the
ideologies have developed out of the same religion and are
supposed to be complementary, one would expect a significant
interdependency between them.
In addition to the above objections, three methodological faults can be
detected in both hypotheses. First, they often accumulate the evidence
from texts that, although juxtaposing cult and ethics, apply to different
situations or serve different purposes. 18 Second, these texts often
mention sacrifices and, as Klawans argues, the hard-and-fast
distinction between ritual and ethics has prevented scholars from
appreciating the degree to which ritual and ethics are inherently
16
17
18
A good illustration of this paradox is the prescribed sin and guilt offerings for the so
called inadvertent sins in Lev 4-6. As Cothey observes, such sins are not confined
to cases where the sin is a consequence merely of carelessness, accident or
misfortune but can include actions that it would be impossible to commit while
being wholly ignorant of the fact and without some sort of conscious intent, such as
robbing or defrauding a neighbour (6.2), Antony Cothey, "Ethics and Holiness in
the Theology of Leviticus," JSOT 30 (2005) 131-151: 142.
If sacrifices as such were not the issue, one would expect a more mellow tone, such
as in Ps 50:2 Not for your sacrifices do I rebuke you The questions like the
following ones of Klawans often remain unanswered: If prophets speak of sacrifices
hyperbolically (better justice than sacrifice), are we to understand that the priests
and prophets had different priorities? If so, why, and what were they? Klawans,
Purity, 81.
One of the arguments and conclusions of the present thesis is that the efficacy of
ritual and ethics depends on the situation into which the particular texts speak.
Barton rightly accuses those who look for a unified prophetic message across the
Prophets of a Procrustean approach which forces either pre-exilic or post-exilic
classical prophets to conform to the image of the other, Barton, "Prophets," 116.
12
connected and virtually inseparable when it comes to sacrifice.19

Third, scholars often too hastily assume that a particular cultic or
ethical term functions in a text as pars pro toto, using this text to support
their theories about cult or ethics in general. The problem is not only in
applying general categories to a prophetic oracle that addresses a
specific situation,20 but also in not dealing with a particular ritual or
ethical conduct in its own right.
Obviously, the above objections are serious, and dealing with them
would require a separate monograph. Nevertheless, since these
theories have a significant bearing on the interpretation of some of the
key texts in the present thesis (especially Isa 1:10-17), many of these
objections need to be addressed later on in more detail.
1.2. Ritual according to Priestly Tradition

Ritual is used in OT scholarship as a general label for offering sacrifices,
purificatory procedures, and related activities such as fasting or prayer.
As already mentioned, this abstract category is foreign to ancient
Hebrew thinking, so if it is to be used in the discussion of the OT texts
it ought to be defined through what it represents in a particular body of
literature. The goal of this section is to take a closer look at the purpose
of ritual as understood by the priestly tradition. The discussion is
limited to two ritual concepts that are believed to have important
bearings on the understanding of the cult-critical texts in the Prophets
sacrifices and impurity/purity.
19
20
Klawans, Purity, 249. The same applies to purity and impurity; as Rodd correctly
insists, by speaking of purity and ethical systems we are separating concepts which
had not yet crystallized out in Israelite thought, and that ethics within the Old
Testament cannot be divorced from the question of purity, Cyril S. Rodd, Glimpses of
a Strange Land: Studies in Old Testament Ethics (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2001) 12 and
17.
This tendency to generalize is, fortunately, in decline. As Barton states, one of the
great achievements of modern critical study of the prophets has been to stress that
their message was always addressed to a concrete historical situation and that they
did not enunciate theological systems or lay down general principles, Barton, OT
Ethics, 141.
Ritual according to Priestly Tradition
13
1.2.1. Sacrifices
The system of sacrifices is very complex. Any in-depth study on this
subject is bound to conclude that the sacrifices in ancient Israel serve
more than one single purpose.21 Hubert and Mauss are certainly correct
that just like a magic ceremony or prayer, which can serve at the same
time as an act of thanksgiving, a vow, and a propitiation, sacrifice can
fulfil a great variety of concurrent functions. 22 The texts about sacrifices
in the priestly tradition (esp. Leviticus and Numbers) are much more
concerned with the questions of what and how rather than why.
This may be because the meaning of a particular sacrifice was
superfluous being well understood, perhaps even determined by the
worshipper. Courtmans proposal points toward this direction: The
meaning of any sacrificial act must be interpreted in the light of the
motive with which it is offered rather than any significance artificially
attributed to a particular kind of sacrifice.23 The study of sacrifices in
ancient Israel is further complicated by the fact that they were a
dynamic phenomenon, reflecting the theological and social
development of their time. Is it therefore possible to talk about a
meaning of sacrifices in general, or at least about a general meaning of
a particular sacrifice? For instance, even though Milgrom does specify
that hl'[o and hx'n>mi are gifts to God to obtain his blessing or
forgiveness, his rationale behind the sacrifices, based on P, is followed
with the word of caution: [T]he Lord is surely pleased with the
offering of the penitent wrong-doer, but it is not a gift: it is his humble
expiation. Thus, even if the idea of gift is the dominant motivation for
Israelite sacrifice, it is not the only one.24 He concludes his comments
on the theory of sacrifice with a quotation from anthropologist
Bourdillon:
21
22
23
24
For a recent survey of universal theories of sacrifice and their critiques, see Janzen,
Social Meanings, 75-81.
Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss, Sacrifice: Its Nature and Function (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1964) 97. According to them, the unity of sacrifice
comes from the procedure that consists in establishing a means of communication
between the sacred and the profane worlds through the mediation of a victim, that
is, of a thing that in the course of the ceremony is destroyed.
Nigel B. Courtman, "Sacrifice in the Psalms," in Sacrifice in the Bible, ed. Roger T.
Beckwith and Martin J. Selman (Carlisle, UK; Grand Rapids, MI: Paternoster Press,
Baker Book House, 1995) 52.
Jacob Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary
(AB 3; New York, London: Doubleday, 1991) 442.
14
Any general theory of sacrifice is bound to fail. The wide distribution of the
institution of sacrifice among peoples of the world is not due to some
fundamental trait which fulfils a fundamental human need. Sacrifice is a
flexible symbol which can convey a rich variety of possible meanings.25
Being aware of these complexities, it is still not only legitimate, but also
beneficial to attempt to determine what sacrifices were not supposed to
mean for the people of ancient Israel, and what was the primary
purpose of a certain kind of sacrifice.
As far as the first question is concerned, the abundance of textual
evidence makes clear that in Israelite religion, sacrifices were not to be
a magic tool for manipulating God. This point is emphasized over and
over in the Prophets, Proverbs, and Psalms, and also illustrated by
many OT narratives. It was even incorporated into the sacrificial
system, where the sacrifice was offered after the associated event, e.g., a
person was to bring a particular sacrifice only after he or she was
healed. Thus, one can only speculate whence then the view of sacrifices
being magical and/or having power on their own came. Kraus
(following von Wilamowitz and others) believes that the basic pagan
motive for a sacrifice was to influence gods through its magical
efficacy, and, because of many similarities between the cultic tradition
of the Old Testament and of Canaanite religion, 26 this magical efficacy
of sacrifice cast its spell upon the Israelites time after time.27 As for the
idea of sacrifices having power on their own, Rowley suggests that
ancient concepts of unavoidable and involuntary sin, such as childbirth
or cleansing from leprosy, could lead to confusion of ritual and moral
sin, resulting in the use of sacrifice ex opere operato to expiate for both:
Where sin was unwitting or unconscious or wholly ritual there could not
be any true repentance, and the ritual cleansing could only be thought of as
automatic. This could only tend to make men think of all sacrificial acts as
automatic in their effects. This was the attitude which the great pre-exilic
prophets condemned, and it was equally far from the mind of the framers
of the Priestly law.28
25
26
27
28
M. F. C. Bourdillon and Meyer Fortes, eds., Sacrifice (London: Academic Press for
the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 1980) 23.
For the biblical and inscriptional evidence of the similarities, see, e.g., de Vaux,
Ancient Israel, 438-440.
Kraus, Worship, 22, 36, and 122-124.
Rowley, Worship, 131.
15
Also, the natural tendency of humans to cling more to the visible,

physical aspect of religion than to its spiritual dimension could have
enhanced the adoption of these ideas.29
The answer to the question about the main purpose for offering a
certain kind of sacrifice is more complicated. In his short but seminal
article, Marx persuasively argues that the primary purpose of the
sacrificial cult is to establish a relationship with YHWH by means of an
offering.30 He finds it significant that one of the most important
sections on sacrifice, Lev 1-7, is preceded by the story of YHWHs
entrance into the Tent of Meeting, Exod 40:34-38. This sequence
suggests, as a matter of fact, a correlation between YHWHs presence
and the sacrificial cult, with the implication that only if sacrifices are
brought to him will YHWH remain among his people and bless them.31
Different types of sacrifice, however, seem to serve this goal differently.
Marx makes a purpose-based distinction between the sacrifices that are
a pleasant fragrance for YHWH (hw"hyl; x:xoynI-x:yrE) such as hl'[o, hx'n>m,i and
~l,v,, and those that serve to atone (rP,Ki), such as taJ'x; and ~v'a'. He
observes that the presentation of the first set of sacrifices is
characteristically described by the hiphil of brq with YHWH as its
explicit object, whereas there seems to be a reluctance to say that the
sacrifices for atonement are brought to YHWH.32 Because of the above
characteristics, Marx believes that only the first set of sacrifices
establishes communication with YHWH. This does not mean that the
sacrifices for atonement are unimportant, rather that their function is
subsidiary they ritually purify the person when he brings an offering
29
30
31
32
Cmp. John Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah, Chapters 1-39 (NICOT; Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans, 1986) 96.
Alfred Marx, "The Theology of the Sacrifice according to Leviticus 1-7," in The Book of
Leviticus: Composition and Reception, ed. Rolf Rendtorff, Robert A. Kugler, and Sarah
Smith Bartel (VTSup 93; Leiden: Brill, 2003) 111.
Marx, "Leviticus," 105-106. According to Marx, the same correlation is demonstrated
in Exod 29:38-46, where the daily sacrifices, vv. 38-42a, are at the same time Israels
answer to, and the condition for the presence of YHWH, vv. 42b-46. The same
theology is expressed negatively in 2 Chr 29:6-9. Janzen correctly states that the
sacrifices in P [] deal expressly with the difficulty of the placement of the holy
within Israel. He, however, understands the theological function of sacrifice in the
opposite way to Marx, namely that sacrifice plays the necessary role of separating
Israel and its impurity from the most holy presence of God, Janzen, Social Meanings,
103 and 109-110.
Marx, "Leviticus," 111.
16
to YHWH. Thus the sacrifices for atonement are the necessary

prerequisite for the offerings. They are not an end in themselves.33
Marxs careful wording indicates that his arguments are by no
means airtight. It can be countered that texts like Lev 4:31 or Num
15:24-25 blur the distinction between the two categories of sacrifice as
defined above, for the sacrifices for atonement also function as
hw"hyl; x:xoynI-x:yrE. Also, the hiphil of brq with YHWH as its explicit object
can also be used for presenting taJ'x;, as in Lev 4:3, Num 6:14, and Ezra
8:35. On a more general level, it can be argued that even such different
purposes of sacrifice as expiation and communion do not suffice for
clear-cut categorization. As Hubert and Mauss point out, we would
perhaps seek in vain for examples of an expiatory sacrifice into which
no element of communion is interpolated, or for examples of
communion sacrifices which do not in some respect resemble expiatory
ones.34 Nevertheless, Marxs proposal is well supported in the text of
priestly tradition,35 and it seems to reflect the role that this source
assigns to sacrifices accurately.
Marxs conclusion was recently endorsed by Klawans who argues
that just as the tabernacle or the sanctuary with its various elements
serves to symbolize the notion of Gods presence there, a sacrificial act,
being an important part of the worship in the sanctuary, embodies the
same metaphor.36 One of his supportive arguments is that the concern
with the attraction and maintenance of the divine presence accounts for
other frequently promoted aspects of sacrifices, such as the bestowal of
33
34
35
36
Marx, "Leviticus," 111. According to Rodd, both taJ'x; and ~v'a' are concerned with
the removal of uncleanness, resulting either from an impure condition or an ethical
wrong, and so restoring relations with God and avoiding the destructiveness of
divine holiness, Rodd, Glimpses, 17. For more support, see the bibliography there.
Hubert and Mauss, Sacrifice, 17. Marx recognizes this double function when it comes
to taJ'x; see Marx, "Leviticus," 117.
Besides the references listed in his study, see also the Passover and the Festival of
Trumpets offerings in Num 28:19-24 and 29:2-6, where the offerings rPek;l. and
x:xoynI x:yrEl. are clearly distinguished.
Klawans observes the paradox that many scholars speak about ritual system as
symbolic expression since its very origin (mostly thanks to the influence of Douglas
Purity and Danger), but allow for metaphorical (versus literal) understanding of
sacrifice only in a relatively late stage of religious development. According to him,
such constructions of the remote past are ideologically biased and methodologically
flawed. He rightly argues that even such theories of sacrifice as a gift to the gods, as
communion with the gods, or as food for the gods, are essentially metaphorical. See
Klawans, Purity, 32 and 42. For additional support, see Joseph Blenkinsopp, "An
Assessment of the Alleged Pre-Exilic Date of the Priestly Material in the Pentateuch,"
ZAW 108 (1996) 495-518, Hubert and Mauss, Sacrifice, 106-7, n. 9.
17
gifts, provision of food, communion, or blood-ties.37 While

recognizing that a number of sacrificial rituals described in Leviticus in
particular serve an expiatory role on some level (Lev. 1:4; Lev. 4; Lev.
16), he maintains that the daily burnt offerings (as described in Exod
29:38-45 and Num. 28:3-8) are completely devoid of any concern with
expiation.38 On the basis of Exod 29:38-46, it is hard to avoid the
conclusion that the primary purpose of these daily offerings, namely
hl'[o, hx'n>m,i and ~l,v,, and of sacrificial cult in general was to establish a
relationship with YHWH and maintain his presence. Atonement,
facilitated especially by taJ'x; and ~v'a', seems to serve this purpose
only as a necessary prerequisite.
1.2.2. Impurity and Purity

The Encyclopaedia Judaica defines impurity as a concept that a person or
object can be in a state which, by religious law, prevents the person or
object from having any contact with the temple or its cult.39 However, a
closer look at texts addressing impurity reveals that this definition is
only partially correct when it comes to the OT. Adultery or murder are
said to defile, yet a suspected adulteress or a murderer is, at least for
the time being, granted access to the Temple. It may be objected that
bodily impurity is essentially different from the contamination caused
by sin; while the first is real, the latter is metaphorical, borrowing the
terminology of the first to describe the consequences of moral
misbehaviour. However, as Klawans objects, since both impurities
have perceived effects that result from actual physical processes, there
is no reason why either type of impurity is any more, or less, real than
the other.40 The sources are different, but the effects of both
contaminations on the divine sancta are essentially the same. Based on
Milgroms demonstration of the close analogy between the process of
atonement for sin and the disposal of impurity, Schwartz concludes
that because Israels God is repelled not only by physical defilement
but also by sin, the priestly legislators created an unparalleled system
of thought based on the postulate that both sin and impurity invade
and contaminate the divine abode and that unchecked they drive the
37
38
39
40
See Klawans, Purity, 69.

Klawans, Purity, 71.
Enc Jud 13.1405.
Jonathan Klawans, Impurity and Sin in Ancient Judaism (New York, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2000) 33-34. Also, if the land of Israel is regarded as holy in a real
sense, there is no reason to take its defilement metaphorically or figuratively.
18
divine Presence away.41 Looking at the OT concept of purity from the

perspective of the divine presence, more precisely from the perspective
of divine holiness (sub specie sanctitatis Dei), 42 maintains the focus on its
very purpose.43
Even though various impurities have the same effect when
perceived sub specie sanctitatis Dei, for the sake of other perspectives it is
important to distinguish between what Klawans conveniently labels as
ritual impurity and moral impurity.44 The sources of ritual impurity
include childbirth (Lev 12:1-8), scale disease (Lev 13:1-14:32), genital
discharges (Lev 15:1-33), the carcasses of certain impure animals (Lev
11:1-47), human corpses (Num 19:10-22), and even certain purificatory
procedures (e.g., Lev 16:28; Num 19:8).45 The three main characteristics
of this kind of contagion are that its sources are generally natural and
more or less unavoidable, it is not sinful, and it can be reversed rather
straightforwardly by performing various purificatory procedures.46
Being an impurity, it cannot come into contact with what is sacred.
Therefore, as Lev 15:31 implies, it is vital for Israelites to be aware of
their ritual status at all times. The second kind of defilement, viz. moral
impurity, does not automatically result from every immoral act, rather
from committing certain acts so heinous that they are explicitly
referred to in biblical sources as defiling, such as certain sexual sins
(e.g., Lev 18:24-30), idolatry (e.g., Lev 19:31; 20:1-3), or bloodshed (e.g.,
Num 35:33-34). These acts defile not only the sinner (Lev. 18:24), but
also the land of Israel (Lev 18:25, Ezek 36:17), and the sanctuary of God
(Lev 20:3; Ezek 5:11), and this defilement can eventually result in the
41
42
43
44
45
46
Baruch J. Schwartz, "The Bearing of Sin in the Priestly Literature," in Pomegranates

and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature
in Honor of Jacob Milgrom, ed. David P. Wright, David Noel Freedman, and Avi
Hurvitz (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995) 4-5.
This Latin expression is borrowed from Theodore C. Vriezen, "Essentials of the
Theology of Isaiah," in Israel's Prophetic Heritage: Essays in Honor of James Muilenburg,
ed. Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter J. Harrelson (London: SCM, 1962) 146.
The detailed studies of the cult-critical passages throughout the present thesis reveal
that it is mainly this perspective from which their authors evaluate cultic practice. As
Heschel argues, the OT prophets were in tune with Gods perspective of the world
because of their insight into the present pathos of God, see Abraham Joshua Heschel,
The Prophets (New York: Harper & Row, 1962) esp. chapter 12.
For a survey of studies that categorize the impurity in the priestly tradition on the
same basis but use different labels, see Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 3-20.
Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 23. Here he refers to Wright Unclean and Clean, ABD
6.732.
Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 23.
19
expulsion of the people from the land of Israel (Lev 18:28; Ezek 36:19).47
For the purposes of this study, the most important difference between
ritual and moral impurity is that the latter is sinful and cannot be
eliminated by purificatory procedures. Since no ritual can purify grave
sinners or the land upon which the grave sins were committed, the
defilement of sinners and the land by grave sins is, for all practical
purposes, permanent.48 The reversal of this status is only possible for,
and solely up to, God. As Milgrom simply states, the impure person
needs purification and the sinner needs forgiveness. 49 Without Gods
forgiveness, moral impurity brings permanent separation from God,
death and exile.50
1.2.3. Connection between Sacrifices and Impurity

Hubert and Mauss draw attention to the preparatory rites required
before sacrificing in various religions. According to them, the purpose
of these rites is to become sacred, even god-like. A certain degree of
relationship with the god is demanded first of all from those who wish
to be admitted to the sacrifice. Moreover, temporary purity is
required. The advent of the divinity is terrible for those that are
impure.51 The religion of ancient Israel shares this fundamental
concept with other religions. The best illustration is the sacrifice of
well-being (~ymil'V.h; xb;z)< ; since its main purpose was communion with
God, purity was compulsory for offering it in the sanctuary: But those
who eat flesh from the LORD's sacrifice of well-being while in a state of
uncleanness shall be cut off from their kin, Lev 7:20. The reason is not
difficult to deduce: impurity is offensive and repulsive to Gods
holiness; impurity and holiness are antonyms. 52
Following Klawans, two concerns central to the priestly traditions
of the Pentateuch, namely imitating God and attracting and
47
48
49
50
51
52
Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 26. Moral impurity is best understood as a potent force
unleashed by certain sinful human actions. The force unleashed defiles the sinner,
the sanctuary, and the land, even though the sinner is not ritually impure and does
not ritually defile. Yet the sinner is seen as morally impure, Klawans, Impurity
and Sin, 29.
Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 31.
Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 256.
Apparently, moral impurity as defined above blurs the modern distinction between
the cult and ethics, for, even if the cause can be ethical, its effect is cultic.
Hubert and Mauss, Sacrifice, 22.
20
maintaining the presence of God within the community,53 help to

identify the interaction between purity and sacrifices. The imitatio Dei
principle brings out the connection between sacrifices and ritual purity:
By separating from sex and death by following the ritual purity
regulations ancient Israelites (and especially ancient Israelite priests and
Levites) separated themselves from what made them least God-like. In
other words, the point of following these regulations is nothing other than
the theological underpinning of the entire Holiness Code: imitatio Dei (Lev.
11:44-45, 19:2, 20:7, 26).54
The principle of attracting and maintaining the divine presence brings

out the connection between sacrifices and moral purity. Contrary to
the main purpose of hl'[o, hx'n>m,i and ~l,v,, moral impurity is repugnant
to God and repels his presence, for sins such as idolatry, sexual
transgressions, or murder defile the land in such an abhorrent way that
it eventually becomes uninhabitable for the Holy One of Israel. Ezek 811 is the prime example of this principle; here the hw"hy> dAbK. leaves the
sanctuary and Jerusalem as a consequence of the peoples tAldoG> tAb[eAT.
As Klawans puts it, abominable acts undo what properly performed
sacrifice does.55 It needs to be emphasized again that, according to the
priestly tradition, not every sacrifice and not every wrong action has this
effect; it is only those sacrifices and offerings that are intended for
attracting and maintaining the divine presence and those abominable
acts that cause moral impurity. These are related in the opposite way
than is commonly understood: It is not that the daily sacrifice undoes
the damage done by grave transgression. Quite the contrary: grave
transgression undoes what the daily sacrifice produces.56
1.3. Ritual and Pre-Exilic Prophets

This section is limited to the pre-exilic prophets because their
relationship to rituals is the most controversial one. Isa 1:10-17 is one of
the texts that triggered this controversy, and special attention is paid to
the issues relevant to this passage. Unlike the mostly synchronic
discussion of cult above, the focus on a particular period of Israels
history requires us to discuss the date of the sources, especially of P
and H. This question has been a matter of dispute over a century, and
53
54
55
56

Ritual and Pre-Exilic Prophets
21
even a brief attempt to address some of the issues relevant to the

present thesis takes up a significant portion of this section. First,
however, a few words about the limitations of this quest, using Isa 1:1017 as an example.
It is fairly safe to assume that the reason for Gods repudiation of
the cultic practices listed in Isa 1:10-17 was the ethical misconduct of
the people in Judah during the second half of the eighth century BCE.
It is, however, much less clear why Isaiah in this passage used such
strong language in relation to various rituals. Was it just a rhetorical
device to enhance the importance of ethics?57 Or was it that the people
performed the rituals to cover up for their ethical wrongdoings? If so,
was Isaiah reacting just to the cultic practice of the people, or was there
something in the cult per se, especially in its theology, that encouraged
such practice and gave rise to the prophets criticism? Oswalt argues
that one part of the problem was an erroneous interpretation of the role
of cult by the people of ancient Israel:
[T]he understanding was that a representative and the person or thing
being represented could become identical if proper procedures were
followed. Thus the sacrificial animal could become the sinner, and in the
animals death the sinner died. No repentance, no change of behavior was
necessary. What was necessary was that the procedure be followed
exactly.58
Oswalt further points out that the OT understanding markedly differs

from the one above, where [t]he ceremonial activities are but symbolic
of free and responsible attitudinal changes on the part of both God and
worshiper.59 To support this argument, he lists Ps 51:18-19 and 66:8,
Amos 5:22-24, Mic 6:6-8, and 1 Kgs 8:23-53. Rather than giving support,
however, these passages provide an illustration of the problem: the
prophetic passages seem to react against and therefore presuppose the
existence of the first notion, viz. that the sacrifice would take effect ex
opere operato, the selected Psalm passages appear to deny any role to the
cult in their particular situation, and Solomons prayer can be used in
support of both Oswalts quotes above. Furthermore, unlike P, none of
these passages is cult-prescriptive, and reflect only certain aspects of
the cult, not its ideology. Finally, there is the issue of dating with
relation to Isa 1:10-17, and even if the most conservative view is
granted, it is still far from certain that the ideas in these (and similar)
57
58
59
De Vaux, among others, talks here about the rhetorical technique called dialectical
negation, where Not this but that is a way of saying Not so much this as that, de
Vaux, Ancient Israel, 454.
Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 96.
22
texts were incorporated into the eighth-century ideology of cult. The

only general conclusion from the passages above, Isa 1:10-17 included,
is that they reflect a certain development of the understanding of cult in
Israel. The following quote from Rowley brings an appropriate caution
into this discussion:
The Old Testament covers a very long period, and neither the forms nor
the spirit remained unchanged throughout the period. Nor can we assume
a steady and unwavering progress from the lower to the higher in all the
development. The mere routine performance of a ritual act may well be a
very arid form of worship, as the Old Testament prophets realized, and it is
not confined to a single age or to a single point in the development of
religion.60
Even though, as the above quote indicates, determining the cultic

background of Isa 1:10-17 seems almost impossible, it is worth the
effort to look for at least some clues. Once these clues are determined, it
would be natural to turn to the cultic material in the Priestly literature
for their interpretation. OT scholars, however, radically differ over the
question how much of Ps description of the individual rituals and the
stipulations connected with them can be projected into the text from as
early as the second half of the 8th century BCE. Understandably, the
answer is determined by ones adherence to the theories about the OT
sources. The JEDP theory works with the assumption that P is the latest
of the law-codes, dated around 500-450 BCE, and even its Grundschrift
(PG) is not earlier than the late exilic period, so little or nothing of the
law seems to have been known in the pre-exilic period.61 On the other
end of the spectrum are scholars who maintain that, rather than with
the postexilic theocracy, the reality reflected in the Priestly Code
accords more with the ancient life of Israel, which was grounded on
sacral dogma and prescriptions that continued to mould the life of the
Israelites even after the establishment of the monarchy.62
Before evaluating these opinions, two qualifications are necessary.
First, the concern here is not the date of P, rather the antiquity of the
ideas formulated in the individual units of P. As pointed out already by
Driver,
60
61
62
Rowley, Worship, 3.
Ernest W. Nicholson, The Pentateuch in the Twentieth Century: The Legacy of Julius
Wellhausen (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998) 3.
Moshe Weinfeld, The Place of the Law in the Religion of Ancient Israel (VTSup 100;
Leiden: Brill, 2004) 83.
Documentary Theory and Pre-Exilic Cult
23
the date at which an event, or institution, is first mentioned in writing,

must not, however, be confused with that at which it occurred, or
originated: in the early stages of a nations history the memory of the past
is preserved habitually by tradition; and the Jews, long after they were
possessed of a literature, were still apt to depend much upon tradition.63
Second, the purpose of the discussion below is not to evaluate the

major source theories as such, but to see how they square with the
picture of cult in Isa 1:10-17, and, by pointing out their possible
shortcomings and advantages, to determine how much light P can
throw on the discussion of sacrifices and offerings in the 8 th century
Israel.
1.4. Documentary Theory and Pre-Exilic Cult

The absence of what is known from the last four books of the
Pentateuch as the Law in the prophetic literature prompted Wellhausen
to accept Grafs hypothesis of dating the Law after the Prophets. 64 His
arguments are well known and do not need to be repeated here. Also,
there is neither need nor space to evaluate Wellhausens theory in
general.65 However, two of his conclusions that still hold sway in OT
scholarship are of special importance to the present thesis. First,
Wellhausen argues that the Israelite cult of the First Temple was
radically different from that of the Second Temple: frher war er naiv:
auf die Menge und Gte der Gaben kam es vorzugsweise an; spter
wurde er legal: auf die scrupulose Ausfhrung des Gesetzes, d. i. des
Ritus, wurde vor allem gesehen.66 Second, from his reading of preexilic prophetic texts, Wellhausen deduced that the pre-exilic prophets
were unacquainted with the Mosaic Law as described in P. For them,
Wellhausen concludes, the Torah of the Lord (mentioned explicitly in,
e.g., Isa 1:10 or implicitly in, e.g., Mic 6:8) was not concerned with
63
64
65
66
S. R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament (International

Theological Library; Edinburgh: Clark, 1891) 125.
Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 3-4. Wellhausen specifies that this hypothesis should be
assigned to Grafs teacher Eduard Reuss, or to Leopold George and Wilhelm Vatke,
or even back to Martin Lebrecht de Wette.
For a recent evaluation, see Nicholson, Pentateuch, passim.
Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 61. For a recent example of this categorization, see Jensen,
who, when commenting on Haggai and Zechariah, observes that whereas the
prophets of the monarchy were at pains to warn Israel against nave trust in the cult
and in the Temple even in terms that seemed almost to condemn the cult itself
these two make the rebuilding of the Temple an important goal, Jensen, Ethical
Dimensions, 159.
24
rituals, only with social justice and mercy, and, by implication, they did
not consider the cult to be divinely instituted. Obviously, these
conclusions have a serious bearing on the interpretation of texts like Isa
1:10-17, so they need to be addressed at this point.
1.4.1. Fundamental Difference between First and Second Temple Cults?

According to Wellhausen, the radical change from the nave First
Temple cult to the legalistic Second Temple cult was generated by the
birth of P during the late exilic and post-exilic periods. P not only
introduced a scrupulousness to the old cultic system, but also new
rituals and concepts, even a whole new understanding of cult and its
role and place in Israelite religion. Wellhausens proposal is attractive
and makes good sense, explaining the gaps and omissions when
comparing the Law and the Prophets, but it suffers from several
methodological flaws and is driven by presuppositions that recent OT
scholarship has shown to be erroneous.
When it comes to the methodology, Wellhausens view of the preexilic cult incorporates texts that mention cultic practices, but are not
meant to be cult-descriptive, let alone cult-prescriptive. The picture
they offer is, of course, informative, but to compare it with the
minutely-detailed description of the cult in P and to base conclusions
on this comparison is methodologically unsound; it is not comparing
like with like. To list one example related to the topic of this study,
Wellhausen considers the ethical dimensions of passages like Amos
5:21-27 or Isa 1:10-17 to be characteristic of the pre-exilic understanding
of the priestly Torah, but his picture of the Law in the post-exilic period
consists solely of P, not allowing the ethics of texts like Isa 58, Zech 7-8,
or Mal 2:13-1667 to inform this picture.68 Even the differences between
the same kind of cultic texts in P and, e.g., J or D do not necessarily
testify to different cultic stages in Israels history, but, as recently
67
68
Jensen comments on Mal 2:13-16 that the fact that [the peoples] behavior occasions
the Lords rejection of their sacrifices puts us in mind of similar passages from Amos
and Isaiah that condemn in strongest terms sacrifices and other rites offered by those
guilty of oppression (cf. Amos 5:21-24; Isa 1:10-16). Jensen, Ethical Dimensions, 163.
Because of such a different concept of the Law, Wellhausen in his 2nd edition of
Prolegomena even claimed that the pre-exilic prophets did not oppose, but defended
the priestly Torah, which, however, had nothing to do with cultus, but only with
justice and morality (see p. 58 there). This claim does not appear in the 5th edition,
probably because it runs against another of Wellhausens notions that the ethical
motives manifest themselves in the prophets for the first time in history, see
Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 49.
25
argued by Weinfeld, can result from a different agenda and sociological

background of each source.69 For instance, as suggested already by
Driver, the plan of Dt. would not naturally include an enumeration of
minute details as in the case of P.70 Furthermore, as de Vaux argues,
Deuteronomy cannot be used to reconstitute the ritual followed in the
Temple during the years after Josias reform, because Deuteronomy
contains no code of law about sacrifices. 71 Taking shape in the social
circle of priesthood, P is unique in its focus on the execution of the cult,
and there is simply no pre-exilic material of the same nature to allow
for a fair comparison of the Israelite cult in the two periods.72 On a
more general level, Wellhausens methodology suffers from circularity:
in the words of Levenson, he decomposed the Torah into its constituent
documents, taking them out of their literary context, reconstructed
history from those components, and let this history govern their
reading. Thus the historical context replaces the literary context, or,
even more strongly put, biblical history replaces the Bible.73 The
following example from Wellhausens treatment of Isa 1:11-15
illustrates the point: Wellhausens scheme of the history of sacrifice
allows only for a rather primitive picture of ritual in 8th century Israel,
reducing it to only two types of sacrifice, the holocaust ( hl'A[) and the
69
70
71
72
73
See Weinfeld, Law, 29 and 77-94. He is mostly concerned with explaining the
differences between P and D, concluding that the ideological realm of P reflects a
religious-theocentric orientation, while the deuteronomic world has a religiousanthropocentric orientation, Weinfeld, Law, 82.
Driver, Introduction, 138. He, however, considers the silence of D about P to be
significant, supporting the dating of P after D, in the period of the Babylonian
captivity. In general, Driver basically agrees with Wellhausen (as he explicitly states
in the note on p. 141) that the pre-exilic period shows no indications of the
legislation of P as being in operation, Driver, Introduction, 136.
De Vaux, Ancient Israel, 425. He considers this point the fundamental weakness of
Wellhausens theory.
Ignoring this can result in wrong conclusions, as, for example, the comparison of the
understanding of sacrifices in P and J in Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 54-55. Since,
according to him, P puts ein ganz unverhltnismssiger Nachdruck on how, when,
where, and by whom the sacrifices are offered, and J is only concerned with to
whom they are offered, Wellhausen suggests that J derives the legitimacy of the
sacrifice from its addressee, whereas P derives it only from its form.
Levenson, Hebrew Bible, 15. As shown already in the closing years of the 19th century
by die religionsgeschichtliche Schule and Hermann Gunkel in particular, it is possible to
reconstruct the history of the religion without such circularity. For an excellent
overview of the traditio-historical method, see Nicholson, Pentateuch, esp. 31-60. As
Nicholson summed up the objection of this school to Wellhausens method, it
would not do simply to separate the sources from each other, arrange them
chronologically and then solely on this basis attempt to depict the history and
development of the religion, Nicholson, Pentateuch, 32.
26
communion-sacrifice (~ymil'v. xb;z,< or xb;z<, or just ~ymil'v.).74 This picture,

however, squares only partially with Isa 1:10-17, where the ritual
system seems to be more colourful besides hl'A[ and xb;z< sacrifices, it
also mentions hx'n>mi and tr,joq.. At this point, Wellhausens circularity
takes over: because hx'n>mi and tr,joq. are defined as specific types of
sacrifices or offerings only in P, and because P is post-exilic, hx'n>mi and
tr,joq. in pre-exilic texts must refer only to sacrifices in general,
developing their specific meaning later in the cultic history. While this
is a possibility, scholars like de Vaux have suggested that when hx'n>mi
is mentioned alongside hl'A[ in 1 S 2:29; 3:14; Is 19:21, alongside xb;z< in
Jr 14:12; Ps 20:4, and alongside ~l,v, in Am 5:22, it must bear the more
precise meaning of a vegetable offering,75 an argument that applies to
the meaning of hx'n>mi in Isa 1:10-17 as well. As for tr,joq., Nielsen in his
monograph on incense sufficiently demonstrated that the cultic use of
incense was strong already in early monarchic times.76 He agrees with
de Vaux that since to offer incense was customary in other surrounding
nations, especially in Egypt, it certainly existed in Israel from ancient
times.77 Clearly the variety of the sacrifices in Isa 1:10-17 points to a
much richer Sitz im Kult than the Documentary Theory allows.
When it comes to presuppositions, even though Wellhausen does
not exclude the possibility of the existence of elaborate rituals in preexilic Israelite worship, he considers it much more likely that die ausschliessliche Legitimitt einer so bestimmten Opferordnung, wie sie im
Priesterkodex als die einzig mgliche in Israel gilt, eine Vorstellung ist,
die sich nur in Folge der Centralisation des Kultus zu Jerusalem ausgebildet haben kann.78 There are several problems with this assumption:
First, as far as the bestimmten Opferordnung is considered, Weinfeld
sufficiently demonstrated that in the Ancient Near Eastern documents
from the second and first millennium BCE we encounter prescribed
temple rites that are even more elaborate then those of the Priestly
74
75
76
77
78
There is sufficient evidence in ancient texts to confirm the practices of these rituals
well before the eighth century. For hl'A[ see, e.g., Judg 6:26-28 and 13:15-20, 1Sam
7:9, 10:8, and 13:9; for xb;z< see, e.g., Josh 22:26f; 1 Sam 1:21, 2:13, 19:3, etc.
De Vaux, Ancient Israel, 430. See also Norman Henry Snaith, "Sacrifices in the Old
Testament," VT 7 (1957) 308-317. While allowing for a general meaning of tribute,
gift, Snaith maintains that hxnm can mean grain-offering at all periods of Israels
history, see Snaith, "Sacrifices," 316.
Kjeld Nielsen, Incense in Ancient Israel (VTSup 38; Leiden: Brill, 1986) passim, esp. 107.
On his treatment of tr,joq. in Isa 1:13, see 4.4.3.
De Vaux, Ancient Israel, 431. For further support see Rowley, Worship, 84-86.
27
Code,79 so there is no reason to take the highly structured cultic system

of P as an indication of Ps late date. Second, the reason why
Wellhausen takes the centralization of the cult in Jerusalem as a
precondition for P is his conviction that die Centralisation ist mit
Generalisurung und Fixirung gleichbedeutend; und das sind die
usseren Zge, wodurch sich das Festwesen des Priesterkodex von
dem frheren unterscheidet.80 This relation is simply false, for, as
Anderson documented, idiosyncratic and complex classification
system is paradigmatic of all mature cultic centers in the ancient world,
so its absence in Israelite cult before the centralization is unlikely.81
Finally, even if Ps legislation presupposed the centralization of the
cult, it does not follow that this centralization must have been a
historical reality at the time of the texts composition. Lisss recent
suggestion that the literary quality of P contains a significant element of
fictionality that precludes one-dimensional literary-historical questions is a real possibility.82 In any case, while granting a development
79
80
81
82
Weinfeld, Law, 35. Blenkinsopp slightly misses the point when downplaying
Weinfelds argument based on ANE evidence, see Blenkinsopp, "Assessment," 505506. He rightly states that not even Wellhausen went as far as implying that the
rituals detailed in P originated at the time of its composition. However, Weinfeld
primarily argued not for the pre-exilic origin of particular rituals, but for the preexilic origin of a highly developed cultic system in Israel a possibility that
Wellhausen rendered very unlikely. For more details, see the evaluation of
Wellhausen in Douglas A. Knight, Rediscovering the Traditions of Israel: The
Development of the Traditio-Historical Research of the Old Testament, with Special
Consideration of Scandinavian Contributions, Rev. ed. (SBL Dissertation Series 9;
Missoula, MT: Society of Biblical Literature: distributed by Scholars Press, 1975) 6468. Blenkinsopp, nevertheless, rightly objects to Weinfelds use of this evidence in
support of pre-exilic dating of P, stating that the existence of a similar enactment or
practice in another part of the Near East does not settle the date of the IsraeliteJudean parallel, Blenkinsopp, "Assessment," 517.
Gary A. Anderson, Sacrifices and Offerings in Ancient Israel: Studies in their Social and
Political Importance (Harvard Semitic Monographs 41; Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press,
1987) 33, italics mine. It should also be noted at this point that H explicitly posits
multiple sanctuaries, as argued in Jacob Milgrom, "Does H advocate the
Centralization of Worship?," JSOT 88 (2000) 59-76. Milgrom also argues elsewhere
that P allows for multiple sanctuaries as well, see Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 29-34.
Hanna Liss, "The Imaginary Sanctuary: The Priestly Code as an Example of Fictional
Literature in the Hebrew Bible," in Judah and the Judeans in the Persian Period, ed.
Oded Lipschitz and Manfred Oeming (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006).
Scholars generally recognize some utopian features of P, especially in its account of
the Tabernacle, and some, including Wellhausen, use these to illustrate the fictional
character of P. Liss correctly observes that Wellhausen did not differentiate between
fictional and fictitious literature. To him, the Priestly Code as fiction meant over
all a splendid faking of the depiction of ancient Israelite cult and, as a corollary, a
28
in the meaning of various sacrifices, it is reasonable to conclude with de

Vaux that the essential forms of the post-exilic cult are found also in
the days before the Exile.83
1.4.2. Pre-Exilic Prophets Ignorance of Mosaic Law?

If, as Wellhausen suggests, the pre-exilic prophets did not consider the
cult to be divinely instituted and were driven not by cultic but ethical
concerns, the cult polemic found in that literature ist eine rein
prophetische, d. h. individuelle, theopneuste in dem Sinn, dass sie von
allen hergebrachten und vorgefassten Menschenmeinungen unabhngig ist, and the whole historical movement of that period ist von Haus
aus und wesentlich prophetisch, ; und sie kann nicht bloss, sondern
sie muss aus sich heraus verstanden warden.84 In other words, P with
its focus on rituals and dated around 500-450 BCE should not be used
to throw any light on the understanding of the cult polemic in the preexilic prophets.
Again, objections can be raised against Wellhausens methodology
and some of his presuppositions. The main methodological problem
with his argument above is that it is argued almost exclusively from
silence, even though in some cases this silence may seem rather telling.
His proof texts (Amos 2:4, 4:4-5, 5:21-27, Hos 4:6, 8:11-14, Isa 1:10-17,
and Mic 6:6-8) do not necessarily support his thesis.85 Even the ultimate
example, Jer 7:21-23, does not have to be read in contradiction to P, as
demonstrated by Milgrom.86 In fact, as shown throughout the present
thesis, some of these texts can be interpreted in the very opposite way,
demonstrating the pre-exilic prophets acquaintance with the main
cultic concepts as outlined in P. Wellhausens basic presupposition is
apparent from his attempt to explain the different treatment of cult in
the prophetic and priestly documents by assuming the interior religion
of the prophets and the exterior religion of the priests. To support this
assumption, he contrasts the spontaneity and indefiniteness in the preexilic literature with the statutory and sharply defined language of P
83
84
85
86
conscious veiling of the Priestly author(s) and his (their) historical setting, the
Second Temple Period, Liss, "Imaginary Sanctuary," 668.
Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 49-50.
For Wellhausens reading of these passages, see Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 57-60.
See Jacob Milgrom, "Concerning Jeremiah's Repudiation of Sacrifice," ZAW 89 (1977)
273-275.
Knohl / Milgroms Theory of P and H and Pre-Exilic Cult
29
when it comes to sacrifices.87 However, as Anderson points out, the

problem with this analysis is that it takes the intellectual task of the
priestly class to classify and order a tremendously wide variety of
agricultural and pastoral gifts and offerings as indicative of a spiritual
demeanor.88 Contra Wellhausens legalistic (and von Rads crudely
materialistic) view of the cult, Anderson assigns the reason for
idiosyncratic and complex classification system in P to the systematic
thinking of P that reflects the attempt of each and every cultic center to
provide order and meaning to the wide variety of gifts and offerings
which it receives.89
1.5. Knohl / Milgroms Theory of P and H and Pre-Exilic Cult

OT scholars already in Wellhausens time differentiated between P and
what Klostermann later labelled Heiligkeitsgesetz - the Holiness Code
(H).90 According to Knohl, Wellhausens ideas about the history of
ritual worship of ancient Israel are to be blamed for the wide
acceptance of the theory that there is a collection of laws antedating P
that underlies the Holiness Code and that scribes of the P school edited
this early collection at the time they included it in their writings.91
Knohl has introduced a radically different theory, namely that the
school of H is later than P, and that H is Ps redactor. In spite of some
reservations and disagreements, 92 Milgrom emphatically accepts
Knohls thesis and elaborates on it:
87
88
89
90
91
92
See Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 101.

Anderson, Sacrifices, 33.
Anderson, Sacrifices, 33.
August Klostermann, Der Pentateuch, Beitrge zu seinem Verstndnis und seiner
Enstehungsgeschichte (Leipzig: 1893) 368-418. Even though H initially referred to
Leviticus 17-26, scholars subsequently found its linguistic and stylistic features in
other parts of P.
Israel Knohl, The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness School
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1995) 2.
Both Knohl and Milgrom base their criteria for identifying H passages in the
Pentateuch on the linguistic features of Leviticus 17-26, and end up with a more or
less similar body of texts ascribed to H, as the comparison of Knohls list of proposed
H passages on pp. 104-106 with Milgroms comments on these passages in his
commentary on Leviticus reveals. Less agreement between the two scholars is found
in their attempt to reconstruct characteristic features of the two documents (for some
examples, see Appendix 1). For the purposes of the present thesis, it is important to
note that the major difference between Knohl and Milgrom is in the understanding
of the relationship between morality and cult in P. For more details on this issue, see
30
What can unquestionably be accepted from Knohls study is that H arose

from the socioeconomic crisis at the end of the eighth century. And as H
also includes the redaction of P, this can only mean that H is the terminus
ad quem of P and, hence, that P not just its teachings but its very texts
was composed not later than the middle of the eighth century (ca. 750
B.C.E.).93
Needless to say, if Knohl/Milgroms theory is correct, it would throw a

lot of light on the cultic background of pre-exilic cult-critical passages
like Isa 1:10-17. Even though an adequate testing of this theory is far
beyond the scope of the present thesis, one hypothesis resulting from
its potential implications should be examined: if, as widely accepted,
Isaiah was connected with the Temple in Jerusalem, and if the time of
the Isa 1:10-17 composition squares with the formation of H, then this
passage, which deals with one of the main themes of the priestly
schools the relationship between cult and ethics should in some way
reflect the characteristic ideological, literary, and linguistic features of
such a significant contemporary theological development. To be sure,
Milgrom and Knohl already commented on the possible connection
between H and the eighth-century prophets. Milgrom states that H
endorses the prophetic program of social justice and located fifty-five
individual ethical commandments in H, most of which are directed
against social abuses.94 Knohl even suggested a living, direct
relationship between the prophet [Isaiah] and contemporary Priestly
circles living in the area of Isaiahs preaching. According to him, the
most important link is the same concept of the relationship between
holiness and morality: he maintains that one of the unique features of
H is the infusion of holiness with morality, and that Isaiah is the only
prophet who unequivocally expresses the moral dimension of
holiness.95 However, Knohl (somewhat surprisingly) uses Isa 1:10-17 as
an illustration of a fundamental disagreement between Isaiah and HS
[Holiness School] on the relation of morality to the cult, because he
reads this passage as a claim that God desires not the offerings of Israel
and their Sabbaths but the correction of social-moral injustice.96 Also
93
94
95
96
Knohls response to Milgrom on pp. 225-230 and Milgroms response to Knohl in:
(AB 3B; New York, London: Doubleday, 2001) 2440-2446.
(AB 3A; New York: Doubleday, 2000) 1362. In Milgroms opinion, there exists a
striking parallel in the structure of the book of Isaiah with the one of Leviticus (pp.
1364-1367).
Knohl, Sanctuary, 213.
Knohl / Milgroms Theory of P and H and Pre-Exilic Cult
31
Milgrom reads this passage as a condemnation of the 8 th century

Israelite cult.97 Paradoxically, as Chapter 4 demonstrates, Isa 1:10-17 can
be understood in such a way that what appears to Knohl and Milgrom
as a disconnection between H and Isaiah over the issues of cult is, in
fact, to be regarded as another argument in support of their theory: if
Isa 1:10-17 is read sub specie sanctitatis Dei, its treatment of cult and
ethics is fully compatible with that of H. In addition, as Appendix 1
shows, the testing on the literary and linguistic grounds (rhetorical
analysis) speaks strikingly in favour of the links between Isa 1:10-17
and H.98 Although Knohl/Milgroms theory is still far from being
generally accepted in OT studies, one consensus has already resulted
from theirs and other predominantly Jewish scholars work, namely
that the Priestly material in the Pentateuch was not spun out of thin air
in the exilic or post-exilic period, but embodies more ancient tradition,
especially laws.99
As the discussion so far has shown, there are no convincing
arguments to eliminate the possibility that the cultic concepts of
sacrifice and purity/impurity were understood in 8 th century Israelite
religion essentially as defined in P.100 Generally speaking, one coherent
cultic tradition within the OT should remain a real option. Wellhausen
is certainly correct that the exile experience must have been
instrumental in shaping Israels cultic tradition, but it is very unlikely
97
Milgrom states: It is hardly to be expected that Isaiah and Micah, who focus on the
grievous moral injustices in the land, would be concerned with cultic matters. On the
contrary, even if worship were centralized in the Jerusalem Temple, they roundly
condemned it (Isa 1:11-17; Mic 6:6-7), Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22, 1512. Elsewhere,
Milgrom considers the prophetic movement as one of the major influences or even
the trigger of the shift from P to H, when stating: It would take the momentous
events at the end of the eighth century, which led to an infusion of refugees from
northern Israel and the prophetic rebuke concerning the social and economic
injustices gripping the land, to provoke a major Priestly response which resulted in
the creation of the radically news vistas and ideology of H, Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16,
34. Also Knohl arrives at the same conclusion on p. 216. They both, however,
understand the 8th century prophetic view of cult to be incompatible with the
ideology of H.
98 The reason for placing this rhetorical analysis in an appendix is that, according to
some scholars, it is methodologically rather dubious, as shown, e.g., in 6.6.4.
99 Nicholson, Pentateuch, 220.
100 If P, as the consensus now stands, was composed after the time of Isaiah of
Jerusalem, it might have only systematized the already existing cultic concepts in
question. Blenkinsopps word of caution should be kept in mind when it comes to
Ps individual textual units: In principle, any of these could be of considerable
antiquity, but each must be considered on its own merits, Blenkinsopp,
"Assessment," 517.
32
that such a process would ignore, let alone contradict, the message of
the pre-exilic and exilic prophets who predicted this exile, struggled to
interpret it, and were venerated by it. It seems that it was not the
development from naivety to legalism that caused the cult in P to look
at odds with some other OT material, rather the fact that the Hebrew
Bible is, as Levenson puts it, a most unsystematic book.101
1.6. Implications
The above observations throw some light on those cult-critical texts in
the Prophets that mention sacrifices and offerings. It is remarkable that
these texts use hl'[o, hx'n>mi, and ~l,v,, 102 but never taJ'x; and ~v'a'.103 Of
course, this absence does not have to be intentional; the expiatory
offerings might have been a later development. It can also be argued
that even if the prophets did know about sin and guilt offerings, they
were not keen on the technicalities of the ritual,104 so they just used
more common and general terms for ritual practices. Whatever the
reason, this absence speaks against a proposal that the prophets
criticized sacrifices because the people performed them with the
intention of covering up for their ethical trespasses. The exclusive use
of hl'[,o hx'n>mi, and ~l,v, seems to suggests that the primary interest of the
ritual performance in these texts was to attract and maintain Gods
presence.105 The conclusion about sacrifices that Klawans based on
priestly tradition seems to be valid for the Prophets as well: Ancient
Israelites conceived of sacrifice not primarily as a solution to the
problem of transgression but rather as a productive expression of their
religious ideals and hopes: the imitation of the divinity, in order to
maintain the divine presence among them.106
Furthermore, the above observations help to recognize concerns
about purity of cult in the Prophets. Although ritual impurity in these
101 Levenson, Hebrew Bible, 18.
102 ~l,v, is mentioned in these texts only once, Amos 5:22.
103 The possible exception may be Mic 6:7, where the prophet speaks of sacrificing the
fruit of his body for the sin of his soul. Outside of the Prophets, the only exception is
Ps 40:6, stating that YHWH does not require taJ'x; (here in a unique form ha'j'x)] .
104 Except, maybe, Ezek 40-48.
105 Barton similarly observes: the pre-exilic prophets who are opposed to sacrifice seem
to me to be overwhelmingly concerned with the kind of sacrifice which accompanies
feasting [] offered with rejoicing and thanksgiving in mind, Barton, "Prophets,"
119.
106 Klawans, Purity, 73.
Implications
33
texts is not nearly as prominent as in the priestly tradition, moral

impurity is very high on the prophets agenda. First, several texts
confirm that the prophets, just like the priests, recognized the impurity
caused by grave sins like murder, adultery, or idolatry. Hos 6:9-10 is a
good example: As robbers lie in wait for someone, so the priests are
banded together; they murder on the road to Shechem, they commit a
monstrous crime. In the house of Israel I have seen a horrible thing;
Ephraim's whoredom is there, Israel is defiled (am'jn. I).107 As a result,
their deeds do not permit them to return to their God, Hos 5:4a. Also
Ezekiel makes an explicit connection between idolatry and defilement:
Will you defile yourselves after the manner of your ancestors and go
astray after their detestable things? When you offer your gifts and
make your children pass through the fire, you defile yourselves with all
your idols to this day (Ezek 20:30b-31a, see also 22:1-4). Jer 7:9-11 is
probably the best illustration how moral impurity upsets the cult:
Will you steal, murder, commit adultery, swear falsely, make offerings to
Baal, and go after other gods that you have not known, and then come and
stand before me in this house, which is called by my name, and say, "We
are safe!" -- only to go on doing all these abominations? Has this house,
which is called by my name, become a den of robbers in your sight? You
know, I too am watching, says the LORD.
This text lists all the characteristic sources of moral impurity. 108 Even
though it does not mention impurity or defilement explicitly,109 it is
obvious that the listed sins are irreconcilable with what the Temple
represents.110
107 Significantly, this account immediately follows v. 6 For I desire steadfast love and
not sacrifice, the knowledge of God rather than burnt offerings.
108 It may seem that stealing and swearing falsely do not belong to this list. However, as
observed by Douglas from Lev 5:20-26, an issue between fellow men (like stealing
and others listed in vv. 21-22aA) becomes a cultic issue by swearing falsely about it
(vv. 22aB- 23aA). The Levitical text uses the oath to raise a civil crime to the level of
sacrilege, Mary Douglas, Leviticus as Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2000) 131. This mechanism is more explicit in Lev 19:11-12 stealing often leads to
swearing falsely by Gods name, thus profaning it. (For the legitimacy of using these
two texts in parallel as the illustration of the same principle, see Jacob Milgrom,
Studies in Cultic Theology and Terminology, ed. Jacob Neusner (SJLA 36; Leiden: Brill,
1983) 47-51.) Douglas adds that this is a standard technique for appealing to a
higher court. So far from being concerned exclusively with the cult it reflects a care
to protect the system of justice, like our penalties for perjury, Douglas, Leviticus, 131.
109 Elsewhere, Jeremiah explicitly states that idolatry defiles the people (2:23), the land
(3:9, 13:27), and the sanctuary (7:30, 32:34).
110 As in the case of Hos 6 above, this ritual impurity account in Jeremiah comes after
the repudiation of sacrifices in 6:20 and the call to social justice in 7:5-6. Klawans
points in the right direction when insisting that for Jeremiah, the rejection of
34
The prophets took moral impurity very seriously, for, as it appears,

they also believed that no ritual could purify the person or the object
defiled by it. Once its level reached the point when YHWH became
weary of relenting (Jer 15:6), the doom was inevitable: the people
would be purified only by capital punishment, and the land by
purging out its inhabitants. The inevitability of the capital punishment
and the exile as predicted by, e.g., Amos 7:11b (Jeroboam shall die by
the sword, and Israel must go into exile away from his land) finds its
explanation in, e.g., Num 35:33 (You shall not pollute the land in
which you live; for blood pollutes the land, and no expiation can be
made for the land, for the blood that is shed in it, except by the blood of
the one who shed it), and Lev 18, where the people are warned not to
defile themselves with the abominations of the nations that were before
them, lest the land vomits them out for defiling it (vv. 24-30).
The priests as well as the prophets knew that the best cure for the
illness called moral impurity was prevention. The following quote from
Marx aptly describes the mechanism that was their ongoing concern:
Each Israelite is called to draw near to YHWH with his offering, and to
enjoy YHWHs presence. And YHWHs presence has repercussions for
each Israelite who must behave in perfect accordance with YHWHs
commandments, and is in this way ultimately responsible for YHWHs
presence or absence among His people.111 As the story about the death
of Aarons sons in Lev 10 graphically illustrates, it was vital for the
people to follow the commandments when they hw"hy> ynEp.li WbyrIq.Y:w: (v.
1). Because it was a matter of life and death to distinguish vd<Qoh; !yBe
rAhJ'h; !ybeW ameJ'h; !ybeW lxoh; !ybeW (v. 10), priests are to teach the people
hw"hy> rB,DI rv,a] ~yQixuh;-lK' (vv. 10-11). Interestingly, the same words
occur in Ezek 22:26, where the priests neglect of this very task (along
with disregard of the Sabbaths) is listed as one of the reasons why
YHWH consumed the people with the fire of his wrath (v. 31, notice the
similarity with Lev 10:2), a reference to the exile. In addition, the rest of
Ezek 22 is probably the most complete description of Israels moral
impurity.
It should be clear by now how the concept of moral impurity is
operative in some of the texts with strong cult-critical language such as
Isa 1:11-15 or Amos 5:21-23. When the person, the sanctuary, and the
land are defiled by the sin for which no ritual can atone, to perform the
rituals that are designed to attract and maintain Gods presence is to
sacrifice (6:20) must be closely related to his warning that the temple would be
destroyed (7:1-15), Klawans, Purity, 91.
111 Marx, "Leviticus," 119.
Conclusion
35
bring impurity into the presence of holiness. No matter how well

intended and performed, these rituals become counterproductive,
repulsing Gods presence.
1.7. Conclusion
This chapter is too short to do justice to such complex and controversial
issues, so the following conclusions are only preliminary and must be
further shaped by a careful exegesis of the OT texts that address these
issues.
It seems likely that the priestly concept of sacrifice and purity is
compatible with how these rituals were understood by the prophets.
For the priests as well as the prophets, the main purpose of cult was the
same attracting and maintaining the presence of God within the
community.112 The reason why the priests were more occupied with
ritual impurity and the prophets with moral impurity may be found in
their different standpoints the priests guarded the presence of God
from the inside of the Temple, the prophets from the outside. It seems
plausible that, far from being antiritualistic, the prophets took very
seriously the purpose of rituals and therefore also the defilement
caused by grave sins (moral impurity).113 What often appears to be the
prophets zeal for ethics may, in fact, be their zeal for Gods presence in
the midst of his people.114 Certainly, ethical misbehaviour is taken very
seriously; however, the reason may not be because of how such
112 As Kaiser stated: In Israel, we should not suppose that the work of the priests and
the prophets was completely distinct. With different degrees of exclusiveness, the
work of both theses groups was connected with the temple, as the place of the
presence of God, who approached the community for sacrifices of intercession and
thanksgiving, Otto Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12: A Commentary, trans. John Bowden, 2nd ed.
(OTL; London: SCM, 1983) 25. Douglas goes even further, stating that one serious
look at Leviticus shows that there is no line-up of priest and prophet, and no conflict
between internal versus external religion, or justice versus ritual, Mary Douglas,
"Holy Joy: Rereading Leviticus: The Anthropologist and the Believer," Conservative
Judaism 46, no. 3 (1994) 3-14: 10.
113 This understanding is more explicit after the exile. Referring to Isa 24:5, 27:9, Dan
11:31, 12:10a, Zech 3, 5, and 13:1-2, Gammie showed how the apocalyptic writers
held a profound conviction that human acts of defiance against the divine sovereign
can pollute land as well as persons, John G. Gammie, Holiness in Israel (Overtures to
Biblical Theology; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1989) 183-184.
114 Oswalt seems to be correct when claiming that the presence of God is ultimately
what biblical religion is all about, John Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah, Chapters 40-66
(NICOT; Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1998) 505.
36
misbehaviour affects ones neighbour or the society, but how the

defilement caused by it affects the presence of God. If granted, then the
value of ethics for the prophets was determined by cult, not vice versa
as is often assumed. In such case, one can think of moral (im)purity as
the ethical dimension of cult.
Chapter 2: Conception of Holiness

2.1. Introduction
Holiness is one of the essential attributes of God, intrinsically
connected with his presence. Its manifestation is akin to, if not
synonymous with, hw"hy>-dAbK., with the distinction that while holiness
marks out [Gods] inaccessible exaltation and power, which are
restrictive on human activities, His glory exhibits Him in His earthly
and visible self-manifestation.1 For this reason the concept of holiness
plays an important part in the religion of ancient Israel.2
Holiness in the OT is attributed not only to God, but also to people,
things, places, or festivals. However, as Jones points out, it was only in
virtue of its relation to God as his property that anything became holy. 3
According to him, this derivative holiness results from the Hebrew
conception of property: the Hebrews thought of a mans property as
being in some sense an extension of his personality, and applied this
view to Gods property as well what belongs to God participates in
his wholeness which is a personal wholeness. 4 Even though at this
point Jones falls into an etymological trap of connecting the Hebrew
3
4
Owen C. Whitehouse, "Holiness: Semitic," in Encyclopdia of Religion and Ethics, ed.

James Hastings, John A. Selbie, and Louis H. Gray (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1913)
758. Jacob states that Gods glory is a visible extension for the purpose of
manifesting holiness to men, Edmond Jacob, Theology of the Old Testament (London:
Hodder & Stoughton, 1958) 79. This connection is best illustrated in the book of
Ezekiel. As Gammie argues, the vision that is the basis of the inspiration for
Ezekiels priestly prophecy (chapters 1-3), his vision of the return of God to
Jerusalem (expanded by his school in chapters 40-48), and his vision of the initial
departure of the divine glory from Jerusalem (chapters 8-11) are visions of holiness,
Gammie, Holiness, 49.
Ringgren even claims that the notion of holiness holds a central position in Israelitic
religion, Helmer Ringgren, The Prophetical Conception of Holiness (Uppsala
Universitets rsskrift 12; Uppsala: A.-B. Lindquist, 1948) 3.
O. R. Jones, The Concept of Holiness (London: Allen and Unwin, 1961) 107.
Jones, Concept of Holiness, 92 and 94.
38
Conception of Holiness in the Book of Isaiah
term for holy with the English term wholeness, 5 his main idea
stands: the land, the temple, etc. are not holy by themselves, but
because they belong to holy God. Jones erroneous notion of what
belongs to God participates in his wholeness may imply that for God
to disown his land or his people means to become incomplete.
However, as Milgrom states, these things are termed holy by virtue of
divine dispensation and therefore this designation is always subject to
recall.6
This chapter focuses predominantly on Gods holiness: first on its
connection with purity, then on its essence (cultic and/or ethical), and
finally on its use in the book of Isaiah.
2.2. Holiness and Purity

The close relationship between holiness and purity in the OT is
unanimously acknowledged. Gammie has persuasively demonstrated
that holiness summoned Israel to cleanness throughout the entire
Hebrew Scriptures.7 The reason behind this call for purity is in the
ambivalence of holiness it could cause destruction as well as blessing,
as illustrated in, e.g., 2 Sam 6: Uzzah died because he touched what
was holy, namely the ark of God (vv. 6-8), and the household of Obededom was blessed because of the presence of this very ark (v. 11).
Ringgren reads Isa 10:17a as another illustration of this ambivalence:
The light of Israel will become a fire, and his Holy One a flame. 8 He
rightly concludes that the intention behind the purification of the
Israelites, especially before partaking in a cult ceremony, was
evidently partly to remove that which is incompatible with holiness,
partly, so to speak, to put oneself in the state of holiness that is required
by the holy act.9 It comes, therefore, as no surprise that the term vdq is
often related to rhj and sbk, since being consecrated or sanctified
does presuppose a condition of cultic acceptability and purity. 10
5
6
7
8
9
10
On the fallacy of this very connection, see James Barr, The Semantics of Biblical
Language (London: Oxford University Press, 1961) 111-114.
Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 730. These characteristics of derived holiness will become
important especially when analysing Isa 43:22-28.
Gammie, Holiness, 195. He adds: A unity of the Old Testament can be discerned in
this unified response to holiness on the part of Israel: holiness requires purity.
Ringgren, Prophetical Conception of Holiness, 30.
Kornfeld, vdq, TDOT 12.527.
Holiness as a Cultic Notion
39
A closer look at the relationship between holiness and purity in the

OT reveals that most of its illustrations are concerned with ritual
impurities. Holiness seems to be connected with ethics only implicitly,
confining the few instances to only certain parts of the OT. This
disproportion led Gammie to argue that the holiness of God required
different kinds of cleanness for the priests than for the prophets for
the former a cleanness of ritual purity, right sacrifices, and separation,
for the latter a cleanness of social justice and equity in human relations.
He believes that in contradiction to the priests of Israel, the prophets
clearly taught that the holiness of God required the cleanness of social
justice.11 Paradoxically, Gammies own study shows that this
differentiation is untenable. Based on Gen 17:1, he claims that vocation
to moral living was an integral part of the priestly theology of
separation, and concludes his section on the priestly understanding of
holiness by asserting that, even though personal uncleanness and
defilement of the sanctuary had to be dealt with via ritual, both were
deeply rooted in a world view that unflinchingly affirmed that the
holiness of God requires a highly ordered and just conduct with ones
fellow human beings as well as a scrupulous maintenance of personal
purity. Furthermore, he starts the section on the prophetic
understanding of holiness by stating that the prophets of Israel were
heirs of the priesthood and cultus and not least in their conception of
holiness, endorsing Ringgrens statement that the prophets obviously
accepted the cultic notion of holiness, as it is preserved to us in the
ritual laws of the Pentateuch.12 It becomes obvious from Gammies
study that to determine whether the nature of the relationship between
holiness and purity is cultic, ethical, or both depends on how one
defines the nature of the two concepts. The concept of purity and
impurity has already been discussed in the previous chapter (1.2.2), so
the subject of the present discussion is the nature of holiness.
2.3. Holiness as a Cultic Notion

Almost a century ago, Whitehouse stated:
11
12
Gammie, Holiness, 100.

Gammie, Holiness, 25, 44, and 71 respectively, see also 191. These and similar
statements do not presuppose a particular view of dating the sources (such as P to
predate the Prophets), only the antiquity of the priestly tradition as described in,
e.g., Milgrom, Cultic Theology and Terminology, ix-xiii.
40
The conception of holiness when traced to its historic origins among

Semitic peoples is stripped of all the ethical qualities with which our
Christian modern consciousness has invested it. The ethical elements
which have become absorbed into its content entered at a much later stage
in the evolution of ideas which became attached to the term. 13
This idea is developed in Rudolf Ottos influential monograph on

holiness,14 providing a suitable ideological framework for the study of
this concept in the OT, and is especially helpful for understanding the
relation of holiness to cult and ethics. Like Whitehouse, Otto
persuasively argues that the ethical element was not original and never
constituted the whole meaning of the word. According to him, the
ethical meaning only subsequently shaped and infiltrated the terms like
vAdq', a[gioj, or sanctus, whose original and unique substance was nonethical (ethically neutral) and non-rational, a feeling-based response to
the presence of a divinity, the extra Something in the meaning of
holy that Otto calls numinous.15 Correspondingly, when a human
being is encountered by the numinous reality (as, e.g., in Isa 6), the
feeling-response does not result from a sense of moral unworthiness
(caused by the transgression of the moral law), but it is the feeling of
absolute profaneness. Only when this feeling of numinous
unworthiness is transferred to moral delinquency does mere
unlawfulness become sin, impiety, or sacrilege. This dual essence
of sin corresponds to the two kinds of self-depreciation contained in the
religious feeling that arises from moral transgression: we not only
esteem ourselves guilty of a bad action and the action itself as morally
evil, but we are also defiled in our own eyes. 16 Consequently, the
need for atonement results from the feeling of profaneness, i.e., from
the feeling that the profane creature cannot forthwith approach the
13
14
15
16
Whitehouse, "Holiness," 751.

