Maitreya and The Wheel-Turning King Anālayo: Asian Literature and Translation Vol. 2, No. 7 (2014)
Maitreya and The Wheel-Turning King Anālayo: Asian Literature and Translation Vol. 2, No. 7 (2014)
Maitreya and The Wheel-Turning King Anālayo: Asian Literature and Translation Vol. 2, No. 7 (2014)
7 (2014) 129
Translation
The Discourse on the Practice of the Noble Wheel-turning King1
Thus have I heard. At one time the Buddha was dwelling among the people of
Mtul, together with one thousand two hundred and fifty monks who had in stages
arrived in the region of Mtul.2
At that time the Blessed One said to the monks: "You should be a light unto
yourselves,3 with the Dharma as your light, without any other light; you should be a
refuge unto yourselves, with the Dharma as your refuge, without any other refuge.
How will a monk be a light unto himself, with the Dharma as his light, without any
other light; [how] will he be a refuge unto himself, with the Dharma as his refuge,
without any other refuge?
"It is in this way: a monk contemplates the body as a body internally, being diligent
without laxity, with undistracted mindfulness, leaving behind greed and sadness in
relation to the world. He contemplates the body as a body externally he
contemplates the body as a body internally and externally, being diligent without
* I am indebted to Adam Clarke, Rod Bucknell, and Smaer Dhammadinn for commenting on a draft
version of this article.
1
The text translated is D 6 at T I 39a21 to 42b19. In the translation I employ Pli terminology for proper
names and doctrinal terms in order to facilitate comparison with the Dgha-nikya parallel, except for the
terms Dharma and Nirva, which by now have become an accepted part of English vocabulary. In the case
of the future Buddha I also use the better known Sanskrit Maitreya instead of its Pli equivalent, and in the
etymology provided for his name then also maitr instead of mett. My comparative notes only take up
selected differences and do not intend to provide a comprehensive coverage of all variations found between
the three parallel versions.
2
The parallels DN 26 at DN III 58,2 and M 70 at T I 520b18 agree on the location Mtul. DN 26 adds that this
was found in the Magadha country and M 70 specifies that the Buddha was staying in a mango grove by
the side of a river. The location in D 6 at T I 39a22 reads (with the variants and ),
but then the next line refers to , with the variant . Judging from the context, the location
mentioned in both instances should be the same. The second reference would not intend the Magadha
country, as elsewhere in the Drgha-gama this is rendered as ; cf. D 2 at T I 30a10, D 4 at T I 34b20,
D 14 at T I 62b29, and D 21 at T I 88b13.
3
The corresponding term in DN 26 at DN III 58,7 is attadpa which, as pointed out by Norman 1990/1993: 87,
"could mean either 'a lamp for oneself' or 'an island, i.e., refuge, for oneself' either tma-dpa or tmadvpa." Franke 1913: 271 in translating attadpa opts for the sense of being a "light" or "lamp" (Leuchte) to
oneself; cf. also Wright 2000. According to Bapat 1957, however, in the context of the present type of
injunction dpa is better understood as "island"; cf. also, e.g., Brough 1962/2001: 210, Schneider 1980/1992:
113 note 69, and Nakamura 2000: 95. M 70 at T I 520b20 renders the corresponding expression as a "lamp"
or "light", .
Adopting the variant instead of , in line with the formulation found earlier.
DN 26 at DN III 58,11 describes satipahna meditation without bringing in a distinction between internal
and external modes; for a more detailed discussion of this distinction cf. Anlayo 2003: 9499 and 2013: 17
19. M 70 at T I 520b23 proceeds directly from the injunction to be a lamp unto oneself to the story of
Dahanemi, without referring to satipahna or to Mra, which in this version come only at the end of the
discourse.
6
DN 26 at DN III 58,18 instructs to dwell in one's pasture (gocara) in order to prevent Mra from gaining an
opportunity.
7
Here and below my translation is based on adopting the variant instead of .
8
DN 26 at DN III 59,11 precedes this with the king instructing someone to keep a look out for the wheel
slipping from its place.
9
Here I adopt a correction suggested in the CBETA edition of to , in line with the formulation used
when the king informs the crown prince.
