Travelers To Greece and Constantinople

PIHANS XLIX
Travellers to Greece
and Constantinople
Ancient Monuments and Old Traditions
in Medieval Travellers Tales
J.P.A. van der Vin
Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut

te Istanbul
1980
UITGA YEN VAN HET

NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAEOLOGISCH INSTITUUT TE ISTANBUL
Publications de J'Institut historique-archeologique m\erlandais de Stamboul
sous la direction de
E. van DONZEL, Machteld J. MELLINK, C. NIJLAND et
J.J. ROODENBERG
XLIX
TRA YELLERS TO GREECE AND CONSTANTINOPLE

Ancient Monuments and Old Traditions in Medieval Travellers' Tales
Volume I
TRA YELLERS TO GREECE AND

CONSTANTINOPLE
Volume I
by
J.P.A. VAN DER VIN
NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAEOLOGISCH INSTITUUT

TE ISTANBUL
1980
Copyright 1980 by
Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten
Noordeindsplein 4a-6a,
2311 AH Leiden, Nederland
All rights reserved, including the right to translate or

to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form
ISBN 90 6258 049 I

Printed in Belgium
/
FOREWORD
The idea for this study first came into being some 10
years ago as a result of several journeys through central and
southern Greece and across the island of Crete. At that time
it occurred to me to wonder how travellers in former times
had reacted when confronted with the many remains of ancient
culture in what is now Greece and in western Turkey. This led
to some cautious research, which eventually gave rise to this
book.
This study consists of three parts: Part I is primarily
concerned with the travellers; their personalities, their
motives for travelling, their route and the accounts of their
experiences they left behind are dealt with here.
In part II the various reports about 'archaeologica' are given,
arranged geographically. Part Ill contains those fragments
from the travellers'tales which are important for this study.
All the accounts which are published in English, French or
German have been taken from existing editions of the texts;
a number of the Latin texts are given in an English translation, to make these, too, accessible to a wider public.
r would like to thank most sincerely all those who have
assisted me with their help, advice, encouragement, questions
or comments. Among them I include the staff of the Koninklijk
Penningkabinet, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, the Universiteitsbibliotheek in Leiden, the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris and
the Library of Dumbarton Oaks in Washington, who showed great
willingness in complying with my many and often difficult requirements.
I am particularly grateful to the Ministry of Culture,
Recreation and Social Affairs for allowing me to reduce my
work load somewhat for a period of one and a half years, and
so making it possible for me to write this book.
The translation of the entire book was done by Drs. R.M. van
Wengen-Shute. She carried out this task with great rapidity
and has made an excellent job of it, realizing to the full
my aim of producing a readable book. I am extremely grateful
to her for this. I am most grateful to the Ministry of Education and Science for their contribution to the costs of translation and also to the Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije
Oosten which accepted this study for publication in their
series.
VI
FOREWORD
It is difficult to give an exact definition of the area to

which the travellers voyaged, for the political situation
has been changed very much during and after the middle ages.
'Byzantine empire' has been used in a political sense, but
only for the period until 1204.
'Greece' is an indication for a geographical entity more or
less corresponding with the modern republic of Greece.
'Asia Minor' indicates the West coast of Turkey and the
Lycian coastal towns of Patara and Myra.
The Hague, December 1979.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
V
Foreword
Table of contents
VII
Abbreviations
Part I: The Travellers
Introduction
Pilgrimages
13
1. The position of Greece in Pilgrimages

to Jerusalem
2. Constantinople as a place of pilgrimage
3. The value and the content of pilgrims'
reports
4. Benjamin of Tudela
5. Wilhelm von Boldensele
6. Ludolf von Sudheim
?. Niccolo da Martoni
B. Pero Tafur
9. Summary
13
30
37
52
63
The Crusades and the Latin States in Greece
65
1. Crusaders: 1th-4th crusades

2. Robert de Clari
3. The Latin States in Greece
4. Crusade Plans in the 14th and 15th
century
.65
75
80
86
Chapter Ill.
Envoys
97
Chapter IV.
Merchants
105
Chapter V.
Soldiers
113
1. Mercenaries
2. Prisoners of War
113
119
Chapter VI.
Missionaries and Spiritual Advisers
125
Chapter VII.
Geographers
129
1. Geographic activity up to about 1400

2. Cristoforo Buondelmonti
3. Arab geographers
129
133
150
Chapter I.
Chapter II.
18
20
24
25
TABLE OF CONTENTS
VIII
Chapter VIII. Scholars and students: studies at a Greek

university
155
Chapter IX.
Tourists
163
Other travel accounts: Jean de Mandeville
167
Chapter
x.
Chapter XI.
Language and linguistic problems: the know- 171

ledge of greek in western Europe
Part II: The Monuments

Introduction
Chapter XII.
183
Northern Greece
189
1. ThessaZonica
2. Stageira-Athos
3. HeZZespont-GaZZipoZi
4. other pZaces on the mainZand
5. Ionian IsZands
189
191
192
193
194
Chapter XIII. Central Greece
1. Athens
2. Piraeus-Porto Rafti
197
?. Patras
B. Euboea (Negroponte)
197
208
209
210
210
211
214
217
Southern Greece
219
1. Modon and Koran

2. Cerigo
3. MoneJWasia
4. Sparta-Mistra
5. Kyparissia
219
220
223
224
225
Chapter XV.
Crete
227
Chapter XVI.
The Archipelago
239
1. Chi os
2. Rhodes
3. Patmos and Cos
4. other isZands
239
242
245
247
3. EZeusis-Megara
4. Sounion
5. Thebes
6. Corinth-Isthmus
Chapter XIV.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
IX
Chapter XVII. Constantinople
249
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
B.
9.
10.
249
256
260
266
271
278
281
287
289
290
appearance and situation

Hagia Sophia
other churches and monasteries
Hippodrome
the statue of Justinian I on horseback
monumental columns
palaces
water supply
other buildings
Galata-Pera
Chapter XVIII.Westcoast of Asia Minor
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Tray
Nicea
Nicomedia-Bursa
Ephesus
other cities
Epilogue
293
293
297
298
299
301
303
1. The antique monuments in Italy and

the influence of the Renaissance on
archaeological activities
2. The attitude of the Greeks with
regard to their antiquities
3. The attitude of the Turks to the
classical monuments
4. The attitude of the Latin population
to the classical monuments
303
310
319
321
Conclusion
325
Notes
329
Select Bibliography
477
Texts
481
Index of names and places
711
ABBREVIATIONS
AA.
Archaologischer Anzeiger
AJA.
American Journal of Archaeology
AM.
Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen

Instituts, Athenische Abteilung
BCH.
Bulle.tin de Correspondance HelHmique
Bildlexikon
W. MUller-Wiener (ed.), BiZdZexikon zur TopoIstanbuZs~ TUbingen, 1977
graphie
BSA.
Annual of the British School at Athens
BZ.
Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CIG.
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CIL.
CRAI.
Compte rendu de l'Academie des Inscriptions

et Belles Lettres
DOP.
Dumbarton Oaks Papers
Jdi.
Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen

Instituts
JHS.
Journal of Hellenic Studies
JRS.
Journal of Roman Studies
MGH. SS.
Monumenta Germaniae
Migne, PL.
Migne, J-P., PatroZogiaLatina, 221 vols.,

Paris, 1844-64
Recueil Occ.
RecueiZ des historiens des croisades~

historiens occidentaux, 5 vols., Paris, 1845-
Historica~
1895
REG.
Revue des etudes grecques
Scriptores
P A R T
THE TRAVELLERS
INTRODUCTION
'By donkey, on foot and on horseback, hungry and thirsty,
moaning and groaning and ready to drop, I arrived at Naupactus'.
It is in these cheerless terms that Liudprand of Cremona
describes his forty-nine day journey from Constantinople
through northern Greece to Naupactus (Lepanto) 1 . In 968 he had
been sent by the German emperor Otto I as an ambassador to the
Byzantine court of Emperor Nicephorus Phocas, to ask for the
hand of a porphyrogenita, a Byzantine princess. This mission
was unsuccessful, and after staying several months in the
Byzantine capital he obtained leave to return home. In his
description of his legation he gives an account of all the
miseries he had to endure, both in Constantinople and en route.
The picture he paints of Greece and of the Greeks is an entirely negative one.
Now, a thousand years later, the situation has undergone
a complete change, Jet planes, ferries and trains convey
thousands of travellers quickly and comfortably to the Greek
world. The tourist trade has become for Greece and Turkey an
important source of income. The magnificent scenery with its
rugged mountains and its many islands scattered in a blue sea,
a delightful climate, the hospitable inhabitants, the relatively low prices, all these have helped to turn the Greek mainland and the islands into a holiday resort par excellence 2
In particular, the remains from the Greek, Roman and Byzantine
periods have come to occupy a position of central interest 3
The Acropolis of Athens and that of Linctus in Rhodes, the
temple of Poseidon in Cape Sounion, the tholos of Delphi, the
temple site of Olympia, the theatre of Epidaurus, the ruins
of Ephesus and Troy, and the labyrinthine Minoan palace at
Knossos, all these are well known far and wide outside Greece
Not only in these great centres, but also in innumerable
smaller places, much of the past has been preserved,
Excavations undertaken in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries brought to light enormous quantities of material
which had until then remained hidden, thereby immensely increasing our knowledge of Greek antiquity. On the other hand,
many of the monuments never had been hidden from view; the imposing temple of Athena Parthenos on the Athenian Acropolis
had always been there for every visitor to Athens to see.
Up to 1687 this building, dating from the fifth century B.C.
had undergone only a few unimportant changes, most of them on
the inside. It was only during the Venetian-Turkish war in
INTRODUCTION
1687 that, after two thousand years, the creation of Iotinus,