Rudolf Otto, The Idea of the Holy: An Inquiry into the Non-rational Factor in the Idea of
the Divine and Its Relation to the Rational, trans. John W. Harvey, 2nd ed. (London:
Oxford University Press, 1950).
See Otto, Idea, 5-7. The moralization and rationalization of the term holy is to be
distinguished from the transmutation of the actual feeling (as often assumed by
evolutionism), e.g., from a feeling of numinous tremor or uniform custom to a
feeling of moral obligation. Otto rightly objects that, since these feelings are
qualitatively different, the transmutation par la dure is very unlikely. See Otto, Idea,
42-43 and 18.
Otto, Idea, 50-55. Based on this postulate, Otto further argues that the meaning of
sin is not understood by the natural, nor even by the merely moral man; and the
theory of certain dogmatists, that the demand of morality as such urged man on to
an inner collapse and then obliged him to look round for some deliverance, is
palpably incorrect.
Holiness as an Ethical Notion?
41
numen, but has need of a covering or shield against the ovrgh. [anger] of
the numen. As Otto further elaborates, such a covering is then a
consecration, i.e. a procedure that renders the approacher himself
numinous, frees him from his profane being, and fits him for
intercourse with the numen.17
Because of its close connection with cult, Ringgren agrees with Otto
that holiness is a cultic notion. This is easily understood if we
remember that cult is the normal way of getting into contact with the
divinity.18 Study of the root vdq only confirms the ideas above. After
surveying its use in various Semitic languages, Kornfeld concludes
that, even though the original meaning of the root itself can no longer
be determined, every context of the vdq derivatives suggests a
religious-cultic implication. The focus is never on ethical or moral
issues, but rather on an act of consecration, surrender, or dedication to
a deity.19
Based on this brief survey, it is safe to conclude that the idea of
holiness as essentially a cultic notion is well established in the OT,
especially in the Priestly literature.20 Now the question is whether this
idea is consistent throughout the OT, or whether it has been somehow
modified in different bodies of OT literature. More specifically, did the
prophets work with the same (cultic) idea of holiness as the priests, or
did they (through their teaching) supplement this concept with an
ethical notion?
2.4. Holiness as an Ethical Notion?

Contrary to the expectation that the vivid interest in ethical matters
that is characteristic of the prophets should manifest itself in a more
ethical conception of holiness, Ringgren observes that the ethical
aspect of holiness plays a very subordinate part in prophetic
preaching.21 His explanation is twofold. First, he points out that such a
sharp distinction between cult and ethics as we are wont to draw
simply did not exist in the times of the OT prophets. Second, since God
17
18
19
20
21
Otto, Idea, 54.

W. Kornfeld, vdq, TDOT 12.526. Mowinckel even claims that the word holy
practically never has any ethical reference in the Old Testament, Sigmund
Mowinckel, He That Cometh (Oxford: Blackwell, 1956) 381n.
For specification of holiness in P and D, see Weinfeld, Law, 88-94.
Ringgren, Prophetical Conception of Holiness, 22-23.
42
is the source of holiness, the development of an ethical conception of

holiness is intimately bound up with the transformation of the idea of
God as being more decidedly ethical and moral. He credits prophets
with enhancing this new development alongside the old cultic aspect of
holiness (Ottos tremendum).22
While Ringgrens first argument is very likely correct (see
Introduction), the second one finds little support in the OT. God is
pictured as decidedly ethical and moral already in the earliest texts
(e.g., Exod 20:22-23:33), acting as a protector of the weak ones of the
society (slaves, widows, orphans, resident aliens, victims of crime or
misfortune, etc.) and as a righteous, incorruptible judge who makes
sure justice is not perverted.23 In fact, the very first OT use of the word
pair jP'v.mi and hq'd'c. (as well as the first mention of jP'v.mi and the
' . in the OT) in Gen 18:19 characterizes YHWHs ways as
second of hq'dc
ethical.24 In the same passage, Abraham expects of God, the Judge of
all the earth, to act justly as a matter of course (v. 25). Expressions such
as hw"hy> jP'v.mi yhel{a/ used by Isaiah in 30:18 hardly contributed anything
new to the already established idea of YHWH as being decidedly
righteous and just, even ethical according to the standards of ancient
Israel.25 Ringgrens and similar theories about ethicizing of the
22
23
24
25
Ringgren, Prophetical Conception of Holiness, 22 and 24. This idea was formulated
already by Whitehouse. While maintaining that the prophets did not in any degree
diminish, but rather exalted those aspects of holiness that mark out Jahwehs
unapproachable and terrible power and His manifested grandeur, he believes that
the stress which Amos and Isaiah placed on the righteousness of Jahweh and His
ethical requirements shifted the centre of gravity in religion from ceremonial to
conduct, which, in turn, resulted in ethicizing of the conception of the divine
holiness. He recognizes that the ethical elements must have belonged to Israels
religion before the time of the Prophets (since all religion involves social relations
and a social order), but insists that the prophetic teaching gave them a new and
primary importance, and they came to displace the externalities of ceremonial
religion. However, Whitehouse has to admit that what he calls the old and
primitive non-ethical ideas of holiness still held sway and persisted in post-Exilic
Judaism. See Whitehouse, "Holiness," 758-759.
In the case of premeditated murder, justice even takes precedence over the sanctity
of Gods altar when the killer is taken from it for execution (21:14).
As vv. 24-25 confirm, the dialog of Abraham with YHWH can be called ethical
discourse even by modern standards, because it shows that there exists a rule of
justice outside of the will of God and allowing him to be called to account, Ze'ev W.
Falk, "Law and Ethics in the Hebrew Bible," in Justice and Righteousness: Biblical
Themes and Their Influence, ed. Yair Hoffman and Henning Reventlow (JSOTSup 137;
Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992) 87.
For an attempt to evaluate divine justice in the book of Isaiah by contemporary
criteria, see Andrew Davies, Double Standards in Isaiah: Re-Evaluating Prophetic Ethics
and Divine Justice (Biblical Interpretation Series 46; Leiden: Brill, 2000). He comes to a
Holiness as an Ethical Notion?
43
conception of the divine holiness seem to be anachronistic and

presuppose the artificial theological abyss between the priests and the
prophets as discussed in the previous chapter (1.4).
The incorporation of the ethical notion into the concept of holiness
did not result from the prophetic transformation of the idea of God, but
more likely from the prophetic rejuvenation of the idea of the proper
human response to the holiness of God. The following proposal of
Raphael aptly captures this process:
Yet gradually, as the original numinous experience is accommodated to
everyday conditions of life and the teaching of religion, the sense of the
numinous is translated into the sense of the holy and ones proper duties
towards it. Some of these duties will be ritual, others ethical, so that
holiness and morality may come to overlap in the finite world. But this
does not entail that the beginning and end of morality cannot, ultimately,
be absorbed into the holy as its source and judge.26
The ethical response to holiness is not limited to the Prophetic

literature. Ringgren observes that in Deuteronomy (and DtrH), the
meaning of vdq fluctuates between ethical obedience, abstinence from
what is impure, and worship of the one God.27 This range of meaning
is most famously present in Lev 19. Although it appears to be an ad hoc
mixture of ethical and ritual laws, Rodd believes that the present
completed text marks the intention of the final redactor.28 This
intention, according to Rodd, is expressed in the initial call to holiness:
Essential to understanding the chapter is the call to be holy because God is
holy and to do nothing to impair the holiness of this land and his people. It
is less a matter of keeping Gods laws simply because he commanded them
and will punish those who break them, than that both actions which break
ethical precepts and those which infringe cultic and ritual purity equally
affect Israels holiness.29
Reading Lev 19 from the perspective of securing holiness in Israel and,

ultimately, the presence of the Holy One in her midst redefines the role
of ethics and cult as commonly understood: not that ethical concepts
substantiate cult, but cultic concepts substantiate ethics. Probably the
most graphic illustration of this principle are the condemnations of
sexual offences listed in Lev 18 and 20: they are substantiated not by
26
27
28
29
very different conclusion. However, the objection can be raised that judging the
ethics of an ancient Near East text by the 20th century western standards is
methodologically dubious.
Melissa Raphael, Rudolf Otto and the Concept of Holiness (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1997) 130.
Ringgren, vdq, TDOT 12.531.
Rodd, Glimpses, 5, n1.
Rodd, Glimpses, 7. As argued below, this line of thinking is consonant with PI.
44
the harm that they may cause to ones neighbour, but by concerns for
purity, whether of the land (18:25, 27-28) or of the people (18:20, 24;
20:22-26), and for holiness (20:26).30 A more ambivalent example is the
dietary laws (as found in Lev 11 and elsewhere). Milgroms attempt at
an ethical interpretation is especially instructive. He rightly insists that
since God alone is the source of holiness, for people to be holy means
the life of godliness - imitatio Dei. Then, however, referring to texts like
Lev 19, Ps 24:3-4, Isa 5:16 and Isa 6, he states:
The emulation of Gods holiness demands following the ethics associated
with his nature. But because the demand for holiness occurs with greater
frequency and emphasis in the food prohibitions than in any other
commandment, we can only conclude that they are Torahs personal
recommendation as the best way of achieving this higher ethical life. 31
Not only is Milgroms argument based on texts whose use in support of

an ethical notion of holiness is questionable, 32 but, as Houston pointed
out, it suffers from a failure of logic when the cultic element - the
impurity of the unclean animals - is taken into consideration, for the
supposed ethics would demand reverence for something that defiles.33
Instead, Houston suggests a connection between Gods holiness and
human behaviour that does more justice to texts like Lev 11: If the
30
31
32
33
Notice the frequent occurrence of the phrase hw"hy> ynIa] at the end of the prohibitions
there. An interesting attempt to explain the ritual character of these prohibitions
comes from Andr. Based on the fact that both chapters combine the prohibitions of
sexual uncleanness with prohibitions of idolatry (18:21; 20:2-5), he suggests that the
laws concerning sexual uncleanness might be based on a refusal to divinize any
aspect of sexuality, G. Andr amej,' TDOT 5.331. Milgrom believes that in contrast
to P, Hs doctrine of pollution is nonritualistic. His arguments are that the uses of
amej' in passages like 18:20 [mistakenly quoted as 21], 24 and 19:31 are metaphoric
and that the polluted land cannot be expiated by ritual, and, hence, the expulsion of
its inhabitants is inevitable (18:24-29; 20:22 [mistakenly quoted as 2]), Milgrom,
Leviticus 1-16, 49. For the repudiation of the metaphorical use of amej', see 1.2.2 above.
While the second statement is by itself correct, its use as an argument for
nonritualistic doctrine of pollution is twisted. Milgrom elsewhere (p. 710) assigns
Num 35:33, from which the idea of no expiation for the land comes, to P, so it cannot
be used to characterize the doctrine of H. If Num 35:33 is assigned to H, Knohl
correctly states that just as the priests atone for the impurity of the Temple through
the sprinkling of blood, so too may the land be atoned for from the impurity
imparted to it by the murder victims blood, Knohl, Sanctuary, 179. Knohl argues
that H attempted to do just the opposite of nonritualization to integrate the laws
of morality and social justice into the religious-cultic corpus, Knohl, Sanctuary, 178.
This way of arguing is harmonious with the search for the ethical dimension of cult
or moralized rituality as described in the Introduction.
Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 731, italics mine.
The Isaianic passages are discussed below.
For the details, see Houston, "Deitary Laws of Leviticus," 149-150.
Holiness in the Book of Isaiah
45
attainment of holiness which is the goal of the law in Leviticus 11 is

held to involve imitatio Dei, it would seem to make more sense to argue
that Israel is commanded to avoid what is unworthy of the presence of
God.34 This in daily life means refraining from every kind of impurity,
regardless of its source. The only moral in a text like Lev 11 is of
principle: It is important for our present purpose to understand that
this religious idea, as we would understand it, is also an ethical idea.
Loyality to ones superior is a key moral duty in most ancient
societies.35 However, sub specie sanctitatis Dei, the reason for sexual,
dietary or any other prohibitions in Leviticus is cultic, namely
preservation of holiness via purity. This perspective of the divine
holiness rearranges the relations between the discussed concepts as
follows: It might seem to us that impurity was treated as a sin, but the
reverse is probably the case: to break ethical norms is a form of
impurity and impairs the holiness of Israel before the holy God.36
Chapters 4-6 demonstrate how the cult-critical passages in the book of
Isaiah are to be read sub specie sanctitatis Dei. First, however, it needs to
be determined how the above described concept of holiness squares
with its use throughout this book.
2.5. Holiness in the Book of Isaiah

Commentators often suggest that Gods holiness is an important
concept in the book of Isaiah,37 bringing to attention the frequent
occurrence of the otherwise rare divine epithet laer"f.yI vAdq. throughout
the book and the significance of ch. 6 with the famous trisagion.38
34
35
36
37
38
Houston, "Deitary Laws of Leviticus," 150. Wrights response to Milgrom is basically

the same: [The] negative characterization of nonpermitted animals seems to me not
to support a desire to inculcate a reverence for animal life. A different motivating
ideology lies at the base of the food prohibitions in Leviticus 11: a desire that the
people remain holy, David P. Wright, "Observations on the Ethical Foundations of
the Biblical Dietary Laws: A Response to Jacob Milgrom," in Religion and Law:
Biblical-Judaic and Islamic Perspectives, ed. Edwin Brown Firmage, Bernard G. Weiss,
and John W. Welch (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 197.
Houston, "Deitary Laws of Leviticus," 157.
Rodd, Glimpses, 8. He correctly concludes on the same page: Securing holiness in
Israel requires both obedience to the ethical norms and upholding ritual purity.
E.g., Gammie states that the holiness of God plays a significant role in the theologies
of Isaiah of Jerusalem and his successors, Gammie, Holiness, 72.
In one of his articles, Roberts attempts to demonstrate that if there is any one
concept central to the whole Book of Isaiah, it is the vision of Yahweh as the Holy
46
Williamson puts this by and large correct assumption into a more

nuanced perspective. First, based on the numerous indications that the
only two occurrences of laer"f.yI vAdq. in Isa 56-66 (60:9 and 14) may be
attributed to DIs direct influence (citation or allusion) and on their
secondary role in this text, he states that this divine title was not of
great significance for Trito-Isaiah, and it cannot be held to be in any
way central to his thought.39 Second, by reducing the fourteen
occurrences of laer"f.yI vAdq. and its variants in the text of PI to those five
that can be unquestionably assigned to the 8th century prophet (5:19;
30:11, 12, 15; 31:1) and by considering the probable date of these
utterances in the prophets career, Williamson demonstrates that Isaiah
himself made only occasional use of this divine title, and that mainly, if
not entirely, in the final stages of his long ministry. 40 Therefore,
Williamson concludes, it was Isaiahs later editors, DI in particular,
who picked up the title laer"f.yI vAdq. and made it characteristic of the
book, thus echoing the trisagion in what they considered to be the most
influential experience of the 8 th century prophet his vision in ch. 6.
2.5.1. Holiness in PI
With the number of uses of the title laer"f.yI vAdq. that can be assigned to
Isaiah of Jerusalem significantly reduced, can the concept of holiness
still be considered central to his theology? In other words, has the
vision in Isa 6 as profound an influence on the 8 th century prophet as
the editors of his material thought? Vriezens answer is affirmative; he
believes that Isaiahs encounter with the glory and holiness of God
remained in his mind during his whole life and dominated his
existence completely, including his thoughts and words.41 Similarly,
Roberts claims that the message of this prophet can be unfolded as a
transformation of inherited traditions in the light of that central
vision.42 While tracing down the impact of Isa 6 throughout the whole
of PIs corpus is beyond the scope of the present study, 43 it can, at this
39
40
41
42
43
One of Israel, J. J. M. Roberts, "Isaiah in Old Testament Theology," Intrepretation 36

(1982) 130-143.
H. G. M. Williamson, "Isaiah and the Holy One of Israel," in Biblical Hebrew, Biblical
Texts: Essays in Memory of Michael P. Weitzman, ed. Ada Rapoport-Albert and Gillian
Greenberg (JSOTSup 333; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001) 26.
Williamson, "Isaiah and Holy One of Israel," 31.
Vriezen, "Theology of Isaiah," 131.
Roberts, "Isaiah in Old Testament Theology," 131.
For a rudimentary attempt, see the above articles and Gammie, Holiness, 71-96.
47
point, be examined in the passages that explicitly mention YHWHs

holiness and/or its revelation YHWHs glory and majesty44 and likely
express the 8th century prophets opinion. Arguably, such passages are
Isa 2:19; 8:13; 10:16-17; 29:23; 30:12, 15; and 31:1. If these texts are
influenced by Isa 6, they should reflect some of the following features:
The major characteristic of YHWHs holiness in Isa 6 is what Otto calls
tremendum, profoundly illustrated by seraphs covering their faces from
the fearsome glory of YHWH and by Isaiahs immediate reaction yli yAa.
Another important characteristic is that the revelation of YHWHs
holiness not only exposes but is also hostile toward every impurity, as
Isaiah realized to his horror. The only solution to how to be in the
presence of the Holy One and stay alive is purification. Here the
sovereign YHWH determines the time and the means of purification
the immediate cultic fire (for Isaiah), or the upcoming fire of judgment
(for the people). Overall, holiness in Isa 6 is exclusively a cultic notion.45
Interestingly, these and only these characteristics and elements can
be found in the above listed passages. The tremendum aspect of YHWHs
holiness is described in 2:19, where the people enter the caves of the
rocks and the holes of the ground, from the terror of the LORD, and
from the glory of his majesty (AnAaG> rd:h]m)e , when he rises to terrify
(#ro[]l;) the earth, in 8:13, where the people are told to regard YHWH as
holy and let him be their fear and dread (~k,c.rI[]m; aWhw> ~k,a]r:Am aWhw>),
and in 29:23, where the people will sanctify the Holy One of Jacob, and
will stand in awe (WcyrI[]y:) of the God of Israel. All PIs usages of
laer"f.yI vAdq. (5:19; 30:11, 12, 15; 31:1) are connected with judgment, and
Isa 10:16-17 speaks of the fire of judgment being kindled under YHWHs
glory (AdboK. tx;t); and, in fact, of Israels Holy One becoming this
devouring fire.
A closer look at the passages in Isa 1-39 that mention YHWHs
holiness or his glory but are generally assigned to the editor(s) is also
instructive. Here the picture changes significantly: not only there is no
tremendum and connection to judgment, but people will lean on the
Lord, the Holy One of Israel, in truth (10:21), they are to sing for joy
44
45
Just as in Ezekiel, the unity of Gods holiness and Gods majesty has been
apprehended as a fact by Isaiah, Vriezen, "Theology of Isaiah," 132.
Since the cleansing of the uncleanness in Isa 6 consists in a removal of !A[' and an
expiation (rpk) of taJ'x;, Ringgren believes that here the reader seems to be closer
than elsewhere in the OT to an ethical determination of holiness, Ringgren, vdq,
TDOT 12.536. Gammie, however, rightly insists that Isaiahs vision is neither
anticultic nor acultic. For whether or not the prophet was actually situated in the
temple when he had it, temple, incense, altar, (incense) smoke, fire on the altar, and
the notion of sin purged are hardly cultically neutral, Gammie, Holiness, 81.
48
for great in their midst is the Holy One of Israel (12:6), their eyes will
look to the Holy One of Israel (17:7), the neediest people shall exult in
the Holy One of Israel, (29:19), and even natural elements shall see
hw"hy>-dAbk. (35:2).46 In Ottos terms, this picture is dominated by the
element of fascination.47 When the context is not positive, Ottos
majestas of YHWHs holiness takes over to emphasize the absurdity of
human behaviour:48 Israel despised the Holy One of Israel (1:4) and his
word (5:24), the people rebelled against the eyes of his glory (3:8), 49
and Sennacherib of Assyria mocked and reviled him (37:23). The only
editorial use of holiness in PI that shares one of the features with ch. 6
is 35:8, but the holiness here is only derivative, namely vd<Qoh; %r<D<, on
which an unclean person (amej)' is not allowed to travel. Furthermore,
the idea of holiness excluding uncleanness is too general to argue for
Isa 6 influence. Even though derivative holiness is not the focus of this
study, it should be noted that none of its uses in Isa 1-39 can be safely
assigned to the 8th century prophet.50 It can be concluded that Isaiah ben
Amoz reserved the attribute vdq for YHWH only.
46
47
48
49
50
For 35:2 as well as the rest of the chapter being a later addition, see mainly Odil
Hannes Steck, Bereitete Heimkehr: Jesaja 35 als redaktionelle Brcke zwischen dem Ersten
und dem Zweiten Jesaja (Stuttgarter Bibelstudien 121; Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches
Bibelwerk, 1985). Williamson generally endorses Stecks conclusion, stating that Isa
35 represents a relatively late stage in the composition of the book as a whole, and
in particular that it is later than, rather than simultaneous with, the composition of
Deutero-Isaiah, H. G. M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiah's Role in
Composition and Redaction (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) 215.
See Otto, Idea, 31-40.
The element of overpoweringness, see Otto, Idea, 19-23.
For this translation as well as the very likely editorial origin of this verse, see H. G.
M. Williamson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1-27, vol. 1 (ICC;
London, New York: T & T Clark, 2006) 235-236 and 251-253. One of the minor
reasons for assigning this verse to a later redactor is, according to Williamson, the
use of dwbk in a manner which reflects later developments within the book of Isaiah
as a whole.
Holiness is attributed to people twice: the holy remnant in 4:3 and the holy seed in
6:13. Holy mountain occurs in 11:9 and 27:13. While the latter text belongs to a
distinct unit (Isa 24-27) that has been generally recognized as late, the date of 11:9 is
debated. For a detail survey, see Hans Wildberger, Jesaja (BKAT 10; NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1965) 442-446. Wildberger
himself argues for Isaianic authorship of 11:1-9. Sweeney, on the other hand, assigns
this text to the so called Josianic redaction, see Marvin A. Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39: With
an Introduction to Prophetic Literature (FOTL 16; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996)
203-210. If Wildberger is followed, a case can be made for the influence of Isa 6 on
11:9 in both cases, YHWHs revealed holiness (his glory) extends beyond the
Temple, filling the whole earth. Finally, the holy festival in 30:29 also likely belongs
to Josianic edition, as argued by Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 356.
49
These observations confirm Gammies conclusions with regard to

PIs doctrine of holiness, namely that reverence and a sense of the need
for cleanness are the most immediate and lasting products of the
prophets encounter with holiness, and that throughout his career the
prophet clung to the notion that sin defiles but holiness requires
cleanness. He is at pains to reveal how cleanness may most
appropriately be attained.51 The above study and the previous chapter
on cult lead to the conclusion that Isaiah ben Amoz perceived YHWHs
holiness as a cultic notion, and assessed the role of cult and ethics from
this perspective.52 In Vriezens words, just as Isaiahs own life is
exposed to the eyes of the Holy One, so he sees his people in their
world sub specie sanctitatis Dei.53
2.5.2. Holiness in DI
DIs use of YHWHs holiness is so different from PI that one wonders
whether they speak of the same thing.54 Ringgren believes that they do,
insisting that DI does not introduce a new type of holiness, but his use
of certain motifs (esp. of the great annual festival) resulted in a
particular idea of God that coloured his otherwise traditional
conception of holiness.55 This traditional conception might resemble the
one of Isaiah ben Amoz,56 but is much closer to the one presented in
priestly literature. Gammies observations point this way: in
comparison with PI, he notices that with Isaiah of Babylon there is an
increased use of priestly genre, notably the priestly oracle of salvation
(Isa. 41:8-16; 43:1-7; 44:1-5; etc.) and the grounds for uncleanness are
51
52
53
54
55
56
Gammie, Holiness, 80 and 83.

Chapter 4 demonstrates how this conclusion applies to Isa 1:10-17.
Vriezen, "Theology of Isaiah," 146.
Thus, e.g., Hnel believes that DI works with a special concept of holiness, which he
calls Jenseitsheiligkeit, Johannes Hnel, Die Religion der Heiligkeit (Gtersloh: C.
Bertelsmann, 1931) 94.
Ringgren, Prophetical Conception of Holiness, 27-28.
Gammie claims that DI clearly both drew upon the theology of holiness of Isaiah of
Jerusalem and creatively developed it. He believes that besides the frequent use of
the designation vAdq' for deity, holiness in DI plays the same role in Israels salvation
history as in PI: judgment was purgative (cf. Isa. 48:10; 1:25), the city Jerusalem is
holy (cf. Isa. 48:2; 52:1; 11:9), cleanness is enjoined (cf. Isa. 52:11-12; 1:16-17), and a
restoration of cleanness is envisioned for the city (Isa. 52:1) just as Isaiah of
Jerusalem had envisioned a restoration of faithfulness and righteousness (Isa. 1:26),
Gammie, Holiness, 97. However, as argued throughout the present thesis, Gammies
PI references are either editorial (1:26 and 11:9) or misinterpreted (1:25 and 1:16-17).
50
more priestly in orientation (Isa. 52:1), and also that DI shares with the
priestly tradition the idea of the relationship between holiness and
creation (40:25-26, 41:20, 43:15, 45:11).57 If the concept of holiness in PI
was essentially cultic (as argued above), it is even more so in DI.
In contrast to PI, all the references to YHWHs holiness in DI occur in
markedly positive contexts: YHWH as maker and creator (40:25; 41:20;
43:15; 45:11; 54:5), YHWH as saviour and redeemer (41:14; 43:3, 14; 47:4;
48:17; 49:7; 52:10; 54:5), and YHWH as the one in whom the people can
rejoice and glory (41:16) and the one who has glorified them (55:5,
%r"a]pe). Not only is there no tremendum aspect and connection with
judgment on Israel, but the people are repeatedly told not to fear
because of the presence of laer"f.yI vAdq. (41:10-14; 43:1-5; see also 44:1-8;
and 54:4-5). One feature that DI shares with Isaiah ben Amoz is that
they both reserve the attribute vdq exclusively for YHWH. The only
exception is 52:1, where envisioned Jerusalem is called vd<Qoh; ry[i.58
Finally, DIs use of YHWHs dAbK' is in accord with his use of holiness:
YHWH does not give it to another (42:8 and 48:11), and when all people
shall see it together, it will be a jubilant moment for the people of God
(40:1-5), for those whom he created for his glory (43:7)
These observations raise a legitimate question about the reason
behind such contrasting uses of YHWHs holiness in PI and DI. One way
to look for the answer is to state the obvious unlike Isaiah ben Amoz,
DI did not have the same kind of encounter with YHWHs holiness as
described in ch. 6. This is not to say that DI did not have any first
hand exposure to YHWHs holiness, but that, if there were such
(unrecorded ones), they took place under very different circumstances,
namely that by his time the main cause for tremendum impurity of the
people and of the land has already been dealt with via judgment.
Williamson is therefore very likely correct that DIs use of laer"f.yI vAdq.
is contrasting to PIs deliberately, being part of the way in which he
emphasized Gods new work of salvation in reversal of the older
message of judgment.59
57
58
59
Gammie, Holiness, 97-98. See also Joachim Begrich, "Das priestliche Heilsorakel,"
ZAW 52 (1934) 81-92.
The remaining uses of vdq in 43:28 and 48:2 do not reflect DIs concept of holiness,
but function as a rhetorical feature to emphasize the irony in the text. For 43:28, see
5.4.5.
Williamson, "Isaiah and Holy One of Israel," 38.
51
2.5.3. Holiness in TI
The picture of YHWHs holiness radically changes again in TI. The first
striking difference in comparison with PI and DI is that there are only
two texts where vdq is directly attributed to YHWH 60:9 and 14, and,
as has already been mentioned, even these uses are very likely due to
the direct influence of DI. The closest to the notion of divine holiness
that TI comes is 57:15, describing YHWH as the high and lofty one who
inhabits eternity and whose name is holy, but this passage seems to
depend heavily on Isa 6:1, the only other place in the OT that uses the
identical phrase aF'nIw> ~r".60 Gods holy spirit in 63:10 and 11 (Avd>q' x:Wr,
used otherwise only in Ps 51:11) represents a category on its own.
Otherwise, vdq in TI is used only for derivative holiness, attributed
most frequently to places like Gods holy mountain (56:7; 57:13; 65:11,
25; 66:20), a holy place of Gods dwelling (57:15), the holy courts of the
sanctuary (62:9), the holy temple (64:10), and holy cities (64:9), or to the
Sabbath day (58:13), or to the people (62:12; 63:18).61
Just like vdq, YHWHs dAbK' in TI is now much more down to
earth and closely connected with Gods people: it has risen upon them
(60:1), will appear over them (60:2), ready to be their rear guard (58:8).
The tremendum is now reserved for the nations, who will fear ( ary)
YHWHs glory (59:19); it will be declared among them (66:19), and they
will eventually see it (66:18).
Again, one can only speculate about the reason why TIs use of
holiness is so markedly different from the previous parts of the book.
The tentative suggestion is the same as in the case of DI because of the
transformed milieu. Purified people are back in a purified land, so
YHWHs holiness and glory not only can be present, but also enjoyed,
and even transferred to what has been purified. The primary conditions
for eschatology have been met, and the possibility of its full realization
presents a great excitement as well as a great concern for TI purity
must be preserved. This concern is reflected in the frequent use of
derivative holiness in Isa 56-66.
60
61
There are other OT passages that come very close to expressing this idea. For the
references and the detailed discussion of the possible influence of Isa 6:1 on the other
Isaianic passages, see Williamson, Book Called Isaiah, 38-41. TIs addition to PIs
picture, namely that YHWH not only dwells in the high and holy place but also with
those who are contrite and humble in spirit, coincides with PIs idea of God being
the only one exalted and humans being humble. As Barton remarks on this verse,
Isaiah of Jerusalem would surely have applauded, Barton, OT Ethics, 152.
As the context makes apparent, the uses of vdq for individuals in 65:5 and 66:17 do
not represent TIs concept of holiness.
52
2.6. Conclusion
This discussion can be conveniently summarized by endorsing the
statement from Ringgren that there is no essential difference between
the prophets and, for instance, the books of law, as to the conception of
holiness. The prophets obviously accepted the cultic notion of holiness,
as it is preserved to us in the ritual laws of the Pentateuch. 62 As the
above survey has just shown, this statement holds true also for the
book of Isaiah: even though each part of the book is concerned with a
different aspect of holiness, this concept constantly emerges as a cultic
notion, never contradicting, not even going beyond its priestly
definition throughout the entire book. The emphasis on the different
aspects of holiness in each part is intelligible against their different
milieux.
62
Ringgren, Prophetical Conception of Holiness, 18. He additionally supports this

conclusion by referring to Isa 30:29, 56:6 and 64:10, et al. He concludes his study with
the statement that the notion of holiness seems to have been surprisingly constant
throughout the OT, adding that the ethical import of holiness is not fully developed
until in the New Testament, Ringgren, Prophetical Conception of Holiness, 30.
Chapter 3: Conception of the Land

3.1. Introduction
Von Rad in his influential essay on the ideology of the land in the
Hexateuch distinguishes between what he calls historical and cultic
conceptions of the land.1 The historical conception consists of the events
that led to and justified Israels ownership of the land from Gods
promise of the land of Canaan to Abraham to its conquest by Joshua.
The cultic conception is based on the belief that YHWH is the true owner
of the land, and it is in the light of this belief that the proscriptions of
any kind of cultic defilement of the land, the regulations of the
Sabbatical year or the Jubilee year, and the laws concerning firstlings,
tenths, or gleanings are to be understood and interpreted. Since the
defilement of the land plays an important part in the present thesis, the
cultic conception of the land is the focus of this chapter. The purpose is
to investigate a possibility that the Prophets in general and the book of
Isaiah in particular reflect this conception. Before that, however, a brief
outline of the cultic conception of the land in the Law is needed, for it is
here where its major characteristics are most clearly defined.
3.2. Cultic Conception of the Land in the Law

The clearest expression of the cultic conception of the land is found in
Leviticus and Numbers.2 Here YHWH claims: The land is mine, Lev
1
2
Gerhard von Rad, "The Promised Land and Yahweh's Land in the Hexateuch," in The
Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Edinburgh; London: Oliver & Boyd, 1966).
Deuteronomy also warns against the human conduct that pollutes the land. Deut
21:23 says You must not defile (aMej;t. al{) the land that the LORD your God is
giving you as an inheritance (hl'x]n:). 24:4 is very similar; while its last part is identical
with 21:23 (a phrase exclusive to Deuteronomy, occurring there eight times), the
command reads you shall not bring guilt (ayjix]t; al{). (LXX renders both commands
as ouv mianei/te you shall not defile.) While it may seem that these verses add two
new sources of the lands pollution, namely leaving a corpse on a tree over night and
54
Conception of the Land in the Book of Isaiah
25:23. He gave it to Israel for a possession (hZ"xua]l;), Lev 14:34, but he

remains its ultimate owner. Being Gods property, the land is
considered holy.3 Moreover, the land is the place where the holy God
has chosen to dwell among his people, Lev 26:11-12 and Num 35:34.4
For these reasons, its inhabitants must avoid those acts that have the
capacity to affect the lands purity. 5 Failing to do so results in the kind
of impurity for which no ritual can atone, 6 and when the defilement
reaches the level that Gods holiness can no longer tolerate, God
forsakes his people and his land, withdrawing his protection and care. 7
As Zimmerli puts it, in the cultic defilement of Gods land, Israel
encroaches on Gods own possession and compels him to pass
judgement on people and land.8 Lev 18:24 -25 mentions a precedent for
this mechanism: the nations that YHWH cast out before Israel practised
the sort of things that defiled them as well as the land, so YHWHs
punishment was that the land vomited out its inhabitants. As Martens
correctly observes at this point, these nations were removed from the
5
6
remarrying a wife who was married to another man, it is more likely that these cases
are just derivatives of already mentioned sources, namely murder and adultery. For
relating the corpse on a tree to a murder-like source of pollution, see S. R. Driver, A
Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Deuteronomy, 3rd ed. (ICC; Edinburgh: T. & T.
Clark, 1902) 284f. For relating the remarriage to adultery-like source of pollution, see
W. D. Davies, The Gospel and the Land: Early Christianity and Jewish Territorial Doctrine
(Berkeley; London: University of California Press, 1974) 32-34.
For a good discussion of the derivative holiness of the land, see Davies, Gospel and
Land, 29-35. See also the chapter on Holiness, esp. 2.1. This derivativeness might
account for the fact that the expression holy land occurs only once in the Hebrew
Bible, namely vd<Qoh; tm;d>a; in Zech 2:12.
Wright observes that the Leviticus passage expresses YHWHs dwelling in the same
manner as Gen 3:8 the hithpael form of $lh (stroll), see C. J. H. Wright, #r,a,,
NIDOTTE 1:519.
You shall not defile the land in which you live, in which I also dwell; for I the LORD
dwell among the Israelites, Num 35:34.
The so called moral impurity (discussed in 1.2.2), caused, e.g., by murder: You shall
not pollute the land in which you live; for blood pollutes the land, and no expiation
can be made for the land, for the blood that is shed in it, except by the blood of the
one who shed it, Num 35:33.
Lipiski correctly points out that the notion of such a departure by a national god
was by no means unique to the religious mentality of Israel. The Moabite Mesha
Inscription (9th century) furnishes an excellent extrabiblical parallel: Mesha
considers that Omris conquest of Moab was caused ultimately by the national god,
for Chemosh was angry with his land, Lipiski, lx;n;" hl'x]n:, TDOT 9.332.
Walther Zimmerli, "The 'Land' in the Pre-Exilic and early Post-Exilic Prophets," in
Understanding the Word: Essays in Honor of Bernhard W. Anderson, ed. James T. Butler,
Edgar W. Conrad, and Ben C. Ollenburger (JSOTSup 37; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1985)
254.
Examples of Cultic Conception of the Land in the Prophets
55
land because of things like sexual perversion or human sacrifice even

though they did not possess a revealed Torah. This means that the land
is rendered impure not because of its relation to Israel, but because of
the close relationship of the land to Yahweh. 9 In the case of Israel,
however, there is one major difference: according to Lev 26:14-45,
YHWHs judgment is not ultimate and the Israelites can eventually
return to the land. As far as the land is concerned, the peoples absence
(the exile) has a purging effect the land denuded of its people will get
her rest and regain its holiness.10 Von Waldow rightly concludes that
in this context, the expulsion of Israel seems to be a cultic necessity.11
3.3. Examples of Cultic Conception of the Land in the Prophets

Since the key texts for defining this conception come from H, 12 it may
be argued that it is relatively late. However, von Rad (following Alt)
believes that the fundamental notion expressed in Lev. xxv.23 is very
ancient, and had cultic significance in ancient Israel.13 Certainly the
idea of a god possessing a particular land and dwelling there had been
known to Canaanite religion long before Yahwism.14 It does not
necessarily follow, however, that the Israelite tribes who had invaded
Palestine adopted this idea by replacing Baal with YHWH.15 Von Rad
maintains that some of the very oldest commandments in the OT
already imply YHWHs ownership of the land, and that the notion itself
is an original part of Israelite religion.16 He does not give any specific
examples, but one of the OT earliest texts can be used in support: Ex
15:17 speaks of the mountain and the place that presumably refers to
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
E. A. Martens, God's design: A Focus on Old Testament Theology, 2nd ed. (Grand
Rapids, MI, Leicester: Baker Book House, Apollos, 1994) 109.
On this idea, see especially Robert P. Carroll, "The Myth of the Empty Land," Semeia
59 (1992) 79-93. He, however, believes that a land empty over a lengthy period of
time is simply a construct derived from the ideology of pollution-purity values in
the second temple community.
Hans Eberhard von Waldow, "Israel and Her Land: Some Theological Considerations," in A Light unto My Path: Old Testament Studies in Honor of Jacob M. Myers, ed.
Carey A. Moore (Gettysburg Theological Studies 4; Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1974) 506.
For assigning Num 35:33-34 to H see footnote 30.
Von Rad, "Promised Land," 85, see also 88-89.
As sufficiently demonstrated by R. E. Clements, God and Temple (Oxford: Blackwell,
1965).
Contra von Waldow, "Israel and Her Land," esp. 494.
See von Rad, "Promised Land," 88.
56
Canaan as YHWHs own hl'x]n:.17 Also the idea of certain practices of

people defiling the land and its consequences (as described, e.g., in the
above mentioned Lev 18), seems to be very ancient. 18 In any case, it is
very probable that the cultic conception of the land was hardly a
novelty in, let alone an invention of, the 8 th century Israelite prophets.
What still remains to be seen is whether the prophets adhered to this
conception, and what role it played in their message. Before turning to
Isaiah, brief examples from some other prophets serve to prepare the
ground.
3.3.1. Hosea
The cultic conception of the land in Hosea has been most advanced by
Braaten, who demonstrated the importance of the story of Gods
relationship with the land in this prophetic book.19 His claim that #r,a,
in Hos 1-2 does not connote Gods people but the land per se and his
identification of the bride in 2:4-13 and 18-23 as the land further
amplify the presence of this conception in Hosea:
The land belongs to YHWH (hw"hy> #r<a, in 9:3) and it is his
house(hold) (hw"hy> tyBe in 8:1, same idea in 9:15).
17
18
19
See, e.g., the note on this verse in NET or E. Lipiski, lx;n;" hl'x]n,: TDOT 9.333.
Lipiski persuasively argues that hl'x]n: refers to a possession acquired by inheritance,
not by some other transaction (for which the noun hZ"xua] is reserved). This notion
presents no problem when the text speaks of the land as Israels or Jacobs hl'x]n,: for,
as Lipiski points out, Israel is often pictured as YHWHs son who received this
glorious inheritance from his (heavenly) father. It is rather dubious when the land or
the people are designated as YHWHs hl'x]n.: Lipiski, among others, believes that this
idea is of mythological origin and goes back to the notion of the division of the
nations or their lands among the sons of the gods, as reflected in Deut 32:8-9 and Ps
82:6. This hypothesis is attractive, but, as Lipiski himself recognizes, far from
trouble-free. Goldingay, following Habel, prefers the translation entitlement,
claiming that the traditional inheritance for hl'x]n: is misleading; the word does not
intrinsically refer to land as passed down within families, but to land as the rightful
possession of those who live on it, John Goldingay, Old Testament Theology, vol. 1:
Israel's Gospel (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2003) 516-517. When it comes
to the Prophets, Lipiskis suggestion to read the references to YHWHs hl'x]n:
figuratively is to be preferred: The use of this figurative expression does not
emphasize the transfer or inheritance of property, but rather the constant, enduring
nature of its possession, Lipiski, lx;n;" hl'x]n,: TDOT 9.331.
See, e.g., von Waldow, "Israel and Her Land," 503.
Laurie J. Braaten, "Earth Community in Hosea 2," in The Earth Story in the Psalms and
the Prophets, ed. Norman C. Habel (Earth Bible 4; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic,
2001).
57
The people commit idolatry along with whoredom (2:8, 4:12-14,

5:3-7, 9:1, 11:2, 13:1-2) and bloodshed (1:4, 4:2, 6:8, 12:14), thus
defiling not only themselves (5:3, 6:10, 9:4) but also the land,
turning YHWHs bride into a whore (1:2, 2:4-7).20
YHWH, therefore, decides to bring judgment upon the land and
the people the land will be completely stripped of all its
attractiveness (2:11-15) and of her inhabitants, who will be
taken to exile (8:8-10, 9:3-6 and 15).
This judgment, however, has a purging effect, making the
reconciliation between YHWH, the land and the people possible
(2:17-25).
Even though some of Braatens interpretation of Hoseas imagery can
be questioned,21 there can hardly be any doubt that the cultic
conception of the land as presented in the Law is operative in the book
of Hosea.
3.3.2. Jeremiah
When it comes to the Prophets, the cultic conception of the land is at its
best in the book of Jeremiah. 2:7 describes the situation from YHWHs
point of view: I brought you into a plentiful land to eat its fruits and its
good things. But when you entered you defiled ( WaM.j;T.w): my land, and
made my heritage (ytil'x]n:) an abomination (hb'[eAt).22 As Habel
comments on this verse, it is not the violation of Gods covenant law
code that is emphasized, but the defilement of Gods precious personal
20
21
22
The same idea is expressed in Ps 106:38-39.

Braatens identification of the wife in the marriage metaphor of Hos 2 with the land
runs against the consensus view that the wife there represents the people of Israel.
For a recent list of scholars who hold this consensus and its sharp repudiation, see
Brad E. Kelle, Hosea 2: Metaphor and Rhetoric in Historical Perspective (Academia
Biblica 20; Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2005) 82-83. Kelle, however, disagrees also with
Braaten and others who interpret the wife as the land, but his arguments at this
point are dubious. In any case, his suggestion to identify the wife of Hos 2 with
Samaria, the capital of the Northern Kingdom in the time of Hosea, does not
seriously affect the point above for two reasons: first, a city or a mountain in Israelite
religion can epitomize a whole land (as argued below, 3.4), and, second, there is
enough evidence besides ch. 2 to support the cultic conception of the land in the
book of Hosea.
Similarly 12:10-11.
58
property.23 16:18 speaks about the severe consequences of this

defilement and specifies its source: I will doubly repay their iniquity
and their sin, because they have polluted (~l'L.x); my land with the
carcasses of their detestable idols, and have filled my inheritance
(ytil'x]n:) with their abominations (~h,yteAb[]At).24 3:1 seems to suggest that
this defilement has reached its limit, and Israel has passed the point of
no return: If a man divorces his wife and she goes from him and
becomes another man's wife, will he return to her? Would not such a
land be greatly polluted? You have played the whore with many
lovers; and would you return to me? says the LORD. 25
Jeremiah refers not only to the land, but also to the people of Judah
as YHWHs hl'x]n:, thus creating an ambiguity similar to Hoseas imagery
of YHWHs bride. Zimmerli believes that this ambiguity is intentional;
commenting on 12:7-11, he claims that it is in the use of this
designation to refer almost indistinguishably to the land and to the
people that the close connection between this, Gods land, and the
people called by God is recognized.26 Indeed, Jeremiah is very
concerned not only about the lands purity, but also about the purity of
the people. Ch. 2 identifies some of the sources of their impurity. The
question in v. 2 How can you say, I am not defiled, I have not gone
after the Baals? implies that the idea of defilement by illegitimate
cultic practices was known to the people, and most of the chapter
23
24
25
26
Norman C. Habel, The Land is Mine: Six Biblical Land Ideologies (Overtures to Biblical
Theology; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995) 80. The focus of 4:19-20 on the land
indicates that Jeremiahs concern was essentially the same. Habel concludes that
this portrait of the overwhelming pain of Gods prophet is not focused on the fate of
the foolish people who have provoked this disaster, but on the precious land of
YHWH that suffers such ugly devastation, Habel, The Land is Mine, 87.
Besides idolatry, Jeremiah intensifies the picture of the lands pollution by
mentioning the carcasses (hl'ben>), of which Lev 21:23 specifically says that they
pollute the land. Notice also the use of alm with tAb[]At.
A majority of contemporary scholars reads the expression yl;ae bAvw> at the end of this
verse as a question that renders the possibility of Israels return to YHWH impossible
because of her defilement. The simple infinitive absolute here allows for other
readings, including the imperative Yet return to me! (see, e.g., KJV or NAB).
Thompson, however, is likely correct that this reading is out of harmony with the
whole tenor of the passage, J. A. Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah (NICOT; Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980) 192. In any case, this verse shows that the cultic conception
of the land in Jeremiah is in accord with the Law, namely Deut 24:1-4.
Zimmerli, "The Land," 253-254. Similarly, Habel believes that the repeated use of the
term hl'x]n: in this passage seems to be deliberately ambiguous and further
underscore the symbiotic dimension of the land-god-people relationship, Habel, The
Land is Mine, 85.
59
describes the explicit or implicit idolatry.27 Furthermore, vv. 33b-34

identify the peoples ethical misconduct as another source of their
pollution. Even though the ambiguities of this text allow for various
readings,28 its point is to add to idolatry another evil that defiles Judah,
namely murder. Holladay suggests that the text on your skirts is found
the lifeblood of the innocent poor in v. 34 recalls v. 22 where the
people were trying as it were to wash off the stain of their guilt with lye
and soap.29 However, blood pollution is deadly serious, and YHWH
informs them in this verse that this washing is in vain your guilt is
still before me.30 As a result, YHWH has abandoned and even hates his
hl'x]n:, giving it into the hands of the enemies (12:7-8). According to
Jeremiah, YHWH appointed the Babylonians (21:4-10; 25:8-14; 29:4-7) to
purge and clear his hl'x]n: to cut off (tyBiv.hi) the people from the land
and take them to exile (36:29). The Chronicler interprets Jeremiahs
prediction of seventy years of exile (29:10 and 25:11) as the time the
land needed to make up for its sabbaths (2 Chr 36:21). The people in
exile will also be transformed; they will know YHWH, because he will
write his law on their hearts (Jer 31:33).31 They are the good figs (24:5)
with which the purified land will be replanted (v. 6, cf. 31:27-28 and
32:41) and of which YHWH says they shall be my people and I will be
27
28
29
30
31
The implicit idolatry was, e.g., Judahs political alliances with Egypt or Assyria, for,
according to 2:13-19, they effectively meant forsaking YHWH. As Habel rightly
comments, 2:13-19 reflects the belief that becoming involved in seeking aid from
foreign powers was tantamount to idolatry, whether or not the recognition of
specific deities was part of the deal, Habel, The Land is Mine, 84. This notion is
characteristic of (and the reason for?) PIs political discourses.
Holladays reading of 2:33-34 requires at least three revocalizations and two
emendations, supported mostly by LXX only, see William Lee Holladay, Jeremiah 1:
A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chapters 1-25 (Hermeneia;
Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986) 56, 109-110. Nevertheless, it remains very
attractive, and, if correct, it brings out the full force of the texts ethical focus. Even if
MT is retained, social justice can still be considered as the main theme of this text, as
recently demonstrated by Jack R. Lundbom, Jeremiah 1-20: A New Translation with
Introduction and Commentary (AB 21A; New York, London: Doubleday, 1999) 293-297.
Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 110.
In 4:14, the people, symbolized by Jerusalem, are asked the very thing of which they
are, according to 2:22, incapable (the only uses of sbk in Jeremiah). The reason for
this contrasting use of images may be the speakers; v. 2:22 is hwIhy> yn"doa] ~aun>, whereas
4:14 is the mediating word from Jrm: now the prophet acts to intercede with the
people, Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 157. As Thompson comments on this verse, even
though judgment was at the doors, it would seem that Jeremiah never thought an
appeal to repent was too late, Thompson, Jeremiah, 225.
From this follows that YHWHs action is not based on their intrinsic goodness, their
remarkable change of heart, or their potential as the educated of the community,
but on YHWHs grace, Habel, The Land is Mine, 95.
60
their God, (v. 7). A holy God can enter again into a relationship with
his purified hl'x]n:, establishing a new covenant with her (31:31-34). The
new order will be possible in the redeemed land because all the people
will have the knowledge of God in their hearts.32
3.3.3. Ezekiel
As expected of a prophet with a priestly background, cultic pollution is
of much concern to Ezekiel: he frequently mentions the defilement of
the people, whether as individuals (4:13f; 18:6ff; 22:10-11) or as a whole
(14:11; 20:7, 18, 26, 30-31, 43; 23:7, 13, 17, 30; 33:26; 37:23; 44:25), of the
sanctuary (5:11; 9:7; 23:38-39; 24:21; 25:3; 44:7), and of the city (22:3-5).
Pollution in Ezekiel expands to various things (7:20ff; 28:7; 22:26), to
sabbaths (20:13, 16, 21, 24; 22:8; 23:38), and even to YHWH himself
(13:19; 22:26), who, in response, also acts as the agent of pollution (7:20;
20:26; 24:21). In the light of this evidence, the lack of references to the
defilement of the land is striking. To be sure, Ezekiel frequently
mentions the land;33 not only in connection with the envisioned
glorious future,34 but also remembering it as the most glorious ( ybic). of
all lands that YHWH has chosen for his people (20:6). Defilement is a
central theme of this chapter, but the idea of the lands pollution seems
to be replaced by the references to the defilement of the sabbaths and of
YHWHs holy name.35 Correspondingly, YHWH does not act for the sake
of his hl'x]n: (as in Jeremiah), but for the sake of his own name (e.g., 36:22
and 32, cf. Isa 43:25). An explanation lies readily to hand: because
Ezekiel talks to the people who are in the land of Babylon, the pressing
issue is the purity of YHWHs name and his sabbaths rather than the
purity of the land.
Nevertheless, Ezekiels retrospective in 36:17-18 clearly shows that
he also adheres to the cultic conception of the land:
32
33
34
35
Habel, The Land is Mine, 93.

Besides the usual expressions, he also uses laer"f.yI tm;d>a; a designation unique to
this book.
E.g., Ezek 17:22-23; 36:24-38. As Davies observes, the ingathering of all scattered
Israelites in the land is a constant theme of Ezekiel, Davies, Gospel and Land, 45.
> ' ~ve can also be considered characteristic of Ezekiel; it occurs in
The expressoin yvidq
this book 8 times (20:39; 36:20ff; 39:7, 25; 43:7f) and only 4 times elsewhere (Lev 20:3;
22:2, 32; Amos 2:7). Except Ezek 39:25 where God is said to be jealous for his holy
name, this expression is always connected with the idea of profaning (llx) or
defiling (amj) it. In contrast, Jeremiah explicitly mentions profaning God's name
only once 34:16.
Land in the Book of Isaiah
61
Mortal, when the house of Israel lived on their own soil, they defiled it
with their ways and their deeds; their conduct in my sight was like the
uncleanness of a woman in her menstrual period. So I poured out my
wrath upon them for the blood that they had shed upon the land, and for
the idols with which they had defiled it.
And to those remaining in the land, for whom the ownership of the
land is still high on the agenda, Ezekiel addresses the rebuke that
reflects the same conception:
Therefore say to them, Thus says the Lord GOD: You eat flesh with the
blood, and lift up your eyes to your idols, and shed blood; shall you then
possess the land? You depend on your swords, you commit abominations,
and each of you defiles his neighbor's wife; shall you then possess the
land? (33:25-26)
As Zimmerli comments on this passage, in the concrete unfolding of

the commandment we recognize the priest, who has the ritual
prescriptions for purity before him.36
The conclusion based on this short survey is that the cultic
conception of the land as defined in the Law is very much present and
operative in the message of Hosea, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel. It is,
therefore, legitimate to anticipate it in the book of Isaiah.
3.4. Land in the Book of Isaiah

Starting from what appears to be the latest unit, the clearest expression
of the cultic conception of the land in the book of Isaiah is found in the
so-called Isaiah Apocalypse, chs. 24-27. 24:5 spells out the reason for
the impending judgment: The earth lies polluted under its inhabitants;
for they have transgressed laws, violated the statutes, broken the
everlasting covenant. The use of the rare verb @nx (to be polluted)
here is significant: the only time this verb is used in the Law is in one of
the key texts for the cultic conception of the land its pollution in Num
35:33 and, except Dan 11:32, it retains this sense throughout the OT
(Jer 3:1, 2, 9; 23:11;37 Mic 4:11; Ps 106:38). As the uses of this root show,
@nx comprises a cultic ingredient intolerable to the presence of the holy
36
37
Zimmerli, "The Land," 257-258.

@nx in Jer 23:11 refers to prophets and priests, but its translation in NRSV as
ungodly is unjustified, probably an (anachronistic) import of this meaning by the
translators from the book of Job. Here it should be also rendered as polluted,
keeping in mind v. 15, where the same root is used in a noun form (hP'nUx]) in
connection with the land.
62
God.38 Also the use of the phrase ~l'A[ tyrIB. in this verse is noteworthy.
It is not vital for the purpose of this discussion to determine to which of
the OT covenants this phrase here refers.39 As argued already by
Sweeney, the author of Isa 24-27 tends to use traditional concepts in a
new way, namely one that looks toward the universal or cosmic
significance of Gods punishment of the earth and his restoration of
Israel in Zion.40 This means that, even though the overall context
favours the identification of ~l'A[ tyrIB. in v. 5 with the Noachic
covenant,41 the author very likely used also some of the characteristics
of the Mosaic covenant42 (or the Davidic covenant) and universalized
them.43 Even Hibbard, who most recently argued that this phrase here
is primarily related to the covenant with Noah, allows for the
possibility that the author has also been influenced by covenantal
language and ideology drawn from elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. 44
To look for these concepts requires reading that goes beneath the
surface (in this case universalistic) reading of the text. This reading
uncovers the cultic conception of the land as defined in P governing Isa
24:5-6:45 The land (#r<a'h') lies polluted (hp'n>x)' under its inhabitants; for
they have transgressed laws, violated the statutes, broken ( Wrpehe) the
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
For more details, see K. Seybold, @nEx,' TDOT 5.36-44.

While the expression ~l'A[ tyrIB. describes the Noachic covenant in Gen 9:16,
elsewhere it refers to the covenants with Abraham (Ps 105:9-10 // 1 Chr 16:16-17) or
David (2 Sam 23:5), or to the new covenant that God promises to make with his
people (Isa 55:3; Jer 32:40 and 50:5; Ezek 16:60 and 37:26), so to which covenant Isa
24:5 alludes has to be decided on other grounds.
Marvin A. Sweeney, "Textual Citations in Isaiah 24-27: Toward an Understanding of
the Redactional Function of Chapters 24-27 in the Book of Isaiah," JBL 107 (1988) 3952: 51.
See, e.g., Joseph Blenkinsopp, "Cityscape to Landscape: The 'Back to Nature' Theme
in Isaiah 1-35," in 'Every City Shall be Forsaken': Urbanism and Prophecy in Ancient Israel
and the Near East, ed. Robert D. Haak and Lester L. Grabbe (JSOTSup 330; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 2001) 43.
For the identification of ~l'A[ tyrIB. in Isa 24:5 with the Mosaic covenant, see, e.g.,
Dan G. Johnson, From Chaos to Restoration: An Integrative Reading of Isaiah 24-27
(JSOTSup 61; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988) 27-29.
The most elaborate argument of this sort comes from Donald C. Polaski, Authorizing
an End: The Isaiah Apocalypse and Intertextuality, vol. 50 (Biblical Interpretation Series;
Leiden: Brill, 2001).
James Todd Hibbard, Intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27: The Reuse and Evocation of Earlier
Texts and Traditions (FAT 16; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006) 68.
For P pre-dating and being in some form available to the author of Isa 24-27, see
Hibbard, Intertextuality, 56-64.
63
ancient covenant (~l'A[ tyrIB). .46 Therefore a curse (hl'a)' devours the
land (#r<a), At this level of reading, it should be observed that it is the
Mosaic covenant breaking of which is explicitely warded off by curses
(tyrIB.h; tAla', Deut 29:20). Accordingly, the term #r<a, should not be
rendered at this level as the earth in the sense of the world, but as
the land in the sense of orbis Israeliticus, for it is only from this sphere
that the above-mentioned concepts derive their validity. Johnson seems
to be on the right track here when concluding that the religious context
of this text suggests tradition similar to that of Jer. 3.2, 9 and Ps. 106.38
where idolatry and religious harlotry are the cause of the pollution of
the land.47 Apparently, this tradition is governed by the cultic
conception of the land.48
Further reading of Isa 24-27 only confirms this impression. The land
suffers because its sin lies heavy upon it (24:20). When the judgment
comes, the land will disclose the blood shed on it, and will no longer
cover its slain (26:21). The purging effect of the judgment that is
implicit here is explicit in 27:8-9:
By expulsion, by exile you struggled against them; Therefore by this the
guilt of Jacob will be expiated, and this will be the full fruit of the removal
of his sin: when he makes all the stones of the altars like chalkstones
crushed to pieces, no sacred poles or incense altars will remain standing.
There are several obscurities in this passage, as its different renderings

in various OT translations make clear. Nevertheless, it is safe to
conclude that these verses convey the idea that YHWHs judgment
purifies the people and the land in a cultic sense. 49 Finally, the grand
46
47
48
49
For translating ~l'A[ tyrIB. here as the ancient covenant, see Jon Douglas Levenson,
Creation and the Persistence of Evil: The Jewish Drama of Divine Omnipotence (San
Francisco, London: Harper & Row, 1988) 27. Cmp. ~l'A[ tAbr>x' (the ancient ruins) in
Isa 58:12, 6.5.10.
Johnson, Chaos, 29.
Hayes lists 24:4-5 as one of the examples that the author (according to him Isaiah of
the 8th century) was familiar with priestly theology, namely impurity/defilement
and purity/cleanliness, John Haralson Hayes and Stuart A. Irvine, Isaiah, the Eighth
Century Prophet: His Times & His Preaching (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1987) 57.
A few observations in support of this conclusion should suffice: Sweeney believes
that the introductory !kel' of v. 9 presents the outcome of the situation in v. 8, so the
purpose of the exile as expiation of sin is stated explicitly in v. 9a, Sweeney, Isaiah 139, 348. The note on this verse in NET suggests that rp;K' in the first line should be
understood in a sarcastic sense Jacobs sin is atoned for and removed through
severe judgment. As correctly pointed out, this interpretation is more consistent
with the tone of judgment in vv. 8 and 10-11. The emendation proposed in BHS,
namely that yrIP.-lK' may be a corruption of rPek;l,. which in turn might be a gloss on
the following rsih', could be used as another support for this reading, but, in spite of
its attractiveness (mainly due to its suitability for the present thesis), this reading
64
finale of the Isaiah Apocalypse fully endorses the cultic conception of

the land in this section of the book of Isaiah: the exiles will return to
their homeland and worship the LORD on the holy mountain at
Jerusalem (27:13).
The reference to the holy mountain brings up another point
important for the quest for the cultic conception of the land in the rest
of the book of Isaiah. Even though the land plays a very important role
throughout the book, the cultic concepts relate predominantly to mount
Zion, the city of Jerusalem. This fact, however, does not frustrate the
quest, because, as Clements sufficiently demonstrated, the idea that a
mountain as a dwelling-place of a god epitomized a whole land or even
the whole world or cosmos was a common idea not only in Israelite
religion, but also in the religions of the Ancient Near East. 50 Clements
also points out that this idea must have been very ancient in Israel, for
it is found in texts like the Song of Miriam (Exod 15:13-18) or Ps 78:5155. Moreover, mount Zion was not only symbolic of YHWHs land, but
was also the means through which [YHWHs] blessing flowed out to
it.51 Of course, this blessing resulted from YHWHs presence on this
mount, symbolized by the temple. If the concept of YHWHs presence
and of the holiness that derives from it applied to the land, it applied
even more so to mount Zion and Jerusalem.
If Zion/Jerusalem passages are not included, the examples of the
cultic conception of the land in PI are present only implicitly in
passages like 1:5-9 where the condition of the land is understood as the
consequence of sin,52 or where the vision of the future of the new
50
51
52
must be resisted, because it breaks up a strong parallelism between 9a and 9b