10
The idea of giving the grant of a village to the barber is unexpected in the present context. Such a remark
could be the result of a (perhaps even accidental) borrowing from the Mahdeva tale. In the Mahdeva tale
the barber has a more prominent role. He announces to the king that white hair has appeared on the king's
head, which then motivates the king to go forth. Different versions of the Mahdeva tale report a grant
given thereupon by the king: in MN 83 at MN II 75,16 the king grants a village to the barber; according to E
5
14
The parallels describe in less detail the recluses and brahmins whom the crown prince should approach.
Particularly noteworthy here is that M 70 at T I 521a8 does not refer to Nirva at all, but just speaks of
those who are respected and renowned for their virtue. The more detailed description in DN 26 at DN III
61,13 (although certainly not as detailed as the description in D 6) indicates that these recluses and
brahmins appease themselves, parinibbpenti, thereby using a term that alludes to Nirva.
15
The translation is based on adopting the variant instead of .
16
The translation is based on adopting the variant instead of .
17
The translation is based on adopting the variant instead of .
18
The parallels do not warn against changing ancient customs.
19
I have added "[future]" since at this point he still has to become a wheel-turning king, which happens
after the wheel has appeared.
20
D 6 at T I 39c29: , the translation of which would have been straightforward had the two characters
been in the opposite sequence. As it stands, an alternative interpretation suggested to me in a private
communication by Rod Bucknell (email of 13 June 2014) would be to take to represent, which
would then result in the wheel being 14 feet. The parallels do not specify the size (nor the material) of the
wheel. M 70 at T I 521b6 continues by simply noting that he acquired the seven treasures and the four
types of success, indicating that details should be supplemented from the description given earlier (a
similar reference occurs already at T I 520b26, when the seven treasures and the four types of success come
up for the first time). I take it that this reference intends M 67, which at T I 512a2 refers similarly to the
seven treasures and the four types of success (here possessed by King Mahdeva) and as part of its
exposition of the wheel-treasure at T I 512a16 describes the wheel-turning king's peaceful conquest. In my
comparative notes, I will refer to M 67 for those parts that are abbreviated in M 70
21
The four divisions of an army in ancient India would comprise elephant troops, cavalry, charioteers, and
infantry.
22
D 6 at T I 40a10: ; my rendering of which is merely conjecture.
23
DN 26 at DN III 62,13 and M 67 at T I 512a23 (this is the Mahdeva tale) do not report that the minor kings
made offerings of gold and silver.
According to DN 26 at DN III 63,11, the king instructs them in the five precepts. In M 67 at T I 512a27 the
king (which here is Mahdeva) tells them to rule by the Dharma and make sure the country is without evil.
The parallels do not report the passing away of the father. According to DN 26 at DN III 64,25, the king is
unhappy about the disappearance of the wheel, but that does not motivate him to approach his father and
inquire what to do. In M 70 at T I 521b25 the king is not worried about the wheel's disappearance, as he is
very attached to sensual pleasures. This fits the context well, since it serves as a warning to the monastic
audience of the discourse that the attraction of sensuality can make them swerve from their proper resort
and practice.
26
At an earlier juncture DN 26 at DN III 63,22 indicates that seven wheel-turning kings followed the same
pattern, so that here it would be the eighth wheel-turning king who does not take action when the wheel
disappears. In M 70 at T I 521b23 already the grandson of King Dahanemi neglects his duty, and that even
though his father had explicitly told him that he should follow his father's example; cf. T I 521b18. The
employment of the number seven in D 6 and DN 26, although undertaken with different results, could
reflect the symbolic function of this number in the early discourses; cf. in more detail Anlayo 2014a: 51
note 110.
27
The translation is based on adopting the variant instead of .
28
The translation is based on adopting the variant instead of . Harris 1997: 9 highlights the importance
accorded to compassion in this discourse, in as much as it shows that "lack of compassion for the poor leads
to the disintegration of society."