Phidias and Callicrates suffered irreparable damage. Yet what
remains still forms an impressive and widely visible whole.
As well as the Athenian Parthenon other remains from the
times of the Greeks, Romans and Byzantines, spread over the
whole country, have always been visible and accessible both to
the inhabitants and to visitors. It must, moreover, be pointed out that even though expert excavations did not take place
until the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, throughout the
ages objects had continually been dug up, either accidentally,
or otherwise. They were constantly appearing from underground
- pillars, statues, stelai and ceramics, but especially coins,
ornaments, jewels and cameos. Information about discoveries
of this sort is purely incidental: Cristoforo Buondelmonti
mentions that in about 1420 about five hundred statues were
discovered in a vineyard in Rhodes 4 The fact that ancient
building materials (spolia) were re-used in medieval buildings,
and that mainly ancient jewels and cameos were incorporated
into medieval objets d'art is evidence of a permanent supply
of ancient materials. That such finds were not themselves
purely incidental, but that relics of ancient cultures were
discovered with great regularity, can be seen from the journal of the seventeenth-century orientalist Antoine Galland.
On January 27 1672, he writes from Athens, where he is staying: 'qu'en fouillant dedans et aux environs de la ville on
decouvroit tous les jours quelques statues ou d'autres restes
d'antiquite' 5
The interest, admiration and appreciation which have placed
Greek antiquity in a central position in our own time contrast
with the total indifference of the middle ages. Tourism, as
it has developed in Europe since the seventeenth century, was
then completely unknown 6 Travelling was not, at that time, a
pleasant form of recreation, but an undertaking fraught with
danger and suspense. The passage from the work of Liudprand
of Cremona quoted above leaves us in no doubt of that. People
were prepared to leave their house and home and set off into
the unknown only if they were commanded to do so, or if the
hoped-for outcome of the journey was sufficiently desirable
to outweigh the hardships and danger involved. The difficulty
of travelling inside Europe in the middle ages was due most
of all to the lack of safety. There were constant wars between feudal lords to be reckoned with, as well as highwaymen
and pirates, who had more or less a free hand. There was no
hope of sanctions from higher up, since in most places there
was, for a long time, no central authority at all.
INTRODUCTION
Vehicles too, were often deficient; the system of roads and

bridges built by the Romans had been neglected, and had fallen
largely into disrepair, so that it was often necessary to seek
out a way through the country for oneself, either on horseback
or on foot. No wonder that in these circumstances people preferred to travel in groups, and that traffic was for the most
part concentrated on a few main routes 7 .
Travelling by sea was equally difficult and hazardous.
Ships were small, and often badly equipped; people were often
seasick and as well as the risk of shipwreck and storms there
was the constant threat of pirates, Arab or western.
In the Islamic areas outside Europe the situation was
rather different. A number of Islamites are known to have
undertaken extremely long and extensive journeys for the purposes of study and scientific interest, or purely out of
interest in strange countries and peoples. A man like Ibn
Battuta, for example, in the fourteenth century, spent some
thirty years travelling in the Middle East and China, as well
as in tropical Africa.
Travelling before the eleventh century

In the period between the Migration of the Nations and
the eleventh century there was no large scale travelling
inside Europe. Doubtless people did travel; ambassadors
travelled back and forth to carry out the commands of their
temporal or spiritual masters. Bishops made fairly regular
journeys to Rome to pay their respects to the Holy See 8 ,
There was, moreover, an increasing number of pious folk who
set out on pilgrimages, either to some shrine in their own
vicinity, or to the graves of the apostles Peter and Paul in
Rome. Occasionally an individual, such as the Gallic bishop
Arculf in about 675 9 , would even undertake the long journey
to Jerusalem. There was regular contact between the various
monasteries, and the courts also exerted a powerful attraction for their surroundings. Artists, scholars and merchants
usually received a hospitable welcome at the courts.
Yet in the period before the eleventh century travel was
limited to small groups. Mass migrations such as those which
took place in the later middle ages were, as yet, out of the
question.
Trade contacts in the West of Europe never completely broke
down in the early middle ages. It is no longer possible to
regard this period as the 'Dark Ages', a time in which nothing
happened. Times of increased trade and traffic alternate with
periods of more limited contact, but on the whole a steady
INTRODUCTION
growth can be observed in the trade traffic of western Europe.

Of the goods which were traded little remains; the coins used
in the purchase and sale of these goods have, however, in
some cases, been preserved, buried underground. It is this
numismatic material, which has turned up in innumerable hoards
all over Europe, which has, in the last decennia, done much
to clarify our view of many aspects of medieval trade. Together with the relatively few literary sources the discovery
of these hoards constitutes the most important historical information about that period 10
In the last few decennia scholars have tried to sketch
the development of trade and shipping in the early middle ages
on the evidence of the available historical, archeological and
numismatic material 11 The following conclusion which emerges
from their work is important for the present study. It appears
that up till the eleventh century trade and traffic were confined mainly to two large areas: the one around the Mediterranean Sea, the other within the territory of northwest Europe.
Contacts between these two trade blocs were, however, limited
in scope, and it is only in the course of the eleventh century
that it is possible to see clear signs of the merging and mixing of the two spheres of influence, 12 with the trading centre
moving northward to the area between the Po and the Rhine. Due
to the closed-in nature of both the north and the south of
Europe there was little or no direct contact between Byzantium
and western Europe. It is assumed that there were indirect
contacts, via Italy and via Scandinavia; the presence of
Byzantine gold and Byzantine ornaments in France and England including a magnificent dish with four silver hall-marks of
Emperor Anastasius among the Sutton Hoo treasures - proves
that such contacts did, in any case, exist 13
An important factor which prevented the formation of direct
contacts between Greek territory and the West was the attitude
of the Greeks themselves. The Byzantine world was very much an
inward-looking one, where people showed no interest in what
was going on in what the Byzantines saw as the 'barbaric'
West. Thus no attempts were made from the Byzantine side to
maintain contacts with western Europe. Moreover, the Greeks
themselves hardly engaged in trade at all. In the mediterranean area trade, in the early middle ages, was almost entirely in the hands of Jews and 'Syrians' - a general name for
anybody from the East. 1 ~ These Syrians and Jews collected
eastern products from certain harbours appointed by the
Byzantine emperors, the most important of which was Constantinople, and arranged for their transport and their sale in
INTRODUCTION
western Europe. In the fifth to seventh centuries there were

colonies of these Levantine merchants in all the large towns
around the Mediterranean Sea: in harbours such as Marseilles,
Narbonne, Aries, Genoa, Naples and Palermo, but they can also
be found in towns further inland, such as Lyons and Vienne,
and even Orleans and Paris. 15
From these places oriental and Byzantine products, including slaves, furs and luxury articles, were distributed
throughout France, England and Germany. In western Europe the
trade which during the Merovingian period had mainly been in
a south-north direction changed its course during the Carolingian period.
Contacts with the area round the Mediterranean Sea had been
reduced to almost nothing, and this led, in the ninth century
to the disappearance of the Levantine and Jewish traders.
The trading centre was no longer in Marseilles and in the
Rhone valley 16 , but when, in the ninth and tenth centuries,
trade was gradually transferred to Italian hands, activity
was concentrated upon such cities as Venice, Genoa, Ancona,
Amalfi and Pisa. From there the products could be distributed
by local merchants. Just as on the Byzantine side there was
no attempt to maintain contacts with the West, so in the West
hardly anything of this sort was attempted. This, however,
was not due to a lack of interest, but to a lack of the
means to finance expensive and dangerous journeys to Greece.
Brehier concludes, at the end of his study, that western
travellers to eastern Mediterranean regions cannot be traced
on the basis of the available material, and that if any activity was indeed engaged upon by people from the West then
this activity cannot, in any case, have been of any great importance.17 In the above it has always been assumed that any
contacts between Greece and Constantinople with the West
would in any case involve a voyage, long or short, by ship.
The shortest sea route was the crossing from a harbour in
southern Italy to one of the Ionian islands, or to the west
coast of Greece. However abhorrent the idea of a sea journey,
there was simply no alternative, as the overland route
straight across the Balkans, the area where the Byzantine
empire bordered on the rest of Europe, was impassable until
the eleventh century.
The unsafe state of the Balltans, which was largely due to
still uncivilized Serbian and Bulgarian tribes, made traffic
through that area impossible. This may be clearly seen from
the maps in 'The Northern Seas' where Lewis shows the major
trade routes of Europe: although in the early middle ages we
INTRODUCTION
see in the north and west an ever-closer network of trade

routes, up to 1100 the Balkans are traversed by not a single
continuous route. 18
The fact that the Balkans were scrupulously avoided is confirmed by the route which Liudprand of Cremona took from the
German Empire to Constantinople and back. In 969 he made the
hazardous journey, lasting 49 days, through northern Greece
to Naupactus; from there he continued to Corfu, and from that
island he ventured on the crossing to southern Italy. The impossibility of taking the overland route was used at the
Byzantine court as an argument for keeping him in Constantinople for several weeks. 19
The lack of safety in Europe, which made long distance
traffic difficult to organize, the fact that Byzantium was
not directly connected to the west-European network of trade
routes, but was only accessible by sea, and, most of all,
an indifference to each other's way of life and culture all these resulted in the fact that in the period prior to
about 1100 the Byzantine empire remained beyond the ken of
the inhabitants of western Europe.
The testimonies of western Europeans included in this
book are almost all post-eleventh century. With the exception
of Arculf and Liudprand of Cremona the few medieval travellers from the West who visited Constantinople or other places
in Greek territory left no account of their experiences.
Changes after the eleventh century