(indicated by the two deictics tazOB. and hz<w> and a semantic link between bqo[]y:-!wO[] and
AtaJ'x); . A recent suggestion of Leene seems to do more justice to the syntax of the
text, it does not require any emendations, and it still retains the idea of the expiatory
effect of the judgment, carried out solely by YHWH: he simply assigns the actant of v.
9b to YHWH, so it is he who makes all the stones of the altars like chalkstones For
details, see Hendrik Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge between Vineyard and City," in
Studies in Isaiah 24-27, ed. Hendrik Jan Bosman and Harm van Grol (OTS 43; Leiden:
Brill, 2000).
See Clements, God and Temple, passim. In addition, see a more recent survey of this
idea with the same conclusion by Martti Nissinen, "City as Lofty as Heaven: Arbela
and other Cities in Neo-Assyrian Prophecy," in 'Every City Shall be Forsaken':
Urbanism and Prophecy in Ancient Israel and the Near East, ed. Robert D. Haak and
Lester L. Grabbe (JSOTSup 330; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001). For the
OT references to this idea, see D. P. Wright, Holiness, ABD 3.243.
Clements, God and Temple, 51-55 and 85.
It may be of significance that the phrase hm'm'v. ~k,c.r>a; in v. 7 can elsewhere be found
only in the key passage on the cultic conception of the land Lev 26:14-45 (v. 33).
The expression hm'm'v. along with the whole concept appears most frequently in
65
kingdom in 9:6 implies the restored land.53 The cultic conception of the
land can also be assumed in Isa 5, where the crime of the rich
landowners in Isa 5 who accumulate house to house and add field to
field (v. 8) was, according to Premnath, a violation of the sacred
ordinance, the principle of distribution of land under Yahwehs
ultimate ownership.54 However, once mount Zion/Jerusalem is
substituted for the land, its cultic conception in PI is much more
obvious. Isaiah ben Amoz clearly believes that that is where YHWH
lives (e.g., 8:18, 18:7, or 31:9). To his horror, this city, once full of justice
and righteousness, has become a whore (1:21), and the whole land is
filled with idols (2:6b-8a). This impurity (1:22) is irreconcilable with
YHWHs presence (3:8), and in the light of such a pollution, YHWHs
presence in this city takes on different significance his fire is in Zion,
his furnace in Jerusalem (31:9), and the judgment becomes inevitable
(8:5-8, 10:11, 31:4). As a result, Jerusalem will be purified (1:25), suitable
to become hw"hy>-tyBe rh;, hw"hy>-rh;, or bqo[]y: yhel{a/ tyBe (2:2-3). As correctly
noted by Zimmerli, [Isaiahs] conception of the land is shaped by his
familiarity with Zion as the site of Gods presence. 55
It was very likely the redactor(s) of PI who adjoined the landscape
to Isaiahs cityscape. At this level, the cultic conception of the land is
very clear: YHWHs ownership of the land is expressed by hw"hy> tm;d>a; in
14:2,56 and he refers to the land of Judah as ycir>a; (parallel to yr:h)' in
14:25. The question Who among us can coexist ( rWgy") with destructive
fire? Who among us can coexist with unquenchable fire? (33:14, NET)
indicates that a cleansing in the form of judgment is necessary. 57 Once
53
54
55
56
57
Jeremiah (4:27, 6:8, 9:10, 10:22, 12:10-11, 34:22, reversed in 32:43) and Ezekiel (6:14,
12:20, 14:15-16, 15:8, 33:28-29, reversed in 36:34), but also in Isa 1:7, 6:11-12, 64:9, and
reversed in 49:8,19 and 62:4.
The significance of these passages for Isaiahs theology of the land is pointed out by
Davies, Gospel and Land, 42-43.
D. N. Premnath, "Latifundialization and Isaiah 5.8-10," JSOT 40 (1988) 49-60: 56.
Zimmerli, "The Land," 249. In addition, according to Clements, this particular
prominence of Jerusalem and its temple in Isaiahs prophecies can be traced back to
his call vision, which took place in the temple, Clements, God and Temple, 80.
For attributing this verse to a redactor (probably DI), see Williamson, Book Called
Isaiah, 162-167.
Interestingly, this question is asked by so called ~ypinEx] the adjectival form of the
verb characteristically used for land pollution (as discussed above). The book of Job
offers a perspective from which a @nEx' stands outside the sacred precincts, K.
Seybold, @nEx', TDOT 5.43. In Isa 33, the solution to the dilemma is ethical (v. 15),
just like 1:16-17, but, as the subsequent events show, this solution is only theoretical.
For attributing these verses to a redactor (probably DI), see Williamson, Book Called
Isaiah, 221-239.
66
the Lord has washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion and
cleansed the bloodstains of Jerusalem from its midst by a spirit of
judgment and by a spirit of burning (4:4), complete restoration can
take place (4:2-6).58 YHWHs presence will be continuously manifested at
mount Zion (4:5, 12:6), Jerusalem will be called the city of
righteousness, the faithful city (1:26), and the land will be full of the
knowledge of the LORD (11:9). Clearly the redactor(s) make the cultic
conception of the land in PI more explicit.59 To evaluate the theological
adequacy of these additions, however, would be rather presumptuous,
for, as von Rad cautions us, how may we determine the rightness or
wrongness of such subsequent actualizations of old Isaianic
prophecy?60
In DI, YHWH is presented as the God of the whole earth (yhel{a/
#r<a"h'-lk', 54:5), but, since his universal ownership and lordship will be
demonstrated mainly in bringing his people from Babylon back to their
homeland, the main focus is again on Zion/Jerusalem. YHWH has
afflicted Zion with devastation and destruction, famine and sword
(51:19). Zions desperate situation is best captured in her saying:
YHWH has forsaken me, my Lord has forgotten me (49:14). YHWH,
however, affirms his affection toward her, promising her a glorious
future (49:15-26). He will return to her (40:9, 52:8), take her back as his
wife (54:5-8), rebuild and revive her (44:26, 45:13), so she will become
like Eden, like the garden of YHWH (51:3). In 52:1, YHWH promises to
protect her purity the uncircumcised and the unclean shall enter you
no more. DI describes the situation of the people analogously: because
of their sins and transgressions, YHWH claims I was angry with my
people, I profaned (yTil.L;x)i my heritage (ytil'x]n:) (47:6, similarly in 42:24
and 43:22-28). In the exile, he refined them ( @rc, 48:10, as in 1:25),
blotting out their transgressions and not remembering their sins
(43:25).61 These purified people are then called in 49:8 to establish the
58
59
60
61
Also v. 4 is listed by Hayes as an example of authors familiarity with the priestly

theology of purity/impurity, see Hayes and Irvine, Isaiah, 57. For attributing this
passage to a post-exilic redactor, see Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 305-306.
As Williamson suggests in his comment on 4:4-5a, this may reflect the emphasis of
the Ezra/Nehemiah reforms on purity, adding that this observation does not exclude
an even later dating, Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 306. While this is certainly a good
possibility, the instances above show that the purity of the people, the land, or the
city was on the prophetic agenda even before the exile, so the reference to it should
not be included among the arguments for the late dating of a particular text.
Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament Theology, trans. David Muir Gibson Stalker (New
York: Harper & Row, 1965) 2.168.
In both texts, YHWH emphatically claims to do this for his own sake (ynI[]m;l,. 48:11
and 43:25).
67
land, to apportion the desolate heritages ( tAmmevo tAlx'n> lyxin>h;l). . Even

though still in ruins, Jerusalem has been redeemed (52:9). People are to
depart from unclean Babylon and return there, and, since they are to be
closely accompanied by YHWH, their purity is required (52:11-12). Ch.
54 describes the glorious symbiosis of Jerusalem, Israelites, and YHWH.
The Holy One of Israel can again dwell in Jerusalem in the midst of his
people because all the impurity has been removed.
One more interesting expression of the cultic conception in DI
should be mentioned. In 40:2, it is said of Jerusalem that Hn"wO[] hc'r>n.I OT
exegetes struggle with the meaning of this phrase.62 They often note
that the combination of hcr with !A[' occurs only here and in Lev 26:41
and 43,63 which, as pointed out above, is a key passage for
understanding the exile as the purification of the land and the people:
the land hc,r>Ti for its sabbaths while it is made desolate (hM'v;h.B')64 and
without the people who ~n"wO[]-ta, Wcr>yI. While the rendering of hcr in
this text is also far from unanimous,65 it certainly functions as a cultic
term. There is, therefore, no reason to obliterate this cultic sense in Isa
40:2 by renderings like her penalty is paid (NRS) or her punishment
is completed (NET), and the translation her guilt has been atoned for
(NJB) is preferable. Geller is very likely correct that, since the niphal of
62
63
64
65
Compare, e.g., her penalty is paid (NRSV) with her iniquity has been removed
(NAS) or her punishment is completed (NET) or her guilt has been atoned for
(NJB).
On the basis of this unique combination of vocabulary, some scholars even argue for
a direct influence between Isa 40:2 and Lev 26:41. Thus, e.g., Levine believes that
Leviticus has borrowed this combination from DI, see Baruch A. Levine, Leviticus
(Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1989) 279. Milgrom, on the other hand,
claims that Isaiah of the exile was the actual borrower from Leviticus, see Milgrom,
Leviticus 23-27, 2333 and 2363. This issue has no bearing on the present argument, so
it does not need to be resolved here.
As the comparison with v. 34 clarifies, the preposition B. in this expression is
temporal (so correctly NAS or NET), not of means or instrument as understood by
NRSV.
The rendering of NRSV as to enjoy in case of the land and to make amends in case
of the people presupposes a play upon the root hcr in this verse, cf. Peter R.
Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration: A Study of Hebrew Thought of the Sixth Century B.C.
(OTL; London: SCM, 1968) 241-242. While the possibility of a word play here is
certainly possible, the idea that the land would enjoy its sabbaths hM'v;h.B' is
paradoxical and rather forced. Hossfeld seems to be closer to the mark with
suggesting the term accept for hcr of the land, meaning that the land must accept
involuntary sabbath years on account of the many sabbath years incurred as a debt
during the period before the exile, F.L. Hossfeld hcr, TDOT 13.625. In this study,
Hossfeld also sufficiently demonstrated that there is no reason to postulate hcr II
(to pay, redeem or to restore) as listed in Gesenius-B or HALOT to account for the
unclear meaning of this root in Lev 26:34, 41, 43 and Isa 40:2.
68
hcr is an overtly cultic term, its use in Isa 40:2 implies that the exile
was a time of purification.66 In connection with this, the question what
does Jerusalem in this text represent needs to be briefly addressed.
While the previously common opinion that Jerusalem here is a
metaphor for the exiled people has been sufficiently repudiated, 67 a
number of commentators still think that Jerusalem in 40:2 does not
stand for the real city, but, by metonymy, for the people mentioned in
the previous line the Israelites in general.68 The argument, of course, is
the parallelism between vv. 1 and 2a, but it does not necessarily follow
that my people and Jerusalem are synonymous. 69 For instance, Isa
52:9 and 65:19 also parallel Jerusalem with the people without equating
the two. Moreover, there is little support for this metonymy in the rest
of DI; in fact, the other passages that mention Jerusalem (40:9, 41:27,
44:26-28, 51:17, 52:1-2 and 9) suggest that it stands for the city itself. It
seems, therefore, safe to conclude that, just as the land in Lev 26 is a
real geographical entity, Jerusalem in Isa 40 is a real city. 70
66
67
68
69
70
Stephen A. Geller, "A Poetic Analysis of Isaiah 40:1-2," The Harvard Theological Review
77, no. 3/4 (1984) 413-420.
See most recently John Goldingay and David F. Payne, A Critical and Exegetical
Commentary on Isaiah 40-55, 2 vols. (ICC; London; New York: T&T Clark, 2006) 1.6769.
See again Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.67. However, Goldingays contextual
arguments for the defense of this view are rather feeble: the picture of Jerusalem
receiving good news in vv. 9-11 is a sign of personification rather than metonymy
(just as in v. 2), and, out of the references that he lists in support for the identification
of Zion with my people, only 51:16 is acceptable, whereas the use of 10:24 is
incorrect (the people here are not identified with Zion, but specified as !AYci bvey)O and
52:9 and 65:19 actually point the opposite direction, that is to the real city.
Furthermore, Goldingay on the next page approves of the Targums assumption that
the real city is spoken of here.
As recognized also by Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.67. Furthermore, Snaith
points out that the parallelism that this pair of 3:2 couplets creates is incomplete and
thereby weaker than often assumed, for, unlike in the longer lines, there is no
semantic parallelism in the shorter lines, see Harry Meyer Orlinsky and Norman
Henry Snaith, Studies on the Second Part of the Book of Isaiah (VTSup 14; Leiden: Brill,
1967) 177.
Thus, e.g., Klaus Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah: A Commentary on Isaiah 40-55 (Hermeneia;
Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2001) 51. The most radical defence of this
conclusion comes from Snaith in Orlinsky and Snaith, Studies, 177-179. He follows a
possible lead from Vulgate in making the people the subject and Jerusalem the object
of the comforting, so it is my people who bring comfort to the ruined city upon
their return from the exile, and, further on, it is Jerusalem who had sinned and
received the punishment. Snaiths reading of Isa 40:1-2 did not receive much
acceptance, but, as shown above, one does not have to adopt his understanding of
Jeromes translation to uphold the naturalistic meaning of Jerusalem. In fact, Elliger
69
Finally, TI upholds the ultimate vision of DI when it comes to

Jerusalem and the land: You shall no more be termed Forsaken, and
your land shall no more be termed Desolate; but you shall be called My
Delight Is in Her, and your land Married; for the LORD delights in you,
and your land shall be married (62:4). Ch. 60 describes how Jerusalem
will be rebuilt, revived, and glorified before all the nations. It will
rightly be called hw"hy> ry[i and laer"f.yI vAdq. !AYci (v. 14), for the most
glorious thing about it will be YHWHs continuous presence there he
will be its everlasting light and its glory (vv. 19-20). True to form,
Mount Zion will be holy, and TIs primary concern in this regard is the
right of citizenship to denote the sort of people entitled to live in this
holy place with the One whose name is Holy (57:15). Everyone that
would cause the impurity of this place is excluded: those who profane
(llx) the sabbath (56:2-8 and 58:13-14, both by implication),71 those
who practise idolatry (57:3-13, 65:11b, 66:3 and 17), those who are
violent (65:25 by implication and 66:3),72 those who rebel against YHWH
(66:24), and, by definition, those who forsake YHWH and who forget his
holy mountain (65:11).73 On the other hand, the ones who will possess
the land and inherit YHWHs holy mountain are his chosen ones, his
servants (65:9), those who take refuge in him (57:13), those who are
contrite and humble in spirit (57:15),74 those who keep sabbath from
71
72
73
74
endorses Snaiths exegesis of 40:1a, and he still lists this passage along with 52:9b for
support that Jerusalem here means die Bevlkerung, Karl Elliger, Deuterojesaja
(BKAT 11; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag, 1978) 1 and 13.
For more details on these passages, see 6.8.2.
For more details on 66:3 see 6.8.4.
As Koole correctly points out, the name holy mountain has an antithetical value
here, being the opposite of any idolatrous practice, Jan Leunis Koole, Isaiah III/3,
trans. Anthony P. Runia, vol. 3 (HCOT; Leuven: Peeters, 2001) 523.
The understanding of 57:15 here follows Koole, Isaiah III/3, 96-100. He persuasively
argues that v. aB (I dwell in the high and holy place) is suggestive of Yahwehs
kingship in Zion, so just as in the previous pericope that ends with the holy
mountain, the question remains of the approachability of this God; there is the
distance of insignificant man to the high God, and of the sinner to the Holy One.
Considering the structure of v. b, he also argues for connecting the crushed of heart
with Gods holiness and the humility of spirit with his exaltedness, and, referring to
some uses of the verb akd, he interprets aK'D; and x:Wr-lp;v. in terms of penance and
humility. Finally, referring to Lev 16:16, he maintains that !kv in v. aB can be
construed with -ta, as preposition in v. bA, so the meaning of these lines is that
Yahweh lives in the high and the holy, but with the crushed and humble in spirit
[H]is dwelling-place is among people and this vicinity of God puts a great strain on
his approachability, but it may also lead to full fellowship. As long as the stumblingblock of sin and unbelief has not been cleared away, the proximity of the Exalted
and Holy One destroys, but when it is removed, the high God accepts humble man
and lives in all his holiness with the broken-hearted.
70
profaning it (56:2-8 and 58:13-14), in one word ~yqiyDIc; (60:21). They

shall be called, The Holy People, The Redeemed of the LORD
(62:12), and will worship YHWH on his holy mountain, bringing
acceptable sacrifices and offerings in ritually pure containers
(rAhj' ylik.Bi as rendered by NET) into the house of YHWH (56:7 and
66:20).
TIs interest in keeping sabbaths from being profaned deserves a
comment here. As already mentioned, the regulations of the Sabbatical
year and the Jubilee year are a characteristic component of the cultic
conception of the land, seeing the land as sabbath bound. 75 Even
though it seems that tB'v; or tAtB'v; in TI refers principally to the
Sabbath day, the Sabbatical year and the Jubilee year should not be
excluded. When the people are cautioned to keep YHWHs tAtB'v; in Lev
26:2, the context makes clear that the Sabbatical year and the Jubilee
year are a part, if not the essential part of what could be understood as
a sabbath concept.76 Furthermore, just as in Lev 26, the blessings that
result from observing the sabbath regulations are explicitly connected
with the land in TI: YHWH will bring the adherers to his holy mountain
(56:7), make them ride upon the heights of the land and feed them
with Jacobs hl'x]n: (58:14).77
3.5. Conclusion
Based on the above observations, it can be concluded that cultic
conception of the land as defined in the Law is present in the book of
Isaiah. The degree of this presence varies from part to part, and it
seems to intensify in the later layers of the book, but its characteristics
can be found throughout the whole book. The application is that
Isaianic texts concerning the land, Jerusalem, and Zion are best
understood sub specie sanctitatis Dei. From the human perspective, the
practical implications are as follows: If the land belongs to YHWH and
Israelites are only sojourners and tenants ( ~ybiv'Atw> ~yrIG)E who reside
there with him (Lev 25:23), the question of coexistence, as posed by
~yaiJ'x; and ~ypinEx] in Isa 33:14, becomes of prime importance: Who
75
76
77
The expression comes from Habel, The Land is Mine, passim. For more details, see his
discussion there, especially pp. 101-114.
For the detailed discussion of this concept, see 6.3.2. NRSV is slightly misleading at
this point, when it translates tAtB'v; as sabbath years in connection with the land
(Lev 26:34 and 43), but as sabbaths otherwise (Lev 26:2, 35 and elsewhere).
For more details on these verses, see 6.5.12.
Conclusion
71
among us can coexist (rWgy") with the devouring fire? The answer is to
avoid every kind of behaviour that defies YHWHs presence, for he is a
God with whom no evil can coexist ([r" ^r>gUy> al{, Ps 5:5).
Conclusion of Part I
Throughout the chapters of Part I, it has been suggested that in the
Priestly literature cultic concepts such as purity/impurity, holiness, or
the land substantiate ethics. It seems that if the focal point of cult is
YHWHs presence (with which holiness is intrinsically connected), the
reason for an ethical appeal in conjunction with ritual practice is the
capacity of certain immoral behaviour to effect the purity of the people,
the land, the city or the sanctuary. The laws that regulate such
behaviour are therefore cultic in nature, so one can think of them as the
promulgation of the ethical dimension of cult.
Now the question is whether ethics and cult are related this way
also in the book of Isaiah. The fact that the discussion of the cultic
concepts in all the chapters of Part I has not revealed any essential
differences between the Priestly literature and the book of Isaiah
suggests an affirmative answer: the conceptions of sacrifices,
(im)purity, holiness, and the land in the book of Isaiah are governed by
theology compatible with P. The main reason for ethical appeals in the
book appears to the fact that certain unethical behaviour seriously
affects YHWHs presence. It seems well justified in the following three
chapters to adhere to Rowleys counsel: It should never be forgotten
that the prophetic demand was religious, and that it sprang from the
conception of God.1
Harold Henry Rowley, The Faith of Israel: Aspects of Old Testament Thought (London:
SCM, 1956) 128.
PART II
Chapter 4: Cult and Ethics

in Isaiah 1:10-17
4.1. Introduction
In spite of or because of the variety of its interpretations, Isa 1:10-17 is
probably the most frequently quoted text to illustrate the view of the
pre-exilic prophets on cult and ethics. 1 Kaisers comment is hardly an
exaggeration: The present text, a prophetic instruction on sacrifice or a
sacrifice Torah, is one of the most significant texts in the book of Isaiah
from a historical point of view, though at the same time it is one over
which there is the most dispute.2 The dispute to which Kaiser refers is
caused not only by the presuppositions the interpreters hold regarding
the role of cult and ethics in the ideology of the Prophets, but also by
the number of text-critical issues present in this passage. Probably the
best instance of the latter is the treatment of what appears to be the
crux of the passage the last phrase of v. 13, particularly the term !w<a' in
MT, rendered by LXX as nhstei,a (presumably reading ~Ac in its
Vorlage). 3 As argued below, Wildberger correctly supposes that die
Zusammestellung von !w<a' und hrc[ fr die Deutung des Abschnittes
entscheidend ist.4 He also suggests that, in this case the text-critical
decision should be based on the overall assessment of Isaiahs mind-set
about the cult.5 Even though the coherence of Isaiahs message is no
1
2
3
Gray calls it one of the most notable statements of the common standpoint of the
prophets, George Buchanan Gray, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of
Isaiah I-XXVII (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1912) 16.
Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12, 24.
For various translations, compare, e.g., NRSV (solemn assemblies with iniquity)
with NEB (sacred seasons and ceremonies); for commentaries, compare, e.g., Gray
with Delitzsch.
Wildberger, Jesaja, 43. Similarly, Williamson points out that the possible emendation
of !w<a to ~Ac has a significant bearing on the interpretation of Isa 1:10-17, H. G. M.
Williamson, "Biblical Criticism and Hermeneutics in Isaiah 1:10-17," in Vergegenwrtigung des Alten Testaments: Beitrge zur Biblischen Hermeneutik; Festschrift fr Rudolf
Smend zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Christoph Bultmann, et al. (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 2002) 82.
Wildberger, Jesaja, 34.
'
76
Cult and Ethics in Isaiah 1:10-17
doubt a strong support of a particular solution to a textual problem,

there is a potential danger in projecting the results of so called higher
criticism into the text-critical issues. The preference here is, whenever
possible, to work the argument from the bottom up: from lexical,
syntax, form, and structure studies, to immediate and wider context
studies. However, some of these exegetical steps inevitably presuppose
a particular historical background, so this needs to be addressed first.
4.2. Historical Background of Isa 1:10-17

Isa 1:10-17 enjoys relatively homogeneous treatment when it comes to
date and authorship. Even though there are exceptions (most notably
and notoriously Kaiser), the following quote from Williamson about Isa
1 can be safely applied to this passage:
[I]t is still the opinion of the overwhelming majority of commentators that
the bulk of this chapter stems from the prophet Isaiah himself, even
though the oracles may have been subsequently gathered from elsewhere
in his work and given their present position as the result of a redactors
desire to provide a suitable introduction to the book as a whole.6
If Isaiah of Jerusalem is the author of this passage, it is legitimate to

search for some clues that would place Isa 1:10-17 into a particular
period of his long ministry.7 Many scholars connect it with one of the
two major crises in Judah during the second half of the 8th century the
Syro-Ephraimitic war during the reign of Ahaz, or Sennacheribs
invasion during the reign of Hezekiah. Their major argument comes
from the description in the previous unit (vv. 7-8) that would fit the
aftermath of both events very well the whole land laid desolate apart
from Jerusalem.8 If, however, the oracles in this chapter were collected
6
7
Williamson, Book Called Isaiah, 80.

The exact time-span of Isaiahs ministry is disputed. Many scholars take Isa 6 as
Isaiahs initial call, taking the year that king Uzziah died (v. 1) as the start of his
ministry. This year, however, is also disputed; it could be 742 according to the
Bright Albright chronology, but as early as 747 or as late as 735 according to
others, Joseph Jensen, Isaiah 1-39 (Old Testament Message, vol. 8; Wilmington:
Michael Glazier, 1984) 29. Furthermore, as Williamson points out, Isaiahs vision in
ch. 6 does not necessarily describe his initial call, so one must not exclude the
possibility that his ministry started already during Uzziahs lifetime, see Williamson,
Isaiah 1-27, 20-21. As far as the end of Isaiahs ministry is concerned, scholars
generally agree that his latest prophecies come from 701 or shortly thereafter.
Thus, e.g., Blenkinsopp sees the thematic connection with the preceding stanza,
dated by most commentators (including himself) right after Sennacheribs campaign
during the reign of Hezekiah in 701, in that the ritual appeasement of the deity
Historical Background of Isa 1:10-17
77
from various parts of the Isaianic corpus to serve as an introduction to

the book, the chronological sequence between them cannot be
presupposed.9 Vargon correctly states that the historical background of
this prophecy must be deduced from the prophecy itself.10 The
problem is that the clues that Isa 1:10-17 offers in this regard are too
general: all that is required for the functioning of religious life seems to
be in place, cultic activities are regular and probably intensified, and
social justice is being perverted.
Nevertheless, a number of scholars place Isa 1:10-17 into the time of
Hezekiah on the basis of these clues. Thus Vargon, among others,
believes that the economic situation significantly improved for Judah in
720-705 as a result of economic hegemony of the Assyrians and
Hezekiahs loyalty to this empire. This provided suitable conditions not
only for opulent cult practices, but also for a social crisis as a result of
escalating social injustice.11 To these and similar arguments, several
objections need to be raised. First, as Houston sufficiently
demonstrated, the conditions for a social crisis in 8th century Judah and
Israel certainly recurred on more than one later occasion, and that
there is no archaeological evidence for any elements of the rural
population living in abject poverty, and particularly no evidence for
any dramatic change in the conditions of life during the eighth century
or at any other period prior to the final downfall of the respective
kingdoms.12 Second, even if there was an economic boom in
9
10
11
12
would tend to be intensified in times of crisis, which remains true even if some of the
religious observances mentioned here are more or less routine, Joseph Blenkinsopp,
Isaiah 1-39: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 19; New York:
Doubleday, 2000) 184.
For the most recent arguments in support of this increasingly more accepted idea of
the Isa 1 composition and function, see Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, passim.
Shmuel Vargon, "The Historical Background and Significance of Isa 1, 10-17," in
Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography: Presented to Zecharia Kallai,
ed. Gershon Galil and Moshe Weinfeld (VTSup 81; Leiden: Brill, 2000) 187.
Vargon, "Historical Background," 188f. For a similar opinion, see, e.g., Sweeney,
Isaiah 1-39, 80. Dating Isa 1:10-17 sometime between 715-701, he attributes the
prophets denunciation of the cultic activity to the relationship between Hezekiahs
religious reforms and his policy of preparing for armed revolt against the Assyrians.
Williamson rightly objects that this seems to read more into the text than is there,
Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 85.
Walter J. Houston, "Was there a Social Crisis in the Eighth Century?," in In Search of
Pre-Exilic Israel: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar, ed. John Day
(JSOTSup 406; London: T & T Clark International, 2004) 146-147 and 136. For the
archaeological support of this conclusion, see John S. Holladay, "The Kingdoms of
Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Centralization in the Iron IIA-B (ca. 1000-
78
Hezekiahs time, it is not a necessary precondition for the cultic

activities described in Isa 1:10-17. A rich cultic life does not presuppose
exceptional economic growth of a particular group, nor the general
well-being of society.13 Third, nothing in Isa 1:10-17 indicates that the
cultic practices there took extraordinary proportions.14 In short, there
are other periods during Isaiahs ministry besides Hezekiahs era that
provide equally suitable conditions for the cultic and social activities
described in Isa 1:10-17.
Another argument for Hezekiahs date is unique to Vargon: he
observes several linguistic parallels between Isa 1:10-17 and the text in
Chronicles that describes the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr 29-31), and
believes that they indicate a link between the two, providing grounds
to suppose that the compiler of Chronicles derived his description from
a source from the reign of Hezekiah. As a result, he establishes the date
of the Isaianic oracle in the days of Hezekiah. 15 The circularity of this
argument is rather obvious. Furthermore, Vargons use of the book of
Chronicles as the biblical historiographical literature is highly
questionable. Instead of resembling Isa 1:10-15, the picture of numerous
sacrifices in 2 Chr 29 (esp. vv. 31-35) finds a much closer parallel in 1
Kgs 8:62-66, the sacrifices during the dedication of the Temple by
Solomon. As Williamson sufficiently demonstrated, the Chronicler has
gone out of his way to present Hezekiah as a second Solomon, 16 and
the description of cultic activities seems to be driven by this concern,
rather than by historical reality. If there was some historicity in the
Chroniclers description of Hezekiahs reform, 17 it would point in the
opposite direction for which Vargon argues: its emphasis is on real
13
14
15
16
17
750 BCE)," in The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land, ed. Thomas Evan Levy
(London: Leicester University Press, 1995).
As Blenkinsopp in the footnote 8 above suggests, increased cultic activity may reflect
the time of crisis.
The expressions ~k,yxeb.zI-bro and yr"cex] smor> (vv. 11-12) do not necessarily imply masses
going to the Temple offering a multitude of sacrifices comparable to 2 Chr 29-30,
contra Vargon, "Historical Background," 187-188.
Vargon, "Historical Background," 188.
H. G. M. Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles (NCBC; Grand Rapids, London: Eerdmans,
Marshall Morgan & Scott, 1982) 350-351.
Scholars disagree how much of what is unique to 2 Chr 29-31 comes from possible
alternative accounts and how much is the Chroniclers own composition. Lowery
persuasively argues that the unusual elements and irregularities, especially in the
account of the all-Israel Passover, indicate historical reality at the core of these
chapters, Richard H. Lowery, The Reforming Kings: Cult and Society in First Temple
Judah (JSOTSup120; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991) 161-167. Williamson decides to leave
this question open, see Williamson, Chronicles, 351.
79
purity and sanctification,18 coming, as said of the Levites in 29:34, from

bb'le yrEv.yI, even to the extent that those people who set their hearts to
seek God but had not cleansed themselves were pardoned by YHWH
and could eat the Passover meal (30:17-20), with the result that, unlike
in Isa 1:15, their voice was heard; their prayer came to his holy
dwelling in heaven (30:27). Isaiah would hardly object to cultic
practices carried out with such attitude. When comparing Isa 1:10-17
with 2 Chr 29-31 and its Vorlage in 2 Kgs 18, one could even argue that
Isaiahs admonitions served as one of the bases for Hezekiahs reform.19
A king acting against the usual cultic practices as described in 2 Kgs
18:4, even to the point of breaking the bronze serpent that Moses had
made, can hardly be accused of putting a main emphasis only on cult. 20
This picture of Hezekiahs era does not provide a suitable historical
background for Isa 1:10-17.
In contrast to Hezekiah, Ahaz is portrayed in 2 Kgs 16 as being
preoccupied with cult. It is said from the start that he made his son
pass through fire, and sacrificed and made offerings on the high
places, on the hills, and under every green tree (vv. 3-4). He was so
inspired by a great altar he saw in a Damascus temple that his orders to
install its copy in Jerusalem were carried out even before his return,
and, after he saw the result, he offered numerous sacrifices on it (vv.
10-13). He commanded that all the required sacrifices and offerings will
take place on this new altar, while keeping the old one for his private
cultic use (vv. 14-15). Admittedly, every part of this story raises more
questions than answers about Ahaz and his cultic activities, 21 especially
the unparalleled episode about the new altar. Cogan argues that Ahazs
innovations were neither idolatrous nor syncretistic for the following
reasons: Assyrians did not impose the worship of their gods on vassal
states, the description of rituals in vv. 13-15 shows that the new altar in
the Jerusalem temple was used for the same legitimate practices of
YHWH cult as the old one, and Uriah, priest of YHWH and otherwise
known as Isaiahs supporter (Isa 8:2), expressed no objections to this
18
19
20
21
Notice the frequency and prominence of the root vdq throughout the story.
Compare, e.g., 2 Chr 29:5-6 with Isa 1:16.
Contra Vargon, "Historical Background," 193. The high places, altars, etc. in this
passage are understood to serve primarily for illegitimate worship of YHWH (as
explicitly stated in v. 22), not of the other gods. Certainly, as Lowery argues, the
worship there was highly syncretic, but whatever non-Yahwistic cult services were
offered in addition, the Judean high place remained a Yahweh sanctuary, Lowery,
Reforming Kings, 79.
For a brief but accurate summary of the major research on this chapter in the 20th
century, see Lowery, Reforming Kings, 134-140.
80
innovation.22 Cogans theory needs to be modified. First, as Lowery

correctly points out, since kings were believed to be the chosen sons of
YHWH, they could not only change cult policies, but also appoint and
depose priests, so the absence of Uriahs objections to Ahazs
innovations can be explained by fear.23 Second, and more importantly,
Spieckermann has demonstrated that the Assyrians were far from
relaxed about the religion of their subjects, and imposed harsh
religious-political measures against rebellious vassals. He adds,
however, that since Judah, with the brief exception of Hezekiah, was a
very faithful vassal, these harsh measures were not necessary. 24
Spieckermann sees Ahazs cultic innovations as a clever compromise:
the new, impressive Damascene altar served for sacrifices and offerings
to YHWH, while, at the same time, the king reserved the bronze altar
for the rituals required of him as a king of a vassal country. 25 In spite of
the differences, the above scholars agree that these cultic innovations
described in 2 Kgs 16 were voluntarily adopted by the leaders of
Judah,26 and not only did not eliminate, but probably even enhanced
the Yahwistic official cult.27 Ahaz appears to be the one in charge of
cultic matters, taking initiative, giving orders and performing the
rituals. Although these activities are not unusual for a king of the First
Temple period, Lowery correctly maintains that, in the book of Kings,
Ahazs personal involvement and participation in the cultic matters is
22
23
24
25
26
27
See Mordechai Cogan, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah, and Israel in the Eighth
and Seventh Centuries B.C.E (SBLMS 19; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1974). He
further elaborates on this view in Mordechai Cogan and Hayim Tadmor, II Kings: A
New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 11; New York: Doubleday,
1988) 184-194. Here he suggests that the construction of the new altar was motivated
by a spirit of assimilation to the current international fashions, and that Ahazs
innovations are criticized in the book of Kings because they upset the order of
things in the Temple as established by Solomon, Cogan and Tadmor, II Kings, 193.
Lowery, Reforming Kings, 124.
Hermann Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (Forschungen zur
Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 129; Gttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982) 371.
Spieckermann, Assur, 367-369. According to Jones, this double altar solution held
through until Josiahs reform, Gwilym H. Jones, 1 and 2 Kings (NCBC; Grand Rapids,
MI, London: Eerdmans, Marshall Morgan & Scott, 1984) 369.
As observed by Lowery, Reforming Kings, 139.
An attractive supportive argument comes from Jones, who suggests that if the
sacrifices in v. 13 would be offered to an alien god, the deuteronomistic compiler
would not have missed the opportunity to castigate Ahaz, Jones, 1 and 2 Kings, 539.
For more support of the idea that the new altar served the Yahwistic official cult, see
J. W. McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians 732-609 BC (SBT 26; London: SCM,
1973) 5-12.
Literary Genre of Isa 1:10-17
81
unprecedented.28 At the same time, he calls himself the servant and the
son of Tiglath-pileser, turning to him for help and bribing him with the
silver and the gold from YHWHs temple (vv. 7-8).29 According to
Isaiah,30 such activities equal rebellion against YHWH, breaking the
central element in the treaty relationship, the lords claim to an
exclusive fidelity from the vassal which forbade all serious dealing with
outsiders.31 When this treacherous behaviour is combined with Ahazs
zeal for cult, one gets the very profile of a leader that Isa 1:10-17
criticizes: a person capable of cultic conduct and ethical misconduct at
the same time.
Dating Isa 1:10-17 back to the time of Ahaz can be further
supported by arguments from Wildberger and Williamson, who look
for similarities and differences between this passage and the other
prophetic treatments of the same topic. Wildberger argues that da
amoseische und hoseanische Gedanken anklingen, mag der Abschnitt
aus Jesajas Frhzeit stammen.32 Williamson refers to Isa 29:1-2, 29:1314, and 22:12-14 where the prophet deals with the same topic of cultic
observance with a noticeable shift in his thinking, leaving no room for
the averting of the coming judgment via repentance. Since these
passages refer to the periods shortly before and after Sennacheribs
invasion, Williamson prefers to place Isa 1:10-17 with its message of
possibility for reform in the early years of Isaiahs ministry. He even
implies its terminus a quo, when suggesting that the attitude in Isa 1:1017 reflects Isaiahs personal experience of forgiveness and cleansing in
a cultic setting (6:5-7).33 The following discussion endorses this
proposal.
4.3. Literary Genre of Isa 1:10-17

Discussing the essentials of form criticism, Campbell aptly cautions
that the decision about the literary type (genre) is not an
understanding imposed on the text; it is a decision that emerges out of
28
29
30
31
32
33
See Lowery, Reforming Kings, 67-69.

In the light of the context, NRSVs rendering of dx;vo in v. 6 as gift seems rather
weak.
See especially ch. 30, where Gods people are called rebellious and faithless sons (vv.
1 and 9), because they take refuge in the protection of Pharaoh (v. 2).
Dennis J. McCarthy, "Notes on the Love of God in Deuteronomy and the Father-Son
Relationship between Yahweh and Israel," CBQ 27 (1965) 144-147.
Wildberger, Jesaja, 37.
82
the understanding of the text.34 The placement of this section here,

before textual analysis, does not mean ignoring Campbells
admonition. Quite the reverse; the purpose of this discussion is to
eliminate some rather common presuppositions about the genre of Isa
1:10-17 in order to approach the text without an unnecessary bias. This
order is followed also in the next two exegeses (Chapters 5 and 6) for
the same reason.
Isa 1:10-17 is often listed as the prime example of the so-called
prophetic Torah genre for two main reasons: first, v. 10b designates
the rest of the passage as Wnyhel{a/ tr:AT;35 second, there are cultic issues
raised in vv. 11-15, and these are addressed in what is considered a
prophetic-like manner, namely emphasizing ethics over cult. 36 The first
reason is seriously undermined by Williamson and others who take v.
10 as a redactional introduction. If correct, the expression Wnyhel{a/ tr:AT is
not the authors label for the passage, but the redactors understanding
of it.37 For those who assign the authorship of this expression to Isaiah,
an even more complicated question arises, namely what was the
meaning of the term hr'AT for the 8th century prophet. Jensen, who
devoted a whole monograph to this question, concludes that hr'AT in Isa
1:10 is best understood as instruction in a broad sense, similar to its
use in the wisdom tradition, rather than as law in the legal tradition.38
Both of these theses weaken the links between the genre of this passage
and the priestly Torah genre. Regardless of v. 10, the second reason
mentioned above can still suffice to view Isa 1:10-17 as imitation of
priestly Torah, viz. prophetic Torah.39 However, a closer look at the
form-critical studies of this passage reveals that this label is not only
34
35
36
37
38
39
Antony F. Campbell, "Form Criticism's Future," in The Changing Face of Form

Criticism for the Twenty-First Century, ed. Marvin A. Sweeney and Ehud Ben Zvi
(Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge, U.K.: W.B. Eerdmans, 2003) 24.
Cf. Joseph Jensen, The Use of tr by Isaiah: His Debate with the Wisdom Tradition (CBQ
monograph series 3; Washington, D.C.: Catholic Biblical Association of America,
1973) 25.
See, e.g., Marvin A. Sweeney, Isaiah 1-4 and the Post-Exilic Understanding of the Isaianic
Tradition (BZAW 171; Berlin; New York: De Gruyter, 1988) 111. Wildberger gives
even more prominence to the influence of the supposed priestly genre by labeling
the genre of this passage priesterliche Thora, only because, according to him, der
Abschnitt beansprucht, hrwt zu sein, und die einzelnen Termini doch stark in der
Sprache des Kultes verwurzelt sind, Wildberger, Jesaja, 36.
See Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 81-85.
See Jensen, Use of tr, esp. 65-84. For further bibliography on this issue, see
Just like, e.g., Amos 5:21-27 or Micah 6:6-8, which do not mention hr'AT, but which
are often labeled as prophetic Torah.
83
unproductive, 40 but even counterproductive, especially when

understood in either of the following two ways.
The first way is to believe that the imitation here is for the purpose
of creating defamiliarization. As Ben Zvi explains, defamiliarization of
genres is a rhetorical device frequently used in the prophetic books,
when the literary texts run counter to the expectations and associations
created by even well-known literary genres.41 The problem is obvious:
even if the genre of priestly Torah were properly reconstructed (which
it is not, as will be argued below), to reconstruct the expectations and
associations evoked by it in the mind of an ancient Israelite is beyond
the bounds of credibility. As Jensen sufficiently demonstrated, there is
no solid ground for assuming that, e.g., when an 8 th century
Jerusalemite heard a prophet using the expression Wnyhel{a/ tr:AT, he
expected a list of cultic prescriptions to follow.42 And even if this were
the case, would he be unfamiliar with incorporating ideas such as
Gods refusing sacrifices offered by a murderer or ceasing to do evil
and learning to do good into such a list? Although the answer is most
likely no, these and similar reactions would have to be expected if the
defamiliarization via imitation of priestly Torah in Isa 1:10-17 were to
have some force.
A second counterproductive way to apply the label prophetic
Torah to Isa 1:10-17 is to understand the imitation of priestly Torah
here as caricature, sarcasm, or irony. Thus, e.g., Sweeney maintains that
Isaiah employs the term in a satirical manner to demonstrate his point
that the Torah of YHWH in this instance does not pertain to correct
sacrificial procedure, but to the underlying purpose that the sacrifice
serves.43 Even though sarcasm concerning cultic practice is not
unknown to the OT prophets (e.g., Amos 4:4), it is anything but evident
in Isa 1:10-17, except perhaps in the questionable v. 10. One cannot
resist an impression that this negative connotation implied by some
scholars through the tag prophetic Torah is fuelled by their
40
41
42
43
In the words of Childs, the scholarly debate concerning the genre of this passage has
become quite sterile without much exegetical illumination, Brevard S. Childs, Isaiah
(OTL; Louisville, KY; London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001) 19.
Ben Zvi, "Prophetic Book," 291.
Contra Oswalt, et al. In the words of Jensen: Certainly it was not the ritual
prescriptions of the various collections in P that Isaiah had in mind when he spoke
of Yahwehs tr, Jensen, Use of tr, 65.
Marvin A. Sweeney, Form and Intertextuality in Prophetic and Apocalyptic Literature
(FAT 45; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005) 21-22. Similarly, Blenkinsopp suggests that
what is going on in this passage is perhaps sarcastic imitation of the priestly Torah,
Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 184. Oswalt is inclined to believe that the use of the term
hr'AT in v. 10 is probably ironic, Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 96.
84
presuppositions such as antagonism between the prophets and the

priests in ancient Israel or aversion of the prophets to rituals.44
The biggest problem with defining prophetic Torah as an
imitation of priestly Torah is, however, that there is no clear idea of
what it is supposed to imitate the original priestly Torah genre. The
following remark by Gunkel about one form of priestly Torah raises the
suspicion of a methodological flaw, namely that the original is defined
predominantly by its imitation: This form was once much more
common than the postexilic priestly legal ruling still allows one to
recognize as is shown by the imitations which are found precisely in
this form of priestly torah among the prophets. 45 This suspicion is only
confirmed by Begrichs proposal about how the original form of
priestly Torah is to be determined: Die Form wird uns erfabar durch
einige prophetische Nachahmungen priesterlicher Tora, ferner durch
einige Beispiele der hexateuchischen Tradition. When it comes to
practising this method, Begrich believes that der prophetische Einschlag, die Umkehrung des priesterlichen Urteiles und die Einfhrung
der spezifisch prophetischen Forderungen, leicht erkennbar ist, und
das Priesterliche durch den Vergleich mit den hexateuchischen Beispielen leicht gesichert werden kann.46 Leicht it may sound, but, as Jensen
correctly points out, this method suffers from circularity: the clearest
evidence for the form of priestly tr is found in prophetic imitations of
the form; but how can we recognize them as imitations of priestly tr
unless we have already clearly established the elements of the latter? 47
44
45
46
47
Thus, e.g., Gunkel believes that the prophets gladly made use of different forms of
priestly Torah in opposition to the dominant cultic religion, Hermann Gunkel and
Joachim Begrich, Introduction to Psalms: The Genres of the Religious Lyric of Israel
(Mercer Library of Biblical Studies; Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1998) 250.
Gunkel develops this line of thought even further when discussing the cult-critical
passages in Psalms. He considers texts like Ps 50 to be an imitation of prophetic
Torah, preserving the prophetic emphasis on ethics over cult, but obliterating its
antiritualistic radicalism, thus appropriating these texts for cultic use. According to
Gunkel, this (by now) imitation of imitation, shows, that the prophets certainly
succeeded in breaking the overvaluation of the sacrifice in cultic religion [but]
they were unable to get the entire content of their torah accepted, Gunkel and
Begrich, Introduction to Psalms, 281. This use of form-criticism seems to be
speculative and counterproductive.
Gunkel and Begrich, Introduction to Psalms, 250.
Joachim Begrich, "Die priesterliche Tora," in Werden und Wesen des Alten Testaments :
Vortrge gehalten auf der Internationalen Tagung Alttestamentlicher Forscher zu Gttingen
vom 4.-10. September 1935, ed. Johannes Hempel, Friedrich Stummer, and Paul Volz
(BZAW 66; Berlin: A. Tpelmann, 1936) 73.
Jensen, Use of tr, 13. See also pp. 12-14 of this monograph for Jensens sharp
critique of Begrichs thesis.
Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 1:10-17
85
When it comes to the 8th century prophets, the original genre of priestly
Torah that they are supposed to imitate can only be presupposed, not
demonstrated.
If Isa 1:10-17 is stripped of all the above mentioned presuppositions
and implied concepts, the only thing left to induce the tag priestly
Torah or prophetic Torah is the cultic and ethical terminology. To
establish the genre of the text on this, however, would be a case where,
in Williamsons words, terminological parallels are confused with
form-critical analysis.48 Taking the above discussion into consideration,
the study of Isa 1:10-17 may actually benefit from dropping the labels
priestly Torah and prophetic Torah altogether.49 One should at least
pay close attention to the introductory quote from Campbell that
cautions us not to put a genre tag on a particular passage before a
thorough examination of the text has been undertaken. 50
4.4. Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 1:10-17

There is a consensus among OT scholars with regard to the unity of Isa
1:10-17 in its final form. It is determined by the two introductory
imperative calls in vv. 10 and 18. MT marks off its beginning and its
end by a marginal s, and there is obvious spacing (vacat) before v. 10
and after v. 17 in 1QIsaa. The analysis below also confirms its unity. Far
from obvious, however, are the relationships of the various building
blocks within this passage. The purpose of this section is to identify the
structure of the text with regard to its syntax, 51 focusing on its smallest
units such as words and colons, and the relationship between them
within the stanzas. Some text-critical issues of Isa 1:10-17 are also
addressed here. The following section deals with the relationships
between the stanzas and the overall structure of the passage. In order to
eliminate the danger of preoccupation with an intuitively accepted
interpretation during this process, close attention is paid to the
following two features of Khans methodology:
48
49
50
51

These, however, are die-hard labels, as some of the latest studies on the form of Isa
1:10-17 show; see, e.g., Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 28-29, 66 and 80.
Unlike many commentaries that implicitly encourage their readers to do otherwise
by putting the discussion of the genre before analysing the text.
For various proposals, see, e.g., K. Fullerton, "The Rhythmical Analysis of Is. 1:1020," JBL 38 (1919) 53-63, Susan Niditch, "The Composition of Isaiah 1," Biblica 61
(1980) 509-529, Ambrogio Spreafico, "Nahum i 10 and Isaiah i 12-13: Double-Duty
Modifier," VT 48 (1998) 104-110, Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 78-79.
86
(a) that a clear dichotomy is drawn between the structure of a syntactic

construction on the one hand and its function on the other, and (b) that
structure is the starting point of the analysis, i.e. my aim is to seek the
function which is performed by a given structure rather than the structure
which performs a given function.52
It has been a long recognized fact that the human mind is fond of
structures, patterns, and rhythms; it not only recognizes and
appreciates them when they are present, but it also tends to create them
when they are not. When it comes to analysing a Hebrew text,
especially poetry and its rhythm (metre), this human predisposition is a
good servant, but an evil master. Kugel talks about the damage of
metrical hypothesis and calls for more caution in applying it (if at all)
to the text: The whole idea that parts of the Bible are written in meter,
and the hundreds of trial scansions and textual emendations it has
emerged, is a concomitant of this notion.53 Watson speaks of metre in
Hebrew poetry more optimistically, and, while affirming its existence,
he warns against its rigid use: Confusion arises because scholars fail to
distinguish between metre as actually present in verse, and regular
metre. There is metre, yes, but not regular metre, since metrical
patterns are never maintained for more than a few verses at a stretch, if
even that.54 There seems to be sufficient ground (especially in the light
of Kugels study) to doubt the contribution of counting stresses or
syllables of the MT to determining the structure of the text. 55 In the
following analysis, metre is taken into consideration only when it is
compelling, but never used as an argument for determining the
structure, let alone emendation of the text.
Following Watsons terminology, the smallest unit taken into
consideration when dividing the poetic text of Isa 1:10-17 is hemistich,
followed by colon, strophe, and finally stanza.56 Working with these
52
53
54
55
56
Geoffrey Khan, Studies in Semitic Syntax (London Oriental Series 38; Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1988) xxvii. On the same page, Khan insists that one must start
with a single structure (or a group of closely related structures) and seek its several,
and often diverse, functions or else start with a single delimited function and seek its
various exponent structures. While these two approaches may be mutually
exclusive at the outset, it is possible to make the first the departure point and follow
with the second, as is the procedure in this section.
James L. Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetry: Parallelism and Its History (New Haven;
London: Yale University Press, 1981) 71.
Wilfred G. E. Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry: A Guide to Its Techniques (JSOTSup 26;
Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1984) 92.
For such an attempt with questionable results, see Niditch, "The Composition."
Struggling for balance in the text, she emends with LXX whenever it fits the purpose.
For the definitions of these terms, see Watson, Hebrew Poetry, 11-13.
87
units is not problem-free; even though there are certain rules for their
identification, they do not yield clear cut results, and allow for a
considerable amount of subjectivity. Nevertheless, as the chart below
illustrates, such division provides the necessary building blocks of
which the landscape of the passage is constructed, and, consequently,
brings to light its characteristic elements as well as the relations
between them (the dynamic of the text). For describing the connection
between hemistiches or colons at the morphological level (grammatical
parallelism), the conventions of Collins are used,57 where NP1
represents subject, NP2 object, V verb, and M modifiers of the verb
(such as adverbs, prepositional phrases, locatives, etc.). When the link
is only the one of meaning (semantic parallelism), the colons are
designated by capital letters. On both levels, the corresponding part has
the same label with an apostrophe. Watsons terminology and definetions are followed also in determining the particular poetic devices in
the text. The middle part of the chart consists of the MT as it appears in
BHS (without accents), with extra spacing and extra new-lines to point
out the divisions and relations of the units within the text.
57
Terence Collins, Line-forms in Hebrew Poetry: A Grammatical Approach to the Stylistic

Study of the Hebrew Prophets (Studia Pohl. Series Maior 7; Rome: Biblical Institute
Press, 1978).
88
Strophe and Poetic Device

Bicolon with grammatical and
semantic paral.: V NP2 NP1 // V NP2
NP1, using traditional word-pairs.
Introductory monocolon, opens the
stanza with rhetorical question.
semantic chiastic paral.: V NP2 // NP2
V, with (overlapping) ellipsis of V and
V, merismus made of NP2 + NP2, and
ballast variant in NP2.
Introductory monocolon, opens the
stanza with rhetorical question.
Pivot-patterned bicolon with silent
stress and double-duty modifier.
Pivot-patterned bicolon with doubleduty modifier, balanced according to
the isocolic principle.
Climatic monocolon.
MT of Isaiah 1:10-17 (BHS)
~dos. ynEyciq.
hw"hy>-rb;d> W[m.vi
hr"mo[] ~[; Wnyhel{a/ tr:AT WnyzIa]h; I
hw"hy> rm;ayO ~k,yxebz. -I bro yLi-hM'l'
~yliyae tAl[o yTi[.b;f'
~yaiyrIm. bl,xew>
II
~yrIP' ~d:w>
~yfib'k.W
yTic.p'x' al{ ~ydIWT[;w>
~k,d>Y<mi tazO vQebi ymi yn"P' tAar"le Wabot' yKi
WpysiAt al{
yr"cex] smor>
aw>v'-tx;n>mi aybih'
III
yli ayhi hb'[eAT
tr<joq.
ar"q.mi aroq. tB'v;w> vd<xo
hr"c'[]w: !w<a' lk;Wa-al{
Tricolon with parallel pattern

A/A/A, where the object of A
becomes the subject in A (antecedent
of Wyh') and the implicit second object
in A. The link is the one of meaning.
yvip.n: ha'n>f' ~k,ydE[]AmW ~k,yved>x'

xr:jol' yl;[' Wyh'
afon> ytiyael.nI
Tetracolon with alternating paral.: A B

// A B, crescendo through yKi ~G: .
~K,mi yn:y[e ~yli[.a; ~k,yPeK; ~k,f.rIp'b.W

[:mevo yNIn<yae hL'pit. WBr>t;-yKi ~G:
Closing monocolon, a dramatic gap for

reflection.
Walem' ~ymiD" ~k,ydEy>
Introductory tricolon with parallel

pattern V/V/ V NP2 NP1, where the
last cola is an exposition of the
synonymous word-pair V V.
St
IV
Wcx]r:
WKZ:hi
yn"y[e dg<N<mi ~k,ylel.[;m; [:ro Wrysih'

semantic paral.: V NP2 // V NP2,
where NP2 - NP2 is an antonymic
word-pair.
[;rEh' Wld>xi
bjeyhe Wdm.li

semantic paral.: V NP2 // V NP2.
jP'v.mi Wvr>DI
#Amx' WrV.a;

semantic paral.: V NP2 // V NP2,
where NP2 - NP2 is a correlative
word-pair.
~Aty" Wjp.vi
hn"m'l.a; WbyrI
89
While the dissection into stanzas (right column) coincides with the one
indicated by the MT (viz. Soph Pasuq), there are deviations from the MT
text division with regard to some strophes that require explanation.
Such discussion will, in turn, clarify the delimitation of the stanzas.
4.4.1. Stanza I (v. 10)

This one-strophe introductory stanza is a textbook example of
parallelism called proper congruence. It consists of fixed word-pairs:
hear // listen; the word of the Lord // the Torah of our God; rulers //
people; Sodom // Gomorrah. Such pairs are predictable, and Kugel
rightly believes that for this reason they were not the centre of the
listeners attention. The use of pairs does not mean the clauses are
equivalent, and what is interesting in these lines are the subtle
variations.58 Furthermore, if Kugels idea of the basic functions of
parallelism A is so, and whats more, B is granted, then parts of v.
10 could read: the word of the Lord, and whats more, the Torah of our
God; the rulers, and, whats more, all the people. By equating the
rulers and (by implication) the people of Israel with the citizens of
Sodom and Gomorrah, this introductory verse indicates the main issue
of the passage the peoples behaviour. This equation also sets up the
overall harsh tone of the passage.
4.4.2. Stanza II (v. 11)

The combination of hl'[o and xb;z< in this verse deserves closer attention.
Milgrom insists that in non-Priestly sources this combination appears
only as voluntary offerings of the individual and never as the required
staple of the public cult.59 Furthermore, he believes that by the eighth
century the expiatory character of hl'[o had passed on to the taJ'x; and
~v'a' sacrifices, and hl'[o retained solely its joyous nature.60 It is,
therefore, possible that the prophet purposefully singled out sacrifices
that were non-obligatory and non-expiatory (as already discussed in
1.6). However, it may be objected that such a technical understanding
58
59
60
Kugel, Idea, 31.

See Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 177. Milgrom further observes that while P prescribes
taJ'x; and ~v'a' as mandatory expiation sacrifices, the combination of hl'[o and xb;z<
is found only in the context of individual, voluntary sacrifices.
90
is out of place, for the Isaianic passage is a genre rather different from P
or other sources of the Pentateuch, and, just as the list of sacrificial
animals, the sacrifices mentioned in v. 11 represent sacrifices in general,
that is, they function as pars pro toto.
The division of this stanza proposed above seems to support this
objection, suggesting the reading of v. 11 in the following way: the
rhetorical question in the first colon introduces the main point, and the
rest of the verse is the expansion of the main point via a tour. 61 The
function of this tour, however, is more significant than just to lengthen
the poem; it has a function of merismus, expressing completeness. It is
well possible that the five sacrificial elements in the chiastically
structured bicolon are random on purpose (the list does not follow any
order known from the similar lists of sacrificial animals in the OT) to
communicate the all-encompassing character of ~k,yxeb.zI-bro. This
unorthodox register, along with the fact that assorted sacrificial
elements are listed instead of the variety of sacrifices, can indicate that
the sacrificial system as such is not the point here. Two more
interesting rhetorical features are worth mentioning. First, the ellipses62
of the initial and final verbs in the second strophe seem to be
overlapping, because the overreaching force of each one impacts all the
elements in between. The second feature, related to ellipsis, is the
writers regard for the isocolic principle in the second couplet. The
expression ~yfib'k.W can be seen as a ballast variant, eliminating thus the
metrical reason for its omission.63
4.4.3. Stanza III (vv. 12-13)

Before analysing the structure of this stanza, several of its expressions
and text-critical issues related to them require closer examination.
61
62
63
A tour is a series of one or more verses where the poet lists pairs of from three to ten
words all meaning roughly the same thing, or having something to do with the same
subject, or being in some way related. This definition is adopted by Watson from
William R. Watters, Formula Criticism and the Poetry of the Old Testament (BZAW 138;
Berlin: De Gruyter, 1976) 152.
Ellipsis is the omission of a particle, word or group of words within a poetic or
grammatical unit, where its presence is expected Watson, Hebrew Poetry, 303-304.
Contra Niditch, "The Composition," 524. Rather than concern for metre, the
notoriously light handling of lists by the Septuagint translators would more likely
account for the absence of the Greek counterpart of this expression in LXX, as
argued by Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 75.
91
a) ynp twarl Williamson persuasively argues that the MTs

vocalization of twarl as a niphal with syncopated h (to appear in my
presence) is the result of a reverential correction that goes back to the
compiler of Isa 1. He inclines to believe that in the pre-exilic times lay
worshipers were allowed access even to the part of the sanctuary where
the ark was stationed to see Gods face, hence the supposed original
qal form twOar>li.64 If correct, this expression originally referred to the
moment of the ultimate exposure of humans to Gods holiness, the
intensity of which is captured in Isa 6. As this chapter describes, in such
a moment, there is no place for uncleanness; in fact, it can spell disaster
for a human being.
b) yr"cex] smor> According to de Vaux, the concept of the holy place
in the Semitic religion was not limited to an altar, a sanctuary or a
temple, but included also a space around them, a space clearly marked
to make a separation between the holy and the profane (Ezek 42:20).65
The term rcex' with YHWH as the subject most likely referes to such a
space. As Hamp describes, these enclosed precincts possessed a
numinous aura, and, besides separating the sacred from the profane,
they placed those who entered them under the spell of the sacred. 66
Passages like Exod 20:25-26 make clear that such a place can be
profaned by peoples inappropriate conduct. This conduct is in Isa 1:12
described by the verb smr, a term that occurs almost exclusively in the
context of violation and destruction. The structural analysis of vv. 12-13
below reveals the close connection of the phrase yr"cex] smor> with its
immediate context. This connection suggests that the violation here is
not just an annoying sound of the multitude of worshipers, but refers to
something more serious, something that makes the worshipers hx'n>mi
worthless (aw>v'): just like the people of Israel profane the name of YHWH
in Ezek 20:39 by bringing their hx'n>mi and serving idols at the same time,
the worshipers in Isa 1:10-17 profane YHWHs court by exposing its
(derived) holiness to !w<a'.
c) !w<a' In his study of !w<a', Bernhardt points out this terms wide
range of meaning, stating that !w<a' is not connected with a special
category of wicked activity, but denotes a fundamental religioethical condition which collectively influences man. 67 Based on a
number of OT texts, it can be concluded that !w<a' refers to such mental
state, mindset, or (in Hebrew terms) inclination of ones heart that
64
65
66
67
See Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 75 and 90-91. See also bibliography there.
De Vaux, Ancient Israel, 274-276.
V. Hamp, rcex,' TDOT 5.135.
K. Bernhardt, !w<a,' TDOT 1.143.
92
potentially results in corrupted religious or ethical behaviour. 68 Just as

in the case of its most used English equivalent iniquity, the meaning
of !w<a' can be narrowed down only by its context. The fact that is not
found in the so called legal texts69 may explain why, in the words of
Livingston, little attention to wen as a contributor to an
understanding of sin is paid by biblical theologians.70 Despite solid
textual evidence (see below), it is apparent that the religio aspect of !w<a'
is often ignored, especially when interpreted in the prophetic literature.
Bernhardt states that because those 8th century prophetic texts that
use !w<a' encompass the most important areas of prophetic criticism:
social injustice, cultic wrongs, corrupt politics, this term clearly
denotes a deed or an attitude which in the view of the prophets is
opposed to the will of God.71 While very likely correct, this
characterization is too general to enrich the interpretation of a
particular prophetic passage. In Isa 1:10-17, !w<a' is buried in the midst of
cultic terms, and such a specific immediate context calls for a more
narrow, most naturally cultic definition of this term. Such a definition
is at hand as proposed by BDB, !w<a' can be rendered as idolatry in a
number of prophetic texts. 72 Most of these come from the 8th century
prophet Hosea: !w<a' of Gilead in 12:12 parallels the illegitimate cultic
practices in Gilgal,73 and the expression !w<a' tAmB' in 10:8 uses !w<a' to
inveigh against Canaanite cultic practices which had been adopted in
Israel.74 Furthermore, the immediate context of the expression !w<a' tyBe
in 4:15, 5:8, and 10:5 is idolatry, and, provided this expression serves in
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
See, e.g., Job 15:35; Ps 36:5, 41:7, 66:18; Prov 6:18; Isa 32:6, 55:7, 59:7; Ezek 11:2; Mic
2:1.
As observed by Bernhardt, !w<a', TDOT 1.141. He adds that !w<a' can be found
exclusively in prophetic, cultic, and sapiental texts.
G. H. Livingston, !wa, TWOT 1.23-24. He continues by saying that, since the word
stresses the planning and expression of deception and points to the painful
aftermath of sin, it should be noted more.
Bernhardt, !w<a', TDOT 1.143.
BDB, p. 19. As the comparison below of Isa 1:13 with BDBs possible instances for
rendering !w<a' as idolatry reveals, the absence of this verse among these examples is
rather surprising.
NET also understands !w<a' here this way, as explained in the footnote to this verse:
the second-half of the verse refers to cultic sins, suggesting that Hosea is
denouncing Gilead for its idolatry. Cf. NLT Gilead is filled with sinners who
worship idols.
Bernhardt, !w<a', TDOT 1.143. Even if this expression reads !w<a' tyBe tAmB' as in some
Hebrew manuscripts, the negative cultic connotation of the term remains (see the
discussion above).
93
Hosea as a polemical or even derogatory reference to lae-tyBe, the choice

of !w<a' for lae speaks strongly for the negative cultic aspect of !w<a.' 75
Another apt candidate for !w<a' referring to idolatry is 1 Sam 15:2223. This short passage is, at the same time, a close theological parallel to
Isa 1:10-17, so it deserves a more detailed examination. It presents a
climax of what is known as the story about the rejection of king Saul in
1 Sam 15. As a token of his victory over the Amalekites, king Saul
spares their king Agag and the best of the sheep and of the cattle and
of the fatlings, and the lambs, and all that was valuable (v. 9). When
confronted by the prophet Samuel over this booty, he defends the
breach of ~r,xe command by designating the spared animals for
sacrifices to YHWH (vv. 15 and 21). To this, Samuel replies:
Has the LORD as great delight in burnt offerings and sacrifices,
as in obeying the voice of the LORD?
Surely, to obey is better than sacrifice,
and to heed than the fat of rams.
For rebellion is the sin of divination,
and insubordination is ~ypir"t.W !w<a'
Because you have rejected the word of the LORD,
He has also rejected you from being king.
Because of its prophetic features, namely poetic form and cult-critical

content, some scholars consider this passage to be a part of the
prophetic rewriting of an earlier story.76 Long, however, persuasively
defends the originality of vv. 22-23 to their present context in ch. 15 by
showing how these verses function in and are connected with the
story.77 Furthermore, he repudiates the objection that so called anti-cult
polemic originated with the 8th century prophets, referring to the
already mentioned article by Weinfeld, who demonstrated that such
cult-critical ideas were around hundreds of years before the prophets,
75
76
77
As also implied in Amos 5:4-6, where the !w<a' character of the Bethel cult in v. 5 is
contrasted with the command to seek the Lord and live (vv. 4b and 6a).
Thus, e.g., Klein is inclined to believe that, because Samuels response in vv. 22-23 is
couched in Hebrew poetry, it might have been once preserved independently of
the narrative, Ralph W. Klein, 1 Samuel (WBC 10; Waco, TX: Word Books, 1983) 152.
For the most recent and detailed proposal of the prophetic rewriting in 1 Sam 15, see
Antony F. Campbell, 1 Samuel (FOTL 7; Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge: W.B.
Eerdmans, 2003) 157-159. Campbell, however, does not consider vv. 22 and 23a to be
a part of this prophetic editing, and even this editorial work, according to him, took
place rather early, before the Deuteronomic History and the Prophetic Record.
V. Philips Long, The Reign and Rejection of King Saul: A Case for Literary and Theological
Coherence (Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1989) 150-155.
94
as documented in Egyptian literature. 78 In support of their authenticity,

two simple observations may be added to Longs arguments: first, if
these verses are, as many recognize, the climax of the story, an elevated
form of language is to be expected; second, when Samuels prophetic
role is taken into consideration, the prophetic forms and ideas in the
story appear genuine.
A more complicated issue is to determine the sense of the clause
rc;p.h; ~ypir"t.W !w<a' in v. 23a. The biggest help with the hapax legomenon
rc;p.h; and with the unique combination ~ypir"t.W !w<a' comes from the
parallel with the preceding clause yrIm, ~s,q,-taJ;x;. Thus, while the
meaning of rc;p.h; still remains an educated guess (usually translated as
presumption or the like), it clearly refers to something in Sauls
unacceptable behaviour. Similarly, because the terms ~s,q, and ~ypir"t.
clearly refer to illegitimate cultic practices, the meaning of !w<a' should
be sought within this area as well. Budde leaves no room for doubt,
claiming that !w<a' kann hier nur heissen Gtzendienst, was sich freilich
in so selbstndigem Gebrauch nicht belegen lsst, auch durch Num 23
21 nicht.79 Many scholars, however, prefer to delete the w before ~ypir"t.,
arguing that such a construction makes for a better parallel, referring to
the rendering of this expression in LXXB for support.80 Some of those
who opt for retaining MT propose to read ~ypir"t.W !w<a' as a hendiadys,
suggesting evil teraphim or worthless teraphim for translation.81
However, such a combination of two different meanings cannot be
regarded as hendiadys. If two terms are to function this way, they must
both refer to one common thing, in this case to idol worship. The
solution is to recognize that 1 Sam 15:23 is another instance of !w<a'
referring to idolatry, and conclude with Long that
78
79
80
81
Moshe Weinfeld, "Ancient Near Eastern Patterns in Prophetic Literature," VT 27

(1977) 178-195: esp. 189f.
Karl Budde, Die Bcher Samuel, vol. 8 (Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten
Testament; Tbingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1902) 111.
Thus, e.g., McCarter translates this phrase as presumption [is] the wickedness of
idolatry, P. Kyle McCarter, I Samuel: A New Translation (Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 1980) 259.
So Klein, translating v. 23Ab as presumption [is] like the vanity of teraphim, Klein,
1 Samuel, 145 and 153.
95
Sauls disobedience (v. 22), likened in v. 23 to rebellion and presumption

(?), involves a kind of rejection of Yahweh which places it on a level with
idolatry and divination (and other forms of apostasy). Thus, so long as the
basic problem of disobedience remains unresolved, any attempt on Sauls
part to make amends by ritual means is useless at best and at worst
idolatrous.82
Considering the use of !w<a' in the passages above, especially in 1 Sam

15:23, and the fact that !w<a' in Isa 1:13 is surrounded by cultic terms, it is
reasonable to conclude that !w<a' in Isa 1:13 refers to idolatry or/and some
other form of cultic apostasy, present in the minds or/and in the actual
cultic practices of the Israelites. One can only speculate about the
connection between 1Sam 15:22-23 and Isa 1:10-17, but reading the
latter with the knowledge of the former makes one appreciate the
ingenuity of choosing the term !w<a' in Isa 1:13 to make the point.
Now the question is: why would LXX render !w<a' as nhstei,an (fasting),
likely reading ~Ac instead? Even though any answer to this question is
speculative, there are several good reasons that speak for maintaining
!w<a' in Isa 1:13. The presupposition in the following list is that the LXX
of Isaiah is essentially the work of a single translator.83
The possibility of mechanical error can be safely excluded for at
least three reasons: the interchange of these two words is not
hinted at in any available Hebrew manuscript, the LXX
translator of Isaiah was apparently familiar with !w<a' and its
nuances,84 and it is unlikely that ! would be mistaken for ~.
82
83
84
Long, Reign and Rejection, 155. Gordon arrives at the same conclusion, stating that
Sauls sin is classed with divination and idolatry because it is no less an affront to
the unique authority of Yahweh, R. P. Gordon, 1 & 2 Samuel: A Commentary (Exeter:
Paternoster, 1986) 145. This understanding supports Quinn-Miscalls suggestion that
much of 1 Samuel is the paraenesis or sermon on Deut 16-18, here esp. 18:9-14,
where is said that the nations have been driven out of the land by YHWH because of
their diviners and soothsayers, but also the previous verses which talk about
sacrifices, obedience and respect of the priests, careful observance of their
instructions, and about how a king should behave (17:10-18:13), see Peter D. QuinnMiscall, 1 Samuel: A Literary Reading (Indiana Studies in Biblical Literature;
Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1986) 108-109. Reading 1 Sam 15 with
this background in mind makes one conclude that, in words of Green, Saul has
omitted the task of reading his scroll of torah, Barbara Green, How Are the Mighty
Fallen?: A Dialogical Study of King Saul in 1 Samuel (JSOTSup 365; London: Sheffield
Academic Press, 2003) 233.
For support, see, e.g., H. G. M. Williamson, "Isaiah 1.11 and the Septuagint of Isaiah,"
in Understanding Poets and Prophets: Essays in Honour of George Wishart Anderson, ed.
A. Graeme Auld (JSOTSup 152; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993) 401.
Even though the LXX translator is rather interpretative in his rendering of !w<a' as
ponhri,a in 10:1; kaki,a in 29:20; ma,taioj in 31:2, 32:6 and 41:29 (same root); a;nomoj in
96
According to Preuss, The distribution of occurrences [of ~Ac]

shows that only a few unequivocal or possible texts date to the
pre-exilic period Except for Jer 14, the pre-exilic prophets do
not mention fasting; nor do even the older law collections. 85 He
further explains that although fasting was a familiar custom
before the exile, it became organized and more frequent during
the postexilic period. It is therefore likely that the LXX
translator would be inclined to supply this word in the list of
festivals in v. 13-14.
If the LXX translator understands !w<a' as just a next item of the
list in vv. 13-14, his emendation is somehow understandable,
for ~Ac would fit into this list much better than !w<a'.86 However,
this impression changes when the whole structure of 1:10-17 is
considered (see below, 4.5.1 and 4.5.2).
It is plausible that the LXX translator was influenced by Isa
58:5-6, where ~Ac is a key word (occurring three times) in a
very similar context. 87 In addition, Williamson suggests a
possible influence from the expression in Joel 1:14 and 2:15
where ~Ac and hr'c'[] are connected.88
One more possible influence, also suggested by Williamson,
comes from LXXs understanding of ar"q.mi aroq. in the previous
line. For reasons that are not entirely clear, the translator
renders it as h`me,ran mega,lhn, possibly referring to the Day of
Atonement.89 This allusion may have naturally led the
translator to the thought of fasting.90
85
86
87
88
89
90
55:7 and 59:4, 6; goggusmo,j in 58:9; a;frwn in 59:7; bla,sfhmoj in 66:3 (a special nuance
of !w<a'?), he consistently understands the term as negative in its core, unlike the word
nhstei,an.
H. Preuss, ~Ac, TDOT 12.298.
For LXX translators rather lax treatment of lists in Isaiah, see Williamson, "Isaiah
1.11." To this, one example of free rendering of !w<a in LXX may be added: in Isa 59:4
and 6, the Greek word is a;nomoj, whereas in the next verse 7 it is bla,sfhmoj.
The influence from the later Isa 58-59 on the earlier Isa 1 can also be found in 1QIsa a:
as Williamson in one of his reviews argues, the expression !wa[b ~kytw[bca in 1QIsaa
version of Isa 1:15 has clearly been added secondarily under the influence of 59:3,
H. G. M. Williamson, "Review: Paulson Pulikottil, Transmission of Biblical Texts in
Qumran: The Case of the Large Isaiah Scroll 1QIsa[a]," JTS 54 (2003) 641-646.
hr"c'[] War>qi ~Ac-WvD>q, see Williamson, "Biblical Criticism," 87-88.
See Isac Leo Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1948) 102-103.
Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 78. He also adds that the argument of harder reading in this
case is rather subjective and two-edged.
'
97
Although there is still some room for doubt, the cumulative force of
these arguments in addition to the fitting meaning outlined above
allows us to conclude that !w<a' in Isa 1:13 should be retained.
d) hr'c'[] Although some commentators limit the meaning of
hr'c'[] to particular religious occasions,91 most scholars agree with
Kutschs general rendering of this term das Feiern, Feiertag, the time of
solemn or festive assembly, during which people were to refrain from
work and to celebrate. 92 This general meaning in pre-exilic times is
more apparent in Amos 5:21, where hr'c'[] is parallel with gx; in a
context very similar to Isa 1:10-17. Furthermore, Williamson believes
that, instead of referring to a single occasion, hr'c'[] in Isa 1:13 refers to
a single aspect of several different occasions, presumably the idea of
assembly for a variety of religious purposes. 93 For every participant,
this aspect implies, in words of Seebass, Zurcklassung der
Ungeeigneten to maintain the state of ritual cleanness in order to
participate in cult. 94 Seebass therefore rightly objects to Kutsch that
hr'c'[] involves more than just refraining from work. The structural
analysis below shows that, understood this way, hr'c'[] is a very fitting
term in what seems to be a summarizing statement of its immediate
context.
As indicated above, the structure of this stanza significantly
contributes to the understanding of its meaning. The present analysis is
very much indebted to the work of Williamson on these two verses in
his recent commentary. 95 He discusses the ambiguous division in MT
where the expression yr"cex] smor> at the end of verse 12 seems to hang in
the air and accounts for a variety of translations. 96 Williamson
eventually follows the proposal of Spreafico in taking the negative
imperative WpysiAt al{ at the beginning of verse 13 as a double-duty
modifier,97 governing both the preceding and the following expres91
92
93
94
95
96
97
Thus, e.g., Gray suggests that hr'c'[] meant a time during which men are under
taboo, Gray, Isaiah 1-27, 22.
Ernst Kutsch, "Die Wurzel rc[ im Hebrischen," VT 2 (1952) 57-69: 69.
See Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 95.
Horst Seebass, "Tradition und Interpretation bei Jehu ben Chanani und Ahia von
Silo," VT 25 (1975) 175-190: 182. 1Sam 21:2-7 can serve as an example of abandoning
all that is unfitting for participating in a ritual (here the abstinence of sexual
intercourse with women before eating the holy bread, notice the use of rc[ in v. 6).
See Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 76-77.
Compare, e.g., NAS, NIV, KJV, and ESV "When you come to appear before me, who
has required of you this trampling of my courts? with, e.g., NRSV, TNK, and NAB
When you come to appear before me, who asked this from your hand? Trample my
courts no more.
Spreafico, "Nahum i 10 and Isaiah i 12-13," 108.
98
sions. Watson calls such formation pivot-patterned bicolon with silent

(final) stress, where the final stress is a result of the absence of the
second verbal phrase (expected due to a balance in a couplet).98
Applied to vv. 12-13, Williamsons division is a string of equal-length
half lines:
ynp twarl wabt yk

~kdym taz Xqb ym
wpyswt al{ yrcx smr
(silent stress) awX txnm aybh
yl ayh hb[wt trjq
arqm arq tbXw Xdx
hrc[w !wa lkwa al
Moving from focusing on metre (stress-pattern) to a more distant

perspective reveals two ellipses one in the bicolon with silent stress
(discussed above), and one immediately following it. In case of the
second pivot-patterned bicolon, yli ayhi hb'[eAT serves a double-duty
as well, and the list of festivals in its second colon makes up for the lack
of verb and object, functioning as ballast variant to the first cola (the
isocolic principle).
Williamson in his discussion of tB'v;w> vd<xo calls attention to another
syntactical feature called casus pendens.99 He treats tB'vw; > vd<xo as a casus
pendens, resumed by hr"c'[]w:= !w<a.' The study of hr'c'[] above confirms
that this term is appropriate for resumption of tB'vw; > vd<x,o functioning
as a resumptive synonymous noun. A resumptive element can have a
form of different lexical item from extraposed element, yet nonetheless
construed as coreferential with it.100 Furthermore, it can be argued that
hr'c'[] functions on a larger (macrosyntactic) scale as a resumptive
synonymous noun for what Waltke would call a family of nominative
absolute constructions, for the following reasons:
A verbal clause may form a unit which can be considered and
treated as a substantive.101 Thus yn"P' tAar"le Wabot' yKi can be
taken as a substantival clause, functioning as the object of the
98
99
Watson, Hebrew Poetry, 215.