29
Whereas DN 26 at DN III 66,10 does not specify who caught the thief, in M 70 at T I 522b1 the thief is
caught by the owner himself, . This indication fits the flow of the narration well, since when later
32
D 6 at T I 40c23 here describes a shortening of lifespan that proceeds from 40,000 to 20,000, without
mentioning an original lifespan of 80,000. This is noteworthy, since its account of how things become better
eventually arrives at a lifespan of 80,000. According to DN 26 at DN III 68,16, the original lifespan was indeed
80,000, which due to theft and killing decreases to 40,000 (the reference to falsehood in the Ee and Se
editions of the discourse appears to be a textual error, in fact the Be and Ce editions do not mention
falsehood at this juncture), and then false speech leads to a further decrease to 20,000; cf. DN III 69,1. In M
70 at T I 522b13 a decrease from an original lifespan of 80,000 to 40,000 takes place because of theft. Killing
then leads to a further decrease from 40,000 to 20,000; cf. T I 522c4. DN 26 and M 70 also make explicit
what would be implicit in D 6, in that the shortening of lifespan (as well as later its increase) affects the
next generation. On the notion of decline in Buddhist traditions in general cf. Nattier 1991; for an
observation relating the present depiction of decline to the Maitreya motif cf. also Nattier 1988: 39 note 15.
33
The translation is based on adopting the variant instead of .
34
In DN 26 at DN III 69,13 a decrease from 20,000 to 10,000 comes about through slander. Notably, the actual
story does not involve slander, as it describes how someone reports a thief, who indeed had committed
thievery, to the king. Franke 1913: 266 note 2 comments on his translation of the passage in question that
pisu vc actually means slander, but he opts for changing this to boasting, "eigentlich 'Verleumdung'
hier aber mssen wir die Bedeutung etwas modeln." Walshe 1987: 601 note 793 comments on the same
passage: "even though the charge was justified! But the denunciation was malicious." As far as I can see the
actual description in DN 26 at DN III 69,6 provides no basis for assuming that this could be a case of boasting
or of malicious intent. It just indicates that someone committed theft and another person told the king that
so-and-so had committed theft. In M 70 at T I 522c17 a decrease from 20,000 to 10,000 comes about through
false and slanderous speech.
The logic of this part of the presentation is not entirely straightforward and the reference to adultery
seems out of place, since the narration in all versions relates the arising of falsehood to theft and killing,
not to adultery. According to M 70 at T I 522c22, sexual misconduct arises once falsehood and slandering
have come into being. This seems a more natural pattern, since the loss of commitment to truth and to
harmony could indeed be envisaged as leading to a lack of concern about the repercussions of indulging in
sexual misconduct.
36
DN 26 at DN III 69,25 proceeds from a lifespan of 10,000 to 5,000 years because of sexual misconduct. This
is then followed by harsh speech and gossip leading to 2,500 or 2,000 years, and covetousness and ill will
resulting in a further decrease of the lifespan to 1,000 years. In M 70 at T I 522c23 the lifespan of 10,000
years decreases to 5,000 because of sexual misconduct. A further decrease to 2,500 comes about through
unlawful desires, greed, and wrong teachings. This then decreases to 1,000 because of slander, harsh speech,
and gossip. Parts of a description of the gradual decline of lifespan from 10,000 onwards can be found in the
Sanskrit fragments SHT V 1333 and 1334, Sander and Waldschmidt 1985: 228230.
37
DN 26 at DN III 70,11 and M 70 at T I 523a3 agree that wrong view causes a decline from 1,000 to 500 years.
38
Adopting a variant that adds before .
39
DN 26 at DN III 70,17 proceeds from a lifespan of 500 to 250 or 200 years because of unlawful desires,
excessive greed, and wrong teachings. Lack of respect for parents and for recluses and brahmins then leads
to a further decrease to 100 years. In M 70 at T I 523a6 lack of respect for parents and for recluses and
brahmins, not doing meritorious deeds, and not seeing a future retribution for offences lead to a decrease
of lifespan from 500 to 250 or 200 years, a description followed by noting that nowadays people live up to
100 years.
40
The translation is based on adopting the variant instead of .