In the course of the eleventh century the situation in
western Europe underwent a change, which improved the
possibility of travelling. In several areas sovereigns
succeeded in establishing a more or less stable central
authority, and although this did not immediately put a complete stop to the many feudal wars it did bring about a
greater degree of safety and tranquillity, 20
The Vikings gradually gave up their raids and settled down
in Normandy and, in the same period, in England. As a result
of their victory over the Arabs in 1061-91 the island of
Sicily also came under their government. The one great threat
in the south of Europe was still the Arabs, whose ships made
the Mediterranean Sea unsafe, even after their base in Kandak
(Iraklion) in Crete had been captured by Emperor Nicephorus
Phocas in 961. 21 The Crusades started by Pope Urban II in
1096, also contributed to greater peace in western Europe;
one of their results was that because many noblemen went off
INTRODUCTION
to the Holy Land many existing feuds either faded into the
background or else were fought out outside Europe. 22
As well as the greater degree of peace and stability
in the West, the changed situation in eastern Europe must
also be taken into consideration. During the eleventh century a direct relationship grew up between Byzantium and
western Europe, because the great route across the Balkans,
which had been blocked for several centuries, came back into
use. It was now once more possible to travel to Constantinople
and Greece from the West entirely by land,on horseback, on
mules, on foot or in carts. This re-opening of the Balkan
route was made possible by two important factors: the Christianizing of the Hungarians and Bulgarians, and also the
strong expansion of the Byzantine empire towards the north.
The highly successful expeditions of Emperor Basil II (9761025) are well known, and earned him the nickname 'Bulgaroctonus'. The growing influence of Italian seafarers on trade
with the Byzantine empire should also be mentioned as a
further factor in helping to draw Byzantium and the West
closer together.
From the ninth and tenth century onwards Venetians,
Genoese and the inhabitants of Pisa, Amalfi and several
smaller Italian seaports had managed to wrest the entire
trade with Byzantium right out of the hands of the Levantines
and Jews. This increase in trade naturally led to regular
contacts between Byzantium and many places throughout Italy.
The growing contact with western Europe even led, in the
twelfth century, to a change in the mentality of a number
of prominent Byzantines. Emperor Manuel I Comnenus (1143-80)
showed a clear leaning towards the West: he married western
princesses, first Bertha von Sulzbach and then Mary of
Antioch, and favoured Italian merchants; his successor,
Alexius II (1180-83) married Agnes of France, a daughter of
Louis VII. These overtures to western Europe were not, however, greatly appreciated by the Greek population. 23
All this led to places in the Byzantine empire, and especially Constantinople, being visited by non-Greeks from the
eleventh century onward, either as destinations in themselves,
or as stopping places on a longer journey.
Journeys were made by people of every sort, each for his own
purposes. Among the travellers of the late middle ages one
could find members of the high nobility, but also bishops and
regular or secular clergy. Ordinary citizens also took part
to an increasing extent in international traffic.
INTRODUCTION
I have tried to divide into groups those whose travels

brought them into contact with Greece and its culture, and
who, moreover, left a written record of their experiences.
In the following chapters I shall examine the contribution
made by these travellers - pilgrims, crusaders, diplomats,
missionaries, geographers, scholars and students, merchants,
mercenaries and adventurers, each in their own way - to a
better knowledge of medieval Greece. There is also a group
of travellers that could be described in modern terms as
'tourists', though this group is small and its representatives are drawn from outside Europe.
This division of people into groups has occasionally led to
problems, since it is not always entirely clear to which category a particular traveller belongs; some really belong in
more than one category. The crusaders, for example, used to
call themselves 'pilgrims'; a pilgrimage was sometimes used
as a cloak for espionage; missionaries sometimes engaged in
the study of language and culture. Thus some people will be
considered in more than one context.
The way in which these people reacted when confronted with
the material remains of a far older culture forms the central
theme of this study. No distinction has been made, purposely,
between Greek, Roman and Byzantine remains. For the traveller
there was no such distinction; the western European of the
middle ages lacked the historical realization that his own
time was quite different from the successive cultures which
preceded it. This is equally true of the inhabitants of the
Byzantine empire; until the fall of Constantinople to the
Turks in the fifteenth century they regarded Byzantium as an
uninterrupted continuation of the Roman empire - just as in
western Europe Charlemagne and the German emperors called
themselves Roman Emperor.
In this introduction I want to devote some attention to
the numbers of people who set out their travels. In the
twentieth century it has become quite normal for the number
of people travelling for reasons of work or recreation, or
for other reasons, to run into many millions. In an aeroplane
about five hundred people at once can reach the far side of
the globe within twenty-four hours. By train, thousands of
people can be transported considerable distances in a relatively short time. Such massive figures must be set aside
when considering travel in the middle ages. The majority of
journeys lasted weeks, sometimes even months, and were undertaken by individuals, who in certain circumstances - particularly for reasons of safety - formed themselves into
INTRODUCTION
small groups. In the case of crusades larger numbers of

people were doubtless involved, though the choice of ships
as a means of transport must have imposed some limits on the
size of the expeditions.
From the twelfth century onwards there is a steady increase in travel, caused mainly by the great growth in the
number of pilgrimages. Most of these pilgrimages, however,
were to not too far-distant shrines; long-distance travel
was, even then, relatively limited, As well as the many
dangers and difficulties which inevitably accompanied a long
journey there were also the high costs of such undertaking,
which not many people can have been able to afford.
There are no exact figures available of travellers in any
particular area. It is clear, however, that in the middle
ages pilgrims outnumbered all other groups of travellers,
such as merchants, soldiers, missionaries and adventurers.
In the works of Italian chroniclers such as Villani and
Ventura estimates are found of the number of pilgrims to Rome
in the jubilee year 1300. Ventura mentions a total of two
million people, 24 while Villani states that throughout the
whole year there were always more than two hundred thousand
staying in Rome. 25 Such estimates do not, of course, give
any certainty as to the actual number of travellers, but it
is at least possible to conclude that the number of people
in Rome in that year was so great as to make a deep impression
on the authors, who emphasize that they themselves were
present as eyewitnesses. 26
Dante, too, in his Divine Comedy, paints a picture of the
thousands of pilgrims who, in 1300, daily thronged across
the bridge over the Tiber near St. Peter's, in both directions.27 Yet most of these thousands of pilgrims must have
come from Italy. Parks, in his study of English travellers
in Italy comes to the conclusion, after consulting a great
number of sources, that in 1300 only about two hundred of
this throng of visitors to Rome would have been English. 28
I think it probable that the figures for other distant
countries would be similar. Rome and Compostela were the two
most important places of pilgrimage to which great streams
of pilgrims set out in the later middle ages; Jerusalem remained rather an exclusive destination, even though for many
people a visit to that city was a cherished desire. The relatively small extent of travel to Jerusalem is particularly
evident from the Venetian archives. For certain periods
there are records of the number of pilgrims to the Holy Land
10
INTRODUCTION
who went there by ship from Venice. For the period 1380-90
the pilgrims transported by a specially organized service
29
from Venice numbered between three and four hundred a year.
The total number of travellers to Palestine was, of course,
higher, since there were other travelling possibilities as
well as this special service; but it should be borne in mind
that although Venice was not the only place from which pilgrims were transported to the Holy Land it was the most important. To sum up, it may be stated that travel to Byzantium, or via Byzantium to the Holy Land, was never a mass
undertaking in the middle ages, but that it was rather a
matter of small groups who journeyed to the edges of Europe,
and beyond. Situated at the farthest eastern corner of
Europe, the Byzantine empire never occupied a prominent
position in European traffic, with the regrettable but unavoidable result that visits to and descriptions of Greece
and Constantinople were but few in number.
To conclude this introduction a word must be said
about the value of medieval travel accounts as a source.
Clearly, this evidence from the middle ages cannot be judged
according to twentieth-century criteria. 30 There are various
negative aspects 31 : more often than not the travellers'
reports are inaccurate. and often contain information they
have not understood, or only partially; and many authors
have a tendency to grossly exaggerate all sorts of things
which attracted their attention on their journey.
In particular, things they have heard while abroad often come
across wrongly or in a distorted form as a result of an
inadequate knowledge of the language. 32
One of the foremost reasons for this inaccuracy is the fact
that most of the accounts were only written after the traveller's return to his own country; travellers either wrote
their experiences down themselves in book form or else recounted or dictated them to professional writers. Certainly
in a number of cases use was made of notes made on the way 33 ;
but many other authors wrote either partly or entirely from
their reminiscences. Not all the authors had the same purpose
in mind when they wrote. Sometimes an account was written
down to remind the author himself of his experiences. Others
were written for a wider public, who were either interested
in what the traveller had seen in far countries, or else
wanted to make use of his experiences on a similar journey
which they themselves proposed to undertake; this was often
the origin of pilgrims' books, in particular.
There are yet other accounts which are written by the
INTRODUCTION
11
traveller as a report to his employer.