For definition and examples see Extraposition in Gibson 149-151, or Khan, Semitic
Syntax, 67-104. See also discussion of Nominative Absolute in IBHS 4.7.
100 Khan, Semitic Syntax, 74. One of the Khans illustrations of such case is actually Isa
1:13b.
101 JM 157a.
99
following verb Xqb resumed by the pronoun tazO.102 Thus the

first line of v. 12 can be treated as an objective (accusative)
causus pendens.103
As suggested by Nielsen, the pronoun ayhi in this verse does
not need to refer back to hx'n>mi (tr,joq. being in a construct state),
but it can refer to tr,joq. and thus to a different type of offering,
viz. that of incense.104 In this case, ayhi functions as the
resumptive pronoun for tr,joq. as another objective casus
pendens.
The expressions yr"cex] smor>, aw>v'-tx;n>mi aybih' and ar"q.mi aroq. can
be treated in one group with tB'v;w> vd<xo which has already been
discussed they all appear disconnected (especially in MT
division) and can all function as objective causus pendens
resumed by the synonymous noun hr'c'[.] Even tAar"le Wabot' yKi
yn"P' and tr,joq. may be included in this group as causus pendens
once-removed.
Admittedly, this overarching, long-range function of hr'c'[] as a
resumptive synonymous noun may seem exaggerated, but it is
plausible to suggest that such a connection would operate especially in
the oral presentation of these verses. It may be suggested that this
syntactical correlation in vv. 12-13 is an example of the macrosyntactic
role of extraposition for the sake of highlighting the climax of a
speech.105
The discussion above clarifies (and justifies) the proposed division
of this stanza: just as in the previous case, the rhetorical question in the
first monocolon introduces the main point, extended in the following
two bicolons (possibly another tour), and concluded by the climactic
monocolon. The discussion of the meaning of this monocolon, namely
102 Such a syntactical construction might seem to frustrate the understanding of the
sentence; however, the opposite is the case; as Waltke rightly suggests when
discussing a similar construction, it allows a grammatically complex part of the
clause to stand on its own, thus increasing clarity, IBHS 4.7c. In the subsequent
illustration (#6 Gen 30:30), he translates yKi as with respect to. In our case, yKi
could also have recitative function, introducing direct speech; see Williams 451. For
more examples, see JM 157c.
103 See JM 156c.
104 For details, see Nielsen, Incense, 53-54 and 79-80. Initially, when discussing tr,joq. in
Isa 1:13, he claims that it refers to offerings in general, or to their odour or smoke,
because it is parallel to hx'n>mi and therefore has hardly anything to do with the hx'n>mi of
Lev 2, viz. a grain offering. This, as argued in 1.4.1, does not necessarily have to be
the case.
105 For discussion and examples of this phenomenon, see Gibson 151b.
100
the combination of hr'c'[] with

functional analysis below.
!w<a',
is reserved for the section on
4.4.4. Stanza IV (vv. 14-15)

The division of this stanza is straightforward and follows the MT
disjunctive accents. Strictly speaking, the parallelism in v. 14 is only
partial: the object of the first colon, ~k,ydE[]AmW ~k,yved>x', becomes the
subject of the second, and an implied object in the third. There is,
however, a clear link of meaning between the parts (semantic
parallelism). Furthermore, the absence of an object in the third cola ties
it with the previous two, so one can legitimately talk about a tricolon.
The role of this arrangement is obvious: to confirm and reconfirm the
shocking statement that YHWH hates ~k,ydE[]AmW ~k,yved>x'.
The following tetracolon consists of two concessive clauses. This
nuance of causal construct is in the first clause rendered by W
(introducing the circumstantial clause ~k,yPeK; ~k,f.rIp'b). ,106 whereas in the
second by stronger yKi ~G:.107 The parallelism between the two clauses
(A B // A B) is a good illustration of Kugels idea mentioned above: A
B is so, and whats more, A B. As in the previous verse, this structure
accentuates the shocking nature of both statements. Even though the
symbolic significance of spreading out ones hands (towards heaven or
the Temple) remains unknown, 108 it seems to be characteristic of a
petition, as Solomons prayer of dedication in 1Kgs 8:22-54
demonstrates. The statement in Isa 1:15a seems to run against
Solomons appeal: instead of having his eyes open day and night
toward the Temple (1Kgs 8:29) and hearing rv,a] hN"xiT.-lk' hL'piT.-lK'
laer"f.yI ^M.[; lkol. ~d"a'h'-lk'l. hy<h.ti (v. 38a) when that person wyP'K; fr:p'
toward the Temple (v. 38c), YHWH in Isa 1:15 hides his eyes from
petitioners and refuses to listen to any of their prayers.109 Solomon,
however, conditions the outcome of the petition upon the petitioners
behaviour and heart when asking YHWH rv,a] wyk'r"D>-lk'K. vyail' T't;n"w>
106
107
108
109
See JM 171f, and Williams 528.

See JM 171a and c, and Williams 530.
See David J. A. Clines, Job 1-20 (WBC 17; Dallas, TX: Word Books, 1989) 267-268.
The following quote from de Vaux helps to realize that Gods turning away his eyes
and refusal to listen goes against the basic notion of cult: Cult is the outward
homage paid to a god. Since the god is thought of as receiving this homage and
listening to the prayer of his suppliant in the place where this worship is offered, the
god is considered to be present there in some way or other, at least while the act of
worship is being performed, de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 274.
101
Abb'l.-ta, [d:Te (v. 39, cmp. v. 32). As the closing monocolon of Isa 1:14-15
reveals, YHWHs response is fully in accord with this principle, since the
hands that these people spread out to him are full of blood.110 As
observed by many commentators, the plural ~ymiD" is usually connected
with murder, rendering thus the sense of bloodguilt.111 In the
connection with social justice, it should be noted that bloodguilt can be
acquired even through legal means, as suggested by the expression
yqin" ~D" %Pov.li in 59:7a, which Park interprets as eine unberechtigte
Todesstrafe aufgrund eines Unrechtsurteils im Torgericht.112
Wildberger broadens the meaning of ~ymiD" in 1:15 even further, by
maintaining that it does not have to be limited to its literal sense, but,
according to priestly understanding, can mark jede Schuld, bei der die
gttliche Ordnung, die gottgesetzten Tabus miachtet worden sind.
He continues that mit ~ymd ist die Schuld nach ihrer hintergrndigen,
rational nicht zu bewltigenden, durch das Gegengewicht guter Werke
nicht aufzuhebenden Art charakterisiert.113 In short, v. 15c makes clear
that the reason for YHWHs repudiation of cult is moral impurity,
specifically bloodguilt.114
4.4.5. Stanza V (vv. 16-17)
This stanza consists of a list of imperatives. While the ones in v. 17
apparently belong to the ethical sphere, the character of the first two in
v. 16, WKZ:hi Wcx]r,: is a matter of debate. Even though the term #xr
occurs predominantly in cultic contexts, most commentators diminish
110 YHWHs response can also be based on v. 13c, for, as the author of Ps 66 recognizes, if
he had cherished !w<a' in his heart, YHWH would not have listened to his prayer (v.
18).
111 See, e.g., Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 98.
112 Kyung-Chul Park, Die Gerechtigkeit Israels und das Heil der Vlker: Kultus, Tempel,
Eschatologie und Gerechtigkeit in der Endgestalt des Jesajabuches (Jes 56, 1-8; 58, 1-14; 65,
17-66, 24) (Beitrge zur Erforschung des Alten Testaments und des Anitken
Judentums, Band 52; Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2003) 264.
113 Wildberger, Jesaja, 159. Wildberger here comments on ~ymd in 4:2-6, a passage for
which he presumes priesterlichen Verstndnis. As argued throughout the present
thesis, the priestly background, or at least some of its agendas can be presumed for
1:10-17 as well.
114 Commenting on this verse, Kaiser correctly points to Ps 24, according to which only
those who have clean hands can stand in [YHWHs] holy place (vv. 3-4), and notes
that a person with hands full of blood deserves death not only because of
committing murder, but also because it has made the temple precinct unclean by
entering the inner courtyard, Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12, 34.
102
or even rule out its cultic reference here. The following quote from
Jensen represents the usual line of argument: [I]t would seem poor
psychology to insist on the uselessness of cultic observances and then
to call for reform in terms that suggest a merely ritual purification; an a
priori judgment would suggest that Isaiah would not be likely to
deliberately choose such terminology.115 Jensen is very likely correct
that the prophet does not have a merely ritual ablution in mind.116
However, as shown throughout this chapter, the point of vv. 11-15 is
not the uselessness of cultic observances, rather their observance in a
state of impurity, and, since there is no difference between ritual and
moral impurity sub specie sanctitatis Dei, a call for ritual purification
would certainly not be out of place here. In fact, sub specie sanctitatis Dei,
the cultic regulation Wcx]r: is the vital first step when approaching the
Holy One.117 In addition, Isaiah personally experienced the vitality of
ritual cleansing as a prerequisite in the presence of the Holy One in 6:5,
so there is no reason to assume that he would be indifferent to it. 118
The real problem is, however, that the impurity of which the
community is guilty, specifically idolatry and murder, cannot be
removed by cultic ablutions. This may be the reason why #xr in this
passage is not followed by the usual rhj, but by hkz (or, possibly, $kz),
a term that pre-eminently carries the meaning of moral and inner
purification.119 Also the last part of v. 16 confirms that what the
prophet considers to be the main problem of the community is moral
impurity ~k,ylel.[;m; [:r.o Even when the focus of the individual
commands is now and throughout the whole v. 17 on ethics, the main
concern of the prophet remains cultic, as the first command in the list
115 Jensen, Use of tr, 78.

116 Contra, e.g., Brueggemann, who believes that these commands mean that Israel
must engage in ritual purification because it has been defiled and made
unacceptable to the holy God, Walter Brueggemann, Isaiah, 2 vols. (Westminster
Bible Companion; Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1998) 1.18.
117 As apparent from passages like Exod 29:4, 40:12; Lev 8:6, 16:4 and 24. Noth
comments on the first of these passages that bodily purity obtained through
washing with water is at the same time a part of cultic purity and stands in a
mysterious relationship with it, Martin Noth, Exodus: A Commentary, trans. John
Stephen Bowden (OTL; London: SCM, 1962) 230. This comment calls for more
caution to read #xr figuratively.
118 As correctly argued by Brueggemann, Isaiah, 1.18.
119 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 185. Gray even goes as far as claiming that hkz is never
used of ceremonial cleanness, but of ethical purity, Gray, Isaiah 1-27, 23. However, a
closer look at the use of this root reveals that it is more accurate to speak about a
certain semantic duality, encompassing both ritual and ethical purity, the latter one
being predominant, as maintained by Negoit and Ringgren, hkz, TDOT 4.62-64.
Functional Analysis of Isa 1:10-17
103
(Wcx]r): indicates.120 There certainly is a movement in vv. 16-17, but not

from figurative language to the most literal,121 but rather from cult in
general to its ethical dimension, narrowing down the divine
perspective (sub specie sanctitatis Dei) to human perspective (ethics,
social justice).
The structure of this stanza brings out this movement. It is
governed by the same principle as Stanza II: the opening line
introduces the main point, and the following lines are its expansion via
a tour, of which the primary role is merismus. The following comment
from Watson is helpful to recognize the three-strophic-units structure
of v. 16: Although tricola of this type, which do not exhibit consecutive
parallelism, might justifiably be classed as bicolon + monocolon, they
are considered as strophic units because there is usually a link bonding
the three lines. In nearly all cases, the link is one of meaning or
content.122 The link becomes apparent when each consequent colon is
viewed as a commentary on the previous command, narrowing down
the idea of purification to the removal of evil deeds. This idea is then
illustrated in the next three bicolons, which (as with every good
merismus) create the impression of an open ending. Such ending, in
turn, calls the listener (or the reader) to active involvement to fill in
his/her own items to complete the concept under discussion, in this
case the one of ethics.
4.5. Functional Analysis of Isa 1:10-17

Following Watsons method of analysis of Hebrew poetry, after
delimitation (determining the beginning and end of the poem),
segmentation (dividing the poem into stanzas, strophes, colons,
bicolons, etc.), inner-strophic analysis and isolation of poetic devices,
comes another important stage synthesis, or functional analysis
(depending on the point of view). Its purpose is to determine how
various poetic devices interact within the poem and how the individual
stanzas relate to each other. 123 Before analysing the proposed structures
120 Contra the usual viewpoint that vv. 16-17 emphasize moral considerations over
ceremonial procedure, maintained by, e.g., Sweeney, Isaiah 1-4, 111.
121 Contra Franz Delitzsch, Biblical Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah (Clark's Foreign
Theol. Libr. 4th ser. vol. 14, 15; Edinb.: 1867) 1.95.
122 Watson, Hebrew Poetry, 180.
123 See Watson, Hebrew Poetry, 18-20.
104
of the text, the question of handling what seem to be later additions

needs to be addressed.
Carroll in his article Prophecy and Society argues that the
prophetic text available to a modern reader underwent irreversible
transformations, hence there is no validity in a search for the original
words of a prophet, and reconstructing the setting of the text from the
text itself is simply an erroneous procedure. Since prophecy was by
and large an oral phenomenon, the first transformation, according to
Carroll, was from the spoken word to the written word. Such a shift
from orality to literacy has removed prophecy from its original social
setting to a decontextualised, timeless setting and any search for the
Sitz im Leben of specific prophecies is irrelevant. 124 The second type of
transformation is generally known as the editing process. Carroll
comments on it with regards to the prophetic material:
The selection of material, its written forms edited in places to extend its
meaning and reference, the juxtaposing of discrete and disparate pieces,
and the provision of introductory colophons for each book all contributed
to the further removal of prophecy from its original setting in the life of
ancient Israel.
These editorial transformations of material already
transformed by writing must be regarded as the original creations of the
prophetic traditions and it is now simply not possible to get back behind
such editing to whatever may have constituted the original prophecies! 125
In addition, it is a growing consensus among contemporary scholars

that not only the prophets, but also the writers and the editors of the
prophetic books were artists who skilfully shaped the inherited
material to give it the present shape.126 It is, therefore, justifiable to
consider the text in its final (written) form also at this level of analysis.
However, even a word-by-word recorded speech appears
differently to a listener than to a reader. An audience is more likely to
enjoy various sound-plays, dynamics of speech, and non-verbal
elements of rhetoric denied to a reader; on the other hand, even a
skilful listener is not able to appreciate all the corresponding elements
of a complex structure apparent to a competent reader. Therefore,
while adhering to Carrolls view above, it can be a fruitful endeavour to
venture one step back from the structure apparent to a reader to what
124 R. Carroll, "Prophecy and Society," in The World of Ancient Israel: Sociological,
Anthropological and Political Perspectives, ed. R. E. Clements (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1989) 207-208.
125 Carroll, "Prophecy and Society," 208.
126 The discovery some modern scholars have yet to appropriate fully is that the
composers responsible for the present text were knowledgeable, skilful, and
presumably aesthetically aware, Campbell, "Form Criticism's Future," 23.
105
could be called audible structure a structure recognizable to an

audience. The major difference between this endeavour and an attempt
to recover the original prophetic oracle is that it works with the final
form of the text, focusing on its main characteristics and overlooking
the detailed elaborations that might have resulted from writing or
editing the (presupposed) speech.127 This procedure is similar to a
surface reading and can be likened to producing a sketch of a finished
painting. Of course, this procedure is highly hypothetical, and the
primary value still lies in analysing the structure of the text in its
fullness, here called readable structure.
The chart below attempts to capture the discussion above: on the
left is the proposal of the audible structure, and on the right that of the
readable structure. In the middle, there is the full MT text, but this time
with extra spacing and new-lines that bring out the vertical
parallelism of the text. This parallelism captures the main tension of the
passage, namely the action of the people and the reaction of YHWH
(notice the respective headings over the MT section after v. 10).
127 The assumption here is, as generally agreed, that the written prophetic message is
very likely more elaborated, refined and stylized than its presumed oral counterpart.
106
Audible Struct.
INTRODUCT.
of the conflict
ILLUSTRAT. 1
of the conflict
REASON 1
ILLUSTRAT. 2
of the conflict
REASON 2
SOLUTION to
the conflict
MT of Isaiah 1:10-17
~dos. ynEyciq.
hw"hy>-rb;d> W[m.vi
hr"mo[] ~[; Wnyhel{a/ tr:AT WnyzIa]h;
Action of People React. of hwhy
hw"hy> rm;ayO ~k,yxeb.zI-bro
yLi-hM'l'
~yliyae tAl[o
yTi[.b;f'
~yaiyrIm. bl,xew>
~yrIP' ~d:w>
~yfib'k.W
~ydIWT[;w>
yTic.p'x' al{
yn"P' tAar"le Wabot' yKi
~k,dY> <mi
tazO
vQebi-ymi
yr"cex] smor>
aw>v'-tx;n>mi aybih'
WpysiAt al{
tr<joq.
yli ayhi hb'[eAT
vd<xo
tB'vw; >
ar"q.mi aroq.
hr"c'[]w: !w<a'
lk;Wa-al{
~k,yved>x'
~k,ydE[]AmW
Wyh' yvip.n: ha'n>f'
xr:jol' yl;['
afon> ytiyael.nI
~k,yPeK; ~k,f.rIp'b.W
~K,mi
yn:y[e ~yli[.a;
hL'pit. WBr>t;-yKi ~G:
[:mevo yNIn<yae
Walem' ~ymiD" ~k,ydEy>
WKZ:hi Wcx]r:
~k,ylel.[;m; [:ro Wrysih'
[;rEh' Wld>xi
yn"y[e dg<N<mi
bjeyhe Wdm.li
jP'v.mi Wvr>DI
#Amx' WrV.a;
~Aty" Wjp.vi
hn"m'l.a; WbyrI
Readable Struct.
CALL TO
INSTRUCTION
SACRIFICES 1
(A)
OFFERINGS 1
(B)
FESTIVALS 1
(C)
CLASH (X)
FESTIVALS 2
(C)
OFFERINGS 2
(B)
SACRIFICES 2
(A)
107
4.5.1. Audible Structure (Surface Reading)

As apparent on the left side of the chart, the proposed audible structure
is linear. The following discussion elucidates how this straightforwardness of the structure helps to drive home the main point of the oracle.
4.5.1.1. Introduction of the Conflict (v. 10)

As most recently argued by Williamson, there are some serious
indications that this verse is a redactional introduction. 128 Whether an
original word of the prophet or a later addition, it is a very suitable
opening for what follows. A call like this would undoubtedly get
attention in ancient Israel; not because of its exhortation to listen, but
because of its labelling the Israelites leaders of Sodom and people of
Gomorrah. Also, it creates a strong tension by juxtaposing these two
labels with the expressions hw"hy>-rb;D> and Wnyhel{a/ tr:AT. One can only
speculate what associations this combination would evoke in the mind
of an ancient Israelite. Even though the people of that time were hardly
familiar with the story of Sodom and Gomorrah as it is described and
available to us in Genesis 18-19, Ezek 16:46-58 testifies to the general
consciousness about the cities ethical misconduct during what was
then the past days of Israels pride (16:56).129 Blenkinsopp believes that
by the time of writing, the Cities of the Plain had come to exemplify
egregious social disorder and injustice as well as annihilating divine
judgment, which such conduct warranted.130 If correct, v. 10 indicates
both the nature of the problem (ethical misconduct) and its seriousness
(the imminent threat of divine judgment). Williamson even claims that
the latter has the effect of making of the following verses a most urgent
call to repentance. 131 Thus the conflict as described in vv. 11-15 and its
solution as described in vv. 16-17 could be derived already from the
affiliations evoked by v. 10.
128 See Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 81-88. See, however, the introduction to this section.
129 For the plausibility of such awareness, see Gray, Isaiah 1-27, 17-19.
130 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 184. He continues that for emphasis on homosexual
conduct we have to wait until the Hellenistic period.
131 Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 87.
108
4.5.1.2. Illustration I of the Conflict (vv. 11 13b)

The elaborate list of sacrifices, offerings, and festivals, along with
YHWHs reaction to them would very likely produce a simple but
intense reaction from the audience: Why? Why would YHWH have no
use for, be fed up with, take no delight in, and even forbid the things
that are an outward expression of peoples faith and devotion? Jensen
observes a certain progress (crescendo) in the list of the peoples actions
and YHWHs reaction to them a rhetorical device for building the
tension.132 It is important to point out that this section generates
questions only, and therefore cannot be used for deducing a solution
(such as: get rid of the cult!). Even the main question that this
illustration produces is a rather general one: Why is YHWH so upset
with sacrifices, offerings and festivals?
4.5.1.3. Reason I for the Conflict (v. 13c)

This phrase provides a general answer to the above question: Because
I cannot endure sacred gathering accompanied with cultic apostasy.133
At this point, the choice of the terms hr"c'[] and !w<a' can be truly
appreciated. However, this answer is as general as the question that has
caused it. To Isaiahs audience, this may still sound only like a
dramatized theological lecture, for it is predominately about God and
his (dis)likes. Moreover, it offers only a reason for the conflict, not a
solution.
4.5.1.4. Illustration II of the Conflict (vv. 14 15b)

The purpose of the second illustration is to generate an important shift
from general and public to specific and personal. It is indicated by the
increased occurrence of personal suffixes, more intimate kind of
offerings (petitions and prayers), and an intensified anthropomorphic
description of God along with his reaction directed not just to the
things but to the people (my soul hates; they have become a burden
to me, I am weary of bearing [them]; I will hide my eyes from you; I
132 See Jensen, Isaiah 1-39, 45.

133 The conjunction w functions here as of accompaniment (see Williams 436). For this
understanding, see rendering of Isa 1:13c in, e.g., NJB, NRSV, or TNK. The wordorder of the translation has been changed accordingly.
109
will not listen). It still does not produce any solution, but the question
now becomes specific and personal: Why is YHWH so upset with our
acts of worship?
4.5.1.5. Reason II for the Conflict (v. 15c)

Also the answer is specific: Because your hands are full of blood. An
impure people cannot have fellowship with a holy God. Only now,
when the people get their theology and their self-image right, are they
ready to hear the solution.
4.5.1.6. Solution to the Conflict (vv. 16-17)

It is unlikely that the audience would link the individual commands of
vv.16-17 in such a sophisticated manner as suggested by Sweeney:
[W]ashing (v. 16aD1) leads to purification (v. 16aD2) which, of course,
means the removal of evil (v. 16aE) and this allows one to stop doing evil
(v. 16b). Once one ceases doing evil, he may begin to learn good (v. 17aD).
This naturally leads to the general goals of seeking justice (v. 17aE) and
correcting oppression (v. 17aJ) as well as the more specific goals of judging
the orphan (v. 17bD) and pleading for the widow (v. 17 bE).134
The audience, however, would probably capture the movement

mentioned above (4.4.5) from cultic and general to ethical and
specific. The people would certainly grasp at least the main idea: If you
are to have fellowship with YHWH, stop doing evil like the people of
Sodom, and start doing good like the people of God.
4.5.2. Readable Structure (Close Reading)

As noted earlier, the written text is likely to have a more elaborate
structure than its spoken counterpart. Also a reader is more likely to
amuse himself with looking for such a structure. Because of the natural
inclination of a writer to create a stylish structure of the text and, on the
other side, of the temptation of a reader to impose a certain structure on
the text, the label chiastic is used here only for the lack of a better
term. The purpose is not to uncover, e.g., a chiastic structure of Isa
1:10-17, but to demonstrate that this passage is well balanced around
134 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-4, 110-111.
110
what appears to be its main theological point v. 13c. The structure

under discussion is outlined on the right side of the chart above, and
what follows is the description how the individual parts function in
this structure.
4.5.2.1. Call to Instruction (v. 10)

From the structural point of view, this verse connects vv. 11-17 with the
previous vv. 2-9 by picking up some of its terminology from v. 2a and
v. 9.135 From the semantic point of view, v. 10 implicitly summarizes the
passage (as argued in 4.5.1.1), but does not explicitly contribute to its
message. At this point, its function as redactional introduction can be
truly appreciated and also gives reason for moving v. 10 outside of the
units readable structure.136
4.5.2.2. Sacrifices I and Sacrifices II (A - A, vv. 11 and 16-17)137

As already mentioned, both sections (v. 11 and vv. 16-17) are built by
the same technique, viz. the main idea in the opening monocolon is
expanded via tour in the following bicolons. This parallel greatly
contributes to the overall balance of the passage. Both lists (the one
related to sacrifices in v. 11, and the other related to social justice in vv.
16-17) cover a variety of examples in order to denote generalization. 138
As for the first, Miller observes that when xb;z< is joined with hl'[o, the
combination may refer to offerings and sacrifices in general or identify
two of the primary forms of sacrifice.139 As for the second, its general
character is explicit in the expression bjeyhe Wdm.li [;rEh' Wld>x,i but it is also
135 For details, see Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 82.
136 Additional reasons are the inclusion of a separate speech formula in v. 11 as well,
perhaps, as [] the shift from the first to second person plural address, Williamson,
Isaiah 1-27, 82.
137 The designation of social justice in vv. 16-17 as sacrifices cannot be justified from this
passage alone. However, it is implicit in the parallel passage Mic 6:6-8 and, as the
later development showed, it became explicit in Judaism: The one who keeps the
law makes many offerings; one who heeds the commandments makes an offering of
well-being. The one who returns a kindness offers choice flour, and one who gives
alms sacrifices a thank offering. To keep from wickedness is pleasing to the Lord,
and to forsake unrighteousness is an atonement, Sir 35:1-5.
138 For the discussion of merismus in these passages, see 4.4.2 and 4.4.5.
139 Patrick D. Miller, The Religion of Ancient Israel (Louisville, KY: Westminster John
Knox Press, 2000) 112.
111
implicit in listing orphans together with widows, representing thus

the weak ones of the society in general.
4.5.2.3. Offerings I and Offerings II (B - B, vv. 12-13a and 15)

V. 15 (B) complements vv. 12-13a (B) in several ways:
People are coming to see Gods face (12a), but God is hiding his
eyes from them (15aE).
Gods refusal to receive anything from peoples hands (12b,
~k,dY> <mi) is justified in 15c Your hands (~k,ydEy>) are full of
blood.
Increasing (hiphil of @sy, 13aD1) of cultic activities (trampling
the temple courts in 12c, and bringing offerings in 13aE) is
ineffective, because, in spite of the increase (hiphil of hbr,
15bD1), God will not listen (15bE).
In the Old Testament, liturgical prayer was not an institution
independent of other cultic acts, as it has come to be in
synagogue services.140 The close connection between hL'piT.
(15bD2) on one side and hx'n>mi and tr,joq. (13aD3 and 13aE 1) on
the other is well established.141 Ps 141:2 is especially instructive
here: Let my prayer (ytiL'piT.) be counted as incense (tr<joq.)
before you, and the lifting up of my hands (yP;K; ta;f.m;) as an
evening sacrifice (br<['-tx;n>m)i . Reciprocally, when people do
not listen to Gods instructions, not only their hx'n>mi and tr,joq.
are hb'[eAT (13bE 2), but so is their hL'piT. (see Prov 28:9).
4.5.2.4. Festivals I and Festivals II (C - C, vv. 13b and 14)

The most obvious connection between v. 13b and v. 14 is the use of the
same word vd,x.o Even though its second occurrence is supported by
every available ancient textual witness, many commentators suggest its
emendation or omission simply on aesthetic grounds. However, the
repetition of vd,xo can be regarded as a poetical device, and since
repetition is an acknowledged factor in Hebrew poetry, there is no need
to alter the second occurrence of the same word to a synonym, or delete
140 De Vaux, Ancient Israel, 457.

141 See H. Fabry, hx'n>m,i TDOT 8.407-21, esp. 415-18.
112
it.142 Even if the (most reasonable) emendation of ~k,yved>x' to ~k,yGEx; in

v. 14 is granted,143 the complementary relationship between vv. 13b and
14, consisting of listing the festivals and YHWHs reaction to them, is
preserved.
4.5.2.5. Clash (X, v. 13c)

The phrase hr"c'[]w: !w<a' lk;Wa-al{ is the encapsulation of the conflict as
described in the passage; therefore it is appropriately placed at the
centre of the structure.144
Both of the above proposed structures facilitate that kind of
listening to or reading of Isa 1:10-17 in which the phrase !w<a' lk;Wa-al{
hr"c'[]w: plays the pivotal role. Positioned in the centre, it brings out an
important theological message through which the whole passage ought
to be interpreted: impurity and holiness do not mix!
4.6. Translation of Isa 1:10-17

The translations of Isa 1:10-17 as well as of 43:22-28 and 58 in the
following chapters are based on NRSV. They endeavor to incorporate
all the observations in the particular chapter regarding the text. This, of
course, is possible only to a certain extent if the proposed translation is
to follow the Hebrew text reasonably closely.
Hear the word of the LORD, you rulers of Sodom!
Listen to the Torah of our God, you people of Gomorrah!
10
What to me is the multitude of your sacrifices? says the LORD;

I have had enough of burnt offerings of rams
and the fat of fed beasts;
I do not delight in the blood of bulls,
or of lambs,
or of goats.
11
142 Watson, Hebrew Poetry, 42.

143 Most recently advocated by Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 79.
144 For those who value counting accents and syllables it may be of interest that the key
phrase in v. 13 is located in the very centre of the whole passage (if one can be
determined).
Conclusion
113
When you come to see my face who asked this of you?

(No more) trampling of my courts,
13 no more bringing of worthless offering(s),
incense is an abomination to me,
(just as) New moon
and Sabbath
and calling of convocation
I cannot endure sacred gathering(s) accompanied with cultic
apostasy!
12
Your new moons and your appointed festivals my soul hates;

they have become a burden to me,
I am weary of bearing them.
15 When you stretch out your hands, I will hide my eyes from you;
even though you make many prayers, I will not listen,
(because) your hands are full of blood.
14
Cleanse yourselves,
purify yourselves,
remove the evil of your doings from before my eyes:
cease to do evil,
17 learn to do good;
seek justice,
rescue the oppressed,
defend the orphan,
plead for the widow.
16
4.7. Conclusion
The study of the historical background and the form of Isa 1:10-17
helped to set aside at least a couple of rather common anti-ritualistic
presupposition with regard to this passage. First, the few clues from the
text about the overall situation do not support the theory that Isaiah
spoke during a time of crisis to which the people of Judah reacted by
increased cultic activity, trusting in the saving power of rituals. If, as
argued, this oracle originated in the days of Ahaz, it is likely that cult
had a prominent place, but the problem of that time was more likely its
purity the cult of YHWH was practised by a spiritually and politically
114
adulterous leadership. Second, the study of the form did not result in
any specific label for Isa 1:10-17, but seriously undermined the tag
Prophetic Torah frequently attached to this passage, giving thus one
less reason for its anti-ritualistic reading.
A closer look at the text yielded the following picture: The people
of Israel are gathering for a religious occasion (hr'c'[)] to have fellowship
with YHWH via cultic means designed for this very purpose. They are
coming to see his face (yn"P' twOar>l)i , which is the moment of the ultimate
exposure of humans to YHWHs holiness. In this moment, the peoples
impurity caused by idolatry (!w<a)' and murder (Walem' ~ymiD" ~k,ydEy)> turns
their sacrifices, offerings, and prayers into an abomination ( hb'[eAT),
accomplishing the very opposite of the rituals purpose YHWH hides
his face away from the people (~K,mi yn:y[e ~yli[.a;). Isaiah, being aware of
the disastrous effect of such cultic practice, calls for the peoples purity
(WKZ:hi Wcx]r): . He is also aware of the fact that the kind of impurity of
which the people are guilty (moral impurity) cannot be removed by
any ritual, and calls for the abolishment of its source, namely the
unethical conduct of the people.
This picture makes clear that Isaiahs ultimate concern is cultic the
fellowship with YHWH materialized in the cult, and the presence of his
holiness in the peoples midst.145 Jensen correctly states that Isaiah
clearly knew of demands for moral behavior that he believed the
people should be familiar with and he castigated them for nonobservance,146 but the problem it is not so much, as Park believes, das
Doppelleben des Volkes,147 rather das Doppelleben des Kultes, a
cultic practice that mixes impurity with holiness. This concern is
expressed most clearly in what, also from structural point of view,
appears to be the key phrase: hr"c'[]w: !w<a' lk;Wa-al{.148 The ethical appeal
145 The so called entrance liturgies (as, e.g., Ps 15) provide a good parallel: even though
the exhortations are ethical, the concern is cultic to worship YHWH in his Temple.
146 Jensen, Use of tr, 66.
147 Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 263. Park elsewhere (p. 251) recognizes, that der Kult nicht
in Verbindung mit sozialer Ungerechtigkeit durchgefhrt werden soll, but does not
attribute Isaiahs reaction to this mixture to his cultic concepts.
148 A similar way of reading Isa 1:10-17 is based on the phrase your hands are full of
blood in v. 15, which implies, in words of Barton, the (surely widely shared) belief
that those who offer sacrifice must be in a state of purity, and moral transgression
especially such sins as murder or theft pollute the would-be worshipper just as
much as offences against purity regulations do, and make his sacrifices
unacceptable, Barton, "Prophets," 114. This reading is represented by, e.g., Melugin:
The words, wash yourselves, make yourselves clean, fit well in a text which
speaks of a cultic meal. The people have profaned that meal and the prayers made
by their uplifted hands because their hands are defiled with blood (v. 15). They must
Conclusion
115
of vv. 16-17 is a result of the movement from cult in general to its

ethical dimension, narrowing down the divine perspective (sub specie
sanctitatis Dei) to human perspective (ethics, social justice).
Obviously, this picture of Isa 1:10-17 makes coherent sense only
with the cultic concepts discussed in Part I. It can be, therefore,
suggested that Isaiahs conception of the role of sacrifices and other
rituals, of the sources and effects of impurity, and of holiness in the
background of this passage could have been essentially the same as
defined in the Priestly literature. His passionate reproach and ethical
appeal would then be the logical outcome of these conceptions.
therefore wash and become clean. And, in becoming clean, they would come to
behave properly in the legal sphere by judging the orphan and pleading for
the widow, Roy F. Melugin, "Figurative Speech and the Reading of Isaiah 1 as
Scripture," in New Visions of Isaiah, ed. Roy F. Melugin and Marvin A. Sweeney
(JSOTSup 214; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 290.

in Isaiah 43:22-28
5.1. Introduction
Isa 43:22-28 appears to be one of the most favourite OT passages of
Martin Luther. He quite often referred to its parts throughout his
works, and expressed his excitement over them in words like A golden
text! (on v. 24) or This is by far the most beautiful text (on v. 25). 1 On
the other hand, contemporary OT scholars refer to this passage only
seldom. This popularity drop of Isa 43:22-28 nowadays seems to be the
consequence of at least three exegetical issues. First, there has been a
consensus for almost 70 years that this passage is cast in the form of
Gerichtsrede, the consensus that, as argued below, has damaging effects
on its interpretation. Second, modern exegetes tend to ignore or
overlook the fact that the terms describing the sacrifices and rituals in
Isa 43:22-24 imply a demanding and opulent cultic practice, a nuance
that, as shown below, plays an important role in the understanding of
the whole passage. The third factor that also has a rather significant
impact on the interpretation of Isa 43:22-28 is the suggested semantic
intersection of llx, ~r<xe, and @WDGI of v. 28 in the area of cult. This
chapter focuses mainly on these three issues, because they, in return,
illuminate the understanding of the role of cult and ethics in DI.
5.2. Historical Background of Isa 43:22-28

Most scholars date Isa 43:22-28 (along with chs. 40-48) to the exilic
period, shortly before the fall of Babylon.2 The second half of the
passage supports this dating by making an impression that, even
though Jacob/Israel still suffers the consequences of her sinful past (vv.
1
2
LW 17.100.
So recently Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, passim, e.g., 1.29.
118
27-28),3 YHWHs forgiveness is already operational (v. 25). 4 The

mentioning of sacrifices (or rather of their absence) in the first half of
the passage can indicate any period of Israels history, depending on
how the text is understood. If YHWH is accusing the Israelites of
neglecting his cult, the text most likely refers to the First Temple or the
Second Temple period; such accusation would be unjustified during
the exile when cultic practices were severely limited by the absence of
the Temple. It can still be argued that this passage originated in the
exilic period, accusing the present audience of their forefathers
reluctance in cultic matters.5 Thus Blenkinsopp comments on this
passage that the entire drift of the accusation, especially the reference
to the ancestors, points to religious practice in the pre-destruction
period along the lines of a well-established prophetic critique of the
sacrificial system , with special reference to the last decades of
Judahs independent existence.6 This line of thought, however, is
misleading for two reasons: first, the reference to the ancestors in v. 27
concerns ajx and [vp, not the cultic practice, and, second, the issue in
pre-exilic prophetic critique of the sacrificial system was certainly not
its negligence (in contrast to this passage). As the study of literary
genre below shows, the main source of the misconceptions about Isa
43:22-28 is to read it as an accusation. Once its descriptive character is
recognized, this passage perfectly fits the situation in exile, the time
when YHWHs cult was drastically reduced by the circumstances.
As for the location of the intended audience of Isa 43:22-28, the
usual choice is between Babylon and Jerusalem. Thus, e.g., Williamson
believes that DI in this oracle describes the exiles in Babylon, and that
the terms Israel and Jacob in vv. 22 and 28 are interchangeable terms
4
5
Reading the form lLex;a]w: in v. 28 as simple w plus yiqtol, just as the parallel expression
hn"T.a,w,> and, instead of referring to the future, denoting the unfinished aspect of a past
action. The verbs of this verse might be heard as suggesting a vivid account of a
divine abandonment of Israel, in process, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.317.
For more details, see below.
The use of a noun clause, participle and yiqtol verb in v. 25 very likely refers to the
present and/or the near future.
In this regard, Goldingay correctly maintains that the exilic and pre-exilic generations should not be strictly differentiated, because all belong to one people, and the
present generation is implicated in the sins of the past (and vice versa), Goldingay
and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.309.
Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 40-55: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary
(AB 19A; New York; London: Doubleday, 2002) 231. Similarly, Jan Leunis Koole,
Isaiah III/1, trans. Anthony P. Runia (HCOT; Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1997) 344, Claus
Westermann, Isaiah 40-66: A Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster
Press, 1969) 131.
119
for this prophet and that both refer to the community in exile in
Babylon.7 This location, however, presents a problem for those who
read vv. 22-24 as an accusation and, at the same time, believe that exile
did not allow for the cultic practices mentioned in these verses.
Logically, they either opt for Jerusalem of exilic days, where sacrificial
worship probably continued in some limited form and so the supposed
rebuke would make sense,8 or deduce that the prophet connects the
community in Babylon with their pre-exilic predecessors in Palestine.9
The assumed non-existence of YHWHs cult in Babylon prompted others
to reconsider the literary genre of theses verses, especially of v. 23;
rather than a reproach, vv. 22-24 simply describe the present state of
cultic practices, viz. their absence.10 As the following exegesis shows,
this reading of the text is closer to the mark with one correction: we
cannot exclude the possibility that, like the Jewish settlers at
Elephantine, the Jewish ethnic minority in Babylon built a sanctuary, of
however modest proportions [] since it is difficult to imagine a
clergy-training center in Babylonia at that time, unattached to a temple
of some kind.11 The possibility of some cultic activities in Babylon,
however, does not undermine this reading, for Isa 43:22-28 neither
mentions nor implies the total absence of YHWHs cult.
As the above discussion demonstrates, the description of cultic
practice in vv. 22-24 does not help to identify more closely the location
or the audience of Isa 43:22-28, because it can reflect the situation in
Babylon as well as in Jerusalem. The use of the word pair Jacob/Israel
probably refers to the community in Babylon, but the mentioning of
!AvarIh' ^ybia' and ^yc,ylim. in v. 27 suggests that the author has the whole
nation in mind. It is, therefore, unwarranted to make any conclusions
regarding this passage based on a hard and fast distinction between the
two communities and the two geographical locations. It is more
7
9
10
11
H. G. M. Williamson, "The Concept of Israel in Transition," in The World of Ancient

Israel: Sociological, Anthropological and Political Perspectives, ed. R. E. Clements
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) 145.
So, e.g., James D. Smart, History and Theology in Second Isaiah: A Commentary on Isaiah
35, 40-66 (London: Epworth, 1967) 108. However, Goldingay argues that Jerusalems
cultic activities during the exile actually speak against this theory, for, according to
Jer 41:5 it was precisely the offerings mentioned in Isa 43:23b (hx'n>mi and hn"Abl.) that
people did bring, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.310.
As discussed in the previous paragraph.
For a list of the proponents, see Koole, Isaiah III/1, 343-344. Koole does not support
this reading of the text, mainly because he views vv. 22-24 as Gods refutation of
Israels complaint regarding his alleged justice. This, again, is the problem of
literary genre, as argued in the next section.
Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 40-55, 231.
120
reasonable to include Isa 43:22-28 among those DI poems which some

scholars (most recently Goldingay) proposed to read as addressing
Judeans both in Babylon and in Palestine, both lamenting JerusalemZion and battling Israel-Jacob.12
5.3. Literary Genre of Isa 43:22-28

Watts emphatically claims that Isa 43:22-28 is cast in the form of a
judgment as virtually everyone, from Begrich to Merendino [] has
recognized.13 This trial genre, or Gerichtsrede, often shapes the message
of the prophets. Sweeney lists some of its characteristic elements: a call
to attention, an appeal for a legal proceeding, an accusation, and an
announcement of judgement or some form of instruction in proper
behaviour.14 Begrichs idea was developed by its most influential
proponent Westermann. His classification of Isa 43:22-28 as
Gerichtsrede, in which Yahweh opposes his chosen people Israel, 15 has
been followed by many16 and exercised a considerable influence over
the interpretation of the passage. It resulted in various attempts to
reconstruct the supposed accusation that the people made against God:
You delivered Jacob to utter destruction and Israel to shame. How
could you do this, when we faithfully served you by bringing our
sacrifices?17 or Why, Yahweh, are we now suffering when we have
called upon you?18 Analogically, the accusatory tone has been implied
in YHWHs speech, resulting in statements like:
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.33. See there for additional arguments and
bibliography.
John D. W. Watts, Isaiah 34-66 (WBC 25; Waco, TX: Word Books, 1987) 143. For
Begrich, see Joachim Begrich, Studien zu Deuterojesaja (BWANT 4e; Stuttgart:
Kohlhammer, 1938) 31. He maintains that die Voraussetzung des Textes ist, da
Israel auf Grund bestimmter Leistungen Jahwe fr verpflichtet erklrt, ihm zu
helfen, p. 25. For Merendino, see Rosario Pius Merendino, Der Erste und der Letzte:
Eine Untersuchung von Jes 40-48 (VTSup 31; Leiden: Brill, 1981) 356.
Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 541-542.
Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 130.
Most notably by Schoors in his study of DI forms, see A. Schoors, I am God your
Saviour: A Form-Critical Study of the Main Genres in Is. xl-lv (VTSup 24; Leiden: Brill,
1973) 190. He lists Isa 43:22-28 as an example of the trial speech that comes closest to
the basic structure described by Westermann in his Grundformen prophetischer Rede.
Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 130. Similarly Oswalt, Isaiah 40-66, 157.
The presumption is that we (Jacob/Israel) are innocent and you (YHWH) are guilty,
Michael Rosenbaum, Word-Order Variation in Isaiah 40-55: A Functional Perspective
(SSN 35; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1997) 82.
121
The meaning behind Gods accusation that Israel has withheld offering is
clearly this: Israels niggardliness is a sign of the deadness of its heart in
what should be the most precious of all relationships; Israel is incapable of
extending even the simple gesture of gratitude symbolized by food. 19
Or even more peculiar:

In our text [vv. 22-24] Yahweh rebukes Israel for not bringing offering
and sacrifices. It is as though, in a situation of dispute with Babylonian
gods, Yahweh wants and must have visible, dramatic, generous
acknowledgments of allegiance from Israel.20
These quotations illustrate that, even though the reconstruction of a

trial can be of some value when dealing with the last stanza of the
passage (vv. 26-28), it has had a damaging effect when applied to its
first part (vv. 22-24). As Booij has put it, the opinion that in Is 43 Israel
is reproved on account of its sacrifices, to the effect that it is blamed of
cultic neglect, is probably the most serious misunderstanding of this
text.21 Even the passage itself proves the above interpretations wrong,
for in v. 23b YHWH asserts: I have not burdened you with offerings, or
wearied you with frankincense. It goes against the grain of the
prophetic theology that YHWH would accuse his people of not
practising rituals to the point that they would weary themselves by
them for him (v. 22), of not buying him the expensive hn<q' (v. 24aA),
and of not soaking him in the fat of their sacrifices (v. 24aB). 22 As
already discussed above, such an accusation is even more inconceivable
if this passage is addressed to the people in exile, where offering
sacrifices to YHWH was very limited. Moreover, charging people with
niggardliness, or even with reluctance in the cultic sphere when v. 24b
claims that ^yt,nOwO[]B; ynIT;[.g:Ah ^yt,waJox;B. ynIT;d>b;[/h, %a; misses the mark
regardless of geographical or political context. Such behavior would
make any sacrifices invalid, and the more lavish ones would appear
even more preposterous, as Jeremiah expresses in 6:20 Of what use to
me is frankincense (hn"Abl.) that comes from Sheba, or sweet cane
(bAJh; hn<q') from a distant land? Your burnt offerings are not acceptable,
nor are your sacrifices pleasing to me. It is very unlikely that the
prophetic literature of exile would promote the idea that YHWH desires
to be glorified (dbk) by sacrifices of animals (xb;z)< , as v. 23a may seem
to imply. In fact, unlike in typical Gerichtsreden, a formal accusation is
19
20
21
22
Paul D. Hanson, Isaiah 40-66 (Interpretation; Louisville, KY: John Knox Press, 1995)
77.
Brueggemann, Isaiah, 2.61.
T. Booij, "Negation in Isaiah 43:22-24," ZAW 92 (1982) 390-400.
For this rendering, see the discussion of these verses in 5.4.1 and 5.5.1.
122
hardly to be found anywhere in Isa 43:22-28.23 Since v. 24b lies outside

of the trial speech proper, and v. 27 is hardly an accusation of the
people present at the trial, it is safe to conclude that there is no formal
accusation in Isa 43:22-28. Furthermore, the absence of an appeal to do
what is right (an element present in pre-exilic cult-critical passages) is a
strong indication that Isa 43:22-28 serves a different purpose. Finally, if
this passage was a Gerichtsrede, one would at least expect a verdict
relevant to the action of the accused party (punishment or reward). As
the study of the structure below shows, reading v. 28 as a verdict is not
the most satisfactory approach. True, there are some expressions in the
passage that belong to the trial speech genre; most notably in v. 26,
which can be regarded as an appeal for a legal proceeding. However,
one trial speech element is not sufficient to qualify Isa 43:22-28 as a
Gerichtsrede.
If labelling the form of this passage is necessary, it would be more
justifiable to speak about a disputation, more specifically [a]
theological dispute concerning the basis for Israels future
deliverance.24 According to von Waldow, a disputation always consists
of two parts: Disputationsbasis, the starting point, which the adversary
is supposed to have already agreed to, and Schlussfolgerung which is
drawn from it.25 Further analysis will show that vv. 22-24 and 26-28
function as Disputationsbasis, and v. 25 as Schlussfolgerung, and that this
passage has the same function as the other disputations in DI the
defence of his salvific message.26
At this point, it is sufficient to realize that the difference between
labelling Isa 43:22-24 and 27-28 not as Gerichtsrede but as Disputations23
24
25
26
Even Westermann admits that the trial speech proper begins only in v. 26. In his
Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech he claims that two accusations can be found in Isa
43:22-28, one that the people in exile make against God, opposed by one that God
raises against the people, so the content completely justifies this usage of the term
accusation in both of these originally quite different places, Claus Westermann,
Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech (London: Lutterworth Press, 1967) 69. However, in his
commentary on DI he seems to change his mind on the form of vv. 22-24, labelling
them as a disputation; see Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 131.
Roy F. Melugin, The Formation of Isaiah 40-55 (BZAW 141; Berlin: De Gruyter, 1976)
49. Isa 43:22-28 may be considered as another illustration of what Melugin elsewhere
calls an imitation of disputation speech with an arbitrary fusion of disputation and
cultic styles, Roy F. Melugin, "Deutero-Isaiah and Form Criticism," VT 21 (1971) 326337. Melugin, however, somewhat surprisingly still adheres to Begrichs designation
of Isa 43:22-28 as a trial speech, see Melugin, Formation, 48-50 and 115-118.
Schoors summary of Hans Eberhard von Waldow, Der traditionsgeschichtliche
Hintergrund der prophetischen Gerichtsreden (BZAW 85; Berlin: A. Tpelmann, 1963)
28-36.
Schoors, I am God, 295.
123
basis is that one reads these verses not as accusatory, but as descriptive.
The following two quotes summarize the important consequence of
this conclusion: first, the passage cannot be a complaint on
Yahwehs part that the Israelites had not brought him sacrifices,27 and,
second, the nation, which Jehovah was now redeeming out of pure
unmingled grace, had not been burdened with costly tasks of this
description.28
5.4. Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 43:22-28

This section focuses only on those problematic syntactical and
structural issues that decisively contribute to the understanding of the
text: correlation of cola 22aA and 22aB, structure of strophe 25 and 26,
dynamics in strophe 27, and authenticity of colon 28aA. As far as the
methodology is concerned, the following discussion uses the same
approach and principles as the structure and syntax study of Isa 1:10-17
in the previous chapter. Again, the analysis is based on MT (BHS)
excluding accents, but with additional spacing and new-lines to bring
out the divisions in the text.
27
28
Christopher R. North, The Second Isaiah: Introduction, Translation and Commentary to

Chapters XL-LV (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964) 127.
Delitzsch, Prophecies of Isaiah, 2.199.
124

Opening bicolon with
grammatical and semantic
paral.: NP2 V NP1 // V NP2 NP1
semantic chiastic paral.: V NP2 //
NP2 V
semantic paral.: V NP2 // V NP2
semantic chiastic paral.: V NP2 //
NP2 V
Closing bicolon with
paral.: V NP2 // V NP2
Introductory monocolon
Pivot-patterned bicolon with
partial grammatical and
semantic chiastic paral.
Opening tricolon with climatic
paral.: V // V NP1 // V NP1 NP2
semantic paral.: NP1 V // NP1 V
Closing tricolon with
paral.: V NP2 // V M NP2 // NP2
M, with ellipsis (verb gapping)
and chiasm in 28aB-C.
MT of Isaiah 43:22-28
Colon St
bqo[]y: t'ar"q' ytiao-al{w>

laer"f.yI
yBi T'[.g:y"-yKi
22aA
22aB
^yt,l{[o hfe yLi t'aybehe-al{

ynIT'd>B;ki al{ ^yx,b'z>W
23aA
23aB
hx'n>miB. ^yTid>b;[/h, al{

hn"Abl.Bi ^yTi[.g:Ah al{w>
23bA
23bB
hn<q' @s,K,b; yLi t'ynIq'-al{

ynIt'ywIr>hi al{ ^yx,b'z> bl,xew>
24aA
24aB
^yt,waJox;B. ynIT;d>b;[/h, %a;

^yt,nOwO[]B; ynIT;[.g:Ah
24bA
24bB
aWh ykinOa' ykinOa'
25aA
ynI[]m;l. ^y[,v'p. hx,mo

rKoz>a, al{ ^yt,aJox;w>
25aB
25aC
ynIrEyKiz>h;
dx;y" hj'p.V'nI
qD"c.Ti ![;m;l. hT'a; rPes;
aj'x' !AvarIh' ^ybia'
ybi W[v.P'
^yc,ylim.W
26aA
26aB
26aC
27aA
27aB
vd<qo yrEf' lLex;a]w:

bqo[]y: ~r<xel; hn"T.a,w>
~ypiWDgIl. laer"f.yIw>
28aA
28aB
28aC
II
III
In the chart above, the delimitation of cola follows MT for the most
part, as indicated there by major division markers. Korpel and de
Moors work provides the supporting evidence for the MTs division
from other main Hebrew manuscripts and ancient versions of the text,
differing only in cola division of v. 25.29 The division into stanzas is
29
See Marjo C. A. Korpel and Johannes C. de Moor, The Structure of Classical Hebrew
Poetry: Isaiah 40-55 (OTS 41; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 176-179.
125
inevitably more subjective; since it reflects the function performed by a

given structure, it will be discussed only after the structural analysis.
Most of the following discussion is devoted to the places where the text
division in the chart differs from MT. However, none of these
delimitations can be argued without paying careful attention to the
relations within each individual colon the syntax.
5.4.1. Correlation of Cola 22aA and 22aB

When it comes to the analysis of vv. 22-24, even a brief survey of
commentaries confirms Booijs statement that the opinions about their
meaning widely differ and some interpreters seem to be rather at a
loss.30 The great variety of interpretations of these verses results
primarily from different understandings of three correlations: how and
if at all v. 22 relates to the preceding verses, how v. 22 relates to vv. 2324, and how 22aB relates to 22aA.31 This section discusses the last
correlation.
The argument boils down to the authenticity and the function of the
conjunction yKi in this sentence. Its authenticity has been questioned
because the usual causal function of yKi (for, because) does not appear to
fit the context. The emendation to al{w> has often been suggested,
rendering 22aB as you did not weary yourself for me, Israel. This
suggestion is attractive due to seven other occurrences of the negative
particle al{ in vv. 22-24a, and encouraged by LXX (ouvde. kopia/sai, se
evpoi,hsa Israhl) and V (nec aborasti in me Israhel). It has not only been
advocated by a number of scholars, e.g. Westermann, Schoors, and
Elliger,32 but also made its way into many OT translations. 33
Westermann only refers to LXX and V without further explanation, 34
and Schoors merely indicates his reason, viz. parallelism. 35 Elliger
recognizes the fact that the other leading ancient texts and versions
(1QIsaa, S, and T) support MT, but resolves the dilemma by suggesting
that es scheint zwei Traditionen gegeben zu haben, and follows the
30
31
32
33
34
35
Booij, "Negation," 391.

For an extensive (but incomplete) list of various interpretations see John Goldingay,
"Isaiah 43, 22-28," ZAW 110 (1998) 173-191: 178-179.
For a more extensive list of scholars, see Elliger, Deuterojesaja, 361.
For English, see, e.g., JPS or NIV, for German, see EIN, and also the main contemporary Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Czech, or Slovak translations.
126
long list of scholars who al{w> statt yKi als das Ursprngliche
angesehen.36
The following reasons, however, speak for the retention of MT:
LXX and V are well counterbalanced by the S, T, and especially
by 1QIsaa and a small fragment 4QIsag.37 Furthermore, there is
no textual evidence for interchanging al{w> with yKi in any
available Hebrew manuscript.
LXX and V do not necessarily follow the same Vorlage. Even
though all the above proponents of emendation refer to both
versions, they, in fact, follow only V (as do all the OT translations mentioned in the above footnote), because they do not
change the subject in the first part of the verse from Jacob to
YHWH as does LXX: ouv nu/n evka,lesa, se Iakwb. As Oswalt
points out, LXX makes God the subject of both clauses, while
Vulg. has the same syntax as MT. Thus they are not a unified
witness against the MT.38
There are good reasons other than a Hebrew Vorlage for the
variations in V and LXX. As Goldingay argues, Vg nec laborasti
in me may simply assume that the negative in v. 22a carries
over to v. 22b. 39 One can also see why LXX would prefer ouvde.
(instead of o[ti, de.., or some other conjunction), viz. grammatical
parallelism with its rendering of v. 22a.
Reading yKi with MT is lectio difficilior.
As the following discussion demonstrates,
good sense.
yKi
in v. 22 makes
If MT is granted, an even more complicated question follows: What is

the function of yKi in 22aB? Since yKi is one of the most frequent words
in BH, answers vary considerably. Here are some of the main views
along with some of their proponents and corresponding OT
translations:
Causal yKi (because, for) is the most frequent function of this
conjunction. In v. 22, it makes 22aB the reason for Israels
failure to call upon YHWH (you did not call upon me, O Jacob,
for you grew weary of me, O Israel), and it is preferred by,
36
37
38
39
Elliger, Deuterojesaja, 361.

Other DSS do not contain this verse.
Goldingay, "Isaiah 43," 177.
127
e.g., Goldingay40 and Watts.41 As for the OT translations, see

DBY, NAB, or Polish BTP.
Adversative yKi (but, rather) usually comes after a negative
clause, so there is a sufficient precedent for taking it this way in
v. 22. It brings out the contrast between the sought-after and
the real behaviour of Jacob-Israel, viz. between calling upon
YHWH and being tired of him (you did not call upon me, O
Jacob; but you have been weary of me, O Israel). This
approach is taken by, e.g., Schoors,42 Brueggemann,43 and
Aejmelaeus.44 As for the OT translations, see NRSV, NAS, ESV,
GNV, KJV, or Czech BKR.
Asseverative yKi can function as an emphatic particle (truly,
indeed, really),45 making 22aB a full clause. This function is
preferred by Merendino46 and Baltzer, who suggests that yKi
begins an interrogative sentence, which might be rendered: Is
it really the case that ?47 As for the OT translations, see NJB.
Concessive yKi (though, even though) makes 22aB a circumstantial clause, and maintains the focus on the speaker (YHWH).
To bring out the contrast with the circumstance, Vriezen
suggests a special sub-category, viz. emphatisch-konzessiv yKi,
where der ursprngliche Charakter des Wortes als deiktische
Interjektion is preserved. yKi is then translated wie sehr auch
(however much), rendering Isa 43:22 as follows: Nicht Mich
hast du angerufen, Jakob, wie sehr du dir auch um Mich Mhe
gegeben hast.48
yKi is often ignored in rendering of BH, e.g., Blenkinsopp.49 As

for the OT translations, see NLT.
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
Goldingay, "Isaiah 43," 173 and 177.