10
11
12
M 70 at T I 524a8 proceeds instead from 640 years to 2,500 years. Both the shift from 640 to 2,000 in the
other versions and the shift from 640 to 2,500 in M 70 no longer conform to the doubling of numbers
adopted up to this point. For what comes afterwards, however, 2,500 seems to fit better, since through
further doublings this yields 5,000, 10,000, 20,000, 40,000 and 80,000. The same is not the case for 2,000.
52
D 6 at T I 41c9 refers to the absence of , which according to Hirakawa 1997: 367 can, in addition to its
more common meaning of ry and mtsarya, also render vidvea. The context (opposition to maitr), the
parallels, and the pattern provided by the ten wholesome courses of action indicate that this alternative
sense of the term is the appropriate choice here.
53
D 6 at T I 41c17: , which seems out of context since wrong views have already been left behind with
the previous stage. M 70 at T I 524b16 at this point speaks of not practising wrong teachings, ,
presumably a further step to be taken once wrong view has in principle already been given up. DN 26 at DN
III 74,12 in its summary presentation similarly distinguishes between wrong view and wrong teachings as
two distinct things to be given up. Perhaps the reference to as the third of three unwholesome states
here and at an earlier point in D 6 is the result of a textual error and the proper reading in both instances
should rather be .
13
54
DN 26 at DN III 75,7 lists only three diseases: desire, not eating, and old age. M 70 at T I 524b28 lists cold
and heat, defecation and urination, desire, not eating, and old age.
55
In DN 26 at DN III 76,1 the future Buddha is mentioned later, after the description of the wheel-turning
king endowed with seven treasures. M 70 does not mention the future Buddha at all.
56
D 6 at T I 42a5: , literally 'taste', which according to Hirakawa 1997: 250 can also render vyajana.
57
DN 26 at DN III 76,19 speaks only of several thousands of disciples of Maitreya.
58
Such a remark is not found in the parallels.
14
59
D 6 at T I 42a15: , for which Hirakawa 1997: 423 lists ypa, besides its usual meaning of ketu or dhvaja.
According to DN 26 at DN III 76,23, the ypa raised by Sakha had been constructed by Mahpanda; cf.
Leumann 1919: 195f and Anlayo 2010: 102 note 21. M 70 does not mention a ypa at all.
60
D 6 at T I 42a28: ; a rendering which would go back to an original praha/pahna instead of
pradhna/padhna; on this issue in general cf., e.g., Minh Chau 1964/1991: 327, Bapat 1969: 5, and Gethin
1992: 7072.
15
61
Before taking up the four bases for supernormal power, DN 26 at DN III 77,8 and M 70 at T I 524c15
present the practice of the four satipahnas as the way to keep to one's own resort, corresponding to the
indication made in D 6 at the outset of the discourse; cf. above note 5.
62
For a discussion of the significance of these two factors of absorptions cf. Anlayo 2014b.
63
My translation is based on the assumption that the reference to in D 6 at T I 42b8 renders an
instrumental kyena in the Indic original, which in such contexts functions as an idiomatic expression to
convey personal and direct experience; cf. Schmithausen 1981: 214 and 249 ad. note 50, Radich 2007: 263,
Harvey 2009: 180 note 10, and Anlayo 2011a: 379 note 203.
64
M 70 does not take up the topic of a monk's wealth and consequently does not mention the
brahmavihras.
16
Lifespan decreases to
20,000
10,000
1,000
500
300 or 200 or 100
Reasons given in DN 26
theft and killing
false speech
slander
sexual misconduct
harsh speech, gossip
covetousness, ill will
wrong view
unlawful lust/greed, wrong teachings
lack of respect
Lifespan decreases to
40,000
20,000
10,000
5,000
2,500 or 2,000
1,000
500
250 or 200
100
Reasons given in M 70
theft
killing
false and slanderous speech
sexual misconduct
unlawful desires/greed, wrong teachings
slander, harsh speech, gossip
wrong view
lack of respect
Lifespan decreases to
40,000
20,000
10,000
5,000
2,500
1,000
500
250 or 200
65
DN 26 at DN III 78,23 and M 70 at T I 524c25 present the destruction of the influxes (sava) as what
constitutes the power of a monk.