The level of the writer's general education is undoubtedly of
great importance for the quality of his account, though it
should always be remembered that in the middle ages even a
well-educated man was unlikely to have any overall picture of
what was going on in the world around him. His vision, both
of time and space, was subject to many limitations, not only
on his own ground, but, to a much greater extent, in foreign
territory.
The relative frequency of stories and legends is due not so
much to the credulity of the authors as to the fact that a
traveller in a strange environment was totally dependent on
guides and interpreters. It was hardly ever possible to find
things out for oneself: pilgrims complain that without guides
(and therefore gratuities!) they could never hope to see any
relics at all; 34 ambassadors often had an escort assigned to
them by the authorities concerned. As a consequence journeys
on an individual basis were practically unknown in the middle
ages.
One last negative aspect must be mentioned: large parts of
many of the travel accounts are not the authors' own work,
but are frequently copied, with - or, more often than not
without - reference to their source, from other documents.
This plagiarism, which is not only found in west European
descriptions, but also in Russian and Arabic ones, was not
considered at all reprehensible. On the contrary, taking
over suitable passages from earlier writers was thought to
add greatly to the quality of one's own work.
In pilgrims' books, in particular, which normally contain
very little personal information, plagiarism is found on a
large scale. Yet in spite of the many disadventages and limitations of travel accounts I still believe that the positive
side must prevail. 35 The great advantage of a travel report
over everything written by theologians, philosophers, historians, chroniclers and topographers who stayed at home is
the fact that it contains the personal observations of the
writer. In his account he records the impressions made on
him in a foreign country by particular events, people,
objects and customs. Often these elements, which the traveller has personally selected as important for publication,
are recounted uncritically and at length; in other cases
there are signs of the author's critical sense, and certain
assertions are introduced with a careful 'It is said that ... '.
In every instance, however, we find the personal views of a
medieval traveller in a foreign environment. Jenkins 36 has
12
INTRODUCTION
strikingly put into words what is so valuable in medieval

travel reports: ' ... to stigmatize a medieval writer as
credulous or superstitious is to throw away at the outset
the key to the interpretation of what he writes, to falsify
history through our own anachronisms, and to treat as
negligible what may be the most valuable thing in the narrative before us - the disclosure of the man who wrote and. the
age in which he lived'.
Two main elements are found intermingled in travel reports:
the situation in the foreign territory and the author's reaction to it. With respect to the subject of this study this
means that on the one hand these reports give a picture of
the situation of the ancient monuments and the ~xistence of
old traditions in Greek territory in the middle ages, and on
the other they show the reactions of a foreigner to his confrontation with the remains of an earlier age.
How difficult it is to describe a monument or an object
is seen from the travel accounts. Only in a few cases is the
description of a work of art or a building so detailed that
it is possible to form any idea of its appearance 37 ; in
general, however, the information is scanty and incomplete 38 ;
the authors have a constant tendency to spin out insignificant details to a great length, and to neglect the main
lines 39 In selecting their subjects they frequently made
quite a different choice from the one we should have made,
and posited completely different priorities. We need not,
however, see this as a bad thing, for I believe that to
establish how people reacted in other times and other circumstances to particular events and objects, is of great
value for us in forming our view of the material remains of
a far distant past.
I. PILGRIMAGES
1. The position of Greece in pilgrimages to Jerusalem

It is a remarkable fact that until the fifteenth century
the most important incentive for undertaking a journey was
not a material but a spiritual one. All over Europe were
places of pilgrimage, large and small, to which people went
to venerate the relics of a particular saint. 1 These pilgrimages were usually to places in the vicinity, but for
people with more money and more courage more distant places
were not entirely inaccessible. Places in the Holy Land which
were known from the Scriptures, the graves of the apostles
Peter and Paul in Rome and also, from the twelfth century
onward, that of St. James in Santiago de Compostela in Spain,
formed a great attraction to the faithful. In my introduction
I have already drawn attention to the fact that of these
three places of pilgrimage Rome and Compostela drew the most
pilgrims, while the Holy Land was a place that many people
longed to visit but only relatively few people actually did.
In spite of this, it is only the pilgrims to Jerusalem who
will be considered in this study; only they had the possibility of meeting with the inhabitants of the Greek mainland and
islands on their way. For this reason a few remarks about
medieval pilgrimages to Jerusalem seem to be called for.
The oldest surviving record of a pilgrimage to Jerusalem
dates back to the reign of Emperor Constantine. In 333, only
a short time after the Edict of Milan gave freedom of religious practice to Christians, a pilgrim whose name is not
recorded set out from Bordeaux to the Holy Land. His 'Itinerarium a Bordigala Hierusalem usque' contains little in the
way of spectacular information; it consists mainly of a list
of the places he visited, with a note as to the number of
miles between these places. 2 This pilgrim gives no description of what he saw on the way. What does emerge from his
account is that he followed the usual route for his time: he
travelled entirely over land by way of the Balkans and past
Sirmium (Sofia) and the newly founded Constantinople, and
then continued across Asia Minor and on towards the East.
The return journey was by way of Macedonia and Epirus; after
crossing the Adriatic Sea his next destination was Rome. The
Migration of the Nations and the Slav invasions of the
Balkans in the following centuries made the overland route
through this territory unusable from the fifth century on. 3
14
PILGRIMAGES
Only the sea route from Italy via the Greek islands to Cyprus
and the Palestinian coast remained open, but many people were
hesitant to entrust themselves to a small and unstable boat,
The stream of pilgrims, which had already dwindled as a
result of the loss of the overland route, became even smaller
when the holy places fell into the hands of the Moslems, In
637, after a year-long siege, the patriarch of Jerusalem,
Sophronius, was compelled to hand over the keys of the city
to Caliph Omar. Under the new rulers the holy places became
extremely difficult of access for Christians; yet in spite of
this pilgrimages continued on a small scale. Thus in 675-80
the Gallic bishop Arculf travelled to Jerusalem; his journey
4
was later described in a book by the Scottish abbot Adamnanus.
This work contains a fairly detailed description of Jerusalem
and various other holy places, but at the end there are also
several chapters devoted to Constantinople.
On the return journey Arculf travelled from Alexandria via
Crete to the town on the Bosporus, where he was to spend
several months. He describes the situation of Constantinople,
with water on two of its three sides, and mentions the strong
walls round the city. The fact that many houses were built of
stone attracts his attention, and makes him compare the city
to Rome, where he had also seen similar buildings. He recounts at length a legend about its foundation which he heard
from one of the inhabitants. Arculf devotes a separate chapter to the large church in which a famous relic of the holy
cross was venerated (Hagia Sophia). Arculf's account includes
many pious legends, but he also appears to have been interested in architecture, and especially church architecture. His
descriptions are, however, brief, and contain no passages of
great archaeological importance, In England Arculf's document
must have enjoyed a certain degree of fame: in about 720 the
Venerable Bede took over a shortened version of Arculf's text
and incorporated it into his own work, De Locis sanctis.
Especially in Bede's version Arculf's account long served as
a kind of travel guide for Anglo-Saxon pilgrims to the Holy
Land. 5 Bede also recounts how Arculf met Adamnanus: as a result of a storm he was blown off course, and landed on Iona. 6
About fifty years after Arculf's voyage Willibaldus, too,
set off on a pilgrimage to Palestine, Willibaldus was of AngloSaxon origin, but in later life he worked with his brother
Winnebaldus as a missionary in Germany, where he was appointed Bishop of Eichstadt. Shortly before his death in 785
Willibald's experiences were written down by a nun in Heidenheim.7 In his biography the journey to Palestine and
PILGRIMAGES TO JERUSALEM
15
Constantinople occupy an important place. In about 722

Willibald left Rome, and from Naples he travelled eastwards
on an Egyptian ship. By way of Sicily, Monemvasia on the
Peloponnesus and various Greek islands he arrived in Ephesus,
where he visited the cave of the legendary Seven Sleepers
and also the dwelling place of St. John the Evangelist. This
was in 723-4. On his return journey from the holy places
Willibald spent about two years in Constantinople; he does
not, however, describe that city.
His biography says only that he had a fixed abode in a church
(Hagii Apostoli) from which he could view the relics of the
blessed Andrew, Timothy and Luke every day! It is interesting,
however, to find that Willibald went on a journey from
Constantinople to Nicea, and visited the church where he believed the Council of Nicea (325) to have been held under
Constantine. He does not describe this church, but does say
that the church bears a great resemblance to the Church of
the Ascension on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem. 8 On the
subject of decoration, we are told that on the walls there
were pictures of the bishops who had taken part in the Council.
No other descriptions survive of pilgrimages to the Holy
Land and visits to Byzantine Greece in the early middle ages.
Although the absence of descriptions does not imply that no
travelling was done, one assumes that as a result of the
length of time, usually several years, the great difficulties
and the high costs involved in such an undertaking, these
journeys to the Near East took place only incidentally. Rome
could be reached without too great dangers, although crossing
the Alps was always a problem and the risk of robbers not inconsiderable; one thing in its favour, however, was that it
did not involve a sea crossing. For this very reason it was
the destination of innumerable pilgrims in the Carolingian
and Ottonian periods.
The growth of trade and traffic in the eleventh century
and the intensification of contacts between the area around
the Mediterranean Sea and north-west Europe also gave new
momentum to pilgrimages. These increased both in number and
scope, but what is most important is that pilgrims now began
to head for more and more distant shrines. From the eleventh
to twelfth centuries onwards pilgrimages to the Holy Land
became increasingly important. 9 The Crusades and the resulting establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem acted as a
strong incentive to undertake the long journey; and it may be
assumed that the stories told by the returning crusaders and
pilgrims also acted as a stimulus.
16
PILGRIMAGES
When in 1187 Jerusalem again fell into Moslem hands as a result of its conquest by Saladin, the sultan of Egypt, this
did not put an end to pilgrim traffic. The Saracens did not
deny Christians access to the holy places, although everywhere a considerable sum was demanded as an 'entrance fee' . 10
The pilgrims faced great difficulties; many of their accounts
tell of extortion, and the fact that it was necessary to pay
bribes to obtain any facilities is constantly mentioned. 11
With the re-opening of the Balkan route in the eleventh
century Constantinople once more came within the scope of
western pilgrims. It was perfectly possible to travel through
Christian territory until well past Constantinople, and for
many a traveller a stay in the city on the Bosporus, whether
long or short, must have formed a pleasant break in the
middle of the journey. 12
The Moslem expansion in Syria and eastern Anatolia in
the thirteenth century, however, resulted in the overland
route again being replaced by the sea passage. The difficulties which pilgrims experienced on their way through Moslem
territory made more and more pilgrims prefer to travel by sea.
The increased seaworthiness of ships and their improved
nautical equipment made a Mediterranean voyage a less unpleasant and less hazardous undertaking in the later middle ages
than in the preceding centuries. Basically, pilgrims could
set out for Palestine from various Italian ports: Genoa, Pisa,
Naples, Amalfi, Venice, Ancona and Bari are all mentioned in
pilgrim's books as places of embarkation. The best facilities,
however, were available in Genoa and in Venice, the two
largest commercial towns of northern Italy, which were engaged in constant competition with each other.
The fourth crusade gave Venice a temporary monopoly in traffic
with Constantinople and the Levant. In 1261 Michael VIII
Palaeologus re-conquered Constantinople, and in gratitude for
their support he granted the Genoese great privileges: they
were allowed to settle in Galata, on the far side of the
Golden Horn, and received a trade monopoly for the Black Sea
area (Treaty of Nymphaeum, 1262). 13
Trade along the Levantine coast, however, remained in the
hands of the Venetians, and the transport of pilgrims to
Palestine became very much a Venetian speciality. Pilgrim
transport was so remunerative that for hundreds of years the
city of the Doges maintained a special pilgrim service to the
Palestinian coast, with regular departures at fixed times of
year. 14
Each year round about Ascensiontide several ships left Venice
PILGRIMAGES TO JERUSALEM
17
with pilgrims on the journey to Joppa, which took about seven