Watts, Isaiah, 136.
Brueggemann, Isaiah, 2.60.
Anneli Aejmelaeus, "Function and Interpretation of yk in Biblical Hebrew," JBL 105
(1986) 193-209: 206.
See Williams 449.
Merendino, Der Erste, 347-348.
Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, 177.
Theodore C. Vriezen, "Einige Notizen zur bersetzung des Bindewortes k," in Von
Ugarit nach Qumran: Beitrge zur alttestamentlichen und altorientalischen Forschung, ed.
Johannes Hempel and Leonhard Rost (BZAW 77; Berlin: A. Tpelmann, 1958) 270271.
128
Resultative, or consecutive yKi (that, so that, to the point

that) introduces the clause which explains and fulfils the idea
of the principal sentence.50 Proposed already in the translation
of Isa 43:22 by Delitzsch,51 it has been followed by Booij,52
Oswalt,53 Koole,54 and Korpel and de Moor.55 As for the OT
translations, see TNK, German ELO, or ELB.
Even though the last approach in the list above seems to have
undergone a revival in recent scholarship, little has been said in its
support. Aejmelaeus even claims that, with some exceptions in Job, it
is doubtful whether yk should ever be interpreted as consecutive in the
OT.56 She is, however, an isolated voice. Follingstads survey of ancient
and modern views on yKi shows that its consecutive function was
already recognized by early Jewish sages, e.g., Rabbi Lakish, and
grammarians, e.g., Judah Ibn Balaam, and even today there is
substantial agreement that yKi plays a role in consecutive/result
clause types.57
Excursus: The Case for Consecutive yKi
In BH, there are several examples of yKi introducing a consecutive or, as
some grammars call it, resultative clause (Folgesatz) in general.58 As the
BDB examples illustrate, consecutive yKi occurs most frequently after a
question implying surprise or deprecation, 59 e.g., %lEae yKi ykinOa' ymi
h[orP> -; la, (Exod 3:11). It is to this group that Aejmelaeus objects, saying
that such questions are actually more or less equal to why-questions;
that is, they demand the reason for an exceptional event or state of
things, and prefers to regard these cases as a special group within the
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
HALOT #4219.
And thou hast not called upon me, O Jacob, that thou shouldst have wearied thyself
for me, O Israel! Delitzsch, Prophecies of Isaiah, 2.198.
Booij, "Negation," 391.
Koole, Isaiah III/1, 340-342.
Korpel and de Moor, Structure, 163.
Aejmelaeus, "Function," 202.
Carl Martin Follingstad, Deictic Viewpoint in Biblical Hebrew Text: A Syntagmatic and
Paradigmatic Analysis of the Particle yk (k) (Dallas, TX: SIL International, 2001) 37.
For the consecutive function of yKi, see, e.g., GK 166b, IBHS 38.3b, Gibson 129, JM
169e, and Williams 450. For more examples of this function, see BDB 472b. f.,
HALOT #4219 II.B.9, and DCH 4.386.
BDB 472b. f.
129
causal function of yk. She admits that a few cases in Job seem to come
closer to the consecutive interpretation, e.g. Job 38:19-20,60 explaining
them away by a suggestion that this was a peculiarity of the language
used in Job.61 However, the difference between the function of yKi in Job
38:19-20 and the examples of consecutive yKi following an interrogative
clause listed in BDB or DCH is not evident.
More importantly, Aejmelaeus turns a blind eye to the second
group of examples with consecutive yKi listed in BDB, viz. when
following a negative clause. In a footnote, she dismissed the ones listed
by Schoors in his article on yKi, viz. Gen 40:15, Job 41:2, and Ps 44:19-20,62
with a remark that none of them if not the case in Job is
convincing.63 Noticeably, it is Gen 40:15 ytiao Wmf'-yKi hm'Wam. ytiyfi['-al{
rABB; that became a textbook example of consecutive yKi after a negative
clause.64 Consecutive yKi in Gen 40:15 and Ps 44:19-20 is also confirmed
by HALOT #4219. Schoors list is included in BDB, where further
examples can be found: Hos 1:6, Ruth 1:12, and, most importantly, Isa
43:22. 65 DCH does not have Ps 44:19-20 and Ruth 1:12 among its
consecutive yKi examples, but contains all the others, Isa 43:22 included.
DCH further proposes that yKi functions consecutively or resultatively
also after a positive clause in Num 11:19, 1 Sam 28:22, Jer 48:9, 2 Chr
4:18, and perhaps Jer 51:62.66 This is satisfactory evidence for
consecutive yKi outside an interrogative sentence, and a sufficient
reason to explore the possibility of its presence in Isa 43:22.
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
`AtyBe tAbytin> !ybit'-ykiw> AlWbG>-la, WNx,Q'ti yKi `Amqom. hz<-yae %v,xow> rAa-!K'v.yI %r<D<h; hz<-yae
Aejmelaeus, "Function," 201-202.
A. Schoors, "The Particle yk," in Remembering All the Way: A Collection of Old Testament
Studies Published on the Occasion of the Fortieth Anniversary of the Oudtestamentisch
Werkgezelschap in Nederland, ed. A. S. van der Woude (OTS 21; Leiden: Brill, 1981)
264.
Aejmelaeus, "Function," n30. Further on, when she questions the concessive function
of yK, Aejmelaeus does address Isa 43:22aB, insisting that it either must be
interpreted as an adversative clause , or it must be supplied with a negation, n.
40.
See, e.g., IBHS 38.3b, Gibson 129, and, with some hesitation, also JM 169e.
BDB 472b. f. Strictly speaking, yKi in Ruth 1:12 does not come after a negative, but it
fits this category semantically: I am too old to have an husband yTir>m;a' yKi that I
should have said, etc.
DCH 4:386. In addition, consecutive yKi following a negative non-interrogative clause
is defensible also in Isa 57:16 (nor will I always be angry @Aj[]y: yn:p'L.mi x:Wr yKi to the
point that the spirit would grow faint before me ) and Hos 7:14 (They do not cry
to me from the heart ~t'AbK.v.mi l[; WlyliyEy> yKi to the point that they would howl upon
their beds ). This rendering of Hos 7:14 is plausible only if lly is understood as
an inarticulate, shattering scream such as is found in primitive funerary laments
and in the face of sudden catastrophe, A. Baumann, lly, TDOT 6.82.
130
Even a quick look at the various OT translations of the examples

above shows that none of them would go undisputed, and the other
functions of yKi in each example are possible. To establish consecutive yKi
as the most plausible would require each text to undergo a scrutiny
similar to the present one on Isa 43:22. That is, however, beyond the
scope of the present thesis. In general, one cannot but agree with
Aejmelaeus that the interpretation of the various functions of a
multipurpose particle in a language no longer spoken can never reach
more than a fair approximation of what was once in the minds of the
speakers and writers of that language.67 Nevertheless, some
approximations are fairer than others, and it should come down to
which function of a multipurpose particle makes the most sense not
only in a given sentence, but also in its context.
Before moving on to next verses, one more syntactical feature of v.
22 requires clarification: when qal of [gy is connected with an object by
B, the preposition indicates the object for which (land, Josh. 24:13; wine,
Isa. 62:8; fire, Hab. 2:13; nought, Jer. 51:58) or with which (sorceries, Isa.
47:12) one labours.68 As in Ps 69:4, it is natural that arq would be the
source of [gy, viz. the object with which one labours.69 Logically, if yKi in
v. 22 is understood as consecutive, the source of [gy becomes arq,
whereas the speaker (Yahweh) is the object for which the audience
(Jacob/Israel) labours; therefore the translation that you would have
wearied yourself for me.70
5.4.2. Structure of Verse 25

The structure of this short stanza is rather complicated. Elliger lists the
various attempts of those who wish to obtain a metrical balance in v. 25
via emendations: thus, e.g., Duhm suggests crossing out the whole
67
68
69
70
Aejmelaeus, "Function," 209.

Hasel, [g:y", TDOT 5.389. After defining these two groups, it is rather surprising that
Hasel ambiguously translates [gy + B in Isa 43:22aB to be weary of Yahweh (italics
mine), especially when two paragraphs before he states: the basic verbal meaning of
the root [gy may properly be defined as be/become weary in the objective sense of
bodily fatigue, i.e., be/become weak, weary, exhausted, rather than in the
subjective psychological sense of be/become weary of something.
`yh'l{ale lxey:m. yn:y[e WlK' ynIArG> rx;nI yair>q'b. yTi[.g:y"; similarly Ps 6:7 and Jer 45:3, where the
speaker is [gy with his hx'n"a] (groaning, moaning).
For the same rendering, see Korpel and de Moor, Structure, 163. According to
Follingstad, such a shift in viewpoint from the speaker space to the propositional
content of utterance is a characteristic function of consecutive yKi; see Follingstad,
Deictic Viewpoint, 281-286.
131
second part (v. 25aB), Khler wants to leave out ^yt,aJoxw; > and read only
![;m;l., Steinmann, on the other hand, proposes to omit ynI[]m;l. ^y[,v'p., and
Zeigler, Penna, and Fohrer delete ynI[]m;l.. Many scholars prefer to read
ynI[]m;l. with the second part of the verse, either dropping the copula with
the next word (Westermann and Schoors) or, based on Brockelmanns
Hebrische Syntax 123f (waw apodosis), maintain the copula (Koole and
Elliger himself).71 Some try to lengthen the second line by adding dw[
with 1QIsaa.72 While all these changes are possible, Elliger correctly
disregards those proposals that destroy the parallelism in v. 25 (Duhm,
Khler, Steimann). To delete ynI[]m;l. only because it is not rendered in
LXX is unpersuasive in the light of other textual witnesses, and
Rosenbaums attempt to justify the omission of ynI[]m;l. by vertical
dittography from v. 26b below is desperate.73 To add dw[ on the basis
of 1QIsaa (not in 1QIsab) and one medieval manuscript is more
attractive,74 but it only improves the metre of the colon, not its
understanding. In addition, to both of these emendations applies the
argument that it is wrong to emend the verse because of rhythm.75
An interesting solution has been proposed in recent scholarship by
Blenkinsopp, Goldingay, Watts, and Korpel and de Moor to treat v. 25
as a tricolon:
aWh ykinOa' ykinOa' 25aA
ynI[]m;l. ^y[,v'p. hx,mo 25aB
`rKoz>a, al{ ^yt,aJox;w> 25aC
Surprisingly, only Korpel and de Moor attempted to justify the break
between aWh and hx,mo, referring to Deut 32:39 and nearby Isa 43:11.76
However, the syntax in both references differs from v. 25, for the
separation of the almost identical phrases comes before !yaew>, not before
71
72
73
74
75
76
For more discussion and refutation of some of the proposals as well as for
bibliography, see Elliger, Deuterojesaja, 361-362.
Thus, e.g., TNK, NAB, NIV, NLT, or North, Second Isaiah, 127.
See Rosenbaum, Word-Order, 81.
The combination of rkz with dA[ is fairly common, see, e.g., Isa 54:4. For the
possibility of this addition in Isa 43:25, see Dominique Barthlemy, Critique textuelle
de l'Ancien Testament, 2: Isae, Jrmie, Lamentations, Rapport final du Comit pour
l'analyse textuelle de l'Ancien Testament hbreu (Orbis biblicus et orientalis 50/2;
Fribourg, Gttingen: Editions universitaires, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986) 319320.
See Korpel and de Moor, Structure, 177-178.
132
a participle.77 In fact, there is apparently no example in BH where a

pronoun followed by a participle would be separated from each other
when referring to the same subject. It is safe to conclude that the
suggested separation between aWh and hx,mo in v. 25 is unjustifiable on
syntactical grounds. There is, however, a semantic factor that prompted
the above scholars to read v. 25 as a tricolon: aWh can function as a
pronominal predicate.78 Following Drivers suggestion to regard aWh in
Isa 43:25 as anticipating the predicate 79 renders the translation I, I am
He or even I, I am the One, which resembles a self-predication or a
self-introductory formula. This might seem a bit of a stretch if the verse
is read on its own. However, when the whole ch. 43 is considered,
starting with the glorious ^[,yviAm laer"f.yI vAdq. ^yh,l{a/ hw"hy> ynIa] in v. 3,
picked up by aWh ynIa] in v. 10, reinforced by hw"hy> ykinOa' ykinOa' in v. 11, and
again aWh ynIa] in v. 13, and ~k,v.Adq. hw"hy> ynIa] in v. 15, it is sound to
expect the expression in 25aA to play the role of self-introductory
formula as well. It is reasonable to believe that this role, so prominent
in ch. 43, took precedence over the rhythm in v. 25, creating thus an
irregularity in what otherwise would be a well balanced, pivotpatterned bicolon with silent stress,
ynI[]m;l. ^y[,v'p. hx,mo ykinOa'

al{ ^yt,aJox;w>
(silent stress) rKoz>a,
where ynI[]m;l,. being the centre of chiasm, performs double-duty,80 and w>
functions resumptively.81 Oswalt also recognized this unusual mix:
The usage of the pronoun aWh shows that the formula of selfpredication is in mind because it is unnecessary in a normal participial
phrase.82
77
78
79
80
81
82
Deut 32:39 ydIM'[i ~yhil{a/ !yaew> aWh ynIa] ynIa] yKi hT'[; War>
Isa 43:11 [:yviAm yd:['l.B;mi !yaew> hw"hy> ykinOa' ykinOa'
Instead of just strengthening the pronoun, as suggested by GK 141h and JM 154j.
S. R. Driver, A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew and Some Other Syntactical
Questions, 2d ed. (Clarendon Press Series; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1881) 200.
Goldingay recognizes this role of ynI[]m;l, maintaining that it stands at the centre of
the chiasm formed by the second two cola in v. 25, and no doubt applies to both
these cola, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.312.
For this function of w> see Williams 440. Syntactically, this solution is very close to
the one proposed by Elliger.
Oswalt, Isaiah 40-66, 160. Ackroyd believes that the use of this phrase strongly
suggests an attempt at theological explanation of the divine name as being
equivalent to the personal pronoun, so that just as Exod. 3:14 provides us with the
interpretation hy<h.a, (I am), Second Isaiah appears to understand the divine name
Yahweh as meaning He, i.e., The one or He who is, Ackroyd, Exile and
Restoration, 133.
133
Understood this way, the following conclusions can be made about

the structure and syntax of v. 25:
ynI[]m;l., being the centre of a chiastically structured bicolon and

performing double duty, plays a prominent role in this verse.
Recognizing the formula of self-predication in v. 25aA suggests

dividing v. 25 into (climactic) monocolon (v. 25aA) and bicolon
(v. 25aB and C). Whereas translating it into English as a
tricolon renders the meaning of the Hebrew very well, there is
no need to force the rules of BH syntax to break MT into a
tricolon.
There is no persuasive ground for emending MT of v. 25.
The proposed reading makes v. 25 the climax of the passage, indicated
by the emphatic aWh ykinOa' ykinOa' as in anacrusis.83 It also connects this
verse and thereby the whole passage well with the rest of the chapter.
5.4.3. Structure of Verse 26

To label v. 26 as a tricolon presupposes two things: the imperatives in
each part are syntactically parallel, and there is a single structure that
binds all the parts together.84 As far as the first imperative ynIrEyKiz>h; is
concerned, Childs argues that the form is the appellation of the
accused who demands a trial and should be translated as accuse me. 85
Adhering to Begrichs forensic reading of v. 26, he believes that the
usual translation put me in remembrance completely misses the
parallelism. Childs undoubtedly means the parallelism only with
hj'p.V'nI, an expression denoting a forensic setting, for jpv usually is a
technical term in judicature. However, the last part of the three-step
parallelism, the imperative rPes;, meaning in piel to count off, check,
recount or in the larger sense relate, tell86 is not a juridical term. It
may be argued that its character of advocacy can be derived from the
connection with qdc, but it can equally be argued that the niphal of jpv
conveys a rather general meaning to dispute or, even more broadly,
83
84
85
86
As suggested by H.G.M. Williamson in personal conversation.

The structure of this verse is the same as of Isa 1:16. For supporting arguments to
read it as a tricolon, see the discussion of Isa 1:16 in 4.4.5.
Brevard S. Childs, Memory and Tradition in Israel (SBT 37; London: SCM Press, 1962)
15.
See J. Conrad, rp;s,' TDOT 10.311.
134
to quarrel (with one another)87 to find out who is right. The latter
argument supports the assertion above concerning the literary genre of
Isa 43:22-28, reading the whole verse as a non-forensic disputation:
Remind me. Let us dispute with one another. You recount so that you
may be proved right.88
There is a noteworthy dynamic in this verse. The first stipulation
turns the focus from YHWH to the matter of dispute.89 The objects of the
second stipulation are the involved parties, emphasized by dx;y". The
emphatic position of hT'a; in the third stipulation completes the shift of
focus from YHWH to Jacob/Israel. In addition, the last phrase of v. 26
discloses the reason for all three stipulations: qD"c.Ti ![;m;l.. This dynamic
and the parallelism justify the classification of v. 26 as a tricolon with
climatic parallelism. More specifically, in the terms of Greenstein, this
climatic parallelism is a case of suspended analysis.90
5.4.4. Progress in Verse 27

Dynamics of progress seem to work also in the relation between 27aA
and 27aB. Even though the precise identification of !AvarIh' ^ybia' and
^yc,ylim. is not certain,91 one can safely assume a progress in time
87
88
89
90
91
As argued by H. Niehr, jp;v', TDOT 15.421. Niehr believes that the setting of Isa
43:26 is forensic, but allows also for a civic use of this form, as in 2 Chr 22:8. The
reciprocity of the niphal in this verse is confirmed by the following dx;y:.
As Jensen points out, it is human nature to want to be right with God, and
participation in religious rites is one way of persuading ourselves that we are right
with God, Jensen, Ethical Dimensions, 85.
As Goldingay specifies with regard to ynIrEyKiz>h, rather than a person as object, this is a
technical term for bringing a matter to the attention of a court, Goldingay, "Isaiah
43," 187. Contrast TDOT 4.75 by H. Eising.
For more discussion of this phenomena, see Edward L. Greenstein, "One More Step
on the Staircase," UF 9 (1977) 77-86: esp. 80.
In early OT scholarship, the usual candidates for the first ancestor were Adam or
Abraham, and for the interpreters Moses and Aaron. Elliger argues in detail that
!AvarIh' ^ybia' refers to Jacob and ^yc,ylim. to Wortfhrer, or Sprecher, or ist vielleicht
eine Sammelbezeichnung fr die Regierung, namely die Knige und ihre Beamten.
With regard to 27aB, he claims that Gedacht ist parallel zu dem seine Sippe
anfhrenden Erzvater Jakob anscheinend in der Knigzeit an die Spitzen des
inzwischen zum Volk herangewachsenen Israel, Elliger, Deuterojesaja, 383. Another
interesting explanation comes from Calvin, who argues that the word ^ybia' does not
include one or a few of their [Israelites] ancestors, but many. It is an interchange of
the singular and plural number, which is very frequently employed by Hebrew
writers, John Calvin, Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Isaiah, trans. William
135
between the two, viz. from the early beginnings to the more recent past.
Furthermore, Elliger calls attention to another possible progress in this
verse, viz. Steigerung from ajx in 27aA to [vp in 27aB. His
paraphrastic rendering of v. 27 neatly captures both developments:
Schon Jakob verfehlte sich; aber was deine Wortfhrer sich geleistet
haben, war mehr: sie rebellierten, sie brachen mit mir.92
The adjective !AvarI very likely refers to the same time in Israels
history as tAnvoarI in v. 18 the former things that are to be forgotten,
tAnvoarIh' that have come to pass (42:9). Unlike tAnvoarI of YHWH that are
to be remembered (46:9), 65:2-7 mentions the former actions (~t'L'[up.
hn"voarI, v.7) of Israels ancestors (~k,yteAba], v. 7), such as idolatry (vv. 27), that provoked YHWH (v. 3) and resulted in exile. In the announced
new era, the former troubles (tAnvoarIh' tArC'h;) are forgotten and hidden
from Gods sight (v. 16); because YHWH is creating new heavens and a
new earth, tAnvoarIh' will not be remembered, nor come to mind (v. 17).
Therefore, Isa 43:27 is not an accusation, but a piece of evidence that
has become irrelevant because the case has already been resolved and
closed (via serving the exile sentence and the upcoming deliverance).
Lest the people would like to reopen the case qD"c.Ti ![;m;l. (v. 26), the
prophet reminds them, in Luthers words: [Y]ou cannot be justified,
because you are the son of Adam, who sinned first. Therefore you also
are a sinner, because you are the son of a sinner.93
5.4.5. Colon 28aA A Later Addition?

Almost every aspect of the first line of v. 28 has been questioned: Is it a
part of the Urtext, or a later addition? Who is the subject YHWH or, as
LXX suggest, oi` a;rcontej? Who or what is the object designated by
vd<qo yrEf'? What is the tense of lLex;a]w:? What is the syntactical function
of the initial waw? The last two questions cannot be answered without
considering the wider context, so the discussion of them needs to be
postponed to the section on synthesis below. This section deals with the
first three problems.
Westermann, Merendino, and Elliger consider v. 28aA a later
addition. Westermann keeps the initial lLex;a]w,: but deletes vd<qo yrEf'
92
93
Pringle, vol. 3 (Calvin's Commentaries; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1998)
351.
LW 25.302.
136
hn"T.a,w>
without any justification.94 Merendino believes that the cult

polemic in vv. 23-24 neither suits DI style and message nor reflects the
situation in exile; therefore it must be als ein nachtrgliches
Interpretament von V. 22 anzusehen. And since the expression
vd<qo yrEf' nimmt der Text wieder auf den Kult, [m]an kann in V. 28a
die Hand des Interpolators von VV. 23-24 erblicken.95 Elliger also
argues that 28aA has been added later to pick up the cult theme from
the first part of the passage: [28a ist] ein Zusatz, der von jemandem
stammt, der eine Bemerkung ber das Schicksal der Vertreter des
Kultus vermite, nachdem dieser im ersten Teil der Rede so breiten
Raum eingenommen hat.96
The overall discussion here should sufficiently repudiate the above
arguments. One cannot help but think that Elligers picture of the editor
of this verse is not a Jewish scribe, but a western systematic theologian.
Moreover, reading vv. 23-24 the way that is suggested in this study
does not generate any need to comment on das Schicksal der Vertreter
des Kultus. The argument that v. 28aA is redundant because it breaks
the bicolon pattern in the passage and has no corresponding part in the
parallel Jacob/Israel v. 22 is aptly rejected by Koole: Views on what is
superfluous in (poetic) literature may differ, a longer verse at the end of
a pericope is not unusual, , and just as your father (v. 27a) is
elaborated in the names Jacob-Israel (v. 27b), so there may be a closer
connection between v. 27b and v. 28a. 97 In fact, the translator of LXX
uses this chiastic correspondence when struggling with the rendering
of myciylim. in v. 27b and vd<qo yrEf' in v. 28, giving the term oi` a;rcontej
for both expressions.
The last objection of Elliger against the authenticity of v. 28aA is
die Zweiteiligkeit der gesamten Rede ... wobei der Kult das Material
fr den ersten Teil, genaugenommen nur fr dessen ersten Abschnitt,
liefert, was gegen die Metabasis eis allo genos in 28a spricht.98
However, as the division into stanzas in the chart above and their
functional analysis below show, the passage can be divided and read in
a way that the theme of cult is an integral part of the overall picture of
Israels impotence with regard to its salvation. Furthermore, as the
following word study of the key terms in v. 28 demonstrates, the cultic
94
95
96
97
98

Merendino, Der Erste, 350 and 353.
Elliger, Deuterojesaja, 362-363.
Koole, Isaiah III/1, 352.
137
aspect is present in all three cola, presenting one theme the impure
status of Jacob/Israel:
a) llx Dommershausen leaves little room for doubt that llx in
this verse refers to desecration as opposed to its other, non-religious
meanings: In the OT, llx in the piel always means profane,
desecrate. Specifically about Isa 43:28 (along with Lam 2:2), he says
that in neither passage should llx be read as slain or pierced.99
Also the LXXs rendering and the connection of llx with the unusual
construction vd<qo yrEf' support the res exsecranda function of this verb.100
In the words of Goldingay, YHWH by this expression declares that Israel
has been radically profaned.101 And, as Goldingay elsewhere points
out, profaneness is the antonym of holiness.102
b) ~r<xe The occurrence of ~r<xe in the expression ~r<xel; hn"T.a,w> (v.
27) is rather unexpected. If extermination or desolation was in view,
br<x,l; (to the sword) would be more suitable, as predicted in Mic 6:14
and Jer 15:9 against Israel and in Jer 25:31 against ~y[iv'r>h', in all
instances with the verb !tn and YHWH as the subject. An even better
candidate would be hB'r>x' (desolation) a term that is predominantly
used by Ezekiel (14 times), Jeremiah (10 times), and DI (5 times), and
almost exclusively connected with Judah/Israel and the Babylonian
> ' often
exile, even outside prophetic literature.103 Furthermore, hB'rx
takes the preposition l. as well as the verb !t;n".104 ~r<xe, on the other
hand, never occurs with !t;n" except in Isa 43:28, and the only other place
where it is combined with l. in the OT is Josh 6:18 and 7:12 (although
without the article). The Joshua passage is very instructive for
understanding one nuance of ~r<xe. Jericho and all that was in it was
99
100
101
102
103
104
Dommershausen, llx, TDOT 4.410 and 414. For the opposite view, see Schoors, I
am God, 196.
According to Ringgren, llx in this verse fits well contextually in the sense of
robbing the holy of their holiness, vdq, TDOT 12.537. Elsewhere he explains that
to profane someone, or something, is to act in such a manner as to cause its holiness
to be lost, and his examples (Amos 2:7; Zeph 3:4; Isa 56:6; Ezek 22:26; 28:18; Mal
2:11) include ritual as well as ethical transgressions, Ringgren, Prophetical Conception
of Holiness, 17. For further support, see also Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.316.
Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.316.
John Goldingay, The Message of Isaiah 40-55: A Literary-Theological Commentary
(London: T & T Clark, 2005) 226.
It occurs 30 times with Jacob/Israel, 4 times with Edom, twice with Egypt, once with
Tyre, and three other uses. Notice especially Lev 26:31-33, where hB'r>x' sandwiches
the description of exile as a punishment for Israels disobedience, allusion to which
would be expected in Isa 43:22-28 if the physical punishment were in view.
Another alternative would be xb;J,l; (to slaughter) as in Isa 34:2 (against the
nations, with !tn), Isa 53:7 (about the suffering Servant), etc.
138
proclaimed hw"hyl; ~r,xe (Josh 6:17). In spite of the explicit prohibition,

Achan took ~r<xeh;-!mi (7:1). Consequently, as cautioned in 6:18, the
Israelites ~r<xel. Wyh' (7:12a). This expression does not refer to their
(future) physical destruction,105 but to their present cultic state: Israel
became pollutus est anathemate (V).106 YHWH could not be with such
polluted people (7:12b), for, again, impurity and holiness do not mix. 107
In the following verse, YHWH provides instructions about how to revert
this impure status of the Israelites: purify/sanctify yourselves ( WvD>q;t.hi)
and take away ~r<xeh; from your midst (~k,B.r>Qimi). Only then, YHWH can
again be vAdq' ^B.r>qiB. (Hos 11:9, similarly Isa 12:6), enabling the
Israelites to be victorious over their enemies. Clearly, ~r<xel. in this story
refers to the impurity of the people, and there is no obvious reason to
understand it differently in Isa 43:28.108 Further support comes from the
facts that Israel has never been an object of annihilation, and that the
parallel llx in the preceding colon and @WDGI in the following colon
also refer to the cultic status of the people.109 Grammatically speaking,
~r<xe in v. 28 is a concrete noun, expressing a quality or a substance, as
opposed to a noun expressing an action. 110 The preposition l. is that of
product when an action results in a state or condition.111 The phrase
~r<xel; !tn may therefore be translated to turn into an accursed thing,
105 As translations like they have been made liable to destruction (NIV or NRSV)
suggest, and as commonly understood in Isa 43:27.
106 LXX also renders ~r<xe here as avna,qema (an accursed thing). Similarly KJV, NAU or
JPS.
107 Kornfeld points out that the verb ~rx constitutes the contrasting sphere to qd in the
sense of consecrating something to Yahweh for destruction, vdq, TDOT 12.527.
108 Baltzer makes the connection between Isa 43:28 and Lev 27:28, claiming that what
has been consecrated to Yahweh through the curse is excluded from redemption
(lag), Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, 183, n244. He apparently fails to distinguish between
res exsecranda and res sacrosancta aspects of ~r,xe. In spite of his detailed analysis of
~r,xe, Koole also diverts for a moment to res sacrosancta when stating: Because Israel
had not brought true sacrifices to God, vv. 22ff., she had to be sacrificed herself,
Koole, Isaiah III/1, 353. However, his final translation to give up to the curse
concurs with the one proposed in this study.
109 Already Calvin used the parallel of ~r<xe with @WDGI to argue for rendering ~r<xe as a
curse rather than destruction, see Calvin, Isaiah, 353.
110 For a detailed discussion of both nuances, see Lohfink, ~r:x,' TDOT 5.185-186.
Lohfink is inconsistent when it comes to the function of ~r<xe in Isa 43:28: on p. 184 he
claims that it designates a kind of countersphere to the sacred because it is parallel to
llx, presumably as a concrete noun, then on p. 185-86 he treats it as an action noun
because of its parallelism with ~ypiWDGI, and finally on p. 198 he suggests that, through
the influence of Deuteronomistic usage, the root ~rx in Isa 43:28 simply means to
kill, destroy.
111 Williams 278.
139
or even to turn into an impurity to eliminate the undertone of physical

destruction and to emphasize its connection with the immediate
context Israels present status as anathema to YHWHs holiness.
c) @WDGI The noun @WDGI is found only four times in the OT (once in
a feminine form hp'WdG>). It can be reasoned that, if reviling or a taunt
was the point,112 one would expect a more apt and far more frequent
term hP'r>x,, because it is often connected with the Babylonian exile
(either in the prophecies concerning it or their fulfillments) 113 and it
often takes the preposition l. as well as the verb !t;n." The fact that it is
twice parallel to @WDGI (Isa 51:7 and Zeph 2:8) does not mean that the
two words are synonyms.114 Studying the total of seven occurrences of
the verb @dg,115 Wallis rightly concludes that the figurative meaning to
revile, blaspheme is predominant in BH.116 However, he fails to discuss
the noun form as such. Also, his differentiation between secular and
religious usage of this root is questionable, for such a distinction is very
likely foreign to Hebrew thinking. Moreover, translating all the
occurrences of the root @dg with the religious term to blaspheme
makes good sense in every case. It is helpful to realize here that in
order to blaspheme, words are not necessary.117 Num 15:30-31 and Ezek
20:27-28 instruct that to blaspheme against YHWH means to
intentionally and flauntingly violate his commandment, and sacrifice to
idols.118 Isa 43:28 conveys that, guilty of these moral impurities, Israel
has been turned into a blasphemy. This rendering of ~ypiWDgIl. preserves
both the syntactical and grammatical parallelism with the previous
colon: @WDGI is a concrete noun, expressing a quality or a substance, and
the preposition l. is that of product. Designating Israel as @WDGI here
112 As suggested by many translations, e.g., NRSV, NAU, or TNK.
113 For the prophecies, see Hos 12:15; Mic 6:16; Jer 24:9; 29:18; 42:18; 44:8, 12; Ezek 5:14,
15; for the fulfilment see Jer 51:51; Lam 5:1; Ezek 16:57; 22:4; 36:15, 30; Ps 44:14; 79:4;
89:42; 109:25; Dan 9:16.
114 In both cases, @WDGI is second, so if Kugels idea of parallelism in biblical poetry is
applied, @WDGI would mean something more than hP'r>x., However, it would not be
sound to derive a conclusion from only two examples.
115 Four out of these seven occurrences refer to the words of Rabshakeh against YHWH in
the story of Sennacheribs invasion against Judah.
116 See G. Wallis, @d;G", TDOT 2.416-418.
117 According to Blank, the fear that a blasphemous word would return upon the head
of the blasphemer probably discouraged verbal blasphemy, see S. H. Blank, "The
Curse, Blasphemy, the Spell and the Oath," HUCA 23 (1950/51) 73-95: esp. 83-85.
118 Wallis states that Num 15:30 concerns indirect blasphemy by the sin of omission, of
withholding a sacrifice, Wallis, @d;G," 418. However, for Num 15:30-31 as a
reference to intentional sinning, see the treatment of this passage in Milgrom,
Leviticus 1-16, .
140
means that she became the very opposite of what YHWH has formed
her to be a light to the nations (42:6), the people who declare his
praise (43:21).119
This word-study of llx, ~r<xe, and @WDGI shows that there is a
semantic intersection of these terms in the area of cult. The structure of
v. 28 supports this conclusion: the verse is built as a closing tricolon
with grammatical and semantic parallelism, reinforced by ellipsis with
verb gapping in the last part. It is, therefore, legitimate to pursue the
idea that the point of v. 28 is to remind Israel of her present cultic
status, namely impurity.
One more issue in v. 28 deserves a comment: the LXX rendering of
v. 28aA, kai. evmi,anan oi` a;rcontej ta. a[gia, mou, has raised questions
about the subject of this cola. The best explanation is that the LXX
translator shied away from making YHWH an agent of miai,nw or
bebhlo,w, and has changed the subject intentionally for reverential
reasons. LXXs rendering of Isa 47:6 supports this hypothesis.120 The
picture of YHWH as an agent of llx in v. 28 can be seen as another
illustration of poetic justice: Israel through her action profaned YHWHs
holy name (Amos 2:7; Mal 1:11-12; Jer 41:16; Ezek 13:19; 20:39; 36:20, 21,
22, 23; 43:8), his holy things (Zeph 3:4; Ezek 22:26), the covenant of the
ancestors (Mal 2:11), YHWHs sanctuary (Mal 2:11; Ezek 23:39; 44:7), his
land (Jer 16:18), his sabbaths (Ezek 20:13, 16, 21, 24; 22:8; 23:38), even to
the point that YHWH himself claims to be profaned in her midst (Ezek
22:26). It should, therefore, not come as a surprise that in response,
YHWH profaned his servants crown or dignity (Ps 89:40),121 his
inheritance (Isa 47:6), Judahs h'yr<f'w> hk'l'm.m; (Lam 2:2), and vd<qo yrEf' (Isa
43:28).122
119 Goldingay also recognizes that for Israel to become the object of @WDGI constitutes a
denial of central elements in what Yhwh has affirmed concerning its destiny,
Goldingay, Message of Isaiah, 226.
120 Outside of Isaiah, bebhlo,w for llx with YHWH as a subject does occur in LXX, the
closest parallel to Isa 43:28 being Lam 2:2.
121 LXX renders Arz>nI as to. a`gi,asma auvtou/, his sanctuary.
122 It is much less certain (and not likely to be resolved without future evidence) to
whom or to what the expression vd<qo yrEf' refers. Many commentators turn to its only
other occurrence in the OT, viz. 1 Chr 24:5, where it refers to priests. However,
North is most likely right that, this usage is late, after the functions of the kings had
passed to the priesthood. He concludes that vd<qo yrEf' in DI is almost certainly to the
sacral kings, North, Second Isaiah, 131. The facts that DI uses the noun rf; and hr'f'
in parallel with %l,m, (49:7 and 23 respectively), and the already mentioned similarity
of Isa 43:28aA with Lam 2:2 support this conclusion. For Elliger, however, the
collocation in 1 Chr 24:5 is yet another indication that Isa 43:28aA is a late addition.
This view allows him to bring out evidence from other late passages, e. g. Ezra, and
141
5.5. Functional Analysis of Isa 43:22-28

This section deals with the relations between strophes as well as
stanzas. It addresses only those links that are disputed or neglected in
the commentaries, namely the internal correlation of vv. 22-24, the
internal correlation of vv. 26-28, and the relation of v. 25 to the rest of
the passage.
5.5.1. Stanza I: Correlation of 22 and 23-24

Delimitation of this stanza is straightforward thanks to its orderly
structure, confirmed by major division markers in the textual
tradition.123 Several links bind this structure together:
Thematic unity, the form of which was discussed above. Its
content is to be determined in the discussion below.
Series of seven negatives al[w] in vv. 22-24a, contrasted by
in the closing bicolon 24b.
%a
Chiastic structure: 22a-24b, 23a-24a, with the centre in 23b. As

recognized by Goldingay, this chiasm is created by repetition
of some key terms ([gy in 22a, 23b, and 24a; xbz in 23a and 24a),
by the same theme in 23a and 24a, and by the importance of
23b as the central element.124
Alternation of lineally and chiastically parallel bicola (22a, 23b,
24b, and 23a, 24a respectively), as noted by Koole.125
Watts, along with Rosenbaum, Schoors, North,126 and a number of
other scholars, links v. 22 and vv. 23-24 closely together by making v.
22aA crucial for the interpretation of the rest of the stanza. Watts claims
that the emphatic opening yta alw [] sets the tone for all three verses
by claiming that Israels worship was not directed to Yahweh. The
underlying issue, then, is not cultic laxity but once again idolatry. 127
There are at least three problems with this interpretation:
123
124
125
126
127
conclude that jedenfalls meint vdq yrf eher Priester als Knige, Elliger,
Deuterojesaja, 387. See there for further discussion.
For details, see Korpel and de Moor, Structure, 176-177.
See Goldingay, "Isaiah 43," 175.
See Koole, Isaiah III/1, 340.
See North, Second Isaiah, 128, Rosenbaum, Word-Order, 81, Schoors, I am God, 191.
Watts, Isaiah, 144. Similarly, e.g., North, Second Isaiah, 128. His reference to the
strange [god] of v. 12 in support of implicit idolatry in v. 22 is highly questionable.
142
The supposition that when Yahweh says this [v. 22aA], it

means that other gods have indeed been invoked 128 is simply
reading too much into the text. Booij rightly points out that if a
contrast between YHWH and other gods was the intention of the
passage, it would be strange that the contrast is not made
explicit.129
If the underlying issue was idolatry, then v. 23b would be
semantically out of place: why would YHWH accuse Israel of
sacrificing to other gods and, at the same time, maintain that he
did not demand sacrifices for himself? However, v. 23b has
strong formal links with the rest of the stanza, and to exclude it
on purely semantic grounds would be unsound.
The tone, of which Watts and others speak in v. 22aA, would
be in dissonance with the rest of the stanza, because of the
different focus of vv. 22-24; it would be rather odd to criticize
the direction of Israels worship via criticising the worship
itself.130 In other words, the focus of vv. 23-24 is on how YHWH
is being treated by Israel, not to whom Israel offers her
worship.131
Similar objections can be raised to the interpretation of v. 22 as
indicating that Israel did not really called on YHWH, only formally.132
Again, nothing in the following verses suggests that the formality or
superficiality of Israels worship is the problem.133
Goldingay recognizes that the emphasis on me in v. 22 does not
explicitly continue in vv. 23-24, and there is neither ground nor need to
128 Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, 177.
129 Booij, "Negation," 394. Similarly Blenkinsopp states that here there is no suggestion
that sacrifice has been offered to any deity other than Yahveh, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah
40-55, 231.
130 The word-order in v. 23a.24a and the verbal suffix-construction in 23a.24a
strongly suggest that here the negations somehow concern the cultic acts in
themselves, Booij, "Negation," 394.
131 Goldingay correctly states that already the second colon of v. 22 hints that what
offends Yhwh about the peoples calling lies in a different direction from that of
calling on/serving of other gods, Goldingay, Message of Isaiah, 219.
132 Thus, e.g., Koole, Isaiah III/1, 341. Koole believes that, as in 48:1, something like tm,a/B,
should qualify arq of v. 22a. Contra Koole, it is argued below that no (implied)
qualification is necessary, as v. 22b offers not qualification but quantification of arq.
133 Commentators who opt for this reading compensate for this drawback by supplying
a hypothetical dispute between YHWH and Israel to which Isa 43:22-28 is a reaction:
Israel accuses YHWH of her distress in spite of faithfully bringing sacrifices to him, to
which YHWH contests that Israel did not really serve him. For a classic example, see
Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 130-131.
143
assume that it does so implicitly. He explains this ambiguity by

suggesting that the focus turns to the nature of their [Jacobs/Israels]
action rather than the direction of it.134 However, there is neither
ground nor need to assume the turn of focus in vv. 23-24. The ground is
too small to accommodate such a turn (it would appear abrupt) and too
syntactically frail to be justified, because its only indicator is the
unusual word-order in 22aA, for which there can be another reason
(see below). The need also disappears if the tone is set by the entire v.
22 with its consecutive yKi, for the focus stays the same throughout vv.
22-24, viz. the inadequacy of Israels cultic activity. A short word-study
of some of the terms used confirms that the quantity rather than quality
or direction of Israels cult is the focus of vv. 23-24:
a) db[ North points out that, with one exception, wherever the
hiphil of db[ is found in BH, it always has the sense of reduce to
slavery.135 This coerciveness is reflected in many translations: I did not
make you serve,136 I did not burden you,137 or, even stronger, I did
not make you slave and I did not enslave you. 138
b) [gy The root [gy is used nine times in DI, which is more than in
any other OT book. BDB distinguishes between [gy meaning to toil, to
labour, and to grow weary or to be weary.139 Whether this double meaning
is justified or not,140 the demanding nature of this verb is evident. As
for [gy in vv. 23bB and 24bB, they are two out of the total of four hiphil
form occurrences in BH,141 which makes it impossible to substantiate its
range of meaning with an acceptable degree of certainty. In all four
cases, [gy is connected with an object by B, and Hasel seems to be right
that the preposition here designates the means by which someone is
made weary.142 It can be argued, therefore, that the hiphil form turns
the demanding nature of [gy into coerciveness. [gy is in vv. 23b and 24b
134 Goldingay, "Isaiah 43," 178.
135 North, Second Isaiah, 129. Similarly, Koole states that db[ hi. is said in Ex. 1:13; 6:5
of the Pharaoh with his subjugation of the Israelites and in 2 Chron. 2:12 of Solomon
and the labour which he enforced, Koole, Isaiah III/1, 343. (He erroneously quotes 2
Chron. 2:12 instead of 17.). For further support, see also H. Ringgren, db;[', TDOT
10.382.
136 So, e.g., Koole, Goldingay, or Schoors.
137 So, e.g., Blenkinsopp, Watts, or Elliger (beschwer).
138 North and Oswalt respectively.
139 BDB 388.
140 Hasel may be correct that it is unnecessary to postulate two relatively independent
semantic fields, be/become weary and toil, which rarely touch or overlap in
Hebrew, G. F. Hasel, [g:y", TDOT 5.387.
141 The other two are in Mal 2:17.
142 Hasel, [g:y", 389.
144
parallel to db[, and to keep Kugels A is so, and whats more, B asks for
a term stronger than to enslave; therefore the choice here is to
tyrannize.
c) hwr In v. 24, it is sometimes translated as to satisfy,143 to
refresh,144 to please,145 or even to let slurp.146 These renderings do not
do justice to the vigour of hwr; as Rterswrden correctly maintains, the
parallel use of the verbs [bf and alm shows that the root implies
copious and occasionally excessive drinking.147 Moreover, every
context of hwr in the OT stipulates emphasis on abundance or excess of
some kind.148 It is, therefore, suitable that the LXX usually translates
rw with a verbal form of methskein (act.: make drunk; pass.:
become drunk, intoxicated).149 Since YHWH is the subject of this verb
in Isa 43:24, it comes as no surprise that the versions render 24aB rather
differently for reverential reasons. 150 The translations filled me up,151
drenched me,152 sated me,153 soaked me with/in,154mich gefttigt,155
lavished on me,156 or even made mee drunke157 are to be preferred,
for they capture the lavishness evoked by hwr.
d) hn<q' Another strong hint of opulent sacrifice or lavish cult in
Isa 43:22-28 is v. 24aA. Even though hn<q' has a very broad range of
meaning in the OT, scholars agree that in this verse it means an
aromatic reed, probably calamus.158 Since this sort of plant grows
primarily in northwestern and central India and was imported into
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
E.g., Koole, NRS, ESV, JPS, NKJ.

E.g., Delitzsch, EIN, CEP and BKR.
NLT.
Baltzer.
U. Rterswrden, hw"r", TDOT 13.357.
The context of hwr in Dt. 29:18(19) is difficult to determine.
Rterswrden, hw"r", 361.
Thus LXX avoids the anthropomorphism by rendering 24ab as ouvde. to. ste,ar tw/n
qusiw/n sou evpequ,mhsa. For this explanation, see, e.g., Watts, Isaiah, 139. He,
however, erroneously translates evpequ,mhsa as angered. As Goldingay points out,
Targum reverentially makes the altar the object of the soaking, rather than YHWH in
person, Goldingay, "Isaiah 43," 181.
Watts.
Oswalt.
Booij, Blenkinsopp, TNK, NJB.
North, Goldingay.
Elliger.
NIV.
GNV.
See BDB 889.
145
Palestine,159 it had to be purchased @s,K,B;. Lamberty further points out

that Jer 6:20 understands hn<q' as one of the most precious (imported)
sacrificial offerings for Yahweh. 160
This word-study brought out the aspect of high demand in [gy and
db[, and the lavishness hinted by hwr and hn<q', implying a demanding
and opulent cultic practice (or rather its absence).
Also the broader context (viz. the preceding verses of ch. 43)
suggests that the issue in v. 22 is not the direction or the quality of arq
but its quantity. If YHWH is the only real God and saviour (vv. 8-13), if
his power over the nations and nature is unlimited (vv. 2-7 and 14-20),
if he not only created and formed Israel (vv. 1, 15, and 21) but promises
and is able to take care of her in every situation (vv. 2-7 and 14-20)
because she is precious in his sight and he loves her (v. 4), it would be
the most natural thing for Israel in exile to cry her head off in calling
on YHWH.161 The emphatic word order at the beginning of v. 22 very
likely expresses the surprise over the contrasting reality described in
vv. 22-24. V. 22 would then read as follows: Yet me [the almighty and
loving God] you have not invoked, O Jacob, to the point that you
would have wearied yourself for me, O Israel.162 The preceding two
verses set up for this surprise by stating that YHWH is honoured for his
works even by the wild animals (v. 20), and that to declare his praise
was the very purpose for which YHWH has formed the people of Israel
(v. 21).163
This notion is reflected even in v. 24b, where the introductory
adverb %a; seems to function restrictively (only) rather than
adversatively (but). In similar cases, where %a; introduces a clause that
elaborates the meaning of the preceding negative clause, the restrictive
function of this adverb is either the only possible, or makes a better
sense than the adversative one.164 Furthermore, DI uses %a; in only two
H. Lamberty-Zielinski, hn<q,' TDOT 13.68.
Lamberty, hn<q,' 68.
As Ps 50:15 encourages, hr"c' ~AyB. ynIaer"q.W.
As Booij correctly points out, the consecutive clause (v. 22aB) obtains its modality of
irrealis from the negation in the main clause (v. 22aA), meaning that Jacob/Israel
actually has not wearied herself for YHWH, see Booij, "Negation," 396.
163 Koole observes this contrast, augmented also by the use of dbk in vv. 20 and 23, see
Koole, Isaiah III/1, 339. As Melugin states, in the context of the present arrangement
of units, v. 22ff. follow from v. 20-21, Melugin, Formation, 117. Calvin also observes
this connection, arguing that in v. 22 YHWH confirms by an indirect reproof what he
said in the preceding verse, that it was not by any merits of his people that he was
induced to act so kindly towards them, Calvin, Isaiah, 345.
164 For illustration, see: Gen 34:14-15, 23; Exod 12:16; 1 Sam 20:39; 1 Kgs 22:43-44 (2 Chr
20:32-33); Jer 3:12-13; Ps 37:8; Job 14:21-22 (13:15 is questionable).
159
160
161
162
146
more places, 45:14 and 24, both with restrictive function. The
disjunctive accent revia (%a;) may intensify this function, bringing out
the paradox: the only respects in which Jacob/Israel outdid herself was
tAaJ'x; and tAnOA[] .
Such a reading of Isa 43:22-24, however, differs from the one proposed
by the majority of interpreters in the following ways:
As the discussion about the form showed, its nature is not
accusatory, but descriptive.
Its focus is consistent throughout the whole stanza: the fact that
Jacob/Israel did not outdo herself in worshipping YHWH (v. 22)
is further illustrated in vv. 23a and 24a.
It is in harmony with vv. 23b, where YHWH states that he did
not require demanding worship.
It elegantly sets up the stage for the stanzas closing bicolon;
the only activity towards YHWH, in which Jacob/Israel outdid
herself, is described in v. 24b: ynIT;[.g:Ah ^yt,waJox;B. ynIT;d>b;[/h,
^yt,nOwO[]B;
Structurally speaking, v. 22 as an opening bicolon sets up the idea of

the whole stanza,165 which is expanded via a tour in vv. 23-24a, and
culminates in v. 24b a closing bicolon. This reading appears to be the
most natural and the most conflict-free.
5.5.2. Stanza III: Correlation of 26-27 and 28

Scholars treatment of vv. 26-28 as a unity is often based on the
assumption that its form is a trial speech, where v. 26 is an appeal to a
trial, v. 27 an accusation, and v. 28 a verdict (condemnation,
announcement of punishment). 166 Prompted by what appear to be
technical terms for a judicial accusation, viz. ynIrEyKiz>h;, hj'p.V'nI, and rPes,;
they make the trial-speech form the starting point for their
interpretation of the rest of the stanza. When it comes to structural
analysis, this preconception inevitably results in understanding v. 28 as
an outcome of v. 27. Whether translating both verbal expressions in v.
28 as waw consecutive plus preterite, or, as indicated by MT, a simple
165 As observed by Calvin, calling on the name of God includes the whole of the
worship of God, the chief part of which is calling upon him; and, therefore,
following the ordinary manner of Scripture, he has put a part for the whole, Calvin,
Isaiah, 345.
166 See, e.g., Schoors, I am God, 193-197, Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 133.
147
(conjunctive) waw plus imperfect, the function of the initial waw is to

introduce a result clause: Therefore/So/That is why I (have) profaned
167 or Therefore/So I will profane .168 This interpretation is
certainly legitimate,169 but not the only, and not necessarily the most
plausible one.
The relationship between vv. 27 and 28 would change if the initial
waw in v. 28 is understood as performing its most common, coordinative function: instead of reading v. 27 as a description of why
and v. 28 of how the people have been or will be punished, these verses
should rather be viewed as a list of reasons why Jacob/Israel is bound
to fail the challenge in v. 26: qD"c.Ti ![;m;l. hT'a; rPes;. Goldingay defends
this reading (supported by LXX), arguing that the chiastic structure of
vv. 27 and 28 speaks against understanding v. 28 as a conclusion or a
result of what precedes, and that the prophet would have used more
perceptible rhetorical devices if v. 28 was meant to be a grand finale of
the passage. He concludes that if the expression lLex;a]w: is heard as a wconsecutive, it almost suggests more a further elaboration of Israels
predicament in its failure.170 As the studies of the progress in v. 27 and
of the terms in v. 28 above confirm, Israels ununterbrochenen
Sndengeschichte171 with its from-bad-to-worse dynamic resulted in
the damned present. It makes perfect sense to read vv. 27-28 the same
way as vv. 22-24, viz. descriptively. In combination with v. 26, such a
reading makes very clear to the people in exile that they have nothing
to set forth in order to be justified, neither their present or past moral
actions (vv. 24b and 27 respectively), nor their present cultic activities
or cultic status (vv. 22-24a and 28 respectively).
5.5.3. Stanza II: Relation of 25 to Its Immediate Context

The theme of v. 25 is so different from what precedes in vv. 22-24 and
from what follows in vv. 26-28 that to establish a structural link with
either section is problematic, if not impossible. Westermann prefers to
deal with this verse at the very end of his discussion of 43:22-28.172
Merendino allows for DI authorship of v. 25, claiming that it enthlt
167 NRS, TNK, KJV, JPS, NLT, NJB
168 NKJ, NIV, NAS, ESV
169 For result clauses constructed by means of a simple consecutive sequence, see
Williams 525.
170 Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 40-55, 1.316.
171 Expression from Elliger, Deuterojesaja, 384.
172 Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 133.
148
einen gut deuterojesajanischen Gedanken, but he believes that it has

been composed and moved to its current position from other parts of
DI, possibly from around 44:22 or 48:11, by a later editor. Merendino
even offers a motive behind such cut-and-paste method: Der
Interpolator wollte die harte Anklage der Verse 22-24.26-28 gegen Israel
mildern und hat es getan durch Hinzufgung eines Heilswortes.173
Notwithstanding the obscurity, there are those who try to establish
the connection one way or another. Thus, e.g., Koole links v. 25 with
the preceding section via v. 24b, arguing that cola of vv. 22-25 fell into
two groups: the first vv. 22, 23b, and 24b, where [gy talks about the
weariness associated with Israels religion, and the second vv. 23a, 24a,
and 25 where Yahweh refers to himself by yli, yli, ykinOa' and ynI[]m;l.. 174
Since the members of each group repeatedly alternate, Koole believes
that vv. 22-25 create one section that can be subdivided into vv. 22+23a,
23b+24a, and 24b+25. In spite of the attractive regularity, Kooles
argument must be resisted. Alternating the members of the two
suggested groups is mixing apples with oranges, for the function of the
references to YHWH in vv. 23a and 24a is of a different kind from the
ones in v. 25.175
If one wishes to establish a connection on a catch-word principle,
then v. 25 would go more likely with what follows, for as many as three
roots used in this verse are repeated in vv. 26-27: rkz, ![;m;l., and [vp.
In fact, Korpel and de Moor argue that v. 25 and v. 26 should be taken
as one strophe on the basis of the repetition of the first two roots plus
the occurrence of personal pronouns in both verses, referring to it as
parallelism.176 Catch-word principle, however, has a fundamentally
different function from parallelism when it comes to structure. The
transition from vs. 25 to 26 is a typical dt.-Isaian wordplay. The root
rkz, used twice in the same context, has two concretely distinct
meanings.177 The same can be said about the repetition of ![;m;l. here.
Moreover, the claim that there is a thematic unity in vv. 25-28, viz.
justification of Israels punishment, is simply wrong.178
Treating v. 25 as a separate stanza seems to be the best option for
the following reasons:
173 Merendino, Der Erste, 351.

174 Koole, Isaiah III/1, 340.
175 The links between vv. 22-24 and v. 25 that Koole suggests on pp. 347-48 are not
structural and cannot be justified without buying into his interpretation of the text.
176 Korpel and de Moor, Structure, 198.
177 Schoors, I am God, 194.
178 Contra Korpel and de Moor, Structure, 202.
Translation of Isa 43:22-28
149
It does not share any of the links that connect vv. 22-24 (as
listed in 5.5.1). 179
Its theme is radically different from the one in vv. 26-28.
It makes perfectly good sense on its own.
1QIsaa and 1QIsab leave a narrow space open not only after v.
24, but also after v. 25. MT interprets the first as Setuma, while
ignoring the second. Nevertheless, there is noteworthy
evidence that v. 25 has been understood as a separate unit at
least by one ancient tradition.
Apparently, there is a merit in Westermanns approach reading v. 25
not in connection with, but in contrast to what precedes and follows.
As already argued by Calvin, YHWH
contrasts his mercy with all other causes, as if he declared that he is not
induced by anything else to pardon sins, but is satisfied with his mere
goodness, and, consequently, that it is wrong to ascribe either to merits or
to any sacrifices the redemption of which he is the Author by free grace. 180
The translation of Isa 43:22-28 below enhances this reading.
5.6. Translation of Isa 43:22-28

Yet me you have not invoked, Jacob,
to the point that you would have wearied yourself for me, Israel.
23 You have not brought me your sheep for burnt offerings,
or honored me with your sacrifices.
I have not enslaved you with offerings,
or tyrannized you with frankincense.
24 You have not bought me sweet cane with money,
or lavished on me the fat of your sacrifices.
Only, you have enslaved me with your sins;
you have tyrannized me with your iniquities.
22
179 Including the one of alternation of lineally and chiastically parallel bicolons, for the
parallelism in v. 25 is only partial (contra Koole).
180 Calvin, Isaiah, 348-349. As Jensen observes, this contrast between Israels sinfulness
and YHWHs mercies is characteristic for DI. It is precisely where the recipients are
incapable of helping themselves that grace is most clearly manifested, Jensen, Ethical
Dimensions, 154.
150

25
I, I am He
who blots out your transgressions for my own sake,
and will not remember your sins.
Remind me. Let us dispute with one another.

You recount so that you may be proved right.
27 Your first ancestor sinned,
and your interpreters transgressed against me,
28 and I have desecrated the princes of the sanctuary,
I have turned Jacob into an impurity,
and Israel into a blasphemy.
26
5.7. Conclusion
The picture resulting from the above exegesis of Isa 43:22-28 is as
follows: Jacob/Israels cultic activities are inadequate (vv. 22-24a) and
their cultic status is the opposite of holiness (v. 28). Moreover, their
righteousness cannot be derived from past or present; it is annulled by
sin from the very beginning (v. 27aA), throughout history (v. 27aB),
and to the very present-day (v. 24b). In short, neither the cult nor the
ethics of Israel could possibly contribute to the reversal of the situation
that resulted from her sin. It is exclusively because of YHWHs
forgiveness and his holy status that the sin is abolished (v. 25) and
salvation is made possible (44:1-5).181 In this soteriological disputation,
the omnipotence of YHWH is pictured against the impotence of Israel,
and the holiness of YHWH against the impurity of Jacob. Ezek 36:22 may
serve as a summary of this disputation: yKi hf,[o ynIa] ~k,n>[;m;l. al{
~T,l.L;xi rv,a] yvid>q'-~vel.-~ai
This important exilic lesson about the limitations of cult and ethics
with regard to salvation is consistent with the Priestly teaching: sins
and transgressions lead into desecration and cause an impurity that can
be removed neither by rituals nor ethics, viz. moral impurity. In
Luthers words, Isa 43:22-28 is nothing but a complete abolition of all
our resources.182 In this situation, things can be put aright with YHWH
only because of his grace and only for his own sake.
181 As Goldingay points out, for Yhwhs [names] sake is the consideration that
comes into play when there is no other to appeal to, Goldingay and Payne, Isaiah 4055, 1.313.
182 LW 17.98.

in Isaiah 58
6.1. Introduction
The themes of cult and ethics run throughout the whole of Isa 58.
Hanson rightly calls this chapter a classic example of prophetic
tradition in the Bible. Here the fidelity of the Third Isaiah circle to the
central themes of justice and proper worship developed by Amos,
Hosea, Isaiah, and Jeremiah comes to clear expression.1 Far less clear,
however, is the relation between these themes the subject of the
present thesis. Again, the exegesis of the passage represents the
mainstay of the investigation. Before turning to the text, two terms that
are used throughout this chapter, namely allusion and eschatology,
require a brief comment.
6.1.1. Allusion in TI
According to Sommer, a close examination of [chs. 40-66] shows
Deutero-Isaiah to be one of the most allusive ancient Israelite authors.2
This observation holds true especially for chs. 56-66; it is probable that
by the time of their composition (discussed in 6.2.1), most of what
today is known as the Torah and the Prophets already obtained the
status of Holy Scripture. 3 According to Schmid, this status facilitated
allusions:
1
2
Hanson, Isaiah 40-66, 204.

Benjamin D. Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66
(Contraversions: Jews and Other Differences; Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1998) 3. He uses the label Deutero-Isaiah for chs. 40-66.
As Sommer points out, Deutero-Isaiah had scripture, but he did not have canon. He
regarded some older texts as authoritative and sacred, but he had no finite list of
sacred works new prophecies could occur, and hence new scripture could be
composed, Sommer, Allusion, 182. For the differentiation between Scripture and
canon, see John Barton, Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in Israel after the
Exile (London: Darton Longman and Todd, 1986).
152
Cult and Ethics in Isaiah 58
Die sprachliche Fixierung und Tradierung solcher Maximen, die

Allgemeingltigkeit beansprucht, entkleidet diese der Bindung an ihrem
geschichtlichen Ort und ihrer Einmaligkeit. Die unmittelbar erlebten und
verstandenen Zusammenhnge werden objektiviert und damit ungeschichtlich. Sie verlieren den direkten Bezug zur begegnenden Wirklichkeit
und stehen in der Vorratskammer der Sprache bereit, in einer neuen
geschichtlichen Situation Verwendung zu finden und dort Hilfe zu sein.4
Childs therefore correctly insists that the most fruitful method for
determining the purpose of TI is to recognize the central role of allusion
in this book.5 Also Sommer speaks about the centrality of allusion in
Isaiah 40-66; according to him, these chapters are a composition in
which the use of older texts becomes a primary concern.6
Before applying the method proposed by Childs, it is important to
mention two of its main drawbacks. First, to determine an allusion is
notoriously nebulous: even if the rate of linguistic similarities between
two texts is satisfactory, problems such as dating, original source, or
editorial additions still remain. As Schultz demonstrates, although the
criteria for identitying allusions have become increasingly
sophisticated, a troubling degree of subjectivity remains in employing
them.7 Second, even more subjective is to determine the authors
reason for making the allusion. Sommer suggests some general
motives: by alluding to an already authoritative work, a new statement
may bolster its own authority, and, at the same time, it keeps the older
work alive and maintains their relevance. Allusion can also distance
the new work from the old, since it is precisely when one juxtaposes
two works (as one is forced to do by allusion) that one notices their
differences. As far as Isa 40-66 is concerned, Sommer believes that the
author alluded to earlier texts as he composed, not merely to update
4
6
7
Hans Heinrich Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit: Eine Untersuchung zur
Altorientalischen und Israelitischen Weisheitsliteratur (BZAW 101; Berlin: A.
Tpelmann, 1966) 79.
See Childs, Isaiah, 444-448. Child uses the term intertextuality here, but if, as he
argues, its primary purpose in TI is in signaling continuity with a prior tradition,
the term allusion is preferable. As Sommer clarifies, intertextuality is concerned
with the reader or with the text as a thing independent of its author, while influence
and allusion are concerned with the author as well as the text and reader.
Intertextuality is synchronic in its approach, influence or allusion diachronic or even
historicist. Since Isaiah 40-66 is very concretely rooted in a readily identifiable
historical situation, a diachronic approach will prove both usable and enriching,
Sommer, Allusion, 8-9.
Sommer, Allusion, 165.
Richard L. Schultz, The Search for Quotation: Verbal Parallels in the Prophets (JSOTSup
180; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 49. See there for further treatment of
this subject.
Introduction
153
the work of one figure or school, but to reinforce and revitalize a

complex, varied Hebrew literary tradition that had experienced a
crisis.8 While the above motives are plausible, the point about the crisis
of the Hebrew literary tradition raises some doubts. Supposedly, this
crisis in post-exilic times was caused by the failure of the former
prophecies (especially those of DI) to be fulfilled. If this were the case,
alluding to such prophecies would be counterproductive. It will be
argued in the discussion below that peoples frustration expressed in
Isa 58 (see v. 3a) did not result from unfulfilled prophecies of DI, but
from the absence of Gods response to the peoples present religious
activities. Furthermore, the primary function of DIs descriptions of the
future was not to make promises that would come true upon peoples
return from exile, but to demonstrate the sovereignty, omnipotence,
and grace of YHWH. For this reason, DI referred to the future as well as
to the past. As Hanson puts it, the message of Second Isaiah does not
constitute a scientific prediction of future events; rather, it is a visionary
description of Gods plan for creation and of the part that faithful Israel
was to play in that plan.9 One should allow for the possibility that the
returnees understood DIs prophecies accordingly, and that their
expectations based on his message were not totally unrealistic. As
Barton points out, the time factor is not essential in this mode of
reading a prophecy: Since interest in the future is part of a desire to
present God as perfectly in control of history which he directs
according to his own plans and wisdom, it is almost a matter of
indifference exactly when the predicted events are to come about. 10 In
any case, this problem illustrates that determining the prophets reason
for making an allusion depends on ones presuppositions about the
prophetic literature.
These considerations should raise ones level of caution with regard
to allusions and conclusions based on them. It needs to be remembered
that any argument for an allusion and the reason behind it is
cumulative and always subjective. In the words of Sommer, it is an art,
not a science.11
8
9
10
11
Sommer, Allusion, 18-19 and 131.

Hanson, Isaiah 40-66, 188.
Barton, Oracles, 224.
154
6.1.2. Eschatology in TI
Eschatology concerns the last things. Klausner specifies that the word
last can be understood either absolutely as referring to the ultimate
destiny of mankind in general or of each individual man, or relatively
as referring to the end of a certain period in the history of mankind or
of a nation that is followed by another, entirely different, historical
period.12 While this specification is useful for distinguishing between
the late and the early OT understanding of the concept, it does not
work for the eschatology of TI. As Klausner himself recognizes,
with Deutero-Isaiah there begins a more transcendent concept of
eschatology; climactic events in history are viewed not so much as the
beginning of a new historical era brought about by human means, but
rather as a transformation of the world on a cosmic scale produced by
Gods extraordinary intervention in mans history.13
Isa 56-66 reflects this transitory state by referring to the relative as well
as the absolute last things. Heatons definition seems to be the most
appropriate for the exilic and early post-exilic eschatological material:
Eschatology denotes that complex of teaching which arose from the
prophetic conviction that Yahweh, the living God, was inaugurating a
new action in history in relation to his people and to the consummation
of his purpose. As Heaton comments, the terms in this definition are
wide enough to include the prophets preaching of judgement as well
as their promises of salvation.14
Eschatology in Isa 58 utilizes a number of pictures, metaphors, and
expressions, most of which are familiar from the earlier prophetic texts.
More importantly, Isa 58 relates eschatology to two other vital concepts
in the religion of ancient Israel cult and ethics. This connection comes
naturally, for eschatology as understood by the OT is fundamentally
relational; it is the product of the proper relationship between YHWH
and his people. The essence of eschatology is described by YHWHs
words in Exod 29:45 ~yhil{ale ~h,l' ytiyyIh'w> laer"f.yI ynEB. %AtB. yTin>k;v'w> . The
relationship between eschatology, cult, and ethics is explored
throughout this chapter.
12
13
14
Joseph Gedaliah Klausner, "Eschatology," Enc Jud 6.860.

Klausner, "Eschatology," Enc Jud 6.870.
Eric William Heaton, The Hebrew Kingdoms (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968)
59.
Historical Background of Isa 58
155
6.2. Historical Background of Isa 58

6.2.1. Date of Isa 58
For the purposes of this chapter, the only advantage of a more precise
dating than just the post-exilic period would be a possibility to
establish a relative chronology between Isa 58-59 and the other passage
that deals with the topic of fasting and ethics in the early post-exilic
times, namely Zech 7-8. Zech 7:1 sets this text in early winter of 518,
shortly after the rebuilding of the temple in Jerusalem has begun, and
before it was dedicated in 515.15 Unfortunately, there is no such datereference in Isa 58. The religious practices, the social situation, and the
expectations of the people mentioned in this chapter are the only
possible indicators of its date of composition. Thus, e.g., Park argues
that because the Sabbath is absent in Zechariah, it was not yet relevant
in his time, but became prominent only during the time of Nehemiah,
and, because it is of concern in Isa 58:13-14, Isa 58 originated in this
period.16 Besides arguing from silence, Park also overlooks the passages
like Amos 8:4-8 or Ezek 20:12-24 where the observance of the Sabbath
plays an important role.17 In his attempt to date Isa 58, Watts believes
that the social conditions in this text reflect the situation soon after the
beginning of the rule of Artaxerxes, the third son of Xerxes, in 465, and
prior to Ezras appearance in 458.18 Blenkinsopp, however, rightly
comments that conditions in the early years of Persian rule could have
been as bad or worse than in the mid-fifth century B.C.E., given the
drought, bad harvest, lack of employment, inflation, and social unrest
(cf. Hag 1:5, 6, 10, 11; 2:16, 17; Zech 8:10). 19 According to a number of
scholars, vv. 1-4 presume the temple in operation, so they date the
15
16
17
18
19
515 as the year of the inauguration of the second temple is a present scholarly
consensus, identifying the Persian king Darius mentioned in Ezra 6:1f with Darius
Hystaspis (521-486). For a recent challenge to this consensus, see Lester L. Grabbe,
Ezra-Nehemiah (Old Testament Readings; London: Routledge, 1998) 123-138. He
identifies Darius from Ezra 6 with Darius II Ochus (424-405). Another, more recent
challenge comes from Diana Vikander Edelman, The Origins of the Second Temple:
Persian Imperial Policy and the Rebuilding of Jerusalem (Bible World; London: Equinox
Press, 2005). She fuses the temple reconstruction with Nehemiahs wall building
completed in 445.
See Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 248.
For sabbath observance in general, see below (6.3.2). For further discussion on the
Sabbath in these texts, see Appendix 2.
Watts, Isaiah, 265-267.
Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary
(AB 19B; New York; London: Doubleday, 2003) 178.
156
composition of Isa 58 (or at least these verses) shortly after 515. 20

However, as Sommer rightly objects, none of TIs references to the
temple (56:7, 60:7, 62:9, 65:11, 66:6) explicitly state that it has been
rebuilt.21 Furthermore, the cultic activities mentioned in ch. 58 do not
necessitate the temple either.22 Instead of the state of the temple,
Sommer offers other clues such as the interest these chapters display in
issues that concern other authors in that age: the inclusion of foreigners
in the Judean community (Isa 56:1-7; cf. Ezra 9.1-4, Neh 9.2); the nature
of the priesthood (Isa 61.5-6; cf. Ezekiel 44); the cleavage between
different factions (Isa 57.19-21, 65.13; cf. Ezra 4.1-5).23 These clues,
however, may point to any time after a group of Judeans moved from
Babylonia to Judah and faced these kinds of issue.
In this situation, it seems best to go by a scholary consensus.
Schramm provides a helpful overview of the various dates for Isa 58 as
given by some of the most influential scholars: not long after 515
(Elliger), 5th century (Volz), post-exilic (Fohrer), contemporary with
Haggai and Zechariah (Soggin), around 530 for vv. 1-12 and later, when
composing the framework, for vv. 13-14 (Westermann), early post-exilic
(Pauritsch), early post-exilic for vv. 1-12 and 475-425 for vv. 13-14
(Hanson).24 With the exception of vv. 13-14, an early post-exilic date for
Isa 58 emerges from this overview as a consensus of 20 th century
scholarship. This, of course, leaves the relative chronology between Isa
58 and Zech 7-8 open.
6.2.2. Authorship of Isa 58

The question about the authorship of Isa 58 closely relates to ones view
of the composition of the book of Isaiah as a whole, and of chs. 40-66 in
particular. For the purpose of this chapter, there is no need to add to or
20
21
22
23
24
Thus, e.g., Rainer Albertz, A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period,
trans. John Stephen Bowden (London: SCM Press Ltd, 1994) 494 and 635. He
suggests that Isa 58 has grown successively between 515 and 450.
An existence of a temporary sacred structure for use before the completion of the
Temple is also a real possibility, see V. A. Hurowitz, "Temporary Temples," in
Kinattutu a darti: Raphael Kutscher memorial volume, ed. Anson F. Rainey (Tel Aviv
Occasional Publications 1; Tel Aviv: Emery and Claire Yass Publications in
Archaeology, 1993).
Brooks Schramm, The Opponents of Third Isaiah: Reconstructing the Cultic History of the
Restoration (JSOTSup 193; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995) 16-20.
Historical Background of Isa 58
157
enter into the discussion with some of the latest thorough studies of
TIs composition.25 While the importance of such studies is recognized
throughout this chapter, a word of caution from Schramm puts some of
their criteria into the right perspective:
Arguments based on compatibility of subject matter, or lack thereof, are
notoriously subjective. It is simply wrong for a modern interpreter to
assume that an ancient Hebrew prophet could not have changed his style
or even his message over the course of a career. Even what a modern
person would view as blatant contradiction should not be regarded as
automatic grounds for positing multiple authorship.26
If the author of Isa 58 was one of the returnees from Babylon, the
dramatic events during the lifetime of his generation could account for
the differences between DI and TI.27 However, this theory is no less
hypothetical then the ones of multiple authorship. Pragmatically
speaking, when tracing a development of a particular theological idea
within the lifetime of one generation, it makes little difference whether
this process took place in a single mind or is a product of several
people. Since the text itself does not yield any information about the
author, it is more sound to speak not about a prophetic figure (as an
individual historical personality), rather about a genuine prophecy
that responds to the divine word, Thus says Yahweh, an integral part
of the larger prophetic book of Isaiah. 28 The indistinctness of the date
and the authorship of TI may well be intentional, performing a function
similar to alluding to tighten up the connection with the previous
parts of the book of Isaiah.
With regard to the overall thesis, one additional word of caution
about the author(s) of TI seems to be appropriate to counter some of the
stereotypes about the prophets: advocating social justice for the weak
ones of the society does not turn the prophet into a socialist
revolutionary. In words of Williamson, the concerns for social justice
and for cultic purity are certainly illuminated by sociological analysis,
but that does not demand that they be necessarily taken as partisan,
25
26
27
28
See, e.g., Wolfgang Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie in Jes 56-66: Eine Untersuchung zu den
literarischen Bezgen in den letzten elf Kapiteln des Jesajabuches (BZAW 225; Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1994), P. A. Smith, Rhetoric and Redaction in Trito-Isaiah: The
Structure, Growth, and Authorship of Isaiah 56-66 (VTSup 62; Leiden: Brill, 1995).
Schramm, Opponents, 21.
This line of argument for a unity of the authorship of Isa 40-66 is pursued by Haran
and Sommer, et al.
Childs, Isaiah, 443.
158
any more than in the case of Amos or Ezekiel.29 A closer look at the
audience of Isa 58-59 brings some more light into this issue.
6.2.3. Audience of Isa 58

Strictly speaking, this oracle is not against the whole people of Israel.
Park believes that the addressee is eine bestimmte Gruppe with two
main characteristics: based on vv. 2, 3a, 4b and 5, they are die formal
Jhwh-Glubigen, and, based on vv. 3b, 4a, 6, 7, 9b, and 13, they are die
die sozial Schwcheren unterdrckt.30 The first characteristic
presupposes a group of worshipers that believed in enhancing YHWHs
h['Wvy> and hq'd'c. by increasing cultic activities, irrespective of their
own jP'v.mi and hq'd'c.. Such cult-based soteriology could originate in
priestly and temple-related circles, but, because of its attractiveness and
simplicity, it could as well be a product of popular theology. The
second characteristic assumes a delineation of the post-exilic
community along social and economic lines. In spite of our limited
knowledge of the social order in TIs time, it is safe to exclude from the
criticism of this poem the weaker ones of the society, such as ill-treated
labourers (bce[' with fgn in v. 3), the oppressed (~yciWcr> in v. 6), hungry,
poor, homeless, and naked (b[er', ~ydIWrm. ~yYInI[], and ~ro[' in v. 7), and to
assume that the criticism was addressed to those in whose power it was
to improve the pitiful conditions of these groups.
Obviously, the political and religious leaders meet the profile.
Albertz believes that the dispute was predominantly carried on at two
levels: by a part of the aristocracy who were in solidarity with the poor
against their colleagues who were not, and by groups of the lower class
against their aristocratic oppressors, but also at times against their
supporters.31 Preaching against this crowd would certainly require
extra courage, as the command in v. 1a, esp. the phrase do not hold
back, seems to imply.32 Nevertheless, there is no reason to reduce the
addressees of Isa 58-59 to aristocrats only. Park correctly concludes:
Obwohl es sich nicht bestimmen lt, wer ursprnglich zu wem
gesprochen hat, zeigt der dritte Teil im ganzen, da die prophetischen
Gerichts- und Heilsansagen fr das ganze Volk, das diese Worte in
29
30
31
32
Williamson, "Israel in Transition," 152.

Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 230-231.
Albertz, Israelite Religion, 2.500.
The expression %fox.T;-la; is also used in Isa 54:2 (fem.) for encouragement. For a
similar command in a similar situation, see Jer 26:2.
Cultic Background of Isa 58
159
seiner jeweiligen Gegenwart las und hrte, Gltigkeit hatten.33 As will

be argued below (contra Hanson), Isa 58 does not offer any
unambiguous evidence of a class-divided society (whether on economic
or theological basis) and of a tension between these classes. Besides the
address in v. 1, Schramm is correct that also the phrase hq'd"c.-rv,a] yAgK.
hf'[' in v. 2 supports the contention that no specific group is singled
out for criticism but rather the people as a whole. 34
6.3. Cultic Background of Isa 58

In one of his articles, Barton pays tribute to Wellhausen for discovering
the Exile, namely its crucial role in forming the religion of Israelites.
His apt summary of Wellhausens contribution to OT scholarship
provides a solid starting point for sketching the cultic background of
the post-exilic Israelite community, so it is worth quoting in full:
The experience of being exiled in a foreign land, without national
institutions such as the monarchy and the Temple, had made the Israelites
turn in on themselves and ask questions about their religious identity. The
leading people among them had developed the blueprints for life in a
restored community, where obedience to carefully devised rituals would
replace the chaotic spontaneity which had encouraged the syncretistic
tendencies now being punished by Yahweh. Israel could become a
confessional, rather than a national community.35
It will be argued below that the unique opportunity for post-exilic

Judah to get things right stimulated cultic and ethical zeal that found its
ultimate expression in eschatology. In particular, it will be
demonstrated how this Sitz im Kult elucidates the ethical and cultic
issues addressed in Isa 58. First, however, a closer look at two cultic
expressions that seem to come to prominence during and after the Exile
is needed fasting and the Sabbath.
6.3.1. Fasting
Herr rightly observes that many OT passages indicate the use of fasting
as a means of winning divine forgiveness , implying that fasting is
basically an act of penance, a ritual expression of remorse, submission,
33
34
35
Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 214.

Barton, "Wellhausen's Prolegomena," 328.
160
and supplication.36 Its close connection with Yom Kippur is, therefore,
appropriate. However, unlike Yom Kippur, fasting itself has never been
meant to have an expiatory function in the OT.37 Its function was
preparatory, symbolizing human status before God. Hermisson
correctly states that the OT fasting ist aber nicht eigentlich ein Mittel
mehr, mit dem man Jahwe beeinflussen, zwingen kann, sondern bringt
die von ihm geforderte Haltung des Menschen zeichenhaft zum Ausdruck.38 As suggested by Jer 14:12a Although they fast, I do not hear
their cry, and although they offer burnt offering and grain offering, I do
not accept them, fasting and sacrifices can have the same purpose to
evoke Gods (favourable) attention. This seems to be the reason for
fasting also in Isa 58: God would see peoples fasting, notice their selfaffliction (v. 3a) and grant their pious desires described in v. 2.
As Brongers points out, communal fasts were continually in
danger of being conceived of by participants as an opus operatum and
consequently were open to prophetic criticism. 39 Preuss specifies that
in fasting-critical passages like Isa 58 the basic criticism is that ones
demeanor toward God (fasting) should be commensurate with ones
demeanor toward ones fellow human beings, and that social action
constitutes an expression of true fasting.40 Since this criticism occurs
only in post-exilic texts (besides Isa 58, also Zech 7, and possibly Joel
2:12-14 and Jonah 3:5-10),41 it can be suggested that the ethical
dimension of fasting is an invention of the later prophets. Podella,
among others, believes that die Notwendigkeit dieser Ergnzung der
Fastenriten durch soziales Handeln hat ihren Grund in der Auseinandersetzung zwischen traditionell priesterlicher Kultauffassung und
36
37
38
39
40
41
Moshe David Herr, "Fasting," Enc Jud 6.1190.

As Preuss correctly points out, fasting is not attested in the OT as an atonement
ritual, H. D. Preuss, ~Wc, TDOT 12.298.
Hans-Jrgen Hermisson, Sprache und Ritus im altisraelitischen Kult; zur
"Spiritualisierung" der Kultbegriffe im Alten Testament (WMANT 19; NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1965) 78.
H. A. Brongers, "Fasting in Israel in Biblical and Post-Biblical Times," in Instruction
and Interpretation: Studies in Hebrew Language, Palestinian Archeology and Biblical
Exegesis (OTS; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977) 20.
Preuss, ~Wc, TDOT 12.300.
Hermisson is correct that Jer 14:12 gehrt nicht in diesen Zusammenhang; da
Fasten hier veruerlich und dingliche fromme Leistung (ThWB IV, S.929), da
das Hertz des Volkes nicht dabei sei, ist angesichts der Klage des Volkes in v 7-9
und 19-22 nur schwer zu behaupten, Hermisson, Sprache und Ritus, 80. Joel is
questionable because of its dating, and Jonah is not a criticism, but a description of
true fasting. These texts are discussed in Appendix 2.
161
prophetischer Sozialkritik.42 An analogous argument can be raised

concerning the ethical dimension of the Sabbath observance, and is
therefore addressed in detail partially in the following section, and
partially in the functional analysis of Isa 58 below.
6.3.2. Sabbath
In the last century, studies of the religion of ancient Israel exhibited
some fascination with the origins of the Sabbath. Arguments were
based mostly on the etymology of the Hebrew term tB'v; and on
comparative philology.43 De Vaux in his book on ancient Israel reacted
to these attempts with suspicion; he not only questions the tracing of
the Sabbaths origin to the Babylonians, the Canaanites, or the Qenites,
but also the validity of the quest as such. He claims that whatever its
origin, the Sabbath in Israel took on a religious significance which it
did not possess before.44 It seems pragmatic, therefore, to move away
from the question about the origin of the Sabbath and focus instead on
Sabbaths nature and character in Israels religion.
6.3.2.1. Nature of Sabbath Observance

The fact that the Sabbath was celebrated even in Israels early days is
generally undisputed. Scholars, however, disagree about the nature of
this festival in various periods of Israels history. 45 Many follow
Wellhausens idea of its transformation from a pre-exilic festival of joy
and pleasure to a post-exilic day of ascetic abstinence.46 Thus de Vaux
believed that the rigid prohibitions to do business, to travel, to carry a
load, etc., were built into Sabbath observance only after the return of
the Jews from Babylon. In contrast, he pictured the pre-exilic Sabbath as
42
43
44
45
46
Thomas Podella, m-Fasten: Kollektive Trauer um den verborgenen Gott im Alten

Testament (Alter Orient und Altes Testament; Bd. 224; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Verlag
Butzon & Bercker Kevelaer, 1989) 223.
See, e.g., E. Haag, tB'v, TDOT 13.387-397, esp. 388-389.
A major ongoing controversy in the discussion about pre-exilic versus post-exilic
Sabbath observance concerns the proposal that it was monthly before the exile and
weekly only after the exile. Since it does not affect the present argument, there is no
need to enter this debate here. For a solid starting point and bibliography on this
controversy, see Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 94.
See Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 110.
162
a day of rest, a joyful feast on which people visited sanctuaries or went

to consult a man of God, and, even though normal heavy work and
commercial transactions were interrupted, short journeys were
allowed.47 The flaw in this theory is apparent from the passages that de
Vaux quotes in support: the Sabbath is neither the subject nor the focus
of 2 Kgs 4:23, Hos 2:13, Amos 8:5, and Isa 1:13, and therefore these texts
cannot be contrasted with those that specifically deal with Sabbath
observance, e.g., Jer 17:21-22 or Isa 58:13. In addition, the Exodus and
Deuteronomy passages on work prohibition are too general to be used
in an argument about the intensity of Sabbath regulations. There is
simply no pre-exilic evidence that would favor the notion that the later
texts introduced rigid prohibitions into what used to be a joyful feastday48 over the view that these later passages reflect and interpret the
meaning of keeping the Sabbath day holy in their particular Sitze im
Leben. In fact, Ezek 20, in which the prophet laments over Israels
desecration of the Sabbath in the past, suggests that the following quote
from Weinfeld is closer to mark: The stress laid upon the Sabbath in
exilic and postexilic literature attests not to innovation but to the
resurgence and strengthening of an ancient but sadly neglected
observance.49
6.3.2.2. Character of Sabbath Observance

Scholars often elaborate on the differences between the two Decalogue
passages and their treatment of Sabbath observance. It seems that while
the focus of Deut 5:13-15 is social and philanthropic, it is cultic and
religious in Exod 20:8-11.50 In spite of the different emphases, the
character of the reasons for keeping the Sabbath and of its practical
outcome is the same: the reason in Exodus is to recall Gods mighty act
of creation (20:11), and in Deuteronomy Gods mighty act of deliveran-
47
48
49
50

Contra de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 482.
Weinfeld, Law, 30.
Scholars tend to explain this discrepancy in a historical-chronological way. Thus,
for instance, Haag believes that the Dtn version of the Sabbath commandment
served as the basis for the reinterpretation of the Sabbath commandment within the
horizon of P in the version in Exodus (Ex. 23:12), Haag, tB'v, TDOT 13.393. On the
other hand, Weinfeld believes that both D and P portray the Sabbath in accordance
with their particular agenda: The author of P specifically selected the sacral reason
and developed it in his own way, while Deuteronomy chose the social motivation
and formulated it to suit his unique purposes, i.e. humanly, Weinfeld, Law, 85.
163
ce (5:15), so both reasons have a cultic character. The practical outcome

of Sabbath observance in both versions is the right to rest for all the
people (and animals) in the land, regardless of their status and origin,
so its character is ethical. According to Andreasen, contemporary
scholars generally recognize that [the Sabbath] very early held both
social (perhaps humanitarian) and religious qualities. He maintains
that [the] nexus of social and religious/cultic factors for the original
Sabbath is based on the fact that the seventh day occurs in the
ancient Near Eastern texts in connection with myth and cult, and it
appears to have affected not only ritual but also the ordering of
society.51 While the character of the Sabbath observance almost
certainly developed throughout Israels history, it is safe to talk about
its cultic and social dimensions in the time of TI.52
The cultic character of the Sabbath is evident, and hardly requires
substantiation.53 The ethical motive for Sabbath observance, however,
needs to be argued more thoroughly. It comes explicitly not only in
Deut 5:14, but also in Exod 23:12 on the seventh day you shall rest, so
that your ox and your donkey may have relief, and your homeborn
slave and the resident alien may be refreshed. The rationale for this
ethical dimension is found in Deut 5:15 Remember that you were a
slave in the land of Egypt, and the LORD your God brought you out
from there with a mighty hand and an outstretched arm; therefore the
51
52
53
Niels-Erik Andreasen, "Recent Studies of the Old Testament Sabbath," ZAW 86

(1974) 453-469: 455-456.
This duality of the Sabbaths character may account for its position in the Decalogue.
According to Lowery, the sabbath law occupies a pivotal position in both versions
of the Decalogue [] standing at the crux of theology and ethics. The verses before
the sabbath law address Israels relationship with God, and the laws that follow
regulate social relationships within and between households. Sabbath grounds all
those relationships in the identity of God as creator of the world and liberator of
Israel. R. H. Lowery, Sabbath and Jubilee (Understanding Biblical Themes; St. Louis,
Mo.: Chalice Press, 2000) 106.
McKay argues that, because there is no description of communal sabbath religious
rituals and practices for non-priestly Jews in any of the surviving texts from the
period up to 200 CE, non-priestly Jews had no religious duties peculiar to the
sabbath, Heather A. McKay, Sabbath and Synagogue: The Question of Sabbath in
Ancient Judaism (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, v. 122; Leiden: Brill, 1994)
247. The major flaw in her thesis is her understanding of worship. According to her,
it consists of activities like sacrificing plants and animals, dancing, playing music,
singing hymns or psalms, reading or reciting sacred texts, prayers and blessings (p.
3), but does not include abstinence from certain activities during the Sabbath. The
solemn rest on the Sabbath day, however, does have cultic character, for, as Exod
16:23 and other OT texts specify, it is observed to the Lord (hwhyl). For the cultic
character of the Sabbatical rest, see also the exegesis of Isa 58:13 below.
164
LORD your God commanded you to keep the sabbath day. The fact
that this reference to the Exodus is often used as a reason for social
justice (Deut 24:18-22; 10:19; Exod 23:9; Lev 19:34) further strengthens
the case for the ethical characteristic of the Sabbath. 54 Falk, therefore,
rightly insists that the Sabbath symbolizes and represents both law and
ethics, the two aspects of the faith of Israel.55
The connection between the Sabbath and ethics becomes even more
apparent when one does not think about the Hebrew term tB'v;
quantitatively, as a day or a year, or a set of rules and regulations, but
sees it as a religious concept that describes the quality of a particular time
period or a certain activity. This view entails bringing into the
discussion all the religious festivals that include the terms tB'v,; !AtB'v;,
or !AtB'v; tB;v; in their designation: the Day of Atonement (Lev 16:31;
23:32), New Years day (Lev 23:24), the first and the eighth day of the
Feast of Booths (Lev 23:39), the Sabbath Year (Lev 25:4,5), and the
Sabbath itself (besides already mentioned passages, see also Lev 23:3;
Exod 16:23; 31:15; and 35:2). 56 The overlap of the ethical dimension of
these festivals is manifest. For example, Deuteronomy gives the same
rationale for observing the Sabbath Year in 15:15 as for keeping the
Sabbath in 5:15, namely YHWHs deliverance of Israel from Egypts
slavery.57 The Sabbath Year with its extension in the Year of Jubilee
puts a special emphasis on the social aspect of tB'v;, demanding concern
for the hungry (Exod 23:11), remission of debts (Deut 15:1), setting the
slaves free (Deut 15:12), etc. Lowery persuasively argues that Sabbath
traditions continue the social-economic focus of sabbath year. The
sabbath day functions as a little jubilee, a weekly celebration of the
principles expressed in sabbath-year and jubilee release, and insists
therefore that sabbath day and sabbath year are thematically
54
[In Deuteronomy,] God derives the Sabbath not from Creation, as in P, but from
Exodus. Weinfeld, Law, 85. Based on this Exodus reference, de Vaux states that the
Sabbath is connected with the history of salvation, de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 481. This
link is further developed by Haag, tB'v, TDOT 13.393, and will become important
in the discussion of Isa 58:13-14.
See Falk, "Law and Ethics," passim.
Legitimacy of including these festivals in the discussion about the character of
Sabbath is supported also by Lev 25:2 where the Sabbath year is designated simply
as hw"hyl; tB'v;, and by Exod 23:9-12 where the seventh year and the seventh day are
tied together into a coherent unit.
Park is correct that sowohl im Dekalog als auch in den ltesten Sozialgesetzgebungen wird die Thematik der Nchstenliebe bzw. der sozialen Solidarisiertung ... auf
die Zeit der gyptischen Gefangenschaft Israels bzw. auf die Befreiungstat Jhwhs
bezogen, Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 239.
55
56
57
165
connected and properly read through the same theological lens. 58 The
analysis of Isa 58 below will demonstrate how the ethical dimension of
the Sabbath observance overlaps with the Day of Atonement.
At this point, it is helpful to realize that the development of the
concept of Yom Kippur from the predominantly social (release of debts
and declaration of freedom) to the principally soteriological (redemption and forgiveness of sins) is relatively late. Even though, as Weinfeld
demonstrated from several Ugaritic texts, the connection between the
earthly release of debts and the divine one seems to be very old, the
ethical character of the Day of Atonement would very likely still
dominate in the time of TI. According to Weinfeld, the freedom
proclaimed of the Day of Atonement (Lev. 25.10) underwent a process
of spiritual metamorphosis during the second temple period, so that
the proclamation of freedom brought about not only the physical
liberation of slaves and of land, but also the liberation of the soul and
its restoration to its pure source.59
6.3.3. Role of Cult in Isa 58

As the detailed analysis of the text below will demonstrate, the
emphasis on ethics in Isa 58 does not imply a repudiation of cult, just
as, e.g., the emphasis on the temple in Haggai does not deny the role of
ethics in eschatology.60 For TI, cult plays an important role in defining
the identity of the post-exilic society. Blenkinsopp is very likely correct
that for the first time there existed a situation in which the issue of
membership was no longer ascriptive and unproblematic. Membership
therefore called for recognizable distinguishing characteristics.61 Cult
58
59
60
61
Lowery, Sabbath, 146 and 63. For additional support of the connection between the
Sabbath, the Sabbath Year and the Year of Jubilee see Matitiahu Tsevat, "The Basic
Meaning of the Biblical Sabbath," ZAW 84 (1972) 447-459.
Moshe Weinfeld, Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period (Library
of Second Temple Studies 54; London: T & T Clark, 2005) 227-229.
In words of Smith, the difference between Haggai and TI2 is one of emphasis and
not of kind, Smith, Rhetoric, 198.
166
could provide such a platform,62 functioning not centrifugally as

Hanson seems to imply,63 but centripetally as suggested by Williamson:
The inclusion of the diaspora as Israel in Isa. 56.8 and of the cult
community in 66.20 as the children of Israel is suggestive of an inclusive
rather than sectarian definition of the community. For such reasons it does
not seem impossible that our passages still reflect the hopes that centred
round the initial restoration of the cult.64
As v. 1 indicates, the intention of Isa 58-59 is not to broaden the

difference between physical and true Israel, but to enhance the
transformation of the former to the latter. An important part of this
process is to correct peoples theological misconceptions. Isa 58 uses
two cultic practices, fasting and Sabbath observance, to illuminate how
cult and ethics are interrelated in Yahwism. Both Isa 58 and 59 respond
to the peoples question in v. 3a about YHWHs lack of response. The
problem is neither in Gods ability (59:1) nor in his willingness and
readiness to act (59:15b-20); it is neither in the object of peoples pious
desires spelled out in v. 2,65 nor in peoples cultic expressions in v. 5 (as
the analysis below shows). 58:1a and especially 59:2 make explicitly
clear that the problem is peoples [v;P, and taJ'x,; more specifically the
absence of jP'v.mi and hq'd'c. (58:2 and esp. 59:4, 9, and 14), caused by
peoples selfish desires (58:3b and 13) and documented most visibly in
the ill-treatment of the weaker ones of the society (58:3b-4, 6-7, 9b10a).66 Since the LORD of hosts is exalted in justice (jP'v.MiB); , and the
Holy God shows himself holy (vD"q.nI) in righteousness (hq"d"c.B)i (Isa
5:16), any positive manifestation of his presence (~yhil{a/ tb;r>q)i in the
midst of people whose pursuit of their own desires results in
perversion of jP'v.mi and hq'd'c. is excluded. ~yhil{a/ tb;r>qi is impossible
62
63
64
65
66
Schramm maintains that, according to TI, only those who properly adhere to the
cult of YHWH, as this cult is understood by the author, are to be considered YHWHs
servants, while those who engage in cultic acts like those described in 65.1-7, 11b,
and 57.3-13 and so on are to be excluded, Schramm, Opponents, 158-159.
According to Hanson, the hierocratic party exercised control not only over their
fellows whom they oppressed, but also over the cult, representing, it would seem,
the normative cult, giving rise to two opposing (religious) traditions represented in
Isa 58. See Paul D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1975) 110-111.
Williamson, "Israel in Transition," 150-151.
The possibility of their fulfilment is indicated in 58:8-9a, 10b-12 and 14.
Hermissons question about this and similar Kultpolemik texts already includes
the answer: Polemisieren die Propheten gegen den Kult, oder greifen sie nicht
vielmehr den Menschen an, der den Kult isoliert hat und sich hier einen Raum fr
Jahwe in seinem Leben ausspart, whrend er sonst seine eigenen bsen Wege geht?
Hermisson, Sprache und Ritus, 84.
Literary Genre of Isa 58
167
when WNM,mi jP'v.mi qx;r" (59:9) and qAxr"me hq"d"c. dmo[]T; (59:14); in fact,
these expressions should be understood as antonyms. As far as the cult
(represented in Isa 58 by fasting and Sabbath) is concerned, to pursue
ones own pleasure on Gods holy day (58:13aB) seriously distorts the
picture which the cultic worship of YHWH is to reflect; it misses one
important dimension, namely the ethical character of YHWH. Such
voice cannot be heard on high (58:4b), for it would mean Gods
consecration of his distorted image.67
6.4. Literary Genre of Isa 58

There is no consensus among scholars about the genre of Isa 58. For
instance, Koenen labels vv. 3-12 as Diskussionswort,68 but Smith rightly
objects that, in the light of vv. 1-2, this designation is far too weak.69
Westermann reads Isa 58 as a speech of admonition (Mahnrede),
because it is the form of the central part (vv. 5ff), to which the other
parts are related. 70 But Lau objects that doch nicht Mahnung steht im
Vordergrund, sondern prophetische Kritik am Fasten in Verbindung
mit eschatologischen Forderungen, die in Heilszusagen einmnden.
He also declines to identify parts of 58 as prophetic torah, suggested for
vv. 1-8 by Lescow,71 or for vv. 6-7 by Elliger,72 claiming that der Kult
spielt fr den Verfasser keine erkennbare Rolle. 73 He, however, does
not consider vv. 13-14, where cult gains in importance, to be an original
part of Isa 58. In any case, it seems that no single designation does
justice to the form of Isa 58. Lau acknowledges this mixture, reasoning
that: es ist charakteristisch fr einen eschatologischen Text, da in ihm
unterschiedliche Gattungselemente ineinanderflieen.74
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
For more arguments along these lines, see Helen Schngel-Straumann, Gottesbild und
Kultkritik vorexilischer Propheten (Stuttgarter Bibelstudien 60; Stuttgart: KBW Verlag,
1972).
Klaus Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie im Tritojesajabuch: Eine Literarkritische und Redaktionsgeschichtliche Studie (WMANT 62; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag,
1990) 98.
Similarly Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 240, n174.
Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 333. He is followed by Koole, Isaiah III/3, 120.
Theodor Lescow, Das Stufenschema: Untersuchungen zur Struktur alttestamentlicher
Texte (BZAW 211; Berlin: De Gruyter, 1992) 118f.
Karl Elliger, Die Einheit des Tritojesaia, Jesaia 56-66 (BWANT 45; Stuttgart: W.
Kohlhammer, 1928) 15.
Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 240, n174.
Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 240.
168
Hanson in his analysis of TI introduced an idea of salvation

judgement oracle. Although Isa 58 is not its prime example, Hanson
believes that it adumbrates this hybrid form, vv. 2-5 being the
judgment section, and vv. 6ff the salvation section. 75 In support,
scholars often point out possible connections of Isa 58:1 with Hos 8:176
and Mic 3:8b77.78 Koenen, among others, also believes that der imp. sg.
von arq nimmt die Berufung Deuterojesajas auf (Jes 40,6), die
Aufforderung $fxt la geht auf Jes 54,2 zurck, und $lwq ~rh zitiert
Jes 40,9, wo eben diese Aufforderung an die Freudenbotin Zions
ergeht.79 While these echoes are probable, scholars tend to base on
them a questionable conclusion that, as Smith puts it, the purpose of
this combination of introductory formulae from DI and pre-exilic
prophets is to underline that the announcement to be made is one of
both judgment and salvation.80 Hanson has combined this form with
his proposed dichotomy in the community: vv. 2-5 pronounce a
judgement against the cultic observances of the hierocratic group, while
vv. 6-12 are the words of salvation spoken to the visionaries.81 The
main fallacy of this designation is the claim that some part of Isa 58
resembles the form of a judgement oracle. In their discussion about the
possible meaning of 1aB (^l,Aq ~rEh' rp'AVK;) commentators often list
different occasions for which rp'Av was used in ancient Israel, e.g., to
announce a (holy) war, a cultic festival, or Gods judgement. While an
allusion to some of these occasions is likely (see 6.6.4), it is the
metaphorical use of rp'Av that should be determinative in the search for
the meaning of this phrase. The closest parallel, therefore, is Ezek 33:120, where the prophets announcement of Gods word to the people is
compared to a sentinels blowing rp'Av. This parallel is strengthened by
the similarity of the announcements contexts: people are asking about
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
Hanson, Dawn, 106-107.

Set the trumpet (rp'Av) to your lips! One like a vulture is over the house of the
LORD, because they have broken my covenant, and transgressed ([vP) my law.
to declare (dgn) to Jacob his transgression ([v;P,) and to Israel his sin (taJ'x); .
See, e.g., Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 334. Contra the allusion to Hos 8:1, see Seizo
Sekine, Die Tritojesajanische Sammlung (Jes 56-66) Redaktionsgeschichtlich Untersucht
(BZAW 175; Berlin: De Gruyter, 1989) 122-123. Sommer believes that the whole Isa
58:1-11 depends on Mic 3:5-12, Sommer, Allusion, 76-78. Except for the above quoted
similarity, the rest of his arguments are unpersuasive.
Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie, 95.
Smith, Rhetoric, 105. Laus reason for the allusions is more likely: Der Autor von Jes
58,1-12 stellt sich folglich in Anlehnung an DtJes als unmittelbar von Jahwe
beauftragter Prophet dar. He describes the form of this text as Scheltrede where
eschatologische Heilsansage is admixed, Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 240-241.
Hanson, Dawn, 106-107.
Literary Genre of Isa 58
169
YHWHs ways (Isa 58:2 and Ezek 33:10), questioning the fairness of his
dealing with them (Isa 58:3 and Ezek 33:17 and 20). The main problem
The
is, again, peoples [v;P, and taJ'x; (Isa 58:1 and Ezek 33:10).
purpose of Ezekiels announcement is clearly defined to warn (hiph.
of rhz) the people about a potentially mortal danger (33:7f). The verb
rhz in the sense to warn is almost exclusively used in the OT in the
way that was defined by Jethro in his advice to Moses in Exod 18:20
Teach (hT'r>h;z>hiw>) them the statutes and instructions and make known to
them the way they are to go and the things they are to do. This was
the main role of Moses the prophet par excellence, of Israels spiritual
leaders (according to 2 Chr 19:10), of Ezekiel (according to Ezek 3 and
33),82 and very likely of the prophet in Isa 58 as well. Park correctly
observes that die prophetische Verkndigung in Jes 58,1f. ist also keine
Ankndigung des Gerichtes Gottes etwa in Form eines Krieges,
sondern zielt auf das Heil durch die Hinwendung von oberflchlichen
kultischen Handlungen zu einem Tun der sozialen Gerechtigkeit als
Bedingung fr das Heil.83
Even if one includes ch. 59, the judgment in vv. 15b-20 is directed
not against Gods people, but only against his adversaries and enemies.
Since these are mentioned in parallel to the coastlands, Gods judgment
in this passage seems to concern the foreigners only. However, as
Schramm points out, when wyrc and wybya are read in the light of 59.20,
it becomes clear that these terms refer not to foreigners but to those
within the restoration community who do not [vp ybv.84 For Zion,
more specifically for those in Jacob who turn from transgressions and
for those who suffer from injustice, this is an oracle of salvation. In
addition, even though it is not uncommon to use different forms in a
single oracle, it would be very unusual to address two opposing groups
in one speech without explicitly indicating it. Park, therefore, aptly
repudiates the above proposal of Hanson: Obwohl die Bestimmung
der Angeredeten im Tritojesajabuch wichtig wre, ist es doch nicht
mglich, sie je nach der Heils- und Gerichtsansage des Propheten zu
bestimmen. Wichtig ist: Was der Text selbst nicht sagt, mu offen
gelassen werden.85
This discussion leads to the conclusion that if a designation of the
genre of Isa 58 is necessary (and, because it does not appear to be
82
83
84
85
rhz II in these two chapters occurs 15 times out of it total 21 occurrences in the OT.
Schramm, Opponents, 141. Furthermore, Schramm states that Isa. 1.24b, 27-28a is
closely related to 59.18-20 and offers justification for this interpretation.
170
generic, it probably isnt), the best choice seems to be to opt for a

general and wide ranging definition such as offered by Smith, who
understands chs. 58-59 as a prophetic sermon that includes various
forms, like an introduction in vv. 1-2 or a prophetic accusation in vv.
3b-5.86
6.5. Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 58

The variety of opinions on the delimitation of colons and stanzas
reflects the importance of the structural analysis of this chapter for its
overall understanding. Again, the following discussion is not
comprehensive, but focuses primarily on the elements related to the
overall question about the relationship between cult and ethics in the
book of Isaiah. The same methodological principles as in the structure
and syntax study of Isa 1:10-17 and 43:22-28 apply.
86
Smith, Rhetoric, 102. Also Blenkinsopp states that Isa 58 is much closer to the genre
of sermon, than of prophetic oracle, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 178. Similarly
Schramm: The passage begins as if it were an oracle of judgment, but upon further
reading it becomes clear that we are dealing with a sermon or a speech of
admonition, the purpose of which is to call the community to a change of behavior,
171
Structural Analysis and Text-Critical Issues of Isa 58

Bicolon with semantic paral.
Bicolon with partial paral.: V
NP2 NP1 // NP2 NP1 (verb
gap.) and tradit. word-pairs.
Three bicolons structured in a
concentric chiasm (abc), each
with semantic parallelism (in
b partial, in c chiastic).
Bicolon with partial paral.: M
V1 V2 // V1 NP1 V2.
Bicolon with partial chiasm:
M V NP1 // NP1 V.
Bicol. with partial paral.: NP1
V // NP1 NP2 (verb gapping).
Closing monocolon.
Three bicolons structured in a
concentric chiasm (abc), each
with semantic parallelism (in
a and c partial, in b chiastic).
Opening monocolon.
Bicolon with semantic and
grammatical parallelism.
Bicolon with chiastic
parallelism: V NP1 // V NP1
Bicolon with partial chiastic
parallelism: M V NP1 NP2 //
NP1 V NP2
Bicolon with semantic
parallelism
MT of Isaiah 58 (BHS)
%fox.T;-la;
!Arg"b. ar"q.
^l,Aq ~rEh' rp'AVK;
~['v.Pi yMi[;l. dGEh;w>

~t'aJox; bqo[]y: tybel.W
!Wvrod>yI ~Ay ~Ay ytiAaw>
!WcP'x.y< yk;r"D> t[;d:w>
hf'[' hq'd"c.-rv,a] yAgK.
bz"[' al{ wyh'l{a/ jP;v.miW
qd<c,-yjeP.v.mi ynIWla'v.yI
!WcP'x.y< ~yhil{a/ tb;r>qi
t'yair" al{w>
Wnm.C; hM'l'
[d"te al{w> Wnvep.n: WnyNI[I
#p,xe-Wac.m.Ti ~k,m.co ~AyB. !he
WfGOn>Ti ~k,ybeC.[;-lk'w>
WmWcT' hC'm;W byrIl. !he
[v;r< @rog>a,B. tAKh;l.W
[:ymiv.h;l. ~AYk; WmWct'-al{
~k,l.Aq ~ArM'B;
WhrEx'b.a, ~Ac hy<h.yI hz<k'h]
Avp.n: ~d"a' tAN[; ~Ay
Avaro !mog>a;K. @kol'h]
[:yCiy: rp,aew" qf;w>
~Ac-ar"q.Ti hz<l'h]
hw"hyl; !Acr" ~Ayw>
WhrEx'b.a, ~Ac hz< aAlh]
[v;r< tABcur>x; x:TeP;
hj'Am tADgUa] rTeh;
~yvip.x' ~yciWcr> xL;v;w>
WqTen:T. hj'Am-lk'w>
^m,x.l; b[er"l' srop' aAlh]
tyIb' aybiT' ~ydIWrm. ~yYInI[]w:
AtySikiw> ~ro[' ha,r>ti-yKi
~L'[;t.ti al{ ^r>f'B.miW
Colon St
1aA
1aB
I
1bA
1bB
2aA
2aB
2bA
2bB
2cA
2cB
3aA
3aB
3bA
3bB
4aA
4aB
4b
5aA
5aB
5bA
5bB
5cA
5cB
6a
6bA
6bB
6cA
6cB
7aA
7aB
7bA
7bB
II
III
172

MT of Isaiah 58 (BHS)
^r<Aa rx;V;K; [q;B'yI za'
Bicolon with chiastic paral.:
xm'c.ti hr"hem. ^t.k'rUa]w:
V NP2 NP1 // NP1 NP2 V.
^q,d>ci ^yn<p'l. %l;h'w>
Bicolon with partial chias.:
^p,s.a;y: hw"hy> dAbK.
V NP2 NP1 // NP1 V.
hn<[]y: hw"hyw: ar"q.Ti za'
Bicolon with semantic and
ynINEhi rm;ayOw> [W:v;T.
grammatical parallelism.
hj'Am ^k.ATmi rysiT'-~ai
M NP1 // NP1 (verb gapping). !w<a'-rB,d:w> [B;c.a, xl;v.
^v,p.n: b[er"l' qpet'w>
Bicolon with chiastic paral.:
[:yBif.T; hn"[]n: vp,n<w>
V NP2 NP1 // NP1 NP2 V.
^r<Aa %v,xoB; xr:z"w>
~yIr"h\C'K; ^t.l'pea]w:
V NP2 NP1 // NP1 NP2.
dymiT' hw"hy> ^x]n"w>
Tricolon with partial paral.:
^v,
p
.
n
:
tAxc'
x.c;B. [:yBif.hiw>
V NP1 M // V M NP2// V
#ylix]y: ^yt,moc.[;w>
NP2
hw<r" !g:K. t'yyIh'w>
Tricolon with partial
~yIm; ac'Amk.W
parallelism, verb gapping in
wym'yme WbZ>k;y>-al{ rv,a]
bB and exposition in bC
~l'A[ tAbr>x' ^M.mi Wnb'W
~meAqT. rAdw"-rAd ydEs.Am
V M NP1 // NP1 V.
#r<P, rdEGO ^l. ar"qow>
M NP2 // NP2 (verb gapping). tb,v'l' tAbytin> bbevom.
Bicolons a and c, both with
partial parallelism (verb
gapping) plus monocolon b,
structured in a concentric
chiasm (abc).
Monocolon plus bicolon with
semantic and grammatical
parallelism.
Closing monocolon.
^l,g>r: tB'V;mi byviT'-~ai

yvid>q' ~AyB. ^yc,p'x] tAf[]
vAdq.li gn<[o tB'V;l; t'ar"q'w>
dB'kum hw"hy>.
^yk,r"D> tAf[]me ATd>B;kiw>
rb'D" rBed:w> ^c.p.x, aAcM.mi
hw"hy>-l[; gN:[;t.Ti za'
#r<a' yteAmB'-l[; ^yTib.K;r>hiw>
^ybia' bqo[]y: tl;x]n: ^yTil.k;a]h;w>
rBeDI hw"hy> yPi yKi
Colon St
8aA
8aB
8bA
III
8bB
9aA
9aB
9bA
9bB
10aA
10aB
10bA
10bB
11aA
11aB
IV
11aC
11bA
11bB
11bC
12aA
12aB
12bA
12bB
13aA
13aB
3b
13cA
13cB
14a
14bA
14bB
14c
173
6.5.1. Isa 58:1

The first verse is clearly an introduction. The uncertainty is whether it
introduces only ch. 58, or 59 as well. Koenen assigns v. 1 to a redactor,
claiming that the prophets task to announce to the people their
rebellion ([v;P,) and sins (taJ'x;) is not carried out in the rest of ch. 58,
rather in 59.87 Smith rightly objects, that such division is entirely
artificial, because in ch. 58 verses 3b-5 clearly attack the misconduct of
the people, and while vv. 6-12 may not treat of the peoples sins of
commission, they certainly focus on their sins of omission.88 Moreover,
v. 1 sets the perspective of how the rest of the chapter is to be
understood and interpreted. Park seems to be correct that ohne V.1 vor
allem der gesamte Sinn der gewollten Komposition von Jes 58 verloren
geht.89 Obviously, a proper evaluation of the introductory role of v. 1
can come only after a thorough analysis of the whole chapter.
6.5.2. Isa 58:2-3a

Verse 2 raises a number of exegetical questions: Fragt das Volk nach
Gestzesbelehrung oder nach Heil? Meint hwhy ykrd t[d in V. 2 die
Kenntnis der Gebote oder der Zukunft, und ist ~yhla tbrq als
Annherung an Gott oder als Nahen Gottes zu verstehen?90 The
expression qd<c,-yjeP.v.mi is also ambiguous, allowing for either an ethical
and ritual or eschatological construal. As for the syntax, the function of
the initial w and the preposition K in 2b have been disputed. Again,
these questions about v. 2 cannot be answered in isolation from the rest
of the chapter, so the conclusions in this section will be more fully
justified by the functional analysis below.
First, the overall tenor of the verse needs to be determined. Park
reads it as YHWHs ironic denunciation of the peoples hypocritical
cultic activities. On the other side, Blenkinsopp maintains that this
flattering reference to [peoples] positive religious outlook does not
87
88
89
90
Die bedingten Heilsverheiungen von v5-12 knnen kaum fr die in v1

angekndigte Scheltrede gehalten werden. Erst in Kap. 59 fallen wieder die
Stichworte tajx und [vp, Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie, 91.
Smith, Rhetoric, 104.
Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 199. The same questions are raised and addressed in
Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie, 92f.
174
seem to be ironic.91 As further analysis confirms, the issue in Isa 58-59 is

not the presence of cultic activities, but the absence of hqdc and jpvm,
as indicated also in this verse. The denunciation of cultic practices
would then be rather out of place. The only irony here is that the nation
' . and has forsaken jP'v.mi of their God is
that does not practice hq'dc
asking him for qd<c,-yjeP.v.mi.92 The preposition K in 2b should then be
read as irrealis, relating both to the preceding v. 2a and to the following
v. 2b. This double duty is supported by its central position in the
chiastic structure of the verse (see the chart above).
The rest of the exegetical questions in v. 2 fit under one heading: Is
the subject matter of the expressions in 2a and 2c ethics and ritual, or is
it eschatology? Smith argues for a primarily ethical and ritual
construal of the statements in v. 2a and 2c. Based on the use of
qdc yjpvm in Ps 119 (vv. 7, 62, 106, and 164) and Deut 16:18, he believes
that what is being referred to here is primarily priestly and legal
instruction or decision making. He also observes that the plural of the
term %r,D, usually has ethical content in DI and TI, and that the term
hbrq is used otherwise only with reference to a human being drawn
near to God (Ps. 73:28), although the verb brq can refer to Gods
drawing near (cf. Isa 56:1; Lam 3:57) or to priests drawing near to God
(Ex. 40:32; Ez. 44:15).93 However, the arguments for an eschatological
reading are more persuasive. First, contra Smith, ~yhla tbrq in Ps
73:28 does not imply a human being drawing near to God, but is as
ambiguous as in Isa 58:2 and should be translated accordingly
nearness of God. 94 Second, Lau (among others) prefers to read
~yhla tbrq as genetiv. subjectivus, arguing that the expression denotes
den speziellen eschatologischen Horizont der Gemeinde.95 Third, the
support for an eschatological reading also comes from the parallel with
56:1. As Park observes, besides hqdc, jpvm, and hf[, this verse also
uses the verb brq, here as an eschatologischer Ausdruck. 96 Koole
further develops this parallel: after stating that the relative clause in
58:2bA (hf'[' hq'd"c.-rv,a]) recalls 56:1, he concludes: The people believe
91
92
93
94
95
96
Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 176. Childs also maintains that v.2a is not a description of
false piety, but a proper response to God, Childs, Isaiah, 477.
As observed by Polan, who supports this reading with the chiastic structure of the
verse; see Gregory J. Polan, In the Ways of Justice toward Salvation: A Rhetorical
Analysis of Isaiah 56-59 (American University Studies. Series VII, Theology and
Religion; vol. 13; Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1986) 194.
For more discussion and connection of Isa 58-59 with Ps 73, see Appendix 2.
175
that they meet the requirement of doing righteousness stated there

and so can lay claim to the coming salvation.97 Fourth, even though
Koenen, like Smith, observes that the expression (h)qdc-yjpvm (pl.)
begegnet im Alten Testament nur noch 4mal in Ps 119 und ist dort
immer ethisch zu verstehen, he nonetheless opts for the eschatological
reading of v. 2, arguing da die Bescheinigung, getreu den Gesetzen
Gerechtigkeit zu ben, im Tritojesajabuch singulr wre und da es nur
hier um eine Annherung an Gott statt um das Kommen Gottes
ginge.98 Finally, the eschatology in vv. 8-9a, 10b-12, and 14 stipulates
the reading of all the expressions in vv. 2a and 2c with this horizon in
mind, juxtaposing them with the ethical construal of the expressions in
v. 2b. This juxtaposition is supported by the chiastic structure of the
verse, and justifies the following conclusion from Koole:
Just as the people themselves believe that they are acting righteously and
are not neglecting Gods justice, so they ask now not for Gods laws
(which they apparently know already), but expect from God that he, too,
will act righteously, that for his part he will likewise give his hq'd"c. as
salvation (56:1b), and that he will exercise his ~yjiP'v.mi = judgements in
favour of the hard-pressed congregation.99
This play on the ethical and soteriological meanings of jpvm and hqdc
is a powerful rhetorical device that both exposes the nature of the
problem and suggests its solution: people are longing for Gods
(soteriological) jpvm and hqdc and, indeed, these are about to come
(56:1, 59:15b-20). However, they do not seem to realize that for those
whose behaviour does not reflect these characteristics (ethical jpvm and
hqdc), the upcoming glorious event will have catastrophic results. The
solution is to hq"d"c. Wf[]w: jP'v.mi Wrm.vi (56:1), as exegetically developed in
58:6f.
The question in v. 3a is straightforward. Here, as well as in v. 5, ~Ac
is used interchangeably with vp,n< hN"[.i Herr is correct that these two
expressions are parallel, but not synonymous; the latter has a broader
meaning, and includes fasting as part of a general regimen of
abstinence. According to him, in poetic passages like Isa 58:5, the root
~Ac has taken on the broader sense of vp,n< hN"[.i 100
97
Koole, Isaiah III/3, 126. The relationship between Isa 58 and 56:1-8 is discussed below
(6.8.2).
98 Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie, 92.
100 Herr, Fasting, Enc Jud 6.1189.
176
6.5.3. Isa 58:3b-4

The initial w> in 3bB seems to function consequentially, rather than
epexegetically.101 In other words, oppressing the workers (3bB) is not
an illustration how the people pursue their desires (3bA), but the result
of such pursuit. This reading makes better sense also in v. 4a: people
surely did not fast in order to quarrel and fight ( l. of purpose),102 but,
because they pursued (their own) pleasure, they ended up quarreling
and fighting (l. of product or result) on a fast day. 103 This function of l.
here is confirmed by its use in the last colon of v. 4, which declares that
such fasting will not result in the peoples voice being heard ([:ymiv.h;l.)
on high.
The meaning of #p,xe needs to be determined not only in connection
with v. 3b, but also with v. 2, where the same root is used. Lau is
correct that the use of the root #px in these verses is hardly accidental.
Sie wurde im Kontrast zu ihrer Verwendung in V.2 gewhlt. Daher
kann die von den Kommentatoren durchweg vermutete Bedeutung
Beschftigung hier nicht befriedigen.104 Translating #p,xe as
pleasure, delight or desire is to be preferred,105 as it brings out the
contrast in vv. 2-3, the contrast between the theory and the practice of
the people: in theory, they are inquiring after what pleases God, but in
practice they are after their own pleasures. Besides v. 3bA, the only
other place in BH where the combination of #p,xe with acm occurs is v.
13bC. The comparison shows that the main problem is not #p,xe as such,
but the occasion during which it is pursued: ~k,m.co ~AyB. (v. 3) and
yvid>q' ~AyB. (v. 13). ~Ac as well as tB'v; are to be hw"hyl; !Acr" ~Ay (v. 5) and
vAdq.li gn<[o dB'kum. hw"hy> (v. 13); therefore, people are to do what YHWH
chooses (v. 6f) and what pleases him (56:4). Pursuing other choices and
pleasures frequently produces injustice and thereby desecration of
cultic activities such as fasting (vv. 3f), the Sabbath (v. 13), or sacrifices
(66:3-4).106
The expression WfGOn>Ti ~k,ybeC.[; in 3bB is ambiguous. The verb fgn is
connected with the oppression of the Israelites by Pharaohs
101 See JM 117e. For epexegetical w>, see IBHS 39.2.4.
102 Contra Koole, who believes that l. with the nouns and the infinitive in v. 4a convey
the intention of the current fasting and the preposition is used in an ironical sense,
103 For the above uses of l., see Williams 277, 278, and 279.
104 Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 244.
105 Thus, e.g., NJB or NAU. Also LXX understands #p,xe this way, rendering it as
qe,lhma.
106 Notice the use of #px and rxb in 66:3-4.
177
taskmasters (h[or>p; yfeg>n)O in Egypt, and therefore a synonym of harsh

treatment of a labourer. While, as in the case of pursuing ones own
pleasure in the previous line, such treatment may not be unlawful per
se, it is explicitly forbidden during the Sabbatical year in Deut 15:2f.107
In fact, it was very likely the connection with Deut 15 that prompted
the emendation of the hapax legomenon ~k,ybeC.[; to ~k,yjeb.[o (your
debtors).108 Koole, however, sufficiently demonstrated that such
emendation is not necessary, and that it is simpler to interpret *bce[' or
*bC'[; as toiling, and fgn as to spur on (9:3 etc.), and to leave
undecided whether somebody has got into this position as a result of
debts or other circumstances.109
Various emendations have been proposed also for the phrase
[v;r< @rog>a,B. tAKh;l.W (4aB). LXX renders [v;r< as tapeino,n (humble,
poor), probably reading vr".110 Koole rightly objects that this reading
fails to do justice to v. 6,111 the only other place in the book of Isaiah
where the noun form [v;r< occurs. Emending @Arg>a, to @r'g>mi (as, e.g.,
Westermann) is to replace one obscure expression with another. True,
the only other occurrence of @Arg>a, in Exod 21:18 is inconclusive,112 but
if MT is granted, it offers a very good parallel to Isa 58:4aB both
places describe striking (hiphil of hkn) with a fist (@rog>a,B). as a result of
byrI. MT of Isa 58:4aB should therefore be retained.
6.5.4. Isa 58:5

Several commentators observe that the verb hy<h.yI in 5aA is metrically
striking, and suggest its omission.113 The facts that it does not have a
corresponding part in 5c (see the parallel below) and that it does not
appear in the almost identical v. 6a support the omission. According to
107 The connection of fgn with the Sabbatical year will become important when
discussing the unity of Isa 58 in 6.6.4, because v. 3bB is an illustration of not keeping
the sabbath principle on the fast day.
108 See BHS apparatus on Isa 58:3.
109 Koole, Isaiah III/3, 131. Similarly, Blenkinsopp considers this emendation
unnecessary because ng refers to oppression of various kinds, not just exacting
payment for debts, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 175.
110 Thus Joseph Ziegler, Untersuchungen zur Septuaginta des Buches Isaias (Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen, Bd. 12, Heft 3; Mnster i. W.: Aschendorffschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1934) 129.
112 The phrase @rgab wa !bab is missing in the Samaritan Pentateuch.
113 See, e.g., Hanson, Isaiah 40-66, 101.
178
Koole, however, the verb hy<h.yI says that what takes place is not a true
fast.114 Syntactically speaking, hy<h.yI hz<k'h] does not refer to the rest of
5aA, but to the list of cultic activities in 5aB-b, translating 5aA as:
Should the fast that I choose be like this: ? Since this construction
makes good sense,115 and since omitting a word purely on aesthetical
grounds is dubious, hy<h.yI in v. 5a should be retained.
V. 5a parallels v. 5c:
Avp.n: ~d"a' tAN[; ~Ay WhrEx'b.a, ~Ac hy<h.yI hz<k'h]

_____________
________
`hw"hyl; !Acr" ~Ayw>
~Ac-ar"q.Ti
5a
____
hz<l'h]
5c
With a hint of irony, this parallel reveals peoples misconception about

fasting: they believe that all that it takes to please YHWH is to afflict
themselves. There is no ground, however, to conclude that the author is
scorning the various ritual expressions listed in this verse. Other places
in the OT, like Ps 35:13 where similar forms of affliction are mentioned,
treat them with dignity.
6.5.5. Isa 58:6

The choice of the rare vocabulary in this verse is interesting. As the
discussion in Appendix 2 demonstrates, the use of bcor>x; here and in Ps
73:4 the only other occurrence of this root in BH is most likely not a
coincidence. xlv and yvip.x' in 6cA is an established word pair (to let
go free),116 mostly referring to a release of a Hebrew slave in the
seventh year (Exod 21:2f, Deut 15:12f). The emphasis on hj'Am (twice in
v. 6, once in v. 9) is also telling. This term occurs four more times in BH
as a metaphor,117 always with God as agent who breaks it (always rbv)
to set his people free from their oppressors. Another infrequent verb
rtn I is also connected with Gods deliverance Ps 146:7 says that the
Lord sets prisoners free (~yrIWsa] ryTim; hw"hy>). No doubt the post-exilic
115 For similar construction, see, e.g., 1 Sam 8:11f or Deut 18:3. Also the phrase in Isa
56:12b can be rendered this way: and tomorrow will be like this: great beyond
measure.
116 In BHS, yvip.x' occurs 17 times, 12 times in connection with xlv.
117 In Lev 26:13, Ezek 30:18 and 34:27, and, as jAm, in Nah 1:13. In its literal sense yoke,
hj'Am occurs in 1 Chr 15:15 and, as a sign, in Jer 27-28.
179
community was praying to God to perform these acts again on their

behalf. The message of v. 6 is that unless the people imitate God in their
behaviour towards their neighbour, treating each other as he has
treated them in history and as they ask to be treated by him now, he
will not listen to their plea.
6.5.6. Isa 58:7

The same message continues in v. 7. Ps 146:7 comes up again, where
YHWH is the one who gives bread to the hungry (~ybi[er>l' ~x,l, !ten)O , just
as Israel is expected to do in v. 7aA. Because colon 7aB has one more
accented syllable than the other lines in the verse, eliminations of either
final tyIB' or initial ~yYInI[] have been suggested. 118 However, tyIB' with
the hiphil of awb is an established pair, and the rare noun dWrm' is
always connected with ynI[' (besides Isa 58:7, also in Lam 1:7 and 3:19).
Both pairs add up in a meaningful statement, so MT should be
retained. Polan draws attention to the God-like behaviour: just as
YHWH brings strangers into his house in Isa 56:7, so should the people
of Israel provide the shelter for the homeless. 119 This parallel continues
in 7bA, where clothing the naked is demanded. As Koole observes, in
this Deut. 10:18f. holds up Gods own actions as an example for his
people: He gives food and clothing to the orphan, widow, and stranger,
and in doing so executes his justice.120
As for 7bB, the hithpael of ~l[ connects this line with Deut 22:14.121 Here, as in Isa 58:7b, this rare form is preceded twice by the verb
har (vv. 1 and 4), and always followed by the preposition !mi. The
difference is that whereas in Isa 58:7bB the object is a human being
(rf'B'),122 in Deut 22:1-4 it is any animate and inanimate possession that
ones neighbour had lost. In the case of an unknown owner, the finder
118
119
120
121
For more details, see, e.g., Koole, Isaiah III/3, 138-139.

Polan, Justice, 34.
Out of its total six occurrences in BH, the hithpael of ~l[ is found three times in Deut
22:1-4.
122 Dahoods suggestion to translate rf'B' as meat, based on its (supposed) chiastic
correspondence to ~x,l, in 7aA, is unpersuasive; see Mitchell Dahood, "The Chiastic
Breakup in Isaiah 58,7," Biblica 57 (1976) 105. Koole (among others) is probably
correct that rf'B' here can be taken in the broadest possible sense, meaning all
humanity, as in Isa 66:16f, Koole, Isaiah III/3, 140. The personal suffix, however,
might restrict the meaning here to ones fellow countrymen, as indicated by what
seems to be a doublet in LXX - tw/n oivkei,wn tou/ spe,rmato,j sou. See Seeligmann,
Septuagint, 35.
180
is to bring the object into his house until the owner claims it a
procedure reminiscent of Isa 58:7aB. The message of Isa 58:7 is clear:
while the command ~Le[;t.hil. lk;Wt al{ (you must not remain indifferent, Deut 22:3b TNK) concerns ones possession, it certainly
applies to ones neighbour.123 Furthermore, if people take no notice of
each other, they need not complain that God hides himself from their
supplications, Ps. 55:2 etc.124 Also, as Polan observes, the verb har in
this verse may be a reaction to its use in v. 2: as [the people] complain
that God does not see their fasting, they are told in response to keep
their eyes open so as to see the needs of another individual and to care
for that need.125
6.5.7. Isa 58:8-9a

Scholars generally agree that v. 8b reuses Isa 52:12b.126 The fact that
instead of hwhy in 52:12 it is now peoples qd,c, that leads them should
not be seen as TIs reinterpretation of DI (e.g., to emphasize the benefits
of peoples righteous behaviour),127 because it is parallel to hw"hy> dAbK.,128
123 Blenkinsopp also clarifies the meaning of ~L'[;t.ti al{ ^r>f'B.miW in Isa 58:7 by Deut 22:14 as pretending that these people are not there, persuading oneself that someone
else will take care of them or just wishing they would go away, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah
56-66, 180.
124 Koole, Isaiah III/3, 140. See also the hiphils of ~l[, esp. in Isa 1:15 for YHWH hiding
his eyes from the peoples prayers.
125 Polan, Justice, 33.
`^p<s.a;y: hw"hy> dAbK. ^q,d>ci ^yn<p'l. %l;h'w>
126 Isa 58:8b
Isa 52:12b `laer"f.yI yhel{a/ ~k,p.Sia;m.W hw"hy> ~k,ynEp.li %leho-yKi
Because of this allusion, some scholars take v. 8b as a later addition. This is unlikely,
for, as Park correctly observes, Israels qd,c, and YHWHs dAbK' haben eine
auergewhnliche theologische Bedeutung im Sinne der gesamten Komposition von
Jes 58 mit den Themen Kultus, Gerechtigkeit und Eschatologie, Park, Gerechtigkeit
Israels, 223-224.
127 Contra, e.g., R. N. Whybray, Isaiah 40-66 (NCBC; London: Oliphants, 1975) 216. He,
among others, believes that ^q,d>ci here summarizes peoples righteous behaviour as
described in vv. 6-7.
128 As Polan observes, this parallel also clarifies the meaning of qdc in this verse: The
parallel character of qdc and dwbk shows the sense of qdc to be salvific instead of
moral as seen in 58:2, Polan, Justice, 213. The replacement of laer"f.yI yhel{a/ from 52:12
by hw"hy> dAbK. might be due to the so called kabod theology, as described by Tryggve
N. D. Mettinger, The Dethronement of Sabaoth: Studies in the Shem and Kabod Theologies
(Old Testament Series 18; Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1982).
181
and in v. 11aA it is again hwhy who guides his people.129 In addition,

Polan correctly maintains that the light breaking forth like the dawn
(rx;v); in v. 8a probably symbolizes YHWHs coming and his presence
among his people.130 Because these expressions refer more likely to
YHWH than to the people, some translations and commentators render
^q,d>ci as your vindicator,131 referring to the equation YHWH = our
justice in Jer 23:6 and 33:16. However, Koole rightly objects that such
identification does not appear in TI, and suggests that ^q,d>ci here
stands for the salvation promised by God in the sense that God does
. .mi).132 The
justice to his people, as was petitioned in v. 2bB ( qd<c,-yjePv
parallel with 52:12b is, therefore, complete, and, as Childs observes, the
term qd,c, is employed again in its original prophetic sense (41:2; 45:8,
24).133
The message of vv. 6-8 is not just about how to improve the
peoples life conditions, as, e.g., Prov 21:21, where the one who pursues
ds,x'w" hq"d"c. will find dAbk'w> hq"d"c. ~yYIx.; The expression hw"hy> dAbK. often
stands for Gods presence in the decisive events of Israels
Heilsgeschichte. It plays a crucial role in Ezekiels visions, and its return
into the temple marks the beginning of the eschatological era (Ezek 43:5
and 44:4). Also DI connects the appearance of hw"hy> dAbK. with the
glorious age to come (Isa 40:5).134 As the functional analysis below
confirms, hw"hy> dAbK. in v. 8 very likely refers to ~yhil{a/ tb;r>qi in v. 2.
These two expressions semantically overlap,135 describing the most
significant characteristic of the eschatology the presence of YHWH in
the midst of his people. Gammie rightly argues that the expression
hw"hy> dAbK. belongs to that aspect of holiness that Otto labels as
129 A word of caution from Childs seems to be appropriate here: The general lack of
exact verbal correspondence is only a sign of the role of memory still at work, and
the divergence is not automatically to be pressed as an intentional reinterpretation at
each point of difference, Childs, Isaiah, 442.
130 Polan, Justice, 216. HALOT points out some of the uses of rx;v referring to a divine
> v; . in 1 Chr
name (see the references there), one of which is the personal name hy"rx
8:26.
131 For translations, see, e.g., NRSV and TNK. For commentators, see, e.g., Young who
argues that the righteousness of the people is their Lord Himself, Edward J. Young,
The Book of Isaiah: The English Text, with Introduction, Exposition, and Notes (NICOT;
Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1965) 3.421.
133 Childs, Isaiah, 479. qd,c, should be understood in this sense also in Isa 62:2, again
parallel to dAbK'.
134 For hw"hy> dAbK. in connection with eschatology, see Weinfeld, dAbK., TDOT 7.34-36.
135 TNK most often translates hw"hy> dAbK. as the Presence of the Lord.
182
overpoweringness or maiestas,136 and Isa 58 reassures the people that if

their behaviour is compatible with Gods holiness, this maiestas will
gather them in, being closely connected with them. 137
V. 9a, with its promise of restored communication and relationship
between YHWH and the people,138 corresponds to the complaint of v.
3a.139 Furthermore, as Blenkinsopp correctly observes, the assurance
contingent on the performance of true fasting with which this second
response ends (vv 8-9) reveals the true nature of the complaint, namely
eschatological. He also draws the parallel between vv. 8-10 and Isa 60:1,
where the same eschatological language is to be found: Arise, shine;
for your light (%rEAa) has come, and the glory of the LORD (hw"hy> dAbk.)
has risen (xr"z") upon you, adding that in later Isaianic passages, and in
Jewish end-time imagery in general, light stands for the consummation, the fulfillment of the peoples aspirations.140
6.5.8. Isa 58:9b-10a

Several emendations have been suggested in this text. When it comes
to the ones in v. 9b as proposed, e.g., in BHS, one has to agree with Lau
that these are berflssig und nicht gerechtfertigt. 141 More serious,
however, is the puzzling meaning of v. 10aA, as documented by a great
variety of translations.142 The most elaborate discussion of this verse
comes from Hurowitz.143 First, he rejects the often proposed
136 Gammie, Holiness, 7.

137 The parallel of v. 8b with 52:12 prompts many scholars to read $psay at the end of
the verse as piel rather than MTs qal, and translate it as to be your rear guard
instead of to gather you (in). This suggestion, however, does not necessarily change
the meaning of the colon, for piel of @sa can also be rendered to gather in most of
its instances, Isa 52:12 included. LXX renders this form with the participle of the verb
evpisuna,gw (to gather). Laus argument for translating @sa as sammeln is based
on the observation that Sammlung is an important theme in DI; see Lau,
Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 252.
138 arq and piel of [wv is a word-pair (see Ps 18:7 and Jonah 2:3). According to Polan,
arq here is a synonym for prayer or beseeching the Lord, Polan, Justice, 184. The
same meaning of arq is very likely also in 43:22.
139 Der Prophet geht mit der Heilszusage V.9a nun direkt auf die in V.3a geuerte
Klage ein, Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 253.
140 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 180.
142 For a good summary of various interpretations, see Koole, Isaiah III/3, 146-147.
143 V. A. Hurowitz, "A Forgotten Meaning of Nepe in Isaiah LVIII 10," VT 47 (1997) 4352.
^v,p.n:
183
^m,xl. ;,144
based mainly on LXX: kai. dw/j|

peinw/nti to.n a;rton evk yuch/j sou. Hurowitz argues that, rather than
emendation of
to
indicative of a variant Vorlage, LXX is actually the first witness to the

tradition of compound interpretation. Then he draws attention to an
Akkadian cognate of Hebrew vp,n,< namely napitu, one of whose
meanings is sustenance. This forgotten meaning of vp,n< is, according
to Hurowitz, highly likely also in Ps 106:15 and possible in Ps 78:18 and
Hos 9:4.145 If granted, Isa 58:10aA translates as if you extend your
sustenance to the hungry. Hurowitzs argument is attractive, because
this rendering makes good sense. However, as Barr sufficiently
demonstrated, the transference of the meanings between cognates of
various (even related) languages is hazardous, 146 more so in the case of
such frequent words as vp,n< and napitu. Until a new evidence is
brought up, sheer prudence requires Hurowitzs proposal to remain an
isolated voice. Nevertheless, his argument against the emendation of
^v,p.n: in v. 10aA is solid, and, for now, it seems best to retain the
ambiguity of this verse by rendering it as if you extend yourself to the
hungry.
The context of v. 10a supports the retaining also of the second vp,n<
in the verse. As an object of hn[, vp,n< pairs up with ~Ac in vv. 3 and 5,
where they both represent the concept of fasting. In the first protasisapodosis (vv. 6-9a) the key word is ~Ac, and vp,n< is absent, while in the
second pair (vv. 9b-12) the key word is vp,n,< and ~Ac is absent. It seems
that the reinterpretation of the concept of fasting continues in vv. 9b-12
without mentioning ~Ac, but with vp,n< alluding to it.147 This allusion is
especially apparent in 10aB which reverses the usual idea of afflicting
ones soul (piel of hn[ with vp,n< as direct object as in vv. 3 and 5, and
seven other times in BH) by fasting to satisfying the soul of an afflicted
one (vp,n< with niphal participle of hn[). Fasting is therefore redirected
and reversed from starving oneself to feeding ones neighbour.148 It
144 See, e.g., BHS apparatus.