66
M 70 at T I 524c29 similarly indicates that the power of Mra will be overcome by the superior wisdom
power of one who has destroyed the influxes. DN 26 at DN III 79,1 instead contrasts the power of Mra to an
increase of merit by building up wholesome states; the commentary Sv III 858,9 then relates the notion of
merit to the destruction of the influxes.
17
Lifespan increases to
20
40 up to 80,000
Reasons given in M 70
no killing
no stealing
no sexual misconduct
no falsehood
no slander
no harsh speech
no gossip
no covetousness
no ill will
no wrong view
no unlawful desires/greed, wrong teachings
no disrespect
Lifespan increases to
20
40
80
160
320
640
2,500
5,000
10,000
20,000
40,000
80,000
Here the relationship to the ten courses of action is even more evident. Clearly, a central
function of the tale is to inculcate morality. Its present form as a description of what
actually happened in the past and will happen in the future may well be an example of a
general tendency to literalism evident in the early discourses.67 Elsewhere I have shown
that this tendency is particularly evident with some jtaka tales, where what originally
67
As pointed out by Gombrich 1996: 21, "unintentional literalism has been a major force for change in the
early doctrinal history of Buddhism."
18
68
19
M 66 at T I 510b24.
Anlayo 2010: 107113; cf. also, e.g., Gokhale 1994/2001: 139, who concludes that "the prophetic part
alluding to the coming Buddha Metteyya is obviously a later accretion." In the words of Collins 1998: 494, "it
may well seem odd, indeed unacceptable, to the dour-faced and humorless positivism with which these
texts are so often read that the earliest text-place where a reference to the future Buddha is found should
be a humorous parable."
76
M 70 at T I 524c10: , , , , .
77
D 6 at T I 42a18: , , .
78
DN 26 at DN III 76,27: kesamassu (Ce: kesamass) ohretv ksyni vatthni acchdetv agrasm
anagriya pabbajissati.
79
Although the happening of such a future disappearance of the wheel-treasure is not reported in D 6 or
its parallels DN 26 and M 70, it can be found in an account paralleling the description of the world at the
time of the future wheel-turning king in the Divyvadna, Cowell and Neil 1886: 61,15 (cf. also T 1448 at T
XXIV 25a21): As soon as Maitreya attains full awakening, the seven treasures of the wheel-turning king
aka disappear. This thereby clearly signals to the king that the time has come to go forth. At the same
time, as already pointed out by Abegg 1946: 13, it symbolizes that all worldly dominion pales beside the
spiritual dominion of a Buddha.
80
Cf., e.g., Irwin 1980 (on which cf. de Jong 1982). The Divyvadna, Cowell and Neil 1886: 61,10 (cf. also T
1448 at T XXIV 25a17), and a Maitreyavykaraa, stanza 54 in Lvi 1932b: 386,24, indicate that it is precisely
on witnessing the destruction of the ypa that Maitreya is motivated to withdraw into a forest, where he
then attains full awakening. Another instance of the same tendency can be seen earlier in the description of
those whom a crown prince should approach after the wheel-turning king has abdicated the throne; cf.
above note 14, where the description in DN 26 employs a term that alludes to Nirva, and D 6 actually
speaks of reaching Nirva.
75
20
81
Explicit references to future Buddhas in general are found in several Pli discourses as well as their
parallels. One such case is DN 16 at DN II 144,25 and the parallels Waldschmidt 1951: 298,14 (32.24), D 2 at
T I 25c12, T 5 at T I 169b20, T 6 at T I 185a1, T 7 at T I 200b22, and E 42.3 at T II 751b3. Another case is DN 28
at DN III 100,4 (= SN 47.12 at SN V 159,23) and the parallels D 18 at T I 76c8, T 18 at T I 255b1, and S 498 at T
II 130c14. Yet another case is SN 6.2 at SN I 140,4 (= AN 4.21 at AN II 21,12) and the parallels S 1188 at T II
322a5 and S 101 at T II 410a18.