weeks. 15 This service continued to function until well into
the sixteenth century. 16 It is of some importance to trace
the route taken by these pilgrim ships, and to see at which
places in Greek territory they put in for supplies,_The ships
always followed the same ~oute, along the coast of !stria and
Dalmatia, stopping on the way in the harbours of Parenzo,
Rovigno, Pola, Zara, Curzuola and Ragusa. After Ragusa they
came into Greek waters, where they put in at one of the Ionian
islands. Their next port of call was the Venetian fort of
Modon on the western point of the Peloponnesus. From there
they set course past Cerigo to Candia, the port of the island
of the same name (Crete), From Candia they sailed by way of
Rhodes and Cyprus to the coast of Palestine,
The pilgrims did not have a chance to see much of Greece on
their travels. Their stay in the various ports was usually
only short, and frequently permission was not given to leave
the ship, so that it was practically impossible to make trips
ashore. Famous places such as Athens, Constantinople and
Thessalonica were not on the route, so were not visited, as
deviations from the usual route were practically unknown. The
captains had very little say in the matter, as the whole
business of pilgrim transport was subject to strict control
by the Venetian authorities. 17
Those who were unable or unwilling to make use of the
official Venetian service generally set out from a port in
southern France or in Italy, in a ship that was going in
more or less the required direction. With many changes of
ship, and often long waits for connections, it was finally
possible by wandering from port to port to reach one's destination. Niccolo da Martoni, for instance, made the journey
in this way, after the ship he was travelling on had sunk
off the coast of Attica. Such travellers had the opportunity
of seeing much more on the way than the pilgrims who hastened straight to their destination. Apart from Niccolo's
account, however, few reports survive by pilgrims in this
category. As well as the overland route and the sea route
there was also a third much-used route to the Holy Land, and
this, too, took travellers through the Byzantine empire. For
those who considered the journey across the Balkans too difficult, but who did not wish to make a long voyage by ship,
there was the possibility of combining the two modes of
transport: a journey over land to the south of Italy, and
then a short crossing by ship to Greece. In the south of
Italy the way divided into a northern route and a southern
18
PILGRIMAGES
one, which joined up again in Thessalonica. It was possible

to cross from Brindisi to Durazzo or Apollonia, and then to
follow the path of the old Via Egnatia through the mountains
of north Epirus and past Lake Lychnidus (Lake Ochrid); from
there the road through north Macedonia gradually descended
past Heraclea, AegQe and Pella in the direction of Thessalonica. The longer, more southerly route went from Otranto to
Corfu and thence to the Greek coast, near what is now Igumenitza; from there one travelled through Epirus and on to the
south towards the Gulf of Corinth, thus avoiding the high
mountains of Epirus. By way of central Greece the traveller
continued in the direction of Thessalonica; there began the
road which ran along the Thracian coast to Constantinople.
It may be assumed that from Thessalonica it was possible to
cross by ship to the Holy Land. 18 The possibilities for
visiting ancient ruins were probably not very great. Doubtless pilgrims did see some antiquities here and there, but
the most important centres lay mainly off the normal routes. 19
2. Constantinople as a place of pilgrimage

Constantinople was situated on the land route, but not
on the sea route, which was the one used by most of the pilgrims to the Holy Land. Yet it appears from a number of
travel accounts that the city on the Bosporus was also visited by pilgrims travelling by ship. On the return journey they
made a slight detour north from Rhodes. What attracted the
pilgrims were not the antiquities of which the city had many,
nor the magnificent Byzantine monuments. Certainly they must
have looked with admiration at the colossal church of Hagia
Sophia, whose dome, rising above the city, was the first
thing they would have recognized from a distance, It was not
the unparalleled architecture or the beautiful decoration in
marble and mosaic that attracted their attention; for the
medieval pilgrim the only thing of any importance in Hagia
Sophia and in many other churches and monasteries in Constantinople was the wealth of relics there. 20 This is made
quite clear in the surviving fragment of a travel account
by an English monk, Joseph of Canterbury (ea. 1090). 21 He
explains his motive for deviating from the main route and
abandoning most of his travelling companions as follows:
' ... rectum iter sociosque deseruit et cum suis tantum
quibusdam famulis Constantinopolim secessit. Audierat enim
ibi esse thesaurum reliquiarum incomparabilem quarum patrociniis cupiebat se commendare presentem'.
CONSTANTINOPLE
19
Constantinople is not mentioned in the Bible, nor was it

known from the life of Christ, and it had nothing like the
graves of the two apostle princes in Rome; but what it did
possess was a number of very celebrated relics. 22 Many of
them came from Palestine and Syria, and had been taken from
there to the Byzantine capital from the seventh century onwards, to prevent them from falling into the hands of the
Moslems. Although it was forbidden to trade in relics, ransoming these objects from the 'infidels' was not only allow23
ed, but strongly encouraged by the Church.
In 1204 the churches and palaces were extensively plundered
by the crusaders. Enormous quantities of valuables, but particularly relics, were shipped off to western Europe. The
treasure chambers of many churches, monasteries and museums
in Belgium and France today contain valuable relics and cult
objects which came to the West from Constantinople in the
years following 1204, as part of the loot of the fourth
crusade. 24 In spite of this wide plunder the city remained
famous for its many valuable possessions. From the thirteenth
to the sixteenth century pilgrims' accounts constantly express admiration for everything that was to be seen in the
churches and palaces of Constantinople. Some of these objects
were th~ relics given to the Latin emperor and the Venetians
in 1204, which in 1261 came again back in Greek hands. Besides these there was probably also no lack of imitations.
For a number of western pilgrims a visit to the capital
of the Byzantine empire involved a detour which they were only
too happy to make, because the investment of time, money and
energy involved was richly rewarded. For a little known but
certainly not unimportant group of travellers Constantinople
was of even greater importance. Countless pilgrims from
Russia 25 and even from Scandinavia 26 travelled overland
through western Russia to the Black Sea and from there continued to Constantinople. For them this city was often the
first major stopping place on the way to the Holy Land, but
quite often Constantinople was the actual destination of
these pilgrims. The position of Constantinople in the eyes
of eastern Christians can perhaps best be compared with the
position of Rome in the spiritual life of western Christendom. It was from Constantinople that Russia had been christianized, and it was there that the patriarch lived; many
church synods were held there, which the Russians also attended.27 Differences of opinion were, in a number of cases~
brought before the patriarch of Byzantium for solution. 8
For the Russians Compostela was too far away, and Rome less
20
PILGRIMAGES
attractive; for them Constantinople was the nearest of the

great places of pilgrimage.
3. The value and the content of pilgrims' reports

Anybody who is interested in the subject of medieval
pilgrimage and who has studied a number of travel reports
will be struck by the enormous energy - one is almost tempted to say fanaticism - with which these people attempted to
reach their goal. In most cases people went of their own
free will. The ecclesiastical practice of using pilgrimages
as a disciplinary measure, sending believers -.especially
priests and noblemen - on a pilgrimage as a penance for their
sins (causa poenitentiae) was falling into disuse, and was
hardly used at all after the thirteenth century. 29 The
secular authorities, however, continued to use the pilgrimage
as a punishment in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries;
for them a pilgrimage to a distant shrine was the equivalent
of an exile lasting several years. 30 Yet the most important
motive for making pilgrimages was one of piety. People
travelled to the holy places primarily to pray there, to seek
for healing from diseases of every kind, and to earn the indulgences which were connected with the veneration of relics.
For noblemen the possibility of becoming a Knight of the Holy
Sepulchre provided an extra stimulus to undertake the journey to Jerusalem.
For many people everything else was subjugated to piety. Thus
it was considered unseemly to give any thought to profane
matters, although this did sometimes happen. Thomas a Kempis
clearly expresses his disapproval of the attitude of many
pilgrims: 'Many people go running off to various places to
see the relics of the saints; they are filled with amazement
at the miracles they did; they gaze at the great churches,
and kiss the bones wrapped up in silk and gold ... Often it
is curiosity and the love of novelty which take people to see
such things; for this reason they return with little harvest
in the way of improved lives, especially when they embark on
such visits thoughtlessly and not in a spirit of penitence' . 31
Thomas is not alone in condemning an interest in affairs
which were not directly religious or devotional. A fifteenth
century Italian pilgrim, Santa Brasca, also sharply criticizes
people who go on pilgrimages only so as to be able to boast
afterwards: 'I have been there' or 'I have seen such and
such' . 32 An extremely negative view of the results of pilgrimages can he found in the Annales Stadenses, 33 where the
PILGRIMS' REPORTS
21
author, a certain Master Albertus, remarks: 'I have seldom,

in fact never, seen people come back any better for it'. A
fine picture of the kind of rabble that could be found on
pilgrimages is given by Jacob of Vitry in his Historia Hierosolymitana. The same writer also attacks the curiosity of
many pilgrims. 34
The authors of pilgrims' reports who limit themselves strictly to the devotional aspects have, quite obviously, nothing
to contribute to this study, which is concerned with the
country, the people and the monuments. Canon Casola, for instance states that, whatever anybody else may think about it,
he sees it as his duty to spend all his time while on the
pilgrimage visiting churches and monasteries and venerating
the relics housed in them. 35 Such a man is not likely to have
written down any information of relevance to us. Casola
even refuses to make the customary journey to the Jordan
while in Palestine, giving as his first reason the excessive
heat, and as a second, decisive, reason the fact that the
expedition seemed to have been organized more 'out of curiosity for seeing the country' than for purely devotional
reasons. 36
It is just as well for the present study that not all pilgrims
behaved with such fixed single-mindedness on their journey a
number (not a lot, it is true) of pilgrims' accounts contain,
interspersed among the devotional elements, information based
upon their observations on their travels. It was not, in fact,
particularly common for people to record their travels in
writing; it may be assumed that the great mass of pilgrims,
who have remained anonymous, recounted the experiences of
their long journey orally to their own circle of acquaintances
on their return home. Only a few travellers, on returning to
their native land, wrote down their experiences, either with
the help of notes made en route or else from memory; in a
number of cases their names and their work still survive.
These surviving pilgrims' books seldom contain much more than
a dull list of the places passed through on the journey, the
churches and the monasteries where there were relics and perhaps also the extent of the indulgences which could be earned
by visiting certain places. In the twelfth century this information, which was essential for pilgrims travelling to
Jerusalem, was collected together in a sort of standard guide
book. Such guide books were extremely carelessly put together,
and contained innumerable mistakes and a great deal of nonsense. And yet they were constantly being copied and excerpts
made from them, and were the source of most of the treatises
22
PILGRIMAGES
about the Via Sacra to Jerusalem. 37 In such works as these

the author himself remains in the background; it is not his
experiences which are important, but only the way in which
the goal of the journey can be made accessible to others.
Even the route to the Holy Land was not considered important.
Often the description only begins with the landing on the
coast of Palestine, and in other cases the journey is only
painted extremely superficially. As an example of such superficial descriptions I quote - in French translation - the
passage referring to Constantinople in the biography of
Euphrosyne, the princess of Polotsk, who went on a pilgrimage
in 1173: 'Etant arrivee premierement a la ville de Constantin,
elle y fut re9ue avec honneur par l'empereur et le patriarche.
Apres avoir venere les saintes eglises et beaucoup de saintes
reliques elle se rendit
Jerusalem' . 38 This category of
pilgrims' accounts is totally useless for studying the state
of the ancient monuments in Greek territories. Innumerable
pilgrims visited on their journey a number of Greek cities
and islands and saw remains of Antiquity, but their reactions
to these can no longer be traced. This is quite understandable, since their stay in Greece was only of very minor importance by comparison with their goal, Palestine. Useful
information is only to be found in those writers who, either
deliberately or through force of circumstances, deviate from
the usual pattern. Of these there are extremely few; I have
not been able to find a single really useful pilgrim's report earlier than the mid-fourteenth century. 39 Up to that
time material is extremely fragmentary, and only the odd sentence or paragraph from a few authors is of any importance.
But between 1340 and 1440 some accounts were written which
stand out from the great mass by reason of the wider vision
and the greater variety of their contents.
I have selected four authors who, in my opinion, deserve
particular attention, and have devoted separate chapters to
the life and the work of the German priests Wilhelm von Boldensele and Ludolf von Sudheim, the Italian notary Niccolo
da Martoni and the Spanish knight Pero Tafur. The accounts
that they wrote after returning from their journey contain a
number of passages about Greece, Constantinople, Asia Hinor
and the monuments to be found there.
As well as the texts of these four authors, which provide
rather more information, fragments are also included from the
work of pilgrims such as Saewulf, Sigurd of Norway, Symon
Semeonis and James of Verona. They, too, have made their
modest contribution to our knowledge of medieval Greece.
PILGRIMS' REPORTS
23
Russian pilgrims directed their attention mainly towards

Constantinople, and in various descriptions by Russian
authors one comes across passages where there is evidence
of some interest in the monuments in that city. Of the
Russian pilgrims, Stephen of Novgorod, Ignatius of Smolensk,
an anonymous author writing in the last years of the fourteenth century and the monk Zosimus are all exceptional,
in that their interest in things other than the narrowly
religious deviates from the normal practice. The same
applies to the Armenians and Georgians. For them, too,
Constantinople was an important religious centre, yet all
that remains of the innumerable journeys (pilgrims and others)
made by Armenian and other eastern Christians, is one anonymous report, from the fourteenth or fifteenth century. 40
The writers of travel descriptions mentioned above are all
men; and judging from the sources available it would seem
that pilgrimages to distant countries - and so to the Holy
Land in particular - were undertaken mainly by men. Only few
cases are known of women who went on pilgrimages to Jerusalem,
but no stories of women pilgrims have survived. This distinction certainly did not apply to pilgrimages nearer home; both
men and women took part in these, without distinction. It is
hard to find any clear reason why so few women went to the
Holy Land. Steinhausen has pointed out that in the middle
ages women hardly ever travelled independently. 41 This was a
step backwards by comparison with the days of late Antiquity:
the journey of Paula and Eustochium is famous; while in the
late fourth or early fifth century Aetheria, the mother superior of a Spanish convent, went on a pilgrimage to the Holy
42
Land, and wrote an account of it which has partly survived.
The fact that the ecclesiastical authorities advised women
not to go on pilgrimages, and sometimes even forbade it, can
hardly have been responsible for the situation. The regular
publication of such prohibitions, intended as a way of preventing excesses, shows just how ineffective they were. 43
The process of emancipation of women, which began under the
influence of the crusades, must inevitably have led to
greater participation by women in the longer pilgrimages. 44
Yet in spite of this the numbers of women travelling to
Jerusalem remained very small, and they always remain in the
background. Perhaps the difficulties encountered on the way,
and the high costs involved, should be seen as the greatest
obstacles preventing women from embarking upon pilgrimages
to Jerusalem.
24
PILGRIMAGES
4. Benjamin of TudeZa
Although pilgrimages to Jerusalem were generally Christian activities, it must be remembered that that city also
attracted an increasing number of Jews. Amongst Jewish travellers descriptions of their experiences on the journey to
Jerusalem are equally scarce, The account by the Spanish Jew
Benjamin of Tudela, from the kingdom of Navarre is thus a
unique document. 45
Between 1160 and 1173 he made a long journey through
southern Europe and the Near East. His purpose was to visit
Jerusalem and Bagdad; the latter was, at that time, a city
of great importance for Jews,. as it was the seat of the
'Prince of the Captivity' , 46 On his travels he journeyed
through Greek territory, and his description provides much
interesting information about the situation in twelfth-century Byzantine Greece. In his account, which is written in
simple Hebrew, Benjamin devotes much of his attention to
trade, with which most Jews were concerned. Just as western
travellers to the East regularly obtained lodgings with
fellowcountrymen of theirs who were living there, so Benjamin
directed his steps from one Jewish community to another, His
work contains a very great number of names, not only of the
places he visited but also of the people he met there. 47 For
a twelfth-century work it contains relatively few fables and
miraculous stories.
Benjamin's route through Greece in 1161-2 can be followed
very easily: Corfu - Leucas 48 - Anatolica (near Missolonghi)
- Patras - Lepanto - Crissa - Corinth - Thebes - Negropont Jabustrisa (?) - Rabenica - Zeitun (potamo ?) - Gardiki and
Armiro (both on the Gulf of Volos) - Bissina (?) - Salunki
(Thessalonica) - Mitrizzi (near Amfipolis) - Drama (near
Philippi) - Christopolis - Abydos - Constantinople - Rodosto
(Bisanthe) - Gallipoli - Kilia - Mytilene - Chios - Samos Rhodes, and from there, by way of Cyprus and Tarsus, to
Palestine. The places mentioned, and particularly the number
of Jews there, give a good picture of economic activity in
Greece, Thus it is possible to conclude from the route taken
by Benjamin that at that time Athens was of little importance;
he did not visit the city. The port of Thessalonica was also
a place of relative unimportance, with only five hundred
Jewish inhabitants. Apart from Constantinople Thebes was the
most prosperous city: there were two thousand Jews living
there, who were occupied with the manufacture of silk and
purple robes; and according to Benjamin there were also many
WILHELM VON BOLDENSELE
25
scholars there. Not only Benjamin's journey through Greece,

but also his visit to Constantinople is described in considerable detail. The antiquities and ruins which he saw on his
wanderings through Greece did not interest him, but there
were several things in Constantinople which did attract his
attention. From his description the Byzantine capital under
Manuel I Comnenus emerges as a prosperous, wealthy city. In
the palaces and churches he sees innumerable treasures, and
his description of the silk-clad citizens also evokes a picture of luxury and prosperity.
Benjamin compares Constantinople, as a trading city, with
Bagdad, which at that time was the great economic centre of
the Islamic world. He particularly mentions the Hagia Sophia,
the wealth of which surpasses all the other churches in the
city. The newly built and extremely luxurious Blachernae
palace also made a great impression on him: he mentions the
wall decorations, which contained great quantities of gold,
and recounts that not only the heroic deeds of the ancient
Greeks are portrayed on the walls, but also those of Emperor
Manuel himself. He was present in the Hippodrome for the
games which were held annually round about Christmas.~ 9 The
spectacle was something, according to him, unequalled anywhere in the world. Benjamin's description of Constantinople
closes with the information that the Jews lived in their own
quarter, in Pera, on the other side of the Golden Horn.
5. WiZheZm von BoZdenseZe

In Germany the years between 1330 and 1350 produced two
detailed descriptions of pilgrimages to the Holy Land and to
the Sinai. Wilhelm von Boldensele and Ludolf von Sudheim both
came from the Westfalian-Saxon area, and their works are so
clearly connected that they will be discussed here together.
In about 1332 a rich nobleman and his entourage embarked
for the Holy Land from Naulon, a place on the coast near
Genoa. 50 He is known as Wilhelm von Boldensele, but his real
name was actually Otto von Nygenhusen, or Nyenhusen (Neuhaus).
Biographical details about this pilgrim are few, even though
in his time h.e must have been a striking figure. According to
the chronicle writer Heinrich von Herford he was a 'vir in
cursibus suis et fortuniis multum singularis' . 51 From the
description of his journey which he wrote after his return in
1336 little can be learned about his person. From other
sources, however, various things are known about him; the
best information is to be found in the episcopal chronicle
26
PILGRII\IAGES
of Minden 52 and in the historical works of Heinrich von Herford in a passage dealing with the sixteenth year of the
reign of Emperor Ludwig IV of Bavaria (1331-32). 53 The nobleman whose name was originally Otto von Nygenhusen lived for
some time as a Dominican monk in the monastery of St. Paul
at Minden in Westfalia. In 1330-31 he left this monastery
without the permission of the authorities, which meant that
he was automatically excommunicated. To escape recognition
and to be able to start a new life he changed his name, and
because his mother was a Boldensele 54 that was the name he
55
chose. He travelled to the Curia Romana at Avignon,
and
there obtained absolution for his offence. It is possible
that he then became a member of the Order of the Knights of
St. John, for when he recounts how, in the church of the
Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem he dubbed two of his followers
Knights of the Holy Sepulchre, he refers to himself as 'miles
in coelesti Hierusalem' . 56 In Avignon he came into contact
57
with Cardinal Helias Talleyrand de Perigord
on whose insistence he wrote an account of his pilgrimage after his
return. I would not be surprised if it was the prelate who
commanded him to undertake this pilgrimage, or in any case
strongly urged him to do so. The reason he himself gives for
his journey is a fervent desire to see the Holy Land, a
desire which he had had since his youth. 58 Yet I do not believe this to be the only reason for Boldensele's long journey. At the time of his pilgrimage a new crusade was being
seriously considered; in 1336, when Pope Benedict XII was
officially preaching a new crusade, King Philippe VI of
Valois and King Alfonso IV of Aragon were prepared to take
up the cross immediately. Cardinal Talleyrand de Perigord
was at that time a fervent supporter of this undertaking, but
in fact it never got any further than the preparatory stages,
because of the outbreak of the Hundred years' war. 59 I believe that the purpose of Boldensele's journey was not so
much personal and religious as political and strategic. A
clear picture of the situation in the Holy Land and a
thorough knowledge of the geography of the area was essential for the success of a crusade. An educated and distinguished man such as Boldensele would have been eminently suitable for this task of reconnaissance. The fact that
he had an eye for places of strategic importance can be
glimpsed in his work. He mentions fortifications and city
walls, and pays special attention to the place where the
sultan used to hide his treasure chest in times of danger,
in an old and exceedingly strong crusaders' fort to the east
27
of the Dead Sea. His remark that from the Mount of Olives
there was a clear view of the whole city may also be regarded as strategically important. Much of his information about
the distances between different places also points in this
direction.
Boldensele's account of his journey appeared in 1336, after
his return from Palestine and the Sinai. It was entitled:
'Itinerarius Guilielmi de Boldensele in terram sanctam', He
is thought to have died shortly afterwards in a Dominican
monastery at Cologne, while on his way to Konigsaal in
Bohemia. 60
The framework of Boldensele's work is much the same
as the other pilgrim literature of his time, He, too, mentions innumerable relics and devotes most of his writing to
the holy places. Yet his work is exceptional in that it also
pays some attention to what can be seen in Greek territory
on the journey through.
Although there is little in the way of chronological information in the work itself, the dates suggested by Grotefend
appear to be correct, 61 In the spring of 1332 Wilhelm seems
to have left the South of France with a large entourage; at
Christmas of that year he was in Syria, and in May 1333 in
Jerusalem, His journey through Greece and his visit to Constantinople must have taken place in the summer of 1332, The
main lines of Boldensele's journey can be traced, even though
the geographical indications are occasionally rather confused, After journeying over land to Lombardy he continued by
ship along the coast of Italy to Apulia, and then towards
Constantinople by way of the Greek islands, From there the
journey continued via Chios, Rhodes and Cyprus to the coast
of Palestine, I do not share the amazement of Beazley at the
route indicated by Boldensele. 62 It should not be forgotten
that in the middle ages there was no question of direct
shipping connections, with the exception of the special
pilgrim service from Venice to the Holy Land. It seems to
me that the rather round-about way of travelling and the
endless wanderings from port to port all along the coast are
exactly what emerge so clearly from Boldensele's account.
His words: 'perlustravi litora Lombardiae ac Tusciae, Campaniae, Calabriae et Apuliae' well reflect how in those places
he went along the coast from place to place, 63
It may be that on the way through Greek waters a visit was
made to Athens; this cannot be definitely established from
the travel account; as Boldensele is content merely to refer
to that city as mater philosophiae. In Constantinople he was
28
PILGRIMAGES
received by Emperor Andronicus Ill Palaeologus with all the

courtesy due to an important nobleman, and on his departure
he was the bearer of a message from him to the Sultan of
Egypt. It may be assumed that he spent some time in the city
and he was able to see many things of interest. He writes
about the city's favourable position as a port, and about
the many churches and palaces, richly decorated with marble
and mosaics. According to Boldensele the Hagia Sophia cannot
be compared to any other building in the world. His attention was especially attracted by the statue of Justinian I,
near the Hagia Sophia. 64 He says that the bronze figure was
covered with a thick layer of gold. The horseman wears a
diadem on his head, and in his left hand he holds the orb as
a symbol of the world ruled by Christianity, while his right
hand is raised towards the East. Boldensele sees this gesture
as a threat to possible rebels and enemies of the empire. The
information that the statue stood on a high pedestal made of
large stones completes Boldensele's description of the
ancient monuments in Constantinople. Wilhelm von Boldensele
was a cultivated man, and by no means uncritical. In Constantinople the offical reception of prominent people in~
eluded an inspection of a number of important relics which
were kept in the palace. Emperor Andronicus Ill gave special
permission for him to be shown Christ's tunic, woven in one
piece throughout. This led him to the conclusion that the
holy tunic on display in Trier, and the one in Goslar, could
not be authentic! This comment, which was probably written
down by the author himself, can be found in the margin of
the relevant passage in the codex at WolfenbUttel. 65 His
great education and knowledge are seen in the way in which
he uses all kinds of quotations. Most of these are taken
from the Bible, as was customary in the middle ages; in
Boldensele, however, we suddenly find a quotation from Aristotle, when this rationalminded traveller to the court of
Constantinople dismisses the supernatural explanation given
to a problem of physics by his superstitious informants. 66
According to Boldensele the solution to this problem had already been given by Aristotle, and so he told the major-dome
of the court. We can well imagine that this helped to increase even further the estime in which he was held at the
court. Whether Boldensele had studied in Paris is a question
which cannot be answered with certainty; but in view of his
acquaintance with the works of Aristotle this possibility
can by no means be ruled out.
After leaving Constantinople the travellers visited
29
Troy, 'illa antiqua et patens civitas'. We are told that the

ships had to anchor in the mouth of the river, in the absence
of a harbour. Hardly any remains were to be seen of the
ancient city. 67
Like many other medieval authors Wilhelm refers to the mastic
found on the island of Chios and the way in which the resinous liquid was obtained. 68 Patmos is mentioned in passing as
the place where St. John wrote the Book of Revelation.
Boldensele makes the interesting remark that the fine church
of St. John the Evangelist at Ephesus had not been demolished
by the Turks, the fate of so many other churches, but that
the building was now used as a mosque. 69 Rhodes, the headquarters of the Order of the Knights of St. John, to which
Boldensele may have belonged, is described as a healthy and
pleasant place at a short distance from the Turkish mainland,
but no description is given of the island.
The description of Cyprus is rather more detailed, but here,
too, the emphasis is not on any ancient remains which may
have been seen. In the middle ages pilgrims liked to combine
a visit to the Holy Land with a visit to the Convent of St.
Catherine in the Sinai desert and a stay in Egypt. One very
important piece of information is found in Boldensele's
account of his travels, in his description of Egypt. One
might say that suddenly he is far in advance of his contemporaries; it appears that he is interested in epigraphy. In
the neighbourhood of Cairo he saw a number of pyramid-shaped
monuments with writing on them in different languages.
On one of them he found an inscription in Latin. In spite of
his efforts he did not succeed in understanding the six-line
description, 70 but he still wrote it down in his travel notes.
As Ludolf von Sudheim, who is dealt with in my next section,
also mentions the inscription, and not only gives several
different texts of it, but also some further information, a
discussion of the text will be found later, It must be mentioned here, however, that a Latin inscription of this sort
is never found in ordinary pilgrim literature. Moreover, if
we reflect that the interest in classical monuments began in
Italy, but not until the early years of the fifteenth century,
with the search for inscriptions, 71 then the importance of
this passage is clear. That this text also attracted the
attention of contemporaries is seen from the fact that soon
afterwards Ludolf von Sudheim copied the same inscription
into his note book. It should also be mentioned that in
Egypt Boldensele again deviates from the usual medieval tradition, which regarded the pyramids as barns built by Joseph
30
PILGRIMAGES
for the Pharaoh to store grain in; Boldensele saw them as

'monumenta antiquorum' 1 and he states, that with the exception of a small corridor the pyramids were not hollow, but
solid.
The importance of the work of Wilhelm von Boldensele
within the framework of this study lies, I conclude, not so
much in the significance of what it says, but in the fact
that it says anything at all. The information given about
Constantinople, Troy or the islands is not new or unknown.
Yet I believe Beazley to be only partly right when he says
that these passages contain 'nothing of real value or originality' ; 72 the fact that Boldensele writes sucn passages at
all seems to me to be very important in itself. That a pilgrim to the Holy Land should also describe his journey there,
thereby displaying interests beyond the mere listing of relics visited on the way; that he is capable of quoting not
only from the Bible but also from one of the ancient writers;
that he even goes so far as to copy down a Latin inscription
- all this must be considered most exceptional for the period
around 1335.
Boldensele's work must very soon have attracted widespread
admiration, for it has been handed on in various
manuscripts. 73 As early as 1351 a French version appeared,
translated from the Latin and adapted by a monk from the
monastery of St. Bertin at St. Omer, a certain John Longus
of Ypres. 74 The book was an important source for later
authors, including, in the first place, Ludolf von Sudheim,
and also the author of the document which bears the name of
Jean de Mandeville. Both of them copied extensively from
Boldensele's work.
6. Ludolf von Sudheim

Despite its many borrowings from Wilhelm von Boldensele the travel account of Ludolf von Sudheim is nevertheless a work which is well worth looking at for its own sake,
Ludolf himself is convinced that he is not an original
author; he says of himself: 'nullus credat me omnia et
singula ... oculis vidisse, sed ex antiquis gestis bene
aliqua extraxisse, at aliqua ex veridicis hominibus audisse' . 75
He considered this borrowing of a number of facts from other
authors, and in particular from Boldensele's work, perfectly
normal. The fact that he himself had spent five years in the
Near East and had, during his wanderings there seen many
things with his own eyes, is firmly stressed in the foreword
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
31
to his work. 76 He also sharply criticizes all those who after

only a fleeting visit (ipsas partes semel transeundo) go
about saying and writing things that are not true. It is no
longer possible to find out who this criticism was aimed at;
too many documents have been lost in the meantime. I do not,
however, rule out the possibility that Ludolf's criticism
was directed primarily at the work of Jean de Mandeville, the
best know author of his time. It has since become apparent
that this work is a forgery, and this writer actually never
visited the places he describes. 77 It is quite conceivable
that some of the passages in this work might well arouse the
doubts of somebody who had travelled in the area in question.
Although the route and the destination were largely the same
for Wilhelm von Boldensele and for Ludolf von Sudheim, the
circumstances in which the two German pilgrims made their
respective journeys differ greatly from each other. Boldensele travelled independently, as a nobleman with a great entourage. Ludolf probably went as head chaplain in the train
of a German knight who was in the service of the king of
Armenia. 78 This may lend more probability to his claim that
he lived among kings and princes, and at the same time explains why it was that he did not return home immediately
after his pilgrimage.
Very little is known about Ludolf as a person,
because he hardly ever writes about himself. He presents
himself in the dedication of his book as 'rector ecclesiae
parochialis in Suchen paderbornensis diocesis'. Evelt has
found a plausible solution to the problem as to which place
was meant by this; 79 the most likely is Suthem (Sudheim),
near Lichtenau in the Kreis BUren.
It may be assumed that Ludolf originally wrote his work in
Latin. Not only the fact that all the pilgrim literature of
that time was written in that language, the official language
of the Church, but also the dedication of the book to a dignitary of the Church, the Bishop of Paderborn, both point in
this direction. The book is now known in two versions which
differ in length but which show many similarities as to content. Schnath has pointed out that the short version (Osnabrlicker Fassung) must have appeared between 1341 and 1349,
and the longer and better known one (Paderborner Fassung)
between 1349 and 1361, 80
The success of Ludolf's book is obvious from the fact
that within a short time several German translations appeared; it must soon have come to be used as a sort of handbook
for pilgrims. In spite of this Ludolf remained relatively
32
PILGRIMAGES
little known as a writer; this is most probably due to the

fact that from the end of the fourteenth century all writing
about the Holy Land was superseded by the exceedingly popular
work under the name of Mandeville.
The date of Ludolf's journey can be fixed between 1336 and
1341; 81 this is entirely borne out by chronological data in
the work itself, and also by the information that in his time
'barefoot Brother Elias' was Archbishop of Nicosia. 82
That the purpose of the book was to serve as a guide for
pilgrims is already evident from the first pages. There
Ludolf explains which routes lead to the Holy Land: the route
across the Balkans to Constantinople and the various sea
routes. He does not say which route he followed himself;
though it is clear that he describes a journey taken by
'galeyda' . 83 Paton 84 wrongly assumes that the route given in
Ludolf's book was actually followed by him in that order.
He has Ludolf travelling back from Constantinople and Troy
across the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas to Corsica, and then,
with a more detailed description of Sardinia, Crete and Cyprus, travel to Palestine. Two reasons account for this muddled description of the route: the fact that this part was
copied almost entirely from the work of Boldensele, whose
geographical information was not arranged in quite the right
order; and the fact that Ludolf does not always succeed in
making a clear distinction between events which happened on
the way there and those which occurred on the homeward journey. In his description of Sardinia at the beginning of the
book he mentions a heavy storm which he actually experienced
in the vicinity of that island on his return journey in 1341. 85
Probably Ludolf, unlike most pilgrims but like Boldensele,
set out from the South of France, In Avignon he could obtain
the 'licentia' which was required for all Christians wishing
to visit the holy places. 86 Only a few passages from Ludolf's
work are of importance for the present study. His dependence
on Boldensele for the description of Constantinople with its
many relics, the Hagia Sophia and the statue of Justinian I
is only too obvious. 87 Still following Boldensele he describes a visit to Troy. He states that not much was left of
this once so powerful city, because any remains which came
to light were immediately re-used as building materials.
In the passage about Troy we come across the extraordinary
medieval tradition that the entire city of Venice was built
from materials salvaged from the Trojan ruins. 88 Neumann concludes from this story that Ludolf never visited antique Troy.
He identifies what Ludolf calls Troy as a place in Dalmatia
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
33
called Tragurium-Trau. 89 The hypothesis that the ruins of

this place supplied materials for constructing the great
buildings of Venice is an extremely probable one. The medieval tradition may well be an indication of this, but I still
question whether Neumann's conclusion is entirely correct. In
the text he used, the OsnabrUcker version, Troy is mentioned
at the beginning of the journey, but in the longer Paderborner version Troy is dealt with in relation to Constantinople,
which makes it likely that here the reference is to Troy in
Asia Minor. I do not believe that we should conclude from
the confusion of the two places called Troy that Ludolf never
visited Asiatic Troy; especially as there is no doubt at all
that Boldensele 1 whose journey served in the main as a model
for Ludolf, refers to the Troy of Priam. Moreover, there was
a strong tradition in the middle ages that linked Priam's
Troy to the Venetians. 90 A mixture of the two traditions,
that of the descent of the Venetians and that of the origin
of much of the material used in building their city, does not
appear to be out of the question, During the voyage through
Greek waters Athens is mentioned incidentally; it is doubtful whether Ludolf in fact saw this city. Judging from his
description the city was of little importance in his time:
'haec civitas quondam fuit nobilissima, sed nunc quasi
deserta'. Next he mentions the tradition that all the marble
columns and the fine stonework in the city of Genoa originally came from Athens. 91 This also may be the result of the
confusion of two places with very similar names, though I
have not succeeded in establishing which places are involved.
A second possibility is that Ludolf's information is, in
fact, correct, and that the Venetians and Genoese used their
trade monopoly to carry off large quantities of usable building material from Greek territory. 92 Ludolf is extremely
brief on the subject of the Greek islands; only the mastic
of the island of Chios is considered worthy of special note,
and the fact that St. John lived in exile on Patmos.
In Ephesus he mentions a church with a cruciform ground
plan and rich decorations in marble and mosaic. 93 In his description of Rhodes he writes about the conquest of the island
by the Knights of St. John. None of the antiquities on this
island are spoken of