145 Also the phrase ^[,b.f' ^v.p.n:K. ~ybin"[] T'l.k;a'w> in Deut 23:25 would make a good sense
when translated with this meaning: you may eat grapes as your sustenance,
(namely as) your fill. Another possibility is Deut 24:6.
146 See James Barr, Comparative Philology and the Text of the Old Testament (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1968).
147 The absence of ~Ac after 9a has often been an argument for taking vv. 9b-12 as a later
addition, see, e.g., Whybray, Isaiah 40-66, 212. Oswalt correctly states that although
fasting is not mentioned specifically, it is clearly in view, as v. 10a shows, Oswalt,
Isaiah 40-66, 505.
148 As many scholars pointed out, vp,n< in 10aB likely means throat, and its repetition
from the previous line produces a pun.
184
seems that, in order to make his point, the author plays on the various
meanings of vp,n<. Its central position in the chiastic structure of this
bicolon (ABC / CBA) also speaks for its retention and of its
importance in this text.149
With the exception of Ezek 27:33 and this verse, the agent of
satisfying (hiphil of [bf, 16 times total) is always God. The prophets
appeal to satisfy the needs of the afflicted therefore urges the people to
engage themselves in a God-like activity (as in the previous protasis).
6.5.9. Isa 58:10b-11

As in the previous apodosis, the author uses familiar images to describe
the eschatological future: hxn often refers to Gods guidance during
the Exodus,150 God satisfying his peoples needs and reversing their life
conditions is a frequent picture in Psalms, 151 flourishing bones occur
also in the eschatological context of Isa 66:14, and the expression
hw<r" !g:K. t'yyIh'w> is found in Jer 31:12, also in an eschatological context.152
6.5.10. Isa 58:12

The similarity between 58:12 and 61:3c-4 is striking. If recent theories
about the composition of TI, proposed, e.g., by Lau or Smith, are
correct, 61:3c-4 served as Vorlage for 58:12.153 Besides the unifying
theme of restoration, the shared or similar vocabulary and phrases
betray a strong dependence of one text on the other:
149 For details on the structure of this verse, see Polan, Justice, 218.
151 See, e.g., the similarities between vv. 11-12 and Ps 107:36-37. The expression ~yIr"h\C'K;
in v. 10b is found elsewhere only in Ps 37:4.
152 This allusion is strengthened by the fact that Jer 31:12 also talks about peoples vp,n,<
and that hw<r' (adjectival form of hwr) occurs only once more in BH Deut 29:18.
153 They both argue that Isa 56-66 contains several layers of tradition. Sommer,
however, takes issue with Lau, objecting to his Tradentenkreise: The alleged
differences between the groups rest on types of thematic interest present in certain
texts; thus Laus divisions amount to a map of major themes in these chapters rather
than the source-critical finding that he believes them to be. At times his divisions
require carving up coherent texts into different levels of composition; that this style
of analysing prophetic texts is quite common does not make it any less speculative
or unlikely, Sommer, Allusion, 220.
185
58:12
61:3c-4
qd<C,h; yleyae ~h,l' ar"qow>

~l'A[ tAbr>x' ^M.mi Wnb'W
`raeP't.hil. hw"hy> [J;m;
~meAqT. rAdw"-rAd ydEs.Am

~l'A[ tAbr>x' Wnb'W
#r<P, rdEGO ^l. ar"qow>
WmmeAqy> ~ynIvoarI tAmm.vo
`tb,v'l' tAbytin> bbevom.
br<xo yrE[' WvD>xiw>

`rAdw" rAD tAmm.vo
This parallel throws light on several obscurities in 58:12. First, the

points that can be deduced from the similarities:
The almost identical phrase ~l'A[ tAbr>x' Wnb'W in 61:4a may
explain the grammatically odd construction in 58:12aA:
Grammatisch korrekt mu also Wnb.nIw> gelesen werden, doch es
ist nicht auszuschlieen, da die Vorlage den Autor dermaen
beeinflut hat, da er sich zu grammatisch ungeschickten und
sogar falschen Konstruktionen hinreien lie.154
The same mechanism very likely accounts for the singular arqw
in 58:12bA instead of expected warqw as in 1QIsaa, die Vorlage
being Isa 61:3cA. The concept of giving a new name through
the prepositional phrase arq plus l. is characteristic of TI.155
Polan observes that the particular manner in which the verb
arq is used with the inseparable preposition l. is a way of
expressing a blessing endowed by God to his people in the
literary context of 56-66.156
Lau believes that the subject of Wnb'W in 58:12 is die eschatologische Heilsgemeinde, die zuvor und im folgenden in der
2.m.Sg. angesprochen ist.157 Park uses the parallel with 61:4 to
identify this eschatologische Heilsgemeinde more closely. He
154 Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 256. This mechanism deserves more attention in BH
exegesis.
155 Besides these verses, it also occurs in 60:14b, 62:2b, 4b, and 12.
186
believes that they in 61:4 is closely connected with the people

in the previous vv. 1-3, referring to the oppressed (~ywIn"[]),
brokenhearted (ble-yrEB.v.nI), captives (~yIWbv.), prisoners (~yrIWsa]),
and those who mourn for Zion (!AYci ylebea]).158 The connection
with Isa 58 is appealing: Isa 58 is also concerned with the weak
ones of the society, and the mourning in 61:3 is reminiscent of
fasting in Isa 58. Deshalb ist das Subjekt der Wiederaufbauarbeit diese Heilsgemeinde, die soziale Gerechtigkeit praktiziert.159
The additional expression ~ynIvoarI tAmm.vo in 61:4 helps to clarify
that the expressions ~l'A[ tAbr>x' and rAdw"-rAd ydEs.Am refer to
the past, not the future.
Second, the differences between Isa 58:12 and 61:4 are even more
significant, because they help to clarify whether the restoration in 58:12
is literal (rebuilding Jerusalem) or metaphoric (rebuilding the people of
God):
The only difference between the two initial phrases of Isa 58:12
and 61:4 is the additional ^M.mi in 58:12aA, referring very likely
to the audience of this oracle as defined above. The previous
verse compares those who obey the prophets admonition to an
everlasting spring of water. If the meaning of the root of tAbr>x'
in v. 12aA (brx be dry, dried up) comes to the fore, the two
ideas nicely connect. ^M.mi would then be translated by the
usual from you, !mi being the one of source.160 In addition,
texts like Jer 12:16 show that hnb can be used in the
metaphorical sense of to build up or to (re)establish the
people. 58:12aA, therefore, could be understood as a metaphorical remake of 61:4aA.
The noun ds'Am (or ds'Wm or hd's'Am) occurs predominantly in a
construct with #r,a, and other material entities. However, it is
also used metaphorically in Isa 28:16-17, parallel to a
cornerstone that is being laid in Zion with jP'v.mi as the line and
hq'd'c. as the plummet. This use would fit well in Isa 58:12,161
and explain the authors choice over the contrasting expression
tAmm.vo in his Vorlage, Is 61:4aB and especially bB.
158 Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 272.
159 Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 272. The connection between Isa 58 and 61 is discussed in
6.8.3.
160 For the !mi of source, see Williams 322. This connection is elaborated by Koole, Isaiah
III/3, 151-152.
161 HALOT also suggests the metaphorical use of ds'Am in Isa 58:12 (#4899).
187
Most significant for the literal or metaphorical understanding of 58:12

is the meaning of the two names in 12b. The names in the parallel 61:3c
are undoubtedly metaphors, but, since the expressions in 58:12b allow
for both interpretations, they must be examined first on their own
grounds.
Besides Isa 58:12, the words of which the first name #r<P, rdEGO
consists occur next or alongside each other six more times in BH, always
as a metaphor. With people as subject, this combination can represent
a result of antisocial behaviour of an individual (Ecc 10:8) or of a nation
(Ezek 13:5 and 22:30). In Amos 9:11, God says that one day he will raise
up the booth of David that is fallen, and repair its breaches (yTir>d:g"w>
!h,ycer>Pi-ta,), and raise up (~yqia') its ruins, and rebuild it (h'ytiynIb.W) as in
the days of old. The similarities with Isa 58:12 are obvious. Lau
believes that the author of Isa 58:12 has borrowed the picture of YHWH
as a repairer of breaches from Amos and applied it to his audience with
a new purpose in mind nicht die frhere Daviddynastie wird
wiederhergestellt, sondern der frhre soziale Wohlstand. 162 Another
possible source to which Isa 58:12 (and 11) may be alluding is Isa 5.
There, because of the absence of jP'v.mi and hq'd'c. (v. 7b), God has
decided to break down the wall (ArdEG> #roP') of his vineyard (v. 5) and to
deprive it of rain (v. 6). Leaving the metaphor, the houses of Israel and
Judah will be uninhabited (bveAy !yae, v. 9) and the people will be dying
of hunger and be parched (hx,ci) with thirst (v. 13). Isa 58:11-12 is a
reversal of this picture: because of the presence of social justice, God
will satisfy peoples needs even in parched places (tAxc'x.c;),163 and they
will become like a garden with never-failing supply of water (v. 11).
Their places will be inhabitable (tb,v'l') and they will be called #r<P, rdEGO
(v. 12).164
As far as the name tb,v'l' tAbytin> bbevom. is concerned, Park follows
Polan in arguing for a metaphorical understanding by connecting it to
59:8, where it is said about the people that they do not know the way of
162 Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 257. Apparently, he reads the expression in both texts
metaphorically.
163 Linking tAxc'x.c; with another hapax legomenon hx,ci supports the translation parched
places as well as explaining its use in v. 11. For translating it as Glnzendes in the
sense of delicacies (Leckerbissen), see Klaus Koenen, "Textkritische Anmerkungen
zu schwierigen Stellen im Tritojesajabuch," Biblica 69 (1988) 564-573.
164 Williamson observes a similar reversal of Isa 5:8-10 (and 6:11-13) in 49:14-21. He also
notices the possible connection between Isa 5 and 58, but does not regard it as
particularly strong, since it does not attest the full range of verbal links,
Williamson, Book Called Isaiah, 55. It could be argued, however, that the range of the
above links between Isa 5 and 58 is comparable with the one observed by
Williamson between Isa 5 and 49.
188
peace (~Alv' %r<D<), there is no justice (jP'v.m)i in their paths, they made
their roads (~h,yteAbytin>) crooked and no one who walks in them knows
peace (~Alv'). Park is very likely correct that the preference for the
relatively rare expression hb'ytin> over other possible terms165 indicates
the antithetical connection with 58:12, namely, in der Namensnennung
in 58:12b steht (tbvl twbytn bbvm) der Wiederhersteller der Strae
zum Wohnen im Gegensatz zu denen, die in 59,8 ohne Recht ihre
Strae (~hytwbytn) krumm machen und keinen Frieden kennen.166
Interestingly, the noun hb'ytin> occurs only in Hebrew poetry and is
almost always used metaphorically. Park also points to Isa 32:17-18,
where the peaceful and safe dwelling of the people is the result of
hq'd'c.. Polan adds another interesting parallel: there is an expression in
Job 24:13b that also combines the plural of hb'ytin> with the verb bvy
wyt'boytin>Bi Wbv.y". Here, as in 59:8, the noun hb'ytin> is in parallel with wykrd
and refers to a way of life opposed to Gods ways. Considering also the
fact that the noun %r,D, in TI almost always expresses a modus operandi
(as, e.g., in 58:2 and 13, or in 59:8), Polan concludes that tAbytin> in
58:12b can be interpreted in a metaphorical manner referring to a way
of life that is put into practice.167 This understanding coincides very
well with the following verse, where the proper way of living is
addressed again, this time focusing on the Sabbath. The repetition of
two out of the three roots of v. 12bB in the opening colon of v. 13 gives
a strong hint to read v. 13 epexegetically, supporting thus the
metaphorical reading of the name in v. 12bB. Finally, an additional
support comes from the Targum. Its paraphrastic interpretation is
unambiguous in metaphorical understanding of Isa 58:12b: and they
shall call thee, The restorer of the right way, The converter of the
wicked to the law.168
6.5.11. Isa 58:13

In its attempt to make better sense of 13aA, BHS proposes emending
tB'V;mi to tB'V;B.; This form, however, does not occur in any of the
Hebrew manuscripts, and the only version that supports it is Vetus
Latina. Brongers retains MT, arguing that an anderen vergleichbaren
165 Park suggests %r,D, or hL'sim. as alternatives. However, the use of xr;ao is more likely,
as in very similar Prov 2:15 ~t'AlG>[.m;B. ~yzIAln>W ~yviQ.[i ~h,ytexor>a' rv,a]
167 Polan, Justice, 223-224 and 32.
168 John Frederick Stenning, The Targum of Isaiah (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949) 194.
189
Stellen wird statt bwv hi, [nm (Prov 1 15), rws hi (Prov 4 27) oder alk (Ps
119 101) verwendet, und zwar immer mit der Prposition !mi.169 1QIsaa
also supports MT by supplying !mi in the second part of the colon
(twf[m instead of MTs tAf[]).170 If the metaphorical mode of the
previous verses continues in this colon (see the discussion below), than
Kooles understanding v. 13aA is noteworthy: the movement is
spatially conceived, there is talk of dry places, a garden, and walls, and
this is matched by the idea of the Sabbath as a holy space which ones
feet should not touch. 171 Also Delitzsch reads v. 13aA metaphorically
and spatially, stating that it is equivalent to if thou do not tread upon
[Sabbaths] holy ground with a foot occupied with its everyday
work.172
The structure of the bicolon 13a as well as of the whole verse
contributes to the interpretation of 13aA. In the parallel colon aB,
yvid>q' ~Ay corresponds to tB'v;, and ^yc,p'x] tAf[] to ^l,g>r: byviT.' It is
possible to read aB epexegetically, explaining the metaphor in aA.
Thus Delitzsch: tAf[] which follows is not elliptical , but an
explanatory permutative of the object thy foot: turn away thy foot,
viz. from attending to thy business (a defective plural) on my holy
day.173 This reading is encouraged by the chiastic structure of the
whole verse, where the bicolon a corresponds to the bicolon c, colon b
being the centre. The shared terminology supports this structure, and,
at the same time, connects the colons:
yvid>q' ~AyB. ^yc,p'x] tAf[](me) aB ^l,g>r: tB'V;mi byviT'-~ai

dB'kum. hw"hy> vAdq.li gn<[o tB'V;l; t'ar"q'w>
aA
`rb'D" rBed:w> ^c.p.x, aAcM.mi
cB
^yk,r"D> tAf[]me ATd>B;kiw>
cA
169 H. A. Brongers, "Einige Bemerkungen zu Jes 58:13-14," ZAW 87 (1975) 212-216.

170 Even though the form twf[m nicely corresponds with tbvm and occurs also in the
last part of the verse (and in Isa 56:2 a similar text), the supplying of !m is not
necessary, because, as GK 199hh points out, in poetic parallelism the governing
power of a preposition is sometimes extended to the corresponding substantive of
the second member.
172 Delitzsch, Prophecies of Isaiah, 2.393-394.
173 Delitzsch, Prophecies of Isaiah, 2.394. For another example of using the hiphil of bwv
with lg<r, as a metaphor for the way of living, see Ps 119:59.
190
The expression ^l,g>r: byviT' in aA corresponds to another unusual

phrase ^yk,r"D> tAf[] in cA. Brongers correctly points out that the closest
parallel to this phrase can be found in Jdg 17:8 AKr>D: tAf[]l;. Based on
the comparison, he believes that this expression handelt sich um
Reisen, besonders um Geschftsreisen.174 While Brongerss observation
is essentially correct, the restriction of this expression to
Geschftsreisen is not justified and seems to be just a result of his
business interpretation of vv. 13-14. In this case, the second part of
the bicolon c is of significant help, for it can function epexegetically just
as in the bicolon a. Regardless of the exact meaning of the obscure
expression rb'D" rBeD,: 175 this reading makes #px the key word of the a-c
parallel. #px plays an important part in two other closely related TI
texts, namely 56:1-8 and 66:1-4,176 making the same point the people
are not to pursue their own #p,x,e rather the things in which YHWH #pex,'
such as #r<a'B' hq"d"c.W jP'v.mi ds,x, (Jer 9:23) or ~yhil{a/ t[;D: (Hos 6:6). To
these texts, the author of Isa 58:13 adds: Especially on the Sabbath!
6.5.12. Isa 58:14

The similarities between v. 14b and Deut 32:13a are undeniable. The
phrase riding upon the heights of the earth occurs only here, and,
according to Westermann, it is in both cases purely metaphorical.177
Also the parallel v. 14bB is a metaphor. To pinpoint the meaning of
these metaphors comes close to destroying them, but their parallelism
and a closer look at the particular expressions allow for some
demarcation:178
The object of the relatively frequent prepositional phrase
l[ bkr is almost always a vehicle, either an animal (cherub
included), a chariot, or a cloud.179 Obviously, riding upon the
heights of the land can only be understood metaphorically.
Since the metaphorical language seems to be characteristic of
174 Brongers, "Jes 58:13-14."
175 After a detailed discussion of this phrase, Koole concludes that it probably relates to
trade, translating it as speaking a word (about it), Koole, Isaiah III/3, 158.
176 For more detail comparison of these passages with Isa 58, see 6.8.2 and 6.8.4
respectively.
178 Suggestions such as the one of Westermann, that v. bA means high over all
depressions and obstacles, ignore the parallelism.
179 The exceptions are Ps 45:5 and 2 Kgs 13:16. In Lev 15:9 the object is a saddle a
derivation from a vehicle.
191
the previous apodoses as well, there is no reason to mitigate

the metaphor here by translating l[ bkr as to bring up (as
LXX, avnabiba,zw evpi.), set atop (as NRS in Deut 32:13), set
astride (as TNK in Isa 58:14), or put/place on (as NAU in 2
Kgs 13:16).
The correlation of #r<a' ytem\B' and bqo[]y: tl;x]n: clarifies that both
expressions relate to the Promised Land, not the earth in
general, as #r,a, in this verse is often translated.180
Because of the connection between mountains and fertility, and
LXXs rendering of #r<a' ytem\B' as ta. avgaqa. th/j gh/j, Brongers
argues da sich der Inhalt der Zusage auf den Besitz der
landwirtschaftlich besten Gebiete bezieht. 181 While he may be
correct, the more important reason for using this particular
expression here may be to create a link with not only Deut
32:13, but also with the other two texts that mention it, namely
Amos 4:13 and Mic 1:3, where YHWH, in his victorious
Koole connects these
intervention, is #r<a' ytem\B'-l[; %rED.o
pictures and concludes regarding Isa 58:14b that the true
Victor is Yahweh, who saves his people and allows them to
share in his victory by fulfilling the promise of the land, Deut.
32:13.182
Even without precisely deciphered metaphors, it is obvious that v. 14b
describes an eschatological era, in which the relationship between
YHWH and his people is at its best, materializing itself in the Promised
Land.
Because of the connection of Isa 58:14 with Deut 32:13, Smith
suggests that the phrase rBeDI hw"hy> yPi yKi in this verse does not
function structurally to bring the poem in 58:1-14 to a conclusion, but
rather points to the reuse of an earlier text, a divine word, which is
going to be fulfilled.183 Even though determining the precise function
180 See, e.g., KJV, NRSV, NAB, NEB, or TNK. As far as the identification of bqo[]y: tl;x]n:
with the land is concerned, Fishbane argues that the transformation from the people
as YHWHs inheritance in Deut 32:9 to the land as the inheritance of the people in
Isa 58:14 fully accords with the pervasive post-exilic concern with return to the land,
with the added factor that true Sabbath observance is the key to sustained tenure
there, Michael A. Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford, New
York: Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press, 1985) 478-479.
181 Brongers, "Jes 58:13-14."
183 Smith, Rhetoric, 114. The same point is made and argued in more detail by Fishbane,
Interpretation, 477-479.
192
of this and similar phrases in the prophetic oracles seems unlikely, 184 it
is difficult to escape the conclusion that this rarely used phrase
functioned among some tradents as a means of supplementing and/or
coordinating divine oracles.185 Therefore, reading the final phrase yPi
yKi rBeDI hw"hy> as the last words of the quote in v. 14 (as in, e.g., NRSV or
NJB) rather than the closure of the whole discourse (as in, e.g., NIV or
NAS) is to be preferred.
6.6. Functional Analysis of Isa 58

Park, opposing the majority opinion about the unity of Isa 58, claims
that die innere Struktur des Textes Jes 58 bietet ihrem Verstndnis
nach als Einheit keine Schwierigkeiten, da kein einziger Vers durch die
Annahme einer redaktionellen Bearbeitung aus dem gesamten Text
herausgetrennt zu werden braucht, and concludes that in der jetzigen
Endgestalt von Jes 58 gibt es nichts, da dazu zwingt, einen inneren
Bruch anzunehmen.186 This section tests the validity of his statement.
While briefly examining some links between strophes and stanzas,
special attention is paid to the most controversial issue in the functional
analysis of Isa 58 the relationship between vv. 1-12 and vv. 13-14.
6.6.1. Isa 58:1-3a

The question about the relationship of v. 2 with the preceding strophe
boils down to the question about the function of the initial w> in 2aA: is it
adversative, explicative, concessive, or a later addition?187 Based on the
structure and syntax analyses above, it seems that vv. 2-3a are best
understood as a description of the situation to clarify the prophets task
184 Koole does not give any suppor for stating that the formula rBeDI hw"hy> yPi yKi (and its
variations) never functions as a quoting reference, see Koole, Isaiah III/3, 161.
185 Samuel A. Meier, Speaking of Speaking: Marking Direct Discourse in the Hebrew Bible
(VTSup 46; Leiden: Brill, 1992) 158.
186 Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 204 and 207.
187 For the list of options and their promoters, see, e.g., Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie,
92. The idea of a later addition is supported by the omission of this conjunction in
1QIsaa and 1QIsab (reflected in LXX and V) and promoted by Hans Kosmala, "Form
and Structure of Isaiah 58," Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute 5 (1967) 69-81:
72.
Functional Analysis of Isa 58
193
in v. 1.188 The expression ytiAaw> occurs also in the preceding chapter

(57:11),189 where it puts emphasis on YHWH as the one whom people do
not remember, do not think of, and do not fear, but worship other gods.
However, the nature of the peoples [v;P, and taJ'x; in ch. 58 is not
idolatry; ytiAaw> here clarifies that the problem is not about peoples
relationship with God as expressed in cult, but, as the following verses
show, about their relationship with their neighbour as expressed in
behaviour. It seems, therefore, that the initial w in this case performs an
explicative function, and v. 2aA should then be translated To be sure,
Me they seek daily, as in TNK.190
Concerning the relation of v. 3a to v. 2, Smith suggests that v. 2
provides a general overview of the people and their current forms of
activity, while the fasting referred to in v. 3a is a specific example of
their attempts to put into practice what they understand to be
Yahwehs wishes.191 Consequently, if the fasting in Isa 58 exemplifies
the positive religious activities of v. 2,192 it cannot be viewed as
negative.193 The complaint in v. 3a is based on the belief described in
passages like Deut 4:7-8 For what other great nation has a god so near
to it as the LORD our God is whenever we call to him? And what other
188 Koole expresses a similar opinion. He believes that the line [2aA] should be seen as
an explanation of the task in v. 1, Koole, Isaiah III/3, 125.
189 Interestingly, Isa 57:11 and 58:2 are the only two places in BHS where the full form
ytiAaw> occurs.
190 Modified word order for emphasis. TNK has To be sure, they seek Me daily.
191 Smith, Rhetoric, 107. Also Lau and Koole understand v. 3a as an illustration of v. 2:
This complaint concretely conveys what the previous line has said about the
absence of Gods righteous decisions and his approach, and the interrogative
particle links up directly with the verbs to ask and to desire used there, Koole,
Isaiah III/3, 128.
192 Childs claims that the expression qdc-yjpvm should be construed negatively as legal
decisions directed against others on [the petitioners] behalf. He then carries this
negative connotation over to ~yhla tbrq, taking it as an example of how the people
rejoice in their own religious agenda, Childs, Isaiah, 477. Such reading, however,
would be at odds not only with the previous part of the verse (supported by
chiasm), but also with the rest of the OT, where activities described by these terms
are encouraged and viewed positively. For the chiastic structure of v. 2, see Polan,
Justice, 192-194.
193 One can only speculate why the author singled out fasting, when, as in the former
prophetic texts on a similar topic, a more appropriate example of peoples attempts
would be sacrifice. Blenkinsopp is certainly correct that the most important and
paradigmatic form of approach to God (qirbat lohm) was through sacrifice, by
bringing near (hiqrb) a victim, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 177. However, one must
resist the temptation to draw conclusions from this oddity about, e.g., the date of the
passage or the growing importance of fasting and the Sabbath over sacrifices in the
post-exilic period.
194
great nation has statutes and ordinances as just as this entire law that I
am setting before you today? These verses illuminate the connection
between v. 3a and the previous verse the connection between Gods
nearness, calling on him, and his statutes and ordinances.
6.6.2. Isa 58:3b-7

Because vv. 3b-4 address social misbehavior during the time of fasting
and v. 5 describes the formalism of fasting, many scholars treat them as
two separate units, assigning vv. 3b-4 to a redactor.194 Koenen,
however, observes two important connections: V3b-4 und 5-12 werden
durch ihr starkes soziales Interesse zusammengehalten, und v9a
bezieht sich mit seiner Erhrungsverheiung auf v4b.195 True, the text
would read more smoothly without vv. 3b-4, but Sekine calls for a
more open-minded approach: Man sollte darin eher die lebendige
Schreibart des Autors, der nicht immer eine genaue logische
Gedankenfhrung beachtet, erkennen und darf nicht jede logisch ein
bichen fremdartige Stelle gltten. Applying this approach to the
discussed verses, he concludes: Da es keine weiteren Indizien fr eine
redaktionelle Bearbeitung in V. 3-5 gibt, mssen wir bei der
Interpretation bleiben, da V. 3b-4 und V. 5 zwei verschieden Arten des
Verfalls der Fastens beschreiben.196
While correct in defending the originality of vv. 3b-4, Sekines
understanding of the unit may appear to support the popular
conclusion that v. 5 is Gods repudiation of formalism.197 Sekine,
however, clarifies: Aber ein Fasten, wie ich (=Jahwe) es haben will
(V. 6a), das in V.6b-7.9b-10a geschildert wird, hat nicht Formalismus,
sodern nur asoziales Vergehen kritisch im Auge. 198 In other words,
v. 5 must not be read in isolation from either the previous or the
following verses.199 YHWHs question in 5aA, Should the fast that I
194 See, e.g., Karl Pauritsch, Die neue Gemeinde: Gott sammelt Ausgestossene und Arme
(Jesaia 56-66). Die Botschaft des Tritojesaia-Buches literar-, form-, gattungskritisch und
redaktionsgeschichtlich untersucht (Analecta biblica 47; Rome: Biblical Institute Press,
1971) 74f, Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 333, Whybray, Isaiah 40-66, 212.
196 Sekine, Tritojesajanische Sammlung, 125.
197 Thus, e.g., Koole believes that v.5 criticizes the ritual itself, Koole, Isaiah III/3, 116.
See also Pauritsch, Die neue Gemeinde, 74.
199 Contra Lau, who believes that der Autor in V.5 auch die uerlichen Rites des
Fastens verwirft and that Man kann diese Argumentation nicht durch einen
195
choose be like this: ? is answered in vv. 6-7. Shramm correctly states

that verses 5-7 approach the question of fasting in typical prophetic
hyperbolic fashion by juxtaposing acts of social justice with the
common rituals of fasting, just as in Isa 1:10-17.200 Also the sarcasm of
5bA (the comparison of bowing ones head to a bulrush) and the
overall negative tone implied by the questions may be relative,
expressed in dialectic negation.201 The link between vv. 5 and 6-7 is
strengthened also by 6a that copies 5aA and asks: Is not this the fast
that I choose: ? Within its context, v. 5 simply states that fasting is
more than just ritual it also has its ethical dimension. The rest of the
chapter confirms that in diesen Versen wird das Fasten also nicht
grundstzlich verworfen, sondern vielmehr darauf hingewiesen, da
das Verhalten des Menschen zu Gott nicht von seinem Verhalten zu
den Mitmenschen getrennt werden kann. 202
6.6.3. Protasis-Apodosis Pairs in Isa 58:6-14

Isa 58:6-14 consists of three protasis-apodosis pairs: vv. 6-7 and 8-9a,203
vv. 9b-10a and 10b-12, and vv. 13 and 14. This rather unusual structure
led many scholars to treat some parts (esp. the second and the third
pair) as secondary and/or to rearrange their sequence.204 Here again, the
above quote from Sekine about the Gedankenfhrung expressed in
die lebendige Schreibart des Autors suffices to repudiate most of the
objections. The changes of person and number within this text more
200
201
202
203
204
konstruierten Gegensatz zwischen V.3b.4 und V.5ff. entschrfen, Lau, Schriftgelehrte

Prophetie, 244.
Booij defines dialectic negation as a rhetorical feature that aims at emphasizing the
essential and bringing it out in fuller relief, Booij, "Negation," 400.
The protasis of vv. 8-9a are vv. 6-7, not just 7b. Koole distinguishes between
temporal and logical use of za', stating that because vv. 6-7 are not formally a
conditional protasis, the temporal meaning (later) of the particle comes more to the
fore, Koole, Isaiah III/3, 141. This designation, however, is inconsistent with the next
two protasis-apodosis pairs, where both of the protases are introduced by the
conditional ~ai. The nature of the relationship between protases and apodoses in Isa
58 is a matter of theology rather than grammar.
For a list of proposals, see Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 224-225.
196
likely indicate allusions, echoes, use of established expressions, etc.,

than the work of a redactor.205
There is no reason to treat vv. 9b-12 as secondary on the basis of
their content, for, as Koenen observes, die Verse weisen zum
Vorhergehenden keinerlei Spannungen auf und knnen deswegen zur
Grundschicht gezhlt werden.206 Smith identifies a thematic link
between vv. 6-14 and the rest of the chapter: The author responds to
the question raised by the people by instructing them in a positive
manner concerning the kind of behaviour which will win Gods favour
and attention, and which will hasten the era of salvation and enable
them to participate in it.207 With the help of Koole, it is possible to
argue that vv. 9b-10a correspond to vv. 3b-4 and 6-7 as follows: v. 9bA
sums up vv. 3bB and 6, v. 9bB sums up v. 4a, and v. 10a sums up v. 7. 208
Park even notices a rhetorical device that connects the various parts of
Isa 58, showing the development from fasting to ethics and from ethics
to salvation:
Wnvep.n: WnyNI[ (v.3) [:yBif.T; hn"[]n: vp,n<
(v. 10) ^v,p.n:
[:yBif.hi
(v. 11).209
Polan comments on the literary function of this link that the repetition
of the words in reversed order highlights the change that is taking
place.210 In addition, he observes that the use of the roots #px and gn[
in ch. 58 serves to heighten two important movements: vv. 2-12 stress a
direction away from self and toward ones neighbour, and vv. 13-14
continues the orientation away from self, but now culminating in the
Lord.211 It can be said that the dynamic of peoples life in the new era is
described by the amalgamation of these two vectors. To argue this
position, however, an elaborate argument is needed to defend the place
of vv. 13-14 in the original text.
205 Needless to say, to harmonize person and number in a text would be an easy fix for
any redactor. For a solid attempt to explain the person/number changes in Isa 58, see
207 Smith, Rhetoric, 111. Similarly, Oswalt argues that if vv. 13-14 are the conclusion of
Isa 58, then the fact that they address Sabbath keeping, not fasting, shows that
fasting is not the real issue of the chapter, but rather what pleases God (cf. vv. 1-2),
208 See Koole, Isaiah III/3, 118-121.
209 See Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 267.
210 Polan, Justice, 220-221.
197
6.6.4. Isa 58:13-14

For many commentators, the main subject of Isa 58 is fasting, more
specifically its formal observance versus the practice of social justice.
Consequently, they often treat those passages of the chapter that deal
with a different subject as unoriginal parts of the poem. Thus, e.g.,
Hoppe believes that since vv. 1-12 deal with the theme of fasting and
justice and vv. 13-14 present the ideal of Sabbath observance, the
latter must be a secondary addition.212 Those who opt for only one,
more general subject of Isa 58, such as proper behaviour during
religious festivals, run into difficulty in reconciling the ways in which
each section handles this subject. The following quote from Emmerson
aptly describes the frustration:
The concluding section (vv. 13-14), although consistent with the preceding
verses in structure as a conditional promise, in tone as an exhortation, and
in subject matter as concerned with a religious institution, in this instance
the sabbath, nevertheless differs remarkably in its attitude. There is here no
radical attempt to reinterpret traditional forms of sabbath observance but a
reaffirmation of customary practice with no apparent acknowledgement of
any social dimension.213
In addition, what seems to be consistent to Emmerson, namely the form

and the structure, is questioned by other scholars. Westermann points
out the difference in the form: Verses 3f. are a forthright allegation ,
but v. 13 is mere admonition.214 Kosmala finds the structure of vv. 1314 suspicious. He admits that [its] composition has a symmetrical
form; in the disposition of the contents, however, i.e., in its structure,
the poem is not symmetrically built. This, according to Kosmala,
shows its inferior artistic quality and does not reach the artistic
beauty of the preceding part of Isa 58.215 On top of the above
arguments, the major gap that precedes vv. 13-14 in 1QIsaa is often
interpreted as a definite sign of separation between the two parts of Isa
58.
212 Leslie J. Hoppe, "Isaiah 58:1-12, Fasting and Idolatry," BTB 13, no. 2 (1983) 44-47.
213 Grace I. Emmerson, Isaiah 56-66 (OTG; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992) 26-27. Similarly,
Koenen states that according to him, mahnen beide Texte zum rechten Verhalten an
bestimmten Tagen, but, in contrast to vv. 5-12, in vv. 13-14 wird hier nicht aktive
Nchstenliebe, sondern Ruhe gefordert, Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie, 88 and n164.
Lau speaks about zweifellos krassen bergang zu der Sabbatthematik, Lau,
Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 257.
215 Kosmala, "Isaiah 58," 79. He, nevertheless, considers Isa 58:13-14 to be an original
poem, without additions or insertions.
198
How then can Muilenburg claim that without vv. 13-14 the poem
remains a torso,216 and Crenshaw even call v. 14 the climactic crown
of the whole poem?217 First, the objections against the formal
differences carry little weight and can easily be repudiated. The gap
and the new line after v. 12 in 1QIsaa do not have to indicate the
separation between the two parts. As Park observes, solche Freizeilen
finden sich jedoch mehrmals in 1QJesa, und trotzdem stehen die
betroffenen Textteile in einen verstndlichen Zusammenhang
miteinander.218 Kosmalas comparison of the two structures in Isa 58 is
highly subjective, especially after his reproduction of the first part. 219
In light of the fact that we just do not know how Hebrew poetry works,
judging the artistic quality of an ancient Hebrew poem by the criteria of
a twentieth century scholar seems rather presumptuous. As far as the
use of the two different forms is concerned, there is no reason why any
poet should confine himself to only one form per poem. Moreover, the
difference in forms is disruptive only when one looks at vv. 3f and vv.
13f separately. Sekine, however, rightly objects to such methodology;
according to him, drfte es sinnvoller sein, von einem Verhltnis
zueinander als von Abstand zu reden; and, in the case of Isa 58,
allein sollte sich die Aussage besser auf V. 3-5 und auf V. 5b
beziehen.220
The use of rhetorical analysis for or against the unity of Isa 58 is
also highly questionable. Scholars generally recognize the occurrence of
keywords, catchwords, and other rhetorical devices in a text, but the
way they interpret this evidence often differs significantly. For
example, Koenen believes that the term arq has the same function in
both v. 12 and v. 13, namely Namensgebung. Based on observations
about how Namensgebung operates in what he calls der
Grundschicht of Isa 56-66 (including Isa 58:12), Koenen claims that the
instance in Isa 58:13 steht jedoch im Unterschied zu den
Namensgebungen der Grundschicht erstens nicht im Kontext einer
Verheiung, sondern einer Forderung, und zweitens gilt der Name hier
216 James Muilenburg, "The Book of Isaiah, Chapters 40-66," in The Interpreter's Bible
(New York: Abingdon Press, 1956) 677.
217 James L. Crenshaw, "WEDRK AL-BMT RET," CBQ 34 (1972) 39-53: 50.
218 Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 227. For one example, he refers to the major gap in 1QIsaa
41 between vv. 26 and 27, a text that is obviously a unity. (There is a misprint in
Parks reference 42 instead of 41.) In addition, he points out the absence of a
division mark in 1QIsaa 66 between vv. 22 and 23, where the latter addresses a new
subject, namely the Sabbath.
219 See Kosmala, "Isaiah 58," 73-79.
199
nicht Israel oder dem Zion, sondern dem Sabbath. 221 This to him is one
of the signs that vv. 13-14 come from a redactor. On the other hand, for
Polan the verbal root arq establishes links between the different
strophes of Isa 58.222 He observes that this root is evenly distributed
throughout the literary unit (58:1a, 5c, 9a, 12b, 13b), and, apart from
58:9a where it probably refers to prayer, it performs the function of
acknowledging on four different levels: the peoples sins, the proper
observance of a fast, a new name, and the description of the Sabbath. 223
Koenen similarly interprets die Stichwortverbindungen at the end of
v. 12 and the beginning of v. 13:
v. 12: tb,v'l'
tAbytin> bbevom.
v. 13: ^l,g>r:
tB'V;mi byviT'-~ai
He states that zum einen findet sich in beiden Stichen die Wurzel bwv,
zum anderen bilden die Wrter tbvl und tbvm ein Wortspiel.
According to Koenen, this is fr den Redaktor typische
Verknpfungstechnik, and he suggests that es ist sogar mglich, da
tbvl den Redaktor erst auf die Idee brachte, den ihm wichtigen
Gedanken der Sabbatheiligung nachzutragen.224 Again, Polan argues
that the way bwv functions in vv. 12 and 13 is characteristic of the larger
unit Isa 56-59, namely it reflects the choice one makes in following
ones own will toward sin (57:17; 58:13) or walking in the ways of God
(58:12; 59:20).225 As far as the wordplay is concerned, Torrey regarded
punning and homonymy a characteristic phenomenon of Isa 40-66.226
Even though Driver did not agree with all Torreys examples, he
endorsed his overall thesis and added some new instances of wordplay
in Isa 40-66.227 Later on, Payne raised a word of caution, criticizing this
thesis on several grounds. He persuasively showed that many
examples from Torrey or Driver are highly subjective and
221
222
223
224
225
226

Polan, Justice, 190.
Polan, Justice, 184.
Polan, Justice, 33.
Charles Cutler Torrey, The Second Isaiah: A New Interpretation (New York,: C.
Scribner's Sons, 1928) 199-202.
227 G. R. Driver, "Is. xl-lxvi, Linguistic and Textual Problems," JTS 36 (1935) 396-406: 406.
Neither Torrey nor Driver seems to distinguish between homonymy and
homography or paronomasia.
200
questionable.228 Nevertheless, all these studies agree that punning in

the book of Isaiah is not unusual. Because of its frequency, a word-play
cannot be taken as a sign either of original authorship or of redaction.
One last example of an argument based on rhetorical analysis: several
scholars recognize that the noun #p,xe occurs as an object of the verb acm
only twice, namely in Isa 58:3 and 13. While, e.g., Smith and Barr
interpret this fact as one of the links that unites vv. 13-14 with the rest
of the chapter,229 Koenen takes it as another fr den Redaktor typische
Verknpfungstechnik.230
As has just been illustrated, the results of rhetorical analysis can be
used to support even opposing arguments, and should not therefore be
decisive for the unity of Isa 58. Moreover, Smith is correct that if the
substance and content of [vv. 13-14] cannot be reconciled with the
preceding material then no amount of rhetorical features can save them
from exclusion from the original poem.231 This statement can be
extended to the arguments above concerning form, structure, and other
textual features.232 Certain attempts at reconciliation of this kind come
from scholars who believe that vv. 13-14 address an issue that is
different from, yet in some relation to the issues in vv. 1-12. For
example, Koole sees this relation as antithetical: the Sabbath becomes
the counterpart of the fast-day for the following reasons: the practice
of fasting involves all kinds of social oppression, but the Sabbath gives
rest to all, fasting seems to be necessarily accompanied by a somber
ritual , but the Sabbath is a delight , fast-days are chosen
randomly and are no more than human institution, but the Sabbath
is a holy day instituted by God. 233 Another attempt to justify vv. 13-14
228 D. F. Payne, "Characteristic Word-Play in "Second Isaiah": A Reappraisal," JSS 12

(1967) 207-229.
229 Smith, Rhetoric, 113. Michael L. Barr, "Fasting in Isaiah 58:1-12: A Reexamination,"
BTB 15, no. 3 (1985) 94-97.
230 Koenen, Ethik und Eschatologie, 113-114.
231 Smith, Rhetoric, 113.
232 A unique attempt to explain the existence of vv. 13-14 in Isa 58 comes from
Sherwood, who believes that redaction compounds the punning, disjunctive
elements already at work in the text, Yvonne Sherwood, "'Darke Texts Needs
Notes': On Prophetic Prophecy, John Donne and the Baroque," JSOT 27 (2002) 47-74:
55, n27. The major problem with this suggestion is that Sherwood, among many
others, presupposes that vv. 1-12 in Isa 58 are a radical reinterpretation of what
fasting means and vv. 13-14 describe a thoroughly traditional attitude towards the
sabbath, and that compounding these passages created considerable conceptual
discomfort even for the original reader. The discussion below counters this very
presupposition.
233 Koole, Isaiah III/3, 118 and 156.
201
as an original part of Isa 58 comes from G. Smith. He believes that the

Sabbath was the only institution not affected by the wholesale
destruction of religious forms, which took place at the overthrow of
Jerusalem, because its subsistence did not depend on the Temple and
the Altar. Consequently, the prophet, then, enforces the Sabbath
simply on account of its religious and Godward aspect. 234 Fairly
common is the taking of vv. 13-14 as complementary to the rest of the
chapter, adding a cultic dimension to the ethical one. Thus, according
to Sekine, vv. 6f and 9b-10a stellen nmlich die ideale Beziehung zu
Menschen dar, und V. 13 ... die ideale Beziehung zu Gott. 235
As interesting as these suggestions are, they neither eliminate nor
contradict the theory about a secondary addition, because they
understand both parts of Isa 58 as self-contained units. If that is
accepted, the following quote from Blenkinsopp would still hold true:
There is, at any rate, no longer a concern for the humanitarian or
philanthropic aspect of the Sabbath rest, comparable to the accusation
of exploiting the fast days in 3b-4, and in agreement with the
Deuteronomic formulation of the Sabbath command (Deut 5:12-15).236
To argue the opposite takes more than just showing, e.g., that there is
no conflict between the social concerns of vv. 1-12 and the cultic
interest in vv. 13-14. Childs claim that the true Sabbath observance is
fully congruent with the stipulation for the obedient response of
feeding the hungry and caring for the poor237 is certainly correct, but
does not explain why fasting, social justice, and the Sabbath appear
next to each other in Isa 58. Instead of just advocating a mere
compatibility of vv. 1-12 and vv. 13-14, the goal of the following
discussion is to show that vv. 13-14 are an integral part of Isa 58, and
that no reconciliation with the preceding verses was necessary for an
ancient reader.
A promising attempt comes from Smith, who claims that the
demand for Sabbath observance may have had a social impetus at its
roots, since (according to Deut. 5:12-15) the Sabbath was intended as a
day of rest from work.238 Barr offers one explicit link in support of this
point: keeping the Sabbath meant granting at least temporary release
from the yoke, a concern voiced in v. 6. 239 However, the most
234 George Adam Smith, The Book of Isaiah, new and rev. ed. (London: Hodder &
Stoughton, 1927) 454.
235 Sekine, Tritojesajanische Sammlung, 130. Similarly Polan, Justice, 229.
236 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 181.
237 Childs, Isaiah, 481.
239 Barr, "Fasting," 96.
202
elaborate and persuasive argument for the unity of Isa 58 comes from
Park. The reference to rp'Av in v. 1 takes him to Lev 23 and 25, where
the trumpet blast announces the Day of Atonement, the Sabbath Year,
and the Year of Jubilee. He rightly observes that
Nach Lev 25 sind Lrmblasetag, Vershnungstag, und Sabbatjahr bzw.
Jobeljahr in besonderer Weise miteinander verbunden. Diese Verbindung
zeigt die Abhngigkeit der Vershnung der Menschen von seinem
Verhalten zu sienen Mitmenschen. Auffllig hufig kommt die Sabbatbzw. Ruhethematik in Lev 23 und 25 vor und steht dort an zentraler
Stelle.240
This quotation reaffirms what the above discussion about the Sabbath
characteristics has shown, namely that one should think of the sabbath
concept as represented not only by the Sabbath day, but also by the
Sabbath year, the Year of Jubilee, and the Day of Atonement. 241 Once
these festivals are taken into consideration, the connections between Isa
58:13-14 and the rest of the chapter are manifold.
For instance, Park shows how the idea of freeing the oppressed,
breaking every yoke, and helping those without food, clothes, or
shelter in Isa 58:6, 7, and 10 closely corresponds with the requirements
of the Sabbath year and the Year of Jubilee observance in Lev 25.242 It is
noteworthy that the Hebrew word for yoke ( hj'Am) that comes up three
times in Isa 58 (v. 6 twice and v. 9) is used outside the Prophets only
once, namely Lev 26:13. This verse and its nearby parallel 25:55 list the
underlying principle for observing Gods statutes and commandments
in general and the Sabbath year and the Year of Jubilee in particular: I
am the LORD your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt, to
be their slaves no more; I have broken the bars of your hj'Am and made
you walk erect (26:13), and For to me the people of Israel are servants;
they are my servants whom I brought out from the land of Egypt: I am
the LORD your God (25:55). As mentioned earlier, the Decalogue
passage in Deut 5 gives the same rationale for observing the Sabbath.
Another link between Isa 58:1-12 and the concept of tB'v; is found in v.
6: the Hebrew adjective yvip.x' (set free, free) is a technical term in the
Sabbath year regulations. Out of its total 17 occurrences in the OT, yvip.x'
240 Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 237-238.
241 For the discussion of this proposal, see 6.3.2.2 above.
242 Darber hinaus liegt der Hauptgrund einer solchen Anlehnung von Jes 58 and diese
tradition ... vor allem darin, da der Freilassung der mit Unrecht Gefesselten (V.6.9b)
und des ethischen Verhaltens gegenber den Armen (V.7.10a) in Jes 58 genau auf die
wirtschaftliche und soziale Institution des priesterlichen Sabbatjahres ( !wtbv tnv
Lev 25,2-7) und Jobeljahres (lbwyh tnv Lev 25,8-55) bezieht, Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels,
239.
203
is found ten times explicitly connected to the Sabbath year. Also the
verb fgn (to oppress, to force to work) in v. 3 is a technical term in
Deut 15:1-3 for one aspect of the Sabbath year, namely the remission of
debts. The logic that connects all the above terms is the same behind Isa
58 as behind the Sabbath year or the Year of Jubilee: Throughout the
ancient world, debt, taxes, forced labor, debt slavery, and national
subjugation were described metaphorically as wearing a yoke or
carrying a burden. To be liberated from these burdens was to break or
loosen the yoke and shake it free from your shoulders. 243
Fishbanes exegesis of Isa 58:1-12 as haggadic establishes an
important link between this text and the Pentateuchal law. He believes
that vv. 1-12 are an aggadic exposition of a legal traditum, namely the
Day of Atonement. His supporting argument is worth quoting in full:
[In Isa 58:1-12,] there is, in fact, an unmistakable external reference to the
language used by the prophet: specifically, Isaiah makes explicit use of
terms found in Lev. 16 and 23:24-32 two biblical texts which deal with
fasting and cultic-ascetic practices. In these documents it is recorded that a
trumpet blast was sounded on the Day of Atonement (Lev. 23:24) and the
people were required to afflict themselves (~k,ytevop.n:-ta, ~t,yNI[iw,> 16:31 and
23:27, 32; cf. 16:29, 23:28) so as to be purified of their sins (16:30).
Moreover, during this day Aaron officially confessed all the peoples sins
and transgressions (~t'aJox;-lk'l. ~h,y[ev.Pi-lK', 16:21).244
As is often the case with a cumulative argument, its individual parts

can be questioned. One can object that, besides proclaiming Yom
Kippur, the sound of rp'Av was used to announce various other things,
such as danger, war, etc. Also the expression to afflict oneself (piel of
hn[ with vp,n< as direct object) is not exclusive to the Day of Atonement,
as documented by Num 30:14 and Ps 35:13. 245 Finally, the occurrence
of [v;P, and taJ'x; in both texts is not decisive, for this pair is fairly
frequent in the OT.246 However, the fact that all the three expressions
are characteristic of the Day of Atonement, and that they occur together
elsewhere only in Isa 58 makes Fishbanes case very strong.247
In addition, at least two more links between Isa 58 and Yom Kippur
can be established. The first one has to do with enabling unholy people
243 Lowery, Sabbath, 49.
244 Fishbane, Interpretation, 305-306.
245 Apart from these two references, this phrase occurs five times in connection with the
Day of Atonement (Lev 16:29, 31; 23:27, 32; Num 29:7) and twice in Isa 58 (vv. 3 and
5).
246 It occurs twice in Lev 16 and twenty-one times elsewhere.
247 Park in his discussion of Lev 23 and 25 also observes that die bisher genannten
Themen den Schofar zu blassen, keinerlei Arbeit zu tun, sich selbst zu demtigen
und die Sabbatthematik finden sich in Jes 58, Park, Gerechtigkeit Israels, 238.
204
to draw near to the holy God on the Day of Atonement. The

introduction to Lev 16 (vv. 1-2) is significant:
The LORD spoke to Moses after the death of the two sons of Aaron, when
they drew near before the LORD (hw"hy>-ynEp.li ~t'b'r>q'B.) and died. The
LORD said to Moses: Tell your brother Aaron not to come just at any time
into the sanctuary inside the curtain before the mercy seat that is upon the
ark, or he will die.
Detailed instructions for sacrifices and purification follow in order to

delineate what is necessary when a High Priest, as a representative of
the whole people, is to draw near before the holy God. The parallel
with Isa 58 is tangible: here the people delight to draw near to God
(~yhil{a/ tb;r>qi) (v. 2), and the role of the prophet is to change this
approaching from being ineffective (v. 3a and 4b), even offensive to
God (v. 5), into being efficacious (vv. 8-9a, 10b-12, 14) and pleasing to
him (v. 6a). The prophet carries out this task in the two interwoven
stages: announcing to people their [v;P, and taJ'x,; and giving them the
instructions for purification.248 As shown above, he elaborates on the
Sabbath year, the Year of Jubilee, and the Day of Atonement, in order to
bring out the ethical dimension of what is essentially a cultic issue. In
the words of Lowery, when Israel exercises jubilee self-restraint for the
sake of the poor and the well-being of the land, they purify and prepare
themselves. In these acts of mercy and justice, Israel encounters God. 249
The second additional link is the command to observe tB'v.; Both
chapters in Leviticus demand not only that the people would afflict
themselves (~k,ytevop.n:-ta, ~t,yNI[iw>), but also that they would keep
!AtB'v; tB;v; a sabbath of complete rest (Lev 16:31 and 23:32). Fishbane
misses the connection with Isa 58 because he agrees with Kosmala that
vv. 13-14 are a later addition. Surprisingly, it is Kosmala who
(somewhat ambiguously) makes the link between Yom Kippur and Isa
58:13-14; he states that because the Sabbath observance in v. 13 is
characterized by the expressions ^yc,p'x] tAf[] and ^c.p.x, aAcM.m,i it
echoes the only other day on which no work at all was to be done,
namely Yom Kippur.250 Herbert also allows for the influence of the Yom
Kippur text in Lev. 16 on Isa 58: the association of sabbath with self-
248 To fully appreciate the scope and the interwovenness of these two stages, one needs
to include ch. 59 as well. For the connection between 58 and 59, see 6.8.1 below.
249 Lowery, Sabbath, 72.
250 Kosmala, "Isaiah 58," 80. Of course, Kosmala uses this connection as a trigger for
another editorial activity: It is therefore not surprising that the editor of Is. 58 saw
that something is missing in the context of the discourse on the fast; the injunction
for the Sabbath was, therefore, inserted in verse 3b.
205
mortification in Lev. 16:31 may account for the inclusion of verses 1314.251
These two connections further strengthen Fishbanes theory that
the Pentateuchal legal materials dealing with the rules and regulations
of the Day of Atonement serve as the linguistic and ideological
matrix for their inversion and reapplication in Isaiahs discourse. 252 He
follows with the word of caution not to understand Isa 58:1-12 as
antinomian. This warning, however, is unnecessary; if one includes the
Sabbath regulations of v. 13, Isa 58 is fully compatible with the
ideological matrix provided by the Pentateuchal law. In fact, Fishbanes
conclusion with regard to fasting in Isa 58:1-12 that what the prophet
ultimately seeks to effect is a social-spiritual extension of an
authoritative religious practice253 should be extended to the Sabbath as
well.
One more link is worth mentioning. The above discussion showed
a close correspondence between the protases in Isa 58 (vv. 6-7, 9b-10a,
13) and the Sabbath, the Day of Atonement, the Sabbath year and the
Year of Jubilee regulations in Lev 16, 23 and 25. Analogically, there is
also a strong parallel between the apodoses of Isa 58 (vv. 8-9a, 10b-12,
and 14)254 and Lev 26:3-9: both passages warrant an abundance of food
and prosperity (Isa 58:8a, 10b, 11b, 14b 255 and Lev 26:4-5, 9-10), peace
and security (Isa 58:8b, 12, 14b256 and Lev 26:6-8), and an intimate
relationship with YHWH (Isa 58:8b, 9, 11a, 14a and Lev 26:11-12).
To sum up the above discussion, if Isa 58:1-12 is read through the
lens of the Sabbath, the Sabbatical year, the Year of Jubilee, and the Day
of Atonement regulations in Leviticus, the sabbath concept turns out to
be all-encompassing in Isa 58, and vv. 13-14 then come naturally as the
chapters grand finale.
251 Arthur Sumner Herbert, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah, Chapters 40-66 (Cambridge
Bible Commentary; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975) 144.
252 Fishbane, Interpretation, 305.
253 Fishbane, Interpretation, 305.
254 There is an interesting link between the apodoses in v. 14 and v. 11: while the phrase
#r<a' yteAmB'-l[; ^yTib.K;r>hiw> almost certainly reflects Deut 32:13, the expression hw"hy> ^x]n"w>
is very likely based on the preceding verse 12 of the Deuteronomy poem.
255 For the possibility that #r<a' yteAmB' refers to the fruitfulness of the land, see the LXX
rendering ta. avgaqa. th/j gh/j and Brongers, "Jes 58:13-14."
256 According to Crenshaw the metaphors in v. 14 imply undisturbed possession of the
land, Crenshaw, "WEDOREK 'AL-BAMOTE 'ARETZ," 50-51. Brongers also allows
for a security/military interpretation of this text see Brongers, "Jes 58:13-14," 215.
See the above discussion in 6.5.12.
206
6.7. Translation of Isa 58

Shout out, do not hold back!
Lift up your voice like a trumpet!
Announce to my people their rebellion,
to the house of Jacob their sins.
1
To be sure, me they seek daily,

desiring to know my plans,
as if they were a nation that practised righteousness
and did not forsake the ordinance of their God;
they wish for my salvific judgments,
they desire the nearness of God.
3 "Why do we fast, but you do not see?
Why afflict ourselves, but you do not notice?"
Look, on your fast day, you pursue your own desire,
and so spur on all who toil for you.
4 Look, your fasting results in quarrelling, fighting
and striking with a wicked fist.
Fasting as you do today will not result in your voice being heard on
high.
2
Should the fast that I choose be like this:

a day to afflict oneself,
to bow down the head like a bulrush,
and to lie in sackcloth and ashes?
Will you call this a fast,
a day acceptable to the LORD?
6 Is not this the fast that I choose:
to loose the bonds of injustice,
to undo the thongs of the yoke,
to let the oppressed go free,
and to break every yoke?
7 Is it not to share your bread with the hungry,
and bring the homeless poor into your house;
when you see the naked, to clothe him,
and not to hide yourself from your own kin?
5
Translation of Isa 58
Then your light shall break forth like the dawn,

and your healing shall spring up quickly;
your salvation shall go before you,
the glory of the LORD shall gather you in.
9 Then you shall call, and the LORD will answer;
you shall cry for help, and he will say, Here I am.
8
If you remove the yoke from among you,

the pointing of the finger, the speaking of evil,
10 if you extend yourself to the hungry
and satisfy the needs of the afflicted,
then your light shall rise in the darkness
and your gloom be like the noonday.
11
and the LORD will guide you continually,
and satisfy your needs in parched places,
and make your bones strong;
and you shall be like a watered garden,
like a spring of water,
whose waters never fail.
12 From you the ancient ruins shall be rebuilt,
you shall reestablish the foundations of old;
you shall be called Breach-mender,257
Restorer of the [right] ways for living.
If you avert your foot from [desecrating] the sabbath,
from going after your own desires on my holy day;
if you call the sabbath a delight and the holy day of the LORD
honorable;
if you honor it [by refraining] from carrying on your own ways,
from pursuing your own desire and dealings;
14 then you shall take delight in the LORD,
and I will make you ride upon the heights of the Land;
I will feed you with the heritage of your ancestor Jacob,
13
for the mouth of the LORD has spoken!
257 Expression borrowed from NJB.
207
208
6.8. Isa 58 and Related Passages in TI

The main purpose of demonstrating the unity of Isa 58 was to lay a
foundation for answering the question as formulated by Park: In
welchem Zusammenhang stehen unsere Themen Kultus, soziale
Gerechtigkeit, Halten des Sabbats und Eschatologie nun hier in Jes 58
besonders fr das Gottesvolk Israel? 258 If Isa 58 is assessed
independently of the rest of TI, one could simply conclude that im text
selbst sind die Forderungen nach sozialer Gerechtigkeit und nach dem
Halten des Sabbats Bedingungen fr das Heil.259 However, all the
themes of Isa 58 are addressed in other parts of TI as well. Besides
58:13, the Sabbath is mentioned also at the beginning and at the end of
TI (56:2-6, and 66:23) a prominent placement that shows the
significance of the Sabbath concept in the book. Another important
theme, justice, opens the book (56:1), and occurs in almost every
chapter of TI, most notably in 59. Finally, the most outstanding theme,
eschatology, is expressed in various forms and descriptions throughout
the whole TI. To get a more complete picture how these themes
function in TI, it is beneficial to compare Isa 58 with those passages that
juxtapose at least two of them. Such texts are found in Isa 59, 56, 61,
and 66.
6.8.1. Isa 58 and 59

While the unity of Isa 58 and 59 is still far from being generally
accepted, recent scholarship recognizes more and more connections
between these two chapters.260 Smith offers probably the most
comprehensive list of features shared by 58 and 59. 261 For the purposes
of this chapter, the most important lexical one is that the roots qdc and
jpv function throughout the poem as keywords expressing one of the
principal themes of the poem, the relationship between the peoples
social and communal wrongdoing and the delay of Gods salvation (cf.
56:1).262 As for the structural unity, Smith suggests that vv. 58:1b and

260 For instance, Blenkinsopp observes: In contrast to what precedes and follows, chs.
58-59 have a consistency of subject mater, approach, and tone that sets them apart as
a distinct section, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56-66, 176.
261 See Smith, Rhetoric, 99-101.
Isa 58 and Related Passages in TI
209
59:20 create an envelope which summarizes the purpose of the unit: to

announce to the people of Jacob their transgressions so that YHWH can
come as Redeemer for those who repent. Several themes that run
through both chapters serve this purpose; while for Koenen it is das
Problem der Heilsverzgerung that closely connects Isa 58 and 59,263
for Park the connection is durch das einheitliche Thema von Recht und
Gerechtigkeit fr die Unterschicht und die Unterdrcken. 264 At the
same time, Park follows Smith and others who agree that Jes 59,1f.
zeigt eine konkrete theologische Antwort auf die Frage, die in 58,3
gestellt wurde.265
Ch. 59 not only reinforces the message of ch. 58, but significantly
develops it. Vv. 9-15a describe how people understood, or rather were
supposed to understand, the prophets message: because their
transgressions before YHWH are many (v. 12a), he takes no notice of
their fasting. Cult disappears altogether from the picture, and the
theme of hqdcw jpvm returns to the fore. Another important
development is found in vv. 15b-20, namely an assurance that Yahweh
is not oblivious to the situation among the people, but will certainly
intervene and manifest himself to them. 266 These verses rebut the
impression of ch. 58 that the realization of YHWHs qdc-yjpvm depends
on peoples hqdcw jpvm. The opposite is the case the lack of tm,a/ and
jP'v.mi (v. 15) and someone who would intervene ([:yGIp.m;, v. 16) prompts
YHWH to take decisive action. Equipped with his own hq'd'c. and h['Wvy>,
but also with ~q'n" and ha'n>qi, he is coming to establish jP'v.mi on the
earth. This intervention means different things to different entities:
redemption to Zion (v. 20), and rendering requital to the rest of the
earth (vv. 18-19) so it would fear YHWH.267 The message so far is not
different from DI. However, the delineation of the entities is not only
geographical, but also spiritual: YHWH comes with wrath and requital
to his adversaries and enemies, but as Redeemer to those in Jacob who
turn from transgressions. The parallelism in v. 20 means either
reduction or redefinition of what the term Zion represents: it says
either that only those from Zion who repent will be redeemed, or that
263
264
265
266
267

Two notes about the obscure v. 18: First, the expression l ~lv lWmG> is not necessarily
negative, as Prov 19:17 testifies. It rather means rendering requital, as the phrase
~Lev;y> l[;K. tAlmuG> l[;K. implies. Second, ~yYIai is a merismus for all the earth, as br"[]M;mi
and vm,v,-xr:z>Mimi in the following verse confirm.
210
the new, redeemed Zion consists of those in Jacob who repent.268 Either
way, ch. 58 shows that the prophets (and YHWHs) aspiration is to
amalgamate the physical and the spiritual Zion, so all in Jacob would
be redeemed.
This brief discussion suggests that chs. 58 and 59 complement and
complete each other, resulting in a coherent message.
6.8.2. Isa 58 and 56:1-8

The parallel between Isa 58 and Isa 56:1-8 prompted Smith to suggest
that the author of the poem 58:1-59:20 responds to the peoples
complaint against God in 58:3a by reinterpreting the preaching of TI
(60:1-63:6) in the light of the criteria set out in 56:1-8.269 Even though
the interdependence of these passages is open to question, the fact is
that ethics, cult and eschatology are inseparably interwoven and
convey the same (soteriological) idea in chs. 58 and 56:
In the introductory verses of ch. 56, namely vv. 1-2,270 the
exhortation to proper ethical conduct (keeping jP'v.m,i doing
hq'd'c. and refraining from doing all evil) and cultic conduct
(keeping tB'v; from profaning it) is stimulated by YHWHs
forthcoming h['Wvy> and hq'd'c..271 This connection is exegetically
developed in the rest of the passage. Even though the form of
ch. 58 is rather different, the relations between these key
concepts are essentially the same.
268 A possible parallel of such a redefined Zion can be found in Isa 1:27, where, as
Williamson believes, Zion stands as a more or less abstract concept for the ideal
people of God, Williamson, Isaiah 1-27, 155. It may even be suggested that it is to
this kind of Zion that Isa 60:1f speaks. E.g., Oswalt believes that this material is
addressed to the faithful in Israel, Oswalt, Isaiah 40-66, 537. In that case, the
supposition that Isa 58 turns the unconditional promises of Isa 60 into conditional
would be false. Then, in the present setting, 60:1f would read as a description of the
consequences that follow from 58-59 for Zion that consist of bqo[]y:B. [v;p, ybev' (59:20).
The limitations of the present thesis does not allow for the proper evaluation of this
proposal.
270 For supporting arguments to read vv. 1-2 as an introduction, see, e.g., Smith,
Rhetoric, 50f.
271 Schramm correctly argues that the conjunction yk that begins the second half of v. 1
is not to be understood in a conditional but rather in a causative sense. The
community is commanded to keep justice and practice righteousness because (i.e., in
light of the fact that) twlghl ytqdcw awbl yt[wvy hbwrq, Schramm, Opponents, 119.
211
Cult, ethics and eschatology appear together again in 56:4-5.

The expression yTic.p'x' rv<a]B; Wrx]b'W in v. 4 almost certainly
refers to ethics rather than cult: YHWH delights (#px) in
steadfast love, justice, and righteousness (Jer 9:23 and Mic 7:18),
and the things that please (#px) him are obedience and
compliance, steadfast love and knowledge of him, rather than
sacrifices and offerings (1 Sam 15:22 and Hos 6:6). In Isa 58:3
and 13, people are warned not to follow their own #p,x,e for,
according to 66:4, to choose what does not please YHWH is evil.
As for the cult, according to Park, insbesondere wird auch in
Jes 56, wie in Jes 58,13f., die Sabbatobservanz zu einer zentralen
Bedingung fr die Teilhabe am Heil gemacht. 272
Vv. 6-7 are a variation on the same theme. While the
expression ~yqIyzIx]m; ytiyrIb.Bi (the ones who hold fast to my
covenant, exclusive to vv. 4 and 6) includes both ethics and
cult, the overall emphasis of this passage is on cult. For the
purposes of the main thesis, it is significant that one of the
eschatological realities in v. 7 is YHWHs acceptance (!Acr"l.) of
burnt offerings (hl'[o) and sacrifices (xb;z)< from all who meet the
cultic and ethical criteria of v. 6 a reversal of Jer 6:20b, where
YHWH claims: Your burnt offerings (hl'[o) are not acceptable
(!Acr"l. al{), nor are your sacrifices (xb;z)< pleasing to me. In
addition, Schramm believes that Isa 56:7 is evidently to be seen
as a reversal of the prophecy of Isa. 1.15.273
Smith is correct that as 56:1 plays on the ethical and soteriological uses of hqdc, so 58:1-59:20 plays on the ethical and
soteriological significance of jpvm and hqdc in order to
underline the relationship between ethics and salvation. 274
Polan is even more specific:
The two uses of hqdc in 56:1a,1b serve as a guide for
understanding the twofold use of the word in 56:1-59:20: the call
to practice righteousness in 56:1 displays both the exercise of
righteousness (57:1) and its lack (57:12; 58,2; 59:4,9,14); the
announcement of Gods approaching deliverance in 56:1b is
explained in the imagery of both the new exodus of 58:8 and the
Divine Warrior (59:16,17).275
272
273
274
275

Schramm, Opponents, 117 n3.
Polan, Justice, 31.
212
As in Isa 58, specific words and phrases in 56:1-8 reveal a close

connection with the legal material in the Pentateuch, especially
the Sabbath passage in Exod 31:12-17.276 In both chapters, the
text revolves around the sabbath concept.277
Proper ethical and cultic conduct results in both passages in the
realization of eschatology, confirmed by a new name (56:5 and
58:12).
6.8.3. Isa 58 and 61

Koenen believes that the instructions in Isa 58:1 contradict the
instructions in Isa 61:1-4: Hier ergeht der Befehl, dem Volk seine Snde
zu verknden (arq), dort schickt Jahwe jemanden zu den Trauernden,
um ihnen die Heilsbotschaft zu verknden (arq).278 However, as Park
rightly observes, Isa 58:3-12 and 59:1-15a (the text that Koenen
considers to be a unity, Grundschicht des Tritojesajas), address both
themes: the sins of the people as well as their salvation. As shown by the
analysis of vv. 13-14 above, ch. 58 and 61:1-4 im Sinne des Interesses
fr die sozial Schwchere mit dem Jobel- und Sabbatjahr verknpft
ist.279
Instead of contradiction, it is therefore more fitting to talk with
Smith and Lau about reinterpretation of Isa 61 in 58. Lau compares the
phrase hw"hyl; !Acr" ~Ay in 58:5cb with 61:2aA, believing that
der Autor von Jes 58* zitiert wrtlich die Wendung aus TrJes 61,2, was die
Erwhnung von hw"hyl; in der Jahwerede erklrt. Er ersetzt dabei das ihm
wegen seiner eschatologischen Erwartung einer schnellen Wandlung der
Verhltnisse wahrscheinlich unliebsame Jahr durch ~Ay und macht damit
unzweifelhaft deutlich, da er die Wendung auf den Tag Jahwes
bezogen wissen will.
276 As persuasively demonstrated by Roy D. Wells, "'Isaiah' as an Exponent of Torah:

Isaiah 56:1-8," in New Visions of Isaiah, ed. Roy F. Melugin and Marvin A. Sweeney
(JSOTSup 214; Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 140-155. For the same conclusion, see
also Sommer, Allusion, 150.
277 Fishbane believes that TI echoes the contemporary ideology of the axial position of
the Sabbath an ideology which saw in the desecration of the Sabbath the
principal reason for Judeas destruction , and, correspondingly, believed its
reconsecration to be vital, Fishbane, Interpretation, 479.
213
When comparing the eschatological messages of the two chapters and

taking into consideration one more related text, namely Isa 49:8f, Lau
sees another and more important difference. According to him, in Isa 58
der (allerdings auch nur scheinbar) ambivalente Charakter der Vorlage
wird in Anlehnung an Jes 49,8 in Heilsansage abgendert, vgl. V.8ff. Mit
dieser Heilsansage, die auch in Jes 49,8 eine Erhrung der Gebete der
Gemeinde mit einschliet, warden im Unterschied zu Jes 49,9, wo Jahwe
lediglich zur Flucht auffordert konkrete Barmherzigkeitsforderungen
und darber hinaus sozialethische Vorhaben verknpft.
Lau concludes that whrend in den Vorlagen schon durch die

Verkndigung vernderte Verhltnisse entstehen, wird in Jes 58 alles
vom Handeln der Gemeinde und Jahwes erwartet. 280 However, if texts
with similar vocabulary and themes convey different messages, one
cannot simply assume that they reflect different views. In this case, the
difference is not of eschatological outlook, but merely of focus: Isa
49:8bf describes the glorious purpose for which YHWH saved his people
!Acr" t[eB., Isa 61 describes the characteristics of hw"hyl; !Acr" tn:v. that
fully coincide with the purpose in ch. 49, and Isa 58 teaches the people
in the words of 61 and 49 what hw"hyl; !Acr" ~Ay is really about, so they
can participate in that glorious era.281 All three texts are in harmony,
representing the same view of eschatology.
6.8.4. Isa 58 and 66:1-4

The text in Isa 66:1-4 is often interpreted as a denunciation of temple
and sacrifices.282 This reading is encouraged by, e.g., NRSV which
assumes K comparationis in v. 3: Whoever slaughters an ox is like one
who kills a human being, However, as already observed by
Delitzsch, if this was the meaning of the passage, the prophet would
not only contradict himself (compare, e.g., 66:6 and 20f, 56:4-7, and 60:7
and 13), but also other prophets, such as Ezekiel and Zechariah, and
the spirit of the Old Testament generally, in which the statement, that
whosever slaughters a sacrificial animal in the new Jerusalem will be as
bad as murderer, has no parallel, and is in fact absolutely impossible.283
281 As Park correctly comments on Isa 58: Zwar ist die Aufforderung, Gerechtigkeit zu
ben eine Bedingung fr die Teilhabe am Heil, aber das heit nicht, da solches
menschliche Tun eine Voraussetzung fr das eschatologische Kommen Jhwhs ist,
282 For an extensive list of scholars who adhere this view, see Koole, Isaiah III/3, 477.
283 Delitzsch, Prophecies of Isaiah, 2.494.
214
NRSV takes its hint from 1QIsaa, which adds the comparative
particle before the second part of the first colon in v. 3aA ( Xya hkmk),
or from LXX using a particle of comparison w`j for the rest of the pairs
of participles, or from V that uses quasi qui for each of the pairs in v. 3.
As compelling as this evidence seems, it cannot be used cumulatively.
While V is consistent in its understanding of the pairs of participles as
comparatives, the fact that 1QIsaa places K comparationis between the
first pair only is rather striking. Furthermore, LXX renders this first pair
altogether differently: it specifies the agent of the action as o` a;nomoj,
meaning the lawless person violating primarily moral standards. 284 This
specification turns the focus from the temple and sacrifices to the
character or attitudes of persons involved: on one side, there are the
humble and contrite in spirit who tremble at Gods word (v. 2b), on the
other those who have chosen their own ways and in their abominations
take delight, those who did what was evil in Gods sight and chose
what did not please him (vv. 3b and 4b). Based on the parallel with 1
Kgs 8:27f, Blenkinsopp correctly comments that support of the temple
is consistent with disavowal of certain attitudes to temple worship or
with rejection of its current functionaries.285 It may be concluded that,
just as Isa 1:11-15, v. 3a describes those who mix legitimate rituals with
illegitimate behaviour, thus turning the former into abominations. 286
This understanding of the text would then be fully in accord with the
spirit of the Old Testament: When one will not listen to the law, even
one's prayers are an abomination (Prov 28:9), while the sacrifices of
those who choose the things that please God will be accepted on his
altar (Isa 56:4 and 7). 287
An objection can be raised that, unlike the other passages above, Isa
66:3 does not refer to ethics, but only to cultic malpractices. Thus, e.g.,
Westermann believes that while the first member of each pair in v. 3a
concerns the regular sacrifices to Yahweh, the second describes the
practice of loathsome animal cults, such as sacrificing humans, dogs,
284 See the definition of a;nomoj in BDAG 685.
285 Joseph Blenkinsopp, "A Jewish Sect of the Persian Period," CBQ 52 (1990) 5-20: 9.
286 This reading is syntactically justified by the suggestion of Rof to understand the
first part of each expression in v. 3a as subject and the second as predicate and
object, e.g., those who are slaughtering an ox are striking a man, etc. See A. Rof,
"Isaiah 66.1-4: Judean Sects in the Persian Period as Viewed by Trito-Isaiah," in
Biblical and Related Studies Presented to Samuel Iwry, ed. Ann Kort and Scott
Morschauser (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1985) 208-209.
287 Notice the identical vocabulary:
56:4 yTic.p'x' rv,a]B; Wrx]b'W
66:4 Wrx'B' yTic.p;x'-al{ rv,a]b;W
Conclusion
215
or swine.288 However, Rof rightly insists that interpreting the

expression vyai-hKem; in v. 3aA as a reference to human sacrifices is
without support.289 Just as used and developed in 58:4, the hiphil of the
verb hkn predominantly means to strike, smite, referring to acts of
physical violence, even to the point of death. Moreover, because of the
surrounding participles in v. 3a (jxeAv, x;beAz, and @rE[o), hKem; here very
likely refers to striking with a fatal outcome, meaning to kill.290 In fact,
the exact phrase vyai hKem; is used in the Law concerning murder in
Exod 21:12. While the rest of the participle pairs in v. 3a may be a
polemic against syncretism,291 v. 3aA criticizes mixing YHWHs cult with
ethical misconduct, probably manslaughter. 292 Dim seems to be correct
that the most important thing in Isa 66:1-4 is a humble obedience to
YHWHs word, manifested in his word and preferences (vv. 2b & 4), an
obedience that would then flow into temple building (vv. 1-2a) and
sacrifices (v. 3ab). It is then that authentic worship would inspire right
living.293 Again, the theology of this passage concurs with the one of
Isa 58.
6.9. Conclusion
As the survey above shows, the interconnectedness of the themes as
well as the message that results from Isa 58 is not essentially different

289 Rof, "Isaiah 66," 211.
290 Contra Rof, who sees no support for rendering the hiphil of hkn here as murder.
While it is rendered as striking in the majority of its occurrences, texts like Isa
37:36-38 demonstrate that the hiphil of hkn can also stand for killing.
291 Just as in the case of vyai-hKem, it is far from certain that the other second members of
each pair in v. 3 refer to cultic malpractices: there is no support in the OT of equating
breaking dogs neck (bl,K, @rE[)o with the sacrifice of dogs, ryzIx]-~D: may require an
emendation (see BHS apparatus) that would move the focus from illegitimate
sacrifices to unclean food (ryzIx]-dmexo, one who enjoys a swine), and the meaning of
!w<a' %rEb'm. is obscure, not excluding the ethical interpretation of this phrase. For more
details, see, e.g., Emmanuel Uchenna Dim, The Eschatological Implications of Isa. 65 and
66 as the Conclusion of the Book of Isaiah (Bible in History 3; Bern, Oxford: Peter Lang,
2005) esp. 128-140.
292 Koole also comes to this conclusion. He even suggests that the second participle pair
in 3aA about breaking a dogs neck may also refer to ethical misconduct, and that
the words about the people choosing their own ways in v. 3bA are to be understood
as the everyday wicked and unjust attitude to life, referring back to v. 3aA. For
more details, see Koole, Isaiah III/3, 477-480.
293 Dim, Eschatological Implications, 139.
216
from, let alone in contradiction to, the similar passages in TI.294 Even
the frequent opinion that this chapter has turned some of the
previously unconditional promises into conditional ones is put to rest
when the apodoses in Isa 58 are viewed as the (logical) consequences of
their protases.295 Williamsons claim that to speak about a promise in
Isa 58:14 seems almost to be a misnomer because it is simply a case of
stating that the conclusion will follow from the premise,296 can be
extended to all the apodoses in Isa 58.
As far as cult and ethics are concerned, the prophet in Isa 58
emphasizes the apparently neglected ethical dimension of fasting and
the Sabbath. This he does not do at the expense of, but alongside their
cultic dimension. Williamson aptly summarizes the need for such a
message:
Just as ceremony can easily degenerate into a purely personal and selfsatisfying activity of the ghetto, so the practice of ethics can become an
independent goal in itself, divorced from its biblical roots in a proper
relationship with God. Neither is correct, according to this chapter. Rather,
the point is to establish both on a proper footing. 297
Metaphorically speaking, ethics and cult in Isa 58 are two sides of the
same coin. The ethics side lists the coins value, reading hqdcw jpvm.
The cultic side gives the coin its validity and (being a true Hebrew coin)
instead of image, it simply reads hwhyl. Isaiah 59 makes clear that this
coin cannot buy salvation; God saves for his own sake. The people,
however, can obtain a very precious commodity for it communion
with YHWH, eschatology realized.
294 Lau correctly comments that in Isa 58, der Autor verknpft unterschiedliche
Heilstraditionen zu einem eschatologischen Konglomerat, so da in der
Auseinandersetzung mit dem Fasten der Gemeinde weder der Bezug auf den
neuen Exodus DtJes noch auf den Epiphaniegedanken TrJes berraschen mu,
295 See the note about Isa 60:1f above.
296 H. G. M. Williamson, "Promises, Promises! Some Exegetical Reflections on Isaiah 58,"
Word and World 19 (1999) 153-160: 159. The following general statement of Gammie is
certainly true about the apodoses of Isa 58: The biblical focus is never on abstract
causality but rather on divine intentionality in response to and in the light of human
deeds, Gammie, Holiness, 94.
297 Williamson, "Promises," 158.
Conclusion
As discussed in Chapter 1 (esp. 1.4.1), the fact that the pre-exilic and
post-exilic prophets spoke very differently about the cult of ancient
Israel resulted in various theories and stereotypes about the role of cult
and ethics in the Prophets. Scholars have used examples like the
mentioning of the Sabbath in the context of Isa 1:10-17 in comparison to
Isa 58 to contrast the antagonistic treatment of cult in the prophets of
the monarchy with its positive handling in the prophets of the Second
Temple period. Based on the findings of Chapters 4-6, this brief
conclusion suggests an answer to why the role of cult and ethics seems
to differ in each part of the book of Isaiah, and proposes further
applications of the present thesis.
First, the close examination of Isa 1:10-17, 43:22-28 and 58 has
revealed that these prophetic oracles very likely assumed the same
conception of rituals, impurity, holiness, and cult in general. These
(unspoken) assumptions were as follows:
The main purpose of certain rituals is to attract and maintain
YHWHs presence among the people.
Because YHWH is holy, his presence requires purity.
There is an impurity that no ritual can remove, caused by such
grievous misbehaviour as idolatry, murder, or adultery.
This moral impurity defiles not only the sinner, but also the
land and the Temple. Unless blotted away by YHWH
(forgiveness), it results in separation from YHWH, death, and
expulsion from the land (exile). It is, therefore, the very
opposite of the rituals above, reversing what they produce.
If these cultic concepts are mixed, moral impurity turns the
rituals into an abomination.
The only thing people can do for cult to become effective is to
eliminate every source of moral impurity and hope for YHWHs
forgiveness.
Second, the role of cult and ethics in the examined passages differs with
regard to the desired outcome not in spite of but because of the same
cultic assumptions. Its fluctuation just demonstrates the fact that the
218
Conclusion
mission of the prophet is dependent on the conditions of time and

space.1 As discussed in 4.2, 5.2, and 6.2, these conditions were radically
different in each case, especially when it comes to cult:
In Isa 1:10-17, the people live in their land and worship in the
Temple. However, their behaviour keeps polluting them, the
land, and the Temple with moral impurity to the point that it
becomes intolerable for YHWH and he is about to stop forgiving
them (the dawn of doom). Because of this impurity, the rituals
designed to attract and maintain YHWHs presence are counterproductive. The only way the people can possibly prevent, or
at least delay the doom is to practise ethics so as not to increase
this impurity. These seem to be the reasons for the negative
role of cult and the positive role of ethics in Isa 1:10-17.
In Isa 43:22-28, the people are in exile and the Temple is in
ruins. YHWH is about to forgive their sins and deliver his
people from the oppression (the dawn of deliverance). When
the peoples cultic status and ethical behaviour are considered,
it becomes obvious that nothing that the people are or do can
contribute to their rescue. YHWHs acting solely for his own
sake turns out to be the only solution and good news for Israel.
In Isa 43:22-28 account of deliverance, cult and ethics play a
neutral role.
In Isa 58, the purified people are back in the purified land,
rebuilding their religious and social life. The conditions of time
and space are right for YHWH to live in the midst of his people
for ever (the dawn of eschatology). YHWHs presence remains
the act of grace, for it was he who granted these conditions and
chose to abide among these people in this land. However, his
presence also creates conditions for the people and the land:
the only way to live with the Holy One is to remain pure, for
holiness and impurity do not mix. This God-with-us element
accounts for the positive role of ethics as well as of cult in Isa
58.
Thus the role of cult throughout the book of Isaiah alternates between
negative, neutral, and positive, depending on certain conditions of the
people and the land. These conditions were essentially cultic, just like
1
Jensen, Ethical Dimensions, 159. According to him, the reason for such a different
place of cult in the post-exilic oracles was that those who had returned from exile
needed a focus and an identity, and in urging the rebuilding the Temple, Haggai
and Zechariah were helping to make sure that focus would be religious and in the
line of the traditional faith.
Conclusion
219
the perspective from which the authors of the prophetic oracles

evaluated them (sub specie sanctitatis Dei). The underlying assumptions
of this perspective seem to be the ones listed above.
Finally, as shown in Part I, these assumptions result from cultic
conceptions of (im)purity, holiness, or the land that are compatible with
their definition in Priestly literature. Although cultic in nature, their
value can be severely affected by the immoral behaviour of the people.
To reduce the detriment caused by modern (western) categories when
applied to the religion of ancient Israel, it would be more appropriate
to view this interdependence as the ethical dimension of cult. The
present thesis explored and confirmed the existence of this dimension
in the book of Isaiah. On its own, cult seems to play a positive role
throughout the book, gaining in importance in the context of
eschatology.2 When the focus is on its ethical dimension, the book of
Isaiah appears to be no different from the other prophetic literature and
the rest of the OT in which, as Koole maintains, the cult has every right
to exist, provided that it goes with the right ethos. Hence [Isa] 1:11-15 is
followed by vv. 16ff., Amos 5:21-23 by v. 24, Mic. 6:6f. by v. 8 and []
Zech. 7:1-7 by vv. 8ff.; cf. also Ps. 51:19 with v. 21. 3 Just as in the
analysed Isaianic texts, the ethical dimension of cult transpires in these
and other cult-critical passages, enabling us to understand them from
cultic perspective. By comparing Isa 58 with selected non-Isaianic OT
texts, Appendix 2 only briefly illustrates how this understanding of a
cult-critical passage fits into the general picture of cult in the OT,
augmenting its ethical dimension. A thorough study of this kind,
however, would require a separate monograph.
2
3
See, e.g., 19:19; 27:13; 56:7; 60:7; 66:20.

Koole, Isaiah III/3, 135-136.
Appendix 1: Isa 1:10-17 and Priestly Literature

The purpose of this appendix is to observe possible literary and
linguistic relations between Isa 1:10-17 and the two priestly schools, P
and H. Two columns of the chart below list some of the characteristics
of P and H detected by Knohl in The Sanctuary of Silence and by
Milgrom in his commentary on Leviticus, in the chart referred to as K
and M respectively, followed by page references. Since, according to
Knohl, the style of P radically changes after the revelation of the name
of YHWH to Moses in Exod 7, only the characteristics of P after this
event are considered. Furthermore, only those characteristics are listed
whose presence, or at least some resemblance, can be attested in Isa
1:10-17. Each characteristic of P has its H counterpart listed in the same
line, followed by an indication - if unattested or 3 and examples if
attested in Isa 1:10-17. Arguments in defence of a particular
understanding of these examples can be found throughout Chapter 4.
Additional discussion of some of the more questionable relations
between Isa 1:10-17 and the Priestly literature follows the chart.
#
1
Characteristic of P
Isa 1:
10-17
~yhla
is never
juxtaposed to hwhy and
never used as name for
God (K 124-125)
Absence of the first
person in Gods speech,
impersonal descript. of
Gods activities (K 125)
Avoidance and
suppression of
anthropomorphisms for
God (K 128-137)
Characteristic of H
~yhla
-
used in posses.
construct. or as a
noun after a depend.
word (K 168-169)
Personalized accounts
of speech and action
of God (K 169-170; M
1326)
Bodily parts of God,
his human-like
actions, states, and
emotions (K 170-171)
Isa 1:10-17
3 v. 10:
hw"hy>-rb;d>,
Wnyhel{a/ tr:AT
3
yLi-hM'l',
[:mevo yNIn<yae,
and others
3
yvip.n:,
yn"P',yn:y[e,
ytiyael.nI,
and others
222
4
Avoidance of
mentioning the
relationship of posses.
between God and the
Tabernacle (K 130)
5 Avoidance of direct
connection between
YHWH and food (K 30)
6 Cultic system lacks
motives and
justifications (K 106-107,
141)
7 All commandments
relate exclusively to the
ritual-cultic sphere (K
138-139, 173, 225-230
versus M 21-26, 42,
2440-2446)
8 If used, chiastic
structure is always
simple and
straightforward (M 39)
9 tB'v; not designated as
d[eAm in original P (M
19-21)
10 Characteristic cultic
terminology, rigid
3 vv.
distinction (M 35-42; K 11-15
106-110)
1 1 Holiness limited, static,
and not explicitly
connected with ethics
(M 48-49, 1397-1400; K
197)
Establishing the
3 traces in
relation of possession yr"cex] and
between God and the yn"P' tAar"le
Tabernacle (K 70, 108)
No hesitancy to
connect YHWH with
food and eating (K 30)
Contain moralizing
passages and
ideological justificat.
(K 107; M 38)
Combination of the
cultic laws with the
observance of moral
behaviour and justice
(K 175-180, 193, 225230; M 1400-1404)
Complex chiastic
symmetry, e.g., binary
opposition (M 39-42,
1319-1323)
tB'v; designated as
d[eAm (M 19-21, 27,
1955-57)
Cultic termin. of P
plus new terms, flex.
use (M 35-42, 1325-32;
K 106-10, 178-9)
Holiness extended,
dynamic, with ethical
dimension (M 48-49,
1397-1400; K 180f,
198)
yTi[.b;f'
3 vv. 13c,
15c, and 1617
3expressed
negatively
in vv. 13c
and 15c,
positively
in vv. 16-17
3 vv. 11
and 16-17
3 v. 13bD
parallel to
14aD
3 vv. 11-15,
hb'[eAT, vqB,
dWT[;
3purificat.
connected
with ethics
in vv. 16-17
223
Some of the points in the chart require a more detailed discussion:

Ad 3, 4, and 5: Knohl regards these characteristics as a part of Ps
agenda to prevent religious syncretism. More specifically, the
avoidance of anthropomorphisms prevents anthropomorphic imagery
of God, the avoidance of mentioning the relationship between God and
the Tabernacle averts the anthropomorphic association of Gods
residence, and the avoidance of direct connection between YHWH and
food suppresses the idea that sacrifices are Gods food. In his
discussion of Ps anti-anthropomorphism Knohl concludes: It seems
that the opposition to the anthropomorphic coloring of the acts of
atonement, as described in non-Priestly sources, is at the heart of PTs
[Priestly Torah] system.1
Ad 9: Milgrom observes that H, contrary to P, labeled tB'v; as d[eAm
(see Lev 23:2-3). He places this innovation of H in the time of exile
when, due to the detachment from the Temple, the other ~ydI[]Am were
inoperative.2 Milgrom also points out that what impelled H with
regard to tB'v; did not apply to vd,xo, judged from its absence in Lev. 23
when compared to the P list in Num. 28. It is important to add that
these observations are valid only if Knohl/Milgroms theory of H
editorial work on P is accepted also in Num 28-29, namely that the
superscript and the subscript of these two chapters are Hs addition. If
granted, Isa 1:13-14 would also qualify as one of such instances, for
tB'v; in 13b is replaced by d[eAm in 14a, whereas vd,xo is just repeated and
therefore not d[eAm.3 An attractive way to explain this seemingly clumsy
repetition of vd,xo would be to assign v. 14a to what Milgrom designates
as an H redactor (HR) from the time of exile.4 As Milgrom observes,
such redundancy is a characteristic technique in H: The remarkable
thing about the structure [of H] is that it accounts for every single
word. The alleged redundancies, which have been the despair of critics
(see the commentaries), make perfect sense once it is realized that they
fulfil an aesthetic purpose.5 It is possible that sometimes they fulfil a
theological purpose as well.
Ad 10: Milgrom and Knohl demonstrated how H is purposefully
built on P in order to indicate not only the differences but also the
1
2
3
4
5

See Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 27.
Milgrom quotes this passage as an evidence for the opposite, viz. tB'v; is not d[eAm.
He, however, does not consider the relation of these two verses within the structure
see 4.5.2.4.
See also David Noel Freedman, The Unity of the Hebrew Bible (Ann Arbor: University
of Michigan Press, 1991) 6-12.
224
continuity of this new priestly school with its heritage. 6 It is therefore

understandable that P and H share a lot of terminology, such as the
cultic terms that also occur in Isa 1:11-15. Some terms used in
connection with the cult by H, however, are absent from P,7 hb'[eAT
being one of them.8 Beside the supposed correlation of the date, the
setting of this term in Isa 1:13 is also similar connected to cult, in what
resembles the form of Priestly Torah.9 However, the occurrence of
hb'[eAT in this verse can also be explained by the influence of the
Wisdom literature on Isaiah, where this word is frequently found (e.g.
twenty-one times in Proverbs). Moreover, Prov 28:9 uses hb'[eAT along
with hL'piT. and hr"AT (identical words as in Isa 1:13, 14, and 10) to
describe what seems to be the same idea as in Isa 1:10-17: When one
will not listen to the law, even one's prayers are an abomination.
Nevertheless, since the dating as well as the direction of possible
influence of Proverbs on Isaiah is questionable, and since the two
arguments are, in the light of our discussion, not mutually exclusive, it
is of some value to mention even this weakest link.
Listing vqB and dWT[; as the other two examples is justified only if
we accept Knohls rather extensive definition of the H corpus.10 Even if
granted, since vqB in H does not occur in a context similar to Isa 1:12, it
is an argument from silence. The context of dWT[; in Num 7 is similar to
Isa 1:13, but, even though some editorial work of H can possibly be
traced in this chapter,11 there seems to be no good reason why dWT[;
should be a part of Hs editorial agenda.
Ad 11: Milgrom and Knohl agree that while Ps doctrine of holiness
is static and limited to the sanctuary, priests and Nazirites, Hs concept
of holiness is dynamic and extended to the land and to all who reside
in it (all Israel and even the resident alien). The dynamic nature of
holiness in H is due to its ethical dimension. H talks about a process of
sanctification, using the term vDEq;m.,12 applicable to both the laity and
the priesthood. Conversely, since impurity and holiness are antonyms,
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
See, e.g., Knohl, Sanctuary, 168, Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22, 1352-1355.

For their (incomplete) list and discussion, see Knohl, Sanctuary, 106-110, Milgrom,
Leviticus 1-16, 35-42.
As observed by Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22, 1569. Wildberger also puts this word in
cultic category, based on its occurrence in a declaratory formula in Deuteronomy,
Leviticus, and Ezekiel, see Wildberger, Jesaja, 36.
See the discussion on the form of this passage in 4.3.
For the Knohls list of the H corpus passages see Knohl, Sanctuary, 104-106.
For example vv. 22-29a, as argued in Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22, 1339.
This participial construction occurs only in H and in the book of Ezekiel. Exod 31:13
is regarded by both Milgrom and Knohl as H.
225
pollution in H also has a non-ritualistic dimension.13 As shown in 2.5,

Isaiah seems to share Hs concept of holiness, so in 1:10-17 he
challenges all the people (v. 10) to participate in the process of
sanctification (vv. 16-17, starting with WKZ:hi Wcx]r). These commands of
purification are not followed by guidelines for bringing a sacrifice, 14 but
by a call to change the peoples lifestyle (bjeyhe Wdm.li [;rEh' Wld>x)i and
ethical behaviour (v. 17). As argued throughout Chapter 4, Isaiahs
appeal does not speak against sacrifices. Moreover, it seems to support
the idea presented in H, namely that the holiness of the people is also
reliant upon their ethical behaviour. Miller, when discussing Hs view
of holiness, also makes this connection with the prophets:
To the extent that the community was to be holy because the Lord was holy
(Lev. 19:2), no area of life and no time or space was relegated to the
common or profane, at least implicitly. Such an understanding seems to lie
behind the prophetic emphasis on holiness as a requirement of the people
that should be reflected as much in social life as in cultic ritual.15
If Knohl/Milgroms dating of P and H is correct, the text of Isa 1:10-17

could epitomize a prophetic initiative to bring about the shift of
emphasis from Ps focus on rituals to Hs focus on the ethical
dimension of cult.16 Obviously, the above observations do not amount
to a proof, and their force can only be applied cumulatively, along with
a detail analysis of the theological and ideological grounds of Isa 1:1017 based on the exegesis of this text (see Chapter 4). Nevertheless, the
results of the above test support the thesis that Isaiah 1:10-17 reflects
the characteristic features of what according to Knohl and Milgrom was
its contemporary theological development, viz. the shift from P to H.
13
14
15
16
See Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 46-49.

As it is characteristic in P, where the sacrificial system is intimately connected with
the impurity system, Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 49.
Miller, Religion, 144.
Miller arrives at the similar conclusion: Isaiah preached in a context where only one
of these spheres [viz. cult and ethical] was perceived to be a matter of holiness
whether ideologically or only in practice and his preaching was a corrective away
from the emphasis reflected in the Priestly literature and toward the Holiness Codes
insistence on the moral sphere as the locus of holy living, Miller, Religion, 158.
Appendix 2: Isa 58-59 and Non-Isaianic OT Texts

As a result of recent Isaianic scholarship, links between a TI passage
and texts in the other parts of the book of Isaiah are almost expected. In
the case of ch. 58, Schottroff maintains that the most important
influence comes from DI: Vor allem aber sind es Worte, Wendungen
und Bilder, die in Kapitel 40-55 des Jesajabuches gebraucht, die von
dem in Jes. 58 redenden Propheten aufgegriffen und variiert werden.1
He illustrates this by comparing 58:8b with 52:12 (see 6.5.7), and
concludes that the author of 58:1-12 is ein Prophet, der tief in den
Traditionen der ihm voraufgehenden Prophetie verwurzelt ist und an
ihnen seine Anschauungen, seine Ausdrucksweise und vor allem auch
seine Hoffnungen gebildet hat.2 Similarly, Koenen believes that the
reason why the author of Isa 58-59 alludes in v. 1 to Isa 40:6 and 9, 54:2,
(and to Hos 1:8 and Mic 3:8) is mit den Zitaten von v1 will der
Verfasser zeigen, in welche Tradition er die Verkndigung von Jes 58,359,15a einreiht.3 The interconnectedness of Isa 58 and the rest of the
book is discussed throughout the present thesis (esp. 6.8). This appendix compares Isa 58-59 with some of those OT texts that are outside of
the book of Isaiah and juxtapose (at least partially) the themes addressed by this passage, namely cult, ethics, and eschatology. The purpose
is to point out the similar treatment of these themes in the selected
passages.
1. Isa 58-59 and Zech 7-8
Isa 58 and Zech 7 display a number of similarities. Blenkinsopp even
inclines to believe that Zech 7:4-14 served as a model for both Isa
58:3b-4 and 58:5-9a.4 Duhm compares the question in Isa 58:3a to the
one about fasting in Zech 7:3b in relation to the peoples eschatological
expectations, and generalizes them as follows: Warum kommt die
1
2
3
4
Willy Schottroff, "'Unrechtmige Fesseln Auftun, Jochstricke Lsen' Jesaja 58,1-12,

Ein Textbeispiel zum Tema 'Bibel und konomie'," BI 5 (1997) 263-278: 266.
Schottroff, "Jesaja 58,1-12," 266.
228
eschatologische Wendung noch immer nicht und mssen wir noch

immer fasten?5 However, even though fasting comes to the fore in both
of the questions, they are essentially different: while Isa 58:3a asks why
God does not respond to fasting, Zech 7:3b asks whether fasting is
relevant under the new circumstances. The similarities between the two
passages come mainly with the answers of the prophets, who use these
questions for the same purpose to point out the importance of the
ethical dimension of cult in the light of the upcoming eschatological
era. Both prophets diagnosed a similar problem behind the different
questions: as in Isa 58:3b, Zechariahs main objection to peoples fasting
was that they observed it (and other religious festivals) for selfish
reasons (Zech 7:5-6).6 Also the solution is similar: just as in Zech 7:9-10,
the goal in Isa 58 is to turn peoples focus from themselves (vv. 3b-5) to
their neighbor (vv. 6-7, 9a-10a) and start to behave ethically.
Zechariah believes that the same problem as well as the same
solution with regard to the cultic activities was addressed by pre-exilic
prophets (7:7). Even though his exhortation to social justice is most
reminiscent of Jer 7:5-6,7 Isa 1:10-17 can be included as well. The cult in
Zech 7 is represented by fasting, in Isa 1 by sacrifices, religious
gatherings and prayer, and in Jer 7 by sacrifices and the temple. All
three agree that peoples reliance on any form of cult without ethics,
especially without social justice, resulted or will result in the
destruction of the temple and Jerusalem and in exile. Delivered during
the time of the temple rebuilding, Zechariahs lesson had a special
vigor: just as Jeremiah used the destruction of the former sanctuary in
Shiloh to obliterate the false sense of security and trust in Solomons
temple, Zechariah used the destruction of Solomons temple as a
warning not to repeat the mistakes of the past. That, according to him,
was the main reason for the commemoration of the national disasters; if
people focus on practising ethics, the purpose of fasting is
accomplished.
Zech 8 contains all the characteristic concepts of prophetic
eschatology: restoration of Zion and Jerusalem (v. 3), return of the
5
Bernhard Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia, 4-th ed. (Gttinger Handkommentar zum Alten
Testament. 3. Abt., Prophetischen Bcher; Bd. 1; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1922) 436.
Park concludes that der Grund der Fastenkritik in Jes 58 liegt auch darin, da das
Fasten gerade nicht fr Jhwh, sondern vielmehr fr das Volk selbst betrieben wird,
Zech 7:10a is almost identical with Jer 7:6a (same terms, reversed order):
Zech 7:10a Wqvo[]T;-la; ynI['w> rGE ~Aty"w> hn"m'l.a;w>
Jer 7:6a
Wqvo[]t; al{ hn"m'l.a;w> ~Aty" rGE
Isa 58 and Ezek 18 and 20
229
people (v. 7), repopulation of Jerusalem (vv. 4-5, 8), repossession of the
land and its products (v. 12), good and long living (vv. 4-5, 19), nations
seeking YHWH in Jerusalem (vv. 20-23), reversal of fasting into
celebration (v. 19) and of a curse into a blessing (v. 13), and, above all,
re-establishment of YHWHs presence in the midst of his people (v. 3) so
they will be his people and he will be their God hq"d"c.biW tm,a/B, (v. 8).
There is one additional concept: Israels ethical behaviour is not a
precondition but a result of this glorious age. Park, after demonstrating
the close connection between Zech 7, 8, and 1, makes this point clear:
In diesem Zusammenhang geht es um sociale Gerechtigkeit aber nicht als
menschliche Verpflichtung fr das kommende Heil Gottes, also nicht als
Voraussetzung, sondern in der nahenden Heilszeit als eine dafr passende
gesellschaftliche Ordnung. Nach dem Bericht von Sach 1,12-17 und 8,1-15
obliegen Gericht und Heil fr Jerusalem/Zion ganz allein Jhwh. Der
Mensch ist nur zur Gerechtigkeit verpflichtet besonders beim
Gerichtsproze (8,16-17, vgl. 7,9; Jes 59,3f). [...] Das Heil Gottes hngt vom
menschlichen Verhalten nicht ab. [...] Das Heilshandeln/die Heilsansage
Gottes ist begrndet einzig in seinem Willen mit groen Eifer ( hanq) (8,2f.
vgl. V.14b).8
As Lau observes, this eschatological picture seems to contradict Isa 58:

Whrend in Sach 8 eine bedingungslose Heilsansage folgt, wird in Jes
58 das eschatologische Heil mit dem eschatologischen Tun verknpft.9
However, as already noted above, Isa 58-59 does not urge people to act
justly so that the eschatological age may come, but, because it is
coming, that they may take part in it. Just as when comparing this
passage with Isa 61 (see 6.8.3), the difference between Isa 58-59 and
Zech 7-8 is not of eschatological outlook, but of focus.
2. Isa 58 and Ezek 18 and 20

The sabbath concept plays an important part in exilic Ezek 20. 10 It is a
covenantal sign between YHWH and his people (vv. 12 and 20), and its
desecration (llx I) alongside the disobedience of YHWHs decrees and
the rejection of his laws caused, according to Ezek 20, two great
8
9
10

Since Ezek 20 consistently uses the plural form yt;AtB.v; (vv. 12, 13, 16, 20, 21, 24),
Block is very likely correct that included would also be the special holy days on
which all work ceased, as well as the sabbatical years and the year of Jubilee Daniel
Isaac Block, The Book of Ezekiel, Chapters 1-24 (NICOT; Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge:
W.B. Eerdmans, 1997) 632.
230
tragedies in Israels Heilsgeschichte desert wandering and Babylonian

exile (vv. 13 and 21f respectively).11 Vv. 27f give the impression that this
desecration and rebellion consisted purely of peoples cultic
misconduct idolatry as commonly understood. 12 However, keeping
(rmv), following (%lh), and executing (hf[) YHWHs statutes (tAQxu) and
ordinances (~yjiP'v.mi), or rejection (sam) of them in vv. 11, 13, 16, 19, 21,
and 24 certainly point to the Holiness code (Lev 18:4, 5, 26; 19:37; 20:22;
25:18; 26:15, 43) where the predominant context is ethical behaviour. 13
The same expressions are characteristic also of Ezek 18 (vv. 9, 17, 19,
and 21), summarizing some cultic but mostly ethical issues, again
reminiscent of H:
If he does not eat upon the mountains or lift up his eyes to the idols of the
house of Israel, does not defile his neighbor's wife or approach a woman
during her menstrual period, does not oppress anyone, but restores to the
debtor his pledge, commits no robbery, gives his bread to the hungry and
covers the naked with a garment, does not take advance or accrued
interest, withholds his hand from iniquity, executes true justice between
contending parties, (vv. 6-8, similarly in vv. 10-13 and 14-17).
The above things are summarized by another characteristic word-pair

of Ezek 18 hq"d"c.W jP'v.mi (vv. 5 and 27, in vv. 19 and 21 combined with
tAQxu). Weinfeld persuasively demonstrated that this expression
functions as a hendiadys for the concept of social justice in the OT. 14 As
Gammie concludes, in 18:5-18 Ezekiel also sets forth the outlines for a
moral theology that may justifiably be called a theology of the ethical
requirements of holiness.15
11
12
13
14
15
The idea of profaning (llx) sabbaths occurs besides Ezekiel only in Exod 31:14, Neh
13:17-18, and Isa 56:2 and 6. Nehemiah also refers to it as the reason behind the exile
and as the lesson that by now should have been learned by the nobles of Judah.
For an attempt to define idolatry also as a distortion of social justice, see Hoppe,
"Isaiah 58."
Notice the similarity between Ezek 20:11 and Lev 18:5, especially the identical last
colon:
~h,B' yx;w" ~d"a'h' ~t'Aa hf,[]y: rv,a] ~t'Aa yTi[.d:Ah yj;P'v.mi-ta,w> yt;AQxu-ta, ~h,l' !Tea,w" Ezek 20:11
~h,B' yx;w" ~d"a'h' ~t'ao hf,[]y: rv,a] yj;P'v.mi-ta,w> yt;Qoxu-ta, ~T,r>m;v.W Lev 18:5a
Zimmerli believes that this reference to the character of the commandments which
make life possible must certainly derive from the laws of admission to the
sanctuary Walther Zimmerli, Ezekiel: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel
(Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979) 410. Besides purity, a great portion
of these laws concerns ethical behaviour (compare Ps 15).
Moshe Weinfeld, "Justice and Righteousness - The Expression and its Meaning," in
Justice and Righteousness: Biblical Themes and their Influence, ed. Yair Hoffman and
Henning Reventlow (JSOTSup 137; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992).
Gammie, Holiness, 50. One of his supportive arguments is the number of similarities
of this text with the stipulations in Ps 15 for those who would ascend on the holy hill.
Isa 58 and Ezek 18 and 20
231
The legitimacy of interpreting the observance or refusal of the

statutes and ordinances in Ezek 20 with the help of Ezek 18 is
supported by the similarity of both the form and the content of their
main arguments. As Zimmerli correctly observes, the parallel casuistic
outlining of three phases of history with the exodus events [20:5-9, 1017, and 18-26] recalls the casuistic series of three generations in Ezek
18.16 Even more striking, however, is the similarity between the
contents of the two structures: the topic is the just and merciful reaction
of YHWH to the unjust and perverted action of Israel, as explicitly stated
in 18:25f. Both illustrations are built on the comparisons between
former and present generations. The point in ch. 18 is that YHWH holds
every generation responsible for its own action. Thus a son of a wicked
father would save his life when he turns away from his fathers or from
his own wickedness (vv. 14-17 and 21-22). However, as the illustration
in ch. 20 shows, this case remained hypothetical throughout Israels
history; in spite of YHWHs instructions and salvific acts, the people
like father like son kept rejecting YHWHs statutes and ordinances and
were profaning his sabbaths from the very beginning of Israel in Egypt
till Ezekiels days (vv. 18-21, 30, 36).17 The links between Ezek 18 and 20
allow for a synchronic reading of these two chapters. Such reading
justifies Gosses proposal that the association between to keep justice
and to keep the Sabbath in Ezek 18 and 20 is reminiscent of Isa 56:18.18 In addition to Gosses mostly rhetorical arguments, this parallel is
reinforced by the similarity of both texts climaxes: in Ezek 20:40-41 as
well as in Isa 56:7-8, YHWH accepts (!Acr', hcr and even vrd) the people
as well as their sacrifices, offerings and gifts on his holy mountain
(yvid>q'-rh;).
16
17
18
Zimmerli, Ezekiel, 406. Because such casuistic structure can be found several times in
Ezekiel (3:17ff, 14:12ff, 33:1ff), Zimmerli justifiably calls this a distinctive feature of
Ezekiels composition.
Fishbane believes that Ezekiel has used the pentateuchal topos of apostasy in the
desert in order to explain Israels exile in Babylon as a punishment deflected from the
original perpetrators and transferred to a late generation Fishbane, Interpretation,
366. If correct, chs. 20 and 18 would be irreconcilable (as Fishbane himself
recognizes), for the latter emphatically rebuts the concept of vicarious punishment.
However, Ezekiel in ch. 20 makes clear that his generation suffers because it is guilty
of the same sins as their ancestors (vv. 27f) and therefore bound to undergo the same
judgement (vv. 36-38). The basis for Fisbanes argument, namely that Ezek 20:33 is
an haggadic exegesis of Exod 32:30f, is doubtful. For an attempt to reconcile what
Block believes to be the tension between Ezekiels historical determinism as
presented in ch. 20 and the individualistic ethics of ch. 18, see Block, Ezekiel 1-24, 630.
Bernard Gosse, "Sabbath, Identity and Universalism Go Together after the Return
from Exile," JSOT 29 (2005) 359-370.
232
Analogically, Ezek 18 and 20 corresponds well with Isa 58. In both

passages, the people desire to consult ( vrd) YHWH (Ezek 20:1f and Isa
58:2), but he refuses to communicate (Ezek 20:3, 31 and Isa 58:3).
Consequently, the people question YHWHs character (Ezek 18:2, 19, 25,
29 and Isa 58:3). YHWH (through Ezekiel and Isaiah) censures their
theology by referring to the Holiness Code to remind them what it
takes to approach him, the Holy One (Ezek 18:6-9, 10-13, 14-17; 20:7, 1112, 18-20; Isa 58:6f and the related passages in Leviticus).19 Cultic
purification is not enough, and can even be counterproductive if not
accompanied by social justice.20 On the other hand, the combination of
ethics and cult through keeping, following, and executing YHWHs
statutes and ordinances guarantees the fulfillment of the peoples
eschatological dreams: they will live (Ezek 18:9, 17, 19, 22, 27, 28, 32;
20:11, 21; Isa 58:8) in abundance (Isa 58:11-12, 14) in the promised land
(Ezek 20:6, 40, 42; Isa 58:12) and in relationship with their God (Ezek
20:40f; Isa 58:8, 9, 11, 14).21
3. Isa 58 and Amos 8:4-8

Amos 8:4-6 describes the misconduct of Israels merchants: they
rigorously observe new moon and sabbath festivals, but they deal
dishonestly and mercilessly with their customers during the work days.
As in Isa 58, the cultic and the ethical dimension of sabbath concept are
present.
Wolff notices the connection: The injunction against
marketing appears to belong to the older regulations concerning
sabbath rest; the context in Amos 8:4 and 6 suggests that the social
concern of protecting slaves played a part in it.22 Based on the
difference between v. 6 and what seems to be its template in Amos 2:6,
Jeremias believes that 8:6 is no longer concerned with the problem of
19
20
21
22
Because of the similarity of the expressions about feeding the hungry clothing the
naked, Lau rightly believes that der Verfasser von Jes 58* hier auf die Beschreibung
des Gerechten in Ez 18 Bezug nimmt, Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 248. This parallel
might account for additional dgb in Isa 58:7 of 1QIsaa, as influenced by Ezek 18:7.
The similarity of the ethical language between Ezek 18:7 and Isa 58:6-7 is
noteworthy.
Lau also notices the connection: In Ez 18,9 wird dem gerecht Handelnden zugesagt,
das er das Leben behalten sole (hy<x.yI hyOx)' , d. h. er soll dem Gericht Jahwes entkommen In Jes 58,8ff. hingegen wird dem gerecht Handelnden eschatologyschen
Heilsflle zugesagt, der Gerichtsaspekt klingt nur noch aus weiter Ferne an und ist
vergangenen Zeiten zugeordnet (vgl. V. 12), Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 249.
Hans Walter Wolff et al., Joel and Amos: A Commentary on the Books of the Prophets Joel
and Amos (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977) 327.
Isa 58-59 and Joel 2
233
debt slavery in the technical sense; this is rather a case of figurative

meaning.23 In any case, a certain degree of generalizing is required to
fully appreciate the point of this passage. The normative
presupposition of the indictment is not so much any single instance or
list of commandments in Israels legal tradition, as the total tendency
and intention of the covenant law to protect and maintain the
disadvantaged members of society.24 In the words of Lowery, the
privileged wealthy completely misunderstood the significance of
sabbath relief, for sabbath is a day of rest, but more fundamentally, it is
a call to economic justice.25 The appeal for connecting the sabbath
observance with ethical behaviour is reminiscent of and in accord with
Isa 58.
4. Isa 58-59 and Joel 2

Facing the great and terrible hw"hy>-~Ay (v. 11), Joel in ch. 2 urges the
people to return to YHWH with all their heart, fasting, weeping, and
mourning (v. 12). The criticism of cult is subtle, consisting of one
sentence in v. 13a: Rend your hearts and not your clothing. Hermisson
rightly comments that die Absicht dieses Satzes ist ja gar nicht, den
Hrern diesen Ritus zu verwehren. Seine Betonung liegt vielmehr ganz
in der ersten Hlfte und er bedarf der Antithese, um das Bildwort zu
vervollstndigen. In this verse, Joel simply teaches the people that die
Buriten sind nur dann sinnvoll, wenn der Mensch mit seinem
Herzen beteiligt ist. Hermisson concludes: Das kultische Handeln
wird eben mit diesem Wort nicht ausgeschlossen, sondern im Blick auf
den Handelnden selbst interpretiert. Dabei ist der Blick auf das Herz
des Menschen umfassender als ein bloer Vergleich zwischen
kultischem und sittlichem Handeln.26
Even though Joel calls people to a true repentance, the question
~x'nIw> bWvy" [;dEAy ymi in v. 14 indicates that its positive outcome is not
automatically guaranteed. Joel seems to be aware that, in spite of
peoples genuine repentance, YHWHs response may be yTim.x;nI al{w>
bWva' al{w> (Jer 4:28). In Jer 14:1-15:9, the people not only fasted (v. 12)
and mourned (lba, v. 2), brought sacrifices and offerings (v. 12), and
23
24
25
26
Jrg Jeremias, The Book of Amos: A Commentary (OTL; Louisville: Westminster John
Knox Press, 1998) 148.
James Luther Mays, Amos: A Commentary (OTL; London: SCM, 1969) 143.
Lowery, Sabbath, 115.
234
displayed their humiliation in all kinds of cultic ways (vv. 2-4), but also
recognized their sins with true remorse (vv. 7, 20) and plead for Gods
forgiveness (vv. 8-9, 21-22). Yet the response is that YHWH will punish
their sins (vv. 10, 16) even if Moses and Samuel interceded for them
(15:1), for he was weary of relenting ( ~xeN"hi ytiyael.n,I 15:6). Positive
outcome of a true repentance is described in 2 Kgs 22. In this text, king
Josiah humbled himself, wept, rent his clothes (vv. 11 and 19), and, just
as Joel enjoins the people, his heart was penitent ( %kr, v. 19, NRSV).
Because of this, YHWH spared him the upcoming disaster (vv. 19-20).
As Joel 2:18f describes, it is not peoples repentance, but YHWHs
jealousy for his land and his compassion ( lmx) upon his people that
inaugurates the eschatological era: the land greatly prospers (vv. 21-22),
the people live in abundance and security (vv. 19-20, 23-26), and the
relationship between them and their God is restored (vv. 26-27) because
YHWH is laer"f.yI br<q,b. (v. 27). Again, the themes of cult, ethics, and
eschatology are connected in the same way in Joel 2 as in Isa 58-59.
5. Isa 58-59 and Jonah 3

In Jonah 3, the repentance in Nineveh includes cult (represented by
fasting, sackcloth, and prayer) as well as ethics: h['r"h' AKr>D:mi vyai Wbvuy"w>
~h,yPek;B. rv,a] smx'h,-!miW (v. 8b),27 and is followed by the same expression
of hope in the effectiveness of this repentance as in Joel: bWvy" [;dEAy-ymi
~yhil{a/h' ~x;nIw> (v. 9a).28 The probability that this text is relatively young
should not lead to the conclusion that the idea of practising ethics along
with cult is a late development. Hermisson comments on this text that
wenn hier menschliches Tun im sozialen und im kultischen Bereich
zueinandergehren, so entspricht das dem alten Verstndnis.29
There are several linguistic links and points of contrast between this
text and Isa 58-59, especially with regard to fasting:
While self-afflicting, sackcloth, and ashes are present in both,
only the Jonah text mentions turning away from evil ways and
violence. Isa 58, on the other hand, mentions oppression,
quarrelling, fighting, and striking with a wicked fist during the
fast (vv. 3b-4).
27
28
29
The first part of this call to repentance (h['r"h' AKr>D:mi vyai Wbvuy"w>) is characteristic of
Jeremiah, see Jer 18:11; 25:5; 26:3; 35:15; 36:3 and 7.
A very similar question with the same expectation is found also 2 Sam 12:22.
Isa 58-59 and Mal 2:17-3:18
235
In Isa 59:6, it is said about the people that there is ~h,yPek;B. sm'x;'
in Jonah 3:8, people are to turn away ~h,yPek;B. rv,a] sm'x'h,-!mi.
In Isa 59:6, people try to cover themselves (hithpael of hsk)
with spiders web, the works of their iniquities; in Jonah 3:8,
people cover themselves (hithpael of hsk) with sackcloth the
sign of repentance.
The results are different as well: in Isa 58:3, according to the
people, God does not see (har) their fasting, nor notices ( [dy)
their self-affliction; in Jonah 3:10, God saw (har) what the
people of Nineveh did, and renounced (niphal of ~xn) the
punishment.
According to Jonah 3:10, Gods change of mind was prompted by the
peoples change of behaviour: h['r"h' ~K'r>D:mi Wbv'-yKi.30 However, as
Jonah recognizes, it ultimately was YHWHs attributes listed in 4:2 that
averted the disaster; true fast is meaningful only because YHWH is
h['r"h'-l[; ~x'nIw> ds,x,-br:w> ~yIP;a; %r<a, ~Wxr:w> !WNx;-lae. The understanding of
the role of cult and ethics with regard to salvation in Jonah 3 is in
accord with Isa 58-59.
6. Isa 58-59 and Mal 2:17-3:18

The themes of Isa 58-59 reappear in what is likely the later text of Mal
2:17-3:18. This text conveys the same message: while the people
complain about YHWHs passivity on their behalf (2:17; 3:14-15),
Malachi ensures them of YHWHs forthcoming epiphany that is
independent of their behaviour (3:1). This day when YHWH acts
(3:17a) will not only mark the beginning of the eschatological era for
those who return to YHWH and serve him (3:7, 17b), but also jP'v.mi
against those who do not fear him and practice injustice (3:5, 7-9), and
the division between qyDIc; and [v'r' becomes final (3:18). Then the
offerings of Judah and Jerusalem will be pleasing to YHWH, because the
people will practice the cult hq"d"c.Bi (3:3-4). Consequently, the material
blessings will realize as well (3:10-12).
30
Jonah 3:10, just like 3:8, refers to Jer 18:7f (notice esp. the same vocabulary in v. 8).
236
7. Isa 58-59 and Ps 73

Since the date of Ps 73 is far from certain, 31 this section only observes
some of the similarities between this text and Isa 58-59. First, there are
several strong semantical and rhetorical links:
The noun bcor>x; occurs only in Ps 73:4 and Isa 58:6.
qv,[o
as object of rbd occurs only in Ps 73:8 and Isa 59:13.
If MT of Ps 73:28 is accepted, 32 the expression

occurs only here and in Isa 58:2.
~yhil{a/ tb;r>qi
The picture of covering oneself with violence as with a garment

is found only in Ps 73:6, Isa 59:6 and possibly Mal 2:16.
The complaint of the psalmist about unnoticed or unrewarded
godliness in Ps 73:13 is reminiscent of Isa 58:3a. Also, both Ps
73:11 and Isa 58:3a are concerned with theodicy and dispute
Gods omniscience.
Just as Isa 59:20 redefined the term Zion, Ps 73:1 redefines the
term Israel instead of the physical offspring of Jacob, it now
consists of those who are pure in heart (bb'le yrEb'l.).33
Second, there is an important thematic link, namely that ~yhil{a/ tb;r>qi
does not allow for co-existence of [v;r< and ~Alv'. This message is the
agenda of both Ps 37 and Isa 58-59. Even though the combination of
[v;r< and ~Alv' is not found in Isa 58-59 explicitly, it is certainly implicit
in 59:8, where they refers to the wicked ones as described in vv. 3-8.
Furthermore, the last line before Isa 58-59 ~y[iv'r>l' ~Alv' !yae (Isa
57:21) could well serve as a sub-title to this unit. Besides Ps 73:3 and
Isa 57:21, the combination of [v;r< and ~Alv' occurs only once more in
BH, namely in Isa 48:22. Interestingly, it is in all three instances
followed by a complaint about the uselessness of what seems to be a
31
32
33
Day dates Ps 73 into the post-exilic period. His argument is mainly based on the
assumption that 73:24 speaks about the afterlife, and that this belief was slow in
emerging in ancient Israel and developed in the post-exilic period, so any references
to this in the Psalms must therefore date from that time, John Day, "How many Preexilic Psalms are there?," in In Search of Pre-Exilic Israel: Proceedings of the Oxford Old
Testament Seminar, ed. John Day (JSOTSup 406; London: T & T Clark International,
2004) 242.
BHS suggests various emendations in the apparatus. However, the textual evidence
supports MT.
The suggestion of BHS (preferred by NRSV) to emend laer"f.yIl. for la rv'Y"l; is not
based on any textual evidence. For a positive description of bb'le-rB;, see Ps 24.
Concluding Remark
237
proper behaviour34 and some form of the repudiation of this complaint.

Large portion of Ps 73 and Isa 58-59 describes the acts of ~y[iv'r>, and
both texts (esp. Ps 73:18-20 and Isa 59:8) make clear that ~y[iv'r> ~Alv. in
Ps 73:3 is in fact an oxymoron. The message of both Ps 73 and Isa 58-59
is clear: if people desire ~yhil{a/ tb;r>qi and ~Alv', they must do away with
[v;r<.
Concluding Remark
A good number of other OT texts could be added here. Of course, a
proper analysis of this sort would require a separate monograph. The
brief comments and observations above hopefully show that such a
quest would be both meaningful and worthwhile.
34
Ps 73:13 All in vain I have kept my heart clean and washed my hands in
innocence.
Isa 49:4 I have labored in vain, I have spent my strength for nothing and vanity.
Isa 58:3 Why do we fast, but you do not see? Why humble ourselves, but you do
not notice?
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Index of Authors
Ackroyd 69, 136
Aejmelaeus 127-130
Albertz 158, 161, 163-4
Anderson 27, 29
Andr 44
Andreasen 163
Baltzer 127, 138, 142, 144
Barr 38, 183
Barr 200- 201
Barthlemy 131
Barton 1-2, 4, 10-12, 32, 51,
114, 151, 153, 159
Baumann 129
Begrich 84, 120, 122, 133
Ben Zvi 83
Bernhardt 91-92
Blank 139
Blenkinsopp 107, 118, 119,
127, 131, 142, 143, 144, 155,
165, 170, 173, 174, 177, 180,
182, 193, 201, 208, 214, 227
Block 229, 231
Booij 121, 125, 128, 142, 144,
145, 195
Bourdillon 13-14
Braaten 56-57
Brockelmann 131
Brongers 160, 188, 189, 190,
191, 205
Brueggemann 102, 121, 127
Budde 94
Calvin 134, 138,145-6, 149
Campbell 81- 82, 85, 93, 104
Carroll 104
Childs 133, 152, 157, 174, 181,
193, 201
Clements 64-65, 104, 119
Clines 100
Cogan 79
Collins 87
Conrad 133
Courtman 13
Crenshaw 198, 205
Dahood 179
Davies, A. 42
Davies, W. D. 54, 60, 65
Day 236
De Vaux 2, 7, 14, 21, 25, 26,
28, 91, 100, 111, 161, 162,
164
Delitzsch 75, 103, 123, 128,
144, 189, 213
Dim 215
Dommershausen 137
Driver, G. R. 199
Driver, S. R. 22-23, 25, 54, 132
Duhm 130, 227, 228, 242
Edelman 155
Eising 134
Elliger 68, 125, 126, 130, 131,
132, 134, 135, 136, 140, 143,
144, 147, 156, 167
Emmerson 197
Fabry 111
Falk 164
254
Fishbane 191, 203- 205, 212,
231
Fohrer 131, 156
Follingstad 128, 130
Freedman 223
Fullerton 85
Gammie 38-39, 45-47, 49-50,
181-182, 216, 230
Geller 67-68
Gesenius 12, 67, 128, 132, 189
Gibson 12, 66, 98-99, 128-129
Goldingay 120, 125-127, 131132, 134, 137, 140-144, 147,
150
Gordon 95
Gosse 231
Grabbe 155
Green, B. 95
Green, W. B. 2
Greenstein 134
Gunkel 25, 84
Haag 161-162, 164
Habel 57-60, 70
Hamp 91
Hnel 49
Hanson 121, 151, 153, 156,
159, 166, 168, 169, 177
Haran 157
Hasel 143
Hayes and Irvine 63, 66
Heaton 154
Hendel 1, 8
Herbert 204-205
Hermisson 160, 166, 195, 233234
Herr 159-160, 175
Heschel 18
Hibbard 62
Holladay, J. S. 77
Holladay, W. L. 59
Index of Authors
Hossfeld 67
Houston 2, 44-45, 77
Hubert and Mauss 13, 16, 19
Hurowitz 156,182
Jacob 37
Janzen 3- 4, 13, 15
Jensen 3, 23-24, 76, 82-84, 102,
108, 114, 134, 149, 218
Jeremias 232-233
Johnson 63
Jones, G. H. 80
Jones, O. R. 37-38
Joon and Muraoka 98-100,
128-129, 132, 176
Kaiser 75-76, 101
Kelle 57
Khan 85- 86, 98
Klausner 154
Klawans 11-12, 16-20, 32-33
Klein 93-94
Klostermann 29
Knight 27
Knohl 9, 29-31, 44, 221, 223225
Koenen 167-168, 173, 175, 187,
192, 194, 196-200, 209, 212,
227
Khler 131
Koole 128, 131, 136, 138, 141145, 148-149, 167, 174-182,
184, 186, 189-196, 200, 213,
215, 219
Kornfeld 38, 41, 138
Korpel and de Moor 124, 128,
130-131, 141, 148
Kosmala 192, 197-198, 204
Kraus 10, 14
Kugel 86, 89, 100, 139, 144
Kutsch 97
255
Index of Authors
Lamberty 145
Lau 167-168, 174, 176, 182,
184-185, 187, 193-194, 197,
212-213, 216, 229, 232
Leene 64
Lescow 167
Levenson 25, 32, 63
Levine 67
Lipiski 54, 56
Liss 27
Livingston 92
Lohfink 138
Long 93-95
Lowery 79-80, 163-165, 203204, 233, 245
Lundbom 59
Luther 117, 135, 150
Mafico 1
Martens 54-55
Marx 15-16, 34
Mays 233
McCarter 94
McCarthy 81
McKay, H. A. 163
McKay, J. W. 80
Meier 192
Melugin 114-115, 122, 145
Merendino 120, 127, 135-136,
147-148
Mettinger 180
Milgrom 9, 13, 17, 19, 27-31,
33, 38-39, 44-45, 67, 89, 139,
221, 223-225
Miller 110, 225
Mowinckel 41
Muilenburg 198
Nicholson 22-23, 25, 31
Niditch 85-86, 90
Niehr 134
Nielsen 26, 99
Nissinen 64
North 123, 131, 140-141, 143144
Noth 102
Orlinsky and Snaith 68
Oswalt 21, 35, 83, 120, 126,
128, 132, 143-144, 183, 196,
210
Otto 40-42, 47-48, 181
Park 101, 114, 155, 158-159,
164, 169, 173-174, 180, 185188, 192, 195-196, 198, 202203, 208-209, 211-213, 228229
Pauritsch 156, 194
Payne 199
Penna 131
Podella 160-161
Polan 179-182, 184-185, 187188, 193, 196, 199, 201, 211
Polaski 62
Premnath 65
Preuss 96, 160
Quinn-Miscall
95
Raphael 43
Ringgren 13, 37-39, 41-43, 47,
49, 52, 102, 137, 143
Roberts 46
Rodd 43, 45
Rof 215
Rosenbaum 131, 141
Rowley 2, 14, 22, 26, 72
Rterswrden 144
Schmid 151-152
Schoors 125, 127, 129, 131,
137, 141, 143, 146, 148
Schottroff 227
256
Index of Authors
Schramm 156-157, 159, 166,

169-170, 195, 210-211
Schultz 152
Schngel-Straumann 167
Schwartz 17-18
Seebass 97
Seeligmann 96, 179
Sekine 194-195, 198, 201
Seybold 62-65
Sherwood 200
Shramm 195
Smart 119
Smith, G. A. 201
Smith, P. A. 167, 168, 170, 173,
174, 175, 184, 191, 193, 196,
200, 201, 208, 209, 210, 211,
212
Soggin 156
Sommer 151-153, 156-157,
168, 184, 212
Spieckermann 80
Spreafico 85, 97
Steck 48
Steinmann 131
Stenning 188
Stern 7
Sweeney 62-63, 77, 82-83, 85,
103, 109, 120
Thompson 58-59
Torrey 199
Tsevat 165
Vargon 77-79
Volz 156
Von Rad 29, 53, 55, 66
Von Waldow 55, 122
Vriezen 46-47, 49, 127
Wallis 139
Waltke 98-99, 128-129, 176
Watson 86, 90, 98, 103, 112
Watters 90
Watts 120, 127, 131, 141-144,
155
Weinfeld 25-27, 41, 93-94, 162,
164-165, 181, 230
Wellhausen 8-10, 23-29, 31,
159, 161
Wells 212
Westermann 120, 122, 125,
131, 135-136, 142, 146-147,
149, 156, 167-168, 177, 190,
194, 197, 214-215
Whitehouse 39-40, 42
Whybray 180, 183, 194
Wildberger 48, 75, 81-82, 101,
224
Williams 99-100, 108, 127-128,
132, 138, 147, 176, 186
Williamson 46, 48, 50-51, 6566, 75-78, 81-82, 85, 90-91,
95-98, 101, 107, 110, 112,
118-119, 133, 157-158, 161,
166, 187, 210, 216
Wolff 232
Wright, C. J. H. 54
Wright, D. P. 18, 45, 64
Young
181
Zeigler 131
Zimmerli 54, 58, 61, 65, 230,
231

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Bohdan Hrobon

Ethical Dimension of Cult in the Book of Isaiah

Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fr die

Ethical Dimension of Cult

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

Chapter 3: Conception of the Land in the Book of Isaiah ....................... 53

Chapter 5: Cult and Ethics in Isaiah 43:22-28 ......................................... 117

yKi .................................................. 128

Structure of Verse 25 .................................................................. 130

Chapter 6: Cult and Ethics in Isaiah 58 ................................................... 151

Isa 58:8-9a .................................................................................... 180

The Anchor Bible

English Standard Version, 2001

New King James Version, 1982

Walter J. Houston, "Toward an Integrated Reading of the Deitary Laws of Leviticus,"

If cult is described as the vertical dimension of the Law and ethics

exact linguistic equivalents in the culture in question, John Barton, Understanding

discrepancy is to suggest that these prophets failed to perceive the

Chapter 1: Conception of Cult in the Prophets

De Vaux, Ancient Israel, 271.

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

critical of, even hostile to rituals.6 Furthermore, the depreciation of

Kaufmann and his followers) tend to understand the prophetic

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

Kraus, Hegels philosophy of history with its three stages of

sense of automatically effective ritual, is not a sign of primitiveness, nor is a high

oblique approach to the cult-critical texts. The frequent

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

connected and virtually inseparable when it comes to sacrifice.19

1.2. Ritual according to Priestly Tradition

Ritual according to Priestly Tradition

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

Ritual according to Priestly Tradition

Also, the natural tendency of humans to cling more to the visible,

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

to YHWH. Thus the sacrifices for atonement are the necessary

Ritual according to Priestly Tradition

gifts, provision of food, communion, or blood-ties.37 While

1.2.2. Impurity and Purity

See Klawans, Purity, 69.

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

divine Presence away.41 Looking at the OT concept of purity from the

Baruch J. Schwartz, "The Bearing of Sin in the Priestly Literature," in Pomegranates

Ritual according to Priestly Tradition

1.2.3. Connection between Sacrifices and Impurity

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

maintaining the presence of God within the community,53 help to

The principle of attracting and maintaining the divine presence brings

1.3. Ritual and Pre-Exilic Prophets

Klawans, Purity, 48.

Ritual and Pre-Exilic Prophets

even a brief attempt to address some of the issues relevant to the

Oswalt further points out that the OT understanding markedly differs

Conception of Cult in the Prophets

texts were incorporated into the eighth-century ideology of cult. The

Even though, as the above quote indicates, determining the cultic

Documentary Theory and Pre-Exilic Cult

the date at which an event, or institution, is first mentioned in writing,