82
M 66 at T I 510a1 (Ajita) and 510c10 (Maitreya). Maitreya's aspiration to be the future Buddha is also
reported in T 44 at T 830b17, but here the other monk aspiring to future wheel-turning kingship is not
named; cf. T I 830b1. A discourse quotation in the Abhidharmakoopyik-k has only preserved Maitreya's
aspiration; cf. D 4094 nyu 91a3 or Q 5595 thu 139a2. For a more detailed discussion of this whole episode cf.
Anlayo 2010: 118127.
83
Kudo 2004: 56,9 (= Lvi 1932a: 40,1).
84
In the Siksamuccaya Bendall 1902/1970: 97,8, Ajita is asked a question and in the next line Maitreya
replies.
85
Senart 1882: 51,6: ajito bodhisatvo mama atyayena buddho loke bhaviyati iti. ajito nmena maitreyo gotrea.
Senart 1897: 246,13: ajite maitreyo bhaviyati angate. Ajita as name of the Buddha Maitreya occurs also in
the Angatavasa, cf., e.g., stanza 43, Minayeff 1886: 46,4: ajito nma nmena metteyyo dvipaduttamo.
21
As part of a listing of the radiances of several Buddhas, the Mahvastu indicates, Senart 1897: 330,8: ajito
dvdaayojanaprabho siddhrtho viadyojanaprabho maitreyo dvdaayojanaprabho. As already noted by
Edgerton 1953/1998: 7 (s.v. Ajita), here Ajita is the "name of a future Buddha, but seemingly distinguished
from Maitreya"; for further references to Ajita cf. ibid. and Lamotte 1958/1988: 702706.
87
Nakanishi and von Hinber 2014: 79: sidha bhagav bodhisato ayito angato budho upsakena vk(h)icna[],
visghena saputakena krito savalokasa hitasugh ca, "Success! The Lord Bodhisatva Ayita (Ajita), the future
Buddha, was ordered to be made by the lay practitioner (upsaka) Visgha (Vikha) from the Vkhica
family with his son(s) for the well-being and happiness of the whole world." I am indebted to Seishi
Karashima for drawing my attention to the existence of this inscription when the above publication was
still in preparation. For a recent survey of Maitreya iconography in general cf. Behrendt 2014.
88
Przyluski 1929: 10 and 1931: 6, Lvi 1932b: 360, Rowland 1938: 75, and Soper 1949: 265 note 30 consider
occurrences of the term Ajita as supporting an Iranian origin of the Maitreya motif, given that one of the
epithets of Mithra is "invincible", ajita; cf. also von Gabain 1987: 28. Yet, the choice of such a term would
seem natural for designating someone about to become a wheel-turning king, which is Ajita's role in M 66.
By dint of possessing the seven treasures a wheel-turning king is so invincible that he does not even need to
engage in a fight. The application of the same qualification to the future Buddha is similarly not surprising,
22
23
concerned with another theme, it is in my view only natural that a relationship to the present Buddha
through a disciple aspiring to become Maitreya only manifests subsequently, as evident in the narration in
M 66/T 44.
95
For a survey of the main stages of development leading to the Maitreya cult cf. Kloppenborg 1982: 38f.
96
Tiele 1912: 159 reasons that "no one who has studied the Zoroastrian doctrine of the Saoshyants or the
coming saviour-prophets can fail to see their resemblance to the future Buddha Maitreya"; cf. also
Sheonarian 1934: 19. Tiele refers in support to Grnwedel, yet Grnwedel 1919: 167 only seems to intend the
development of the Maitreya motif in the northern traditions, not its origins; the same holds for, e.g.
Rosenfield 1967: 228 and Foltz 2004: 72. In sum, as pointed out by Scott 1990: 68, the "speculation that
Maitreya's role as the future Buddha was influenced in its genesis by the pre-existing Zoroastrian idea of
the future Saoshyant this alluringly simple proposition ignores weighty internal Buddhist roots."
97
Needless to say, in early Buddhist thought even the Buddha Gautama is not a saviour, but only one who
shows others the path for self-salvation; cf., e.g., AN 10.95 at AN V 195,8 and its parallel S 965 at T II 248a10,
which point out that the Buddha is not concerned with whether the whole world or only part of it will
reach liberation (another parallel, S 199 at T II 447c12, is less explicit in this respect, although the basic
implications seem to be the same).
24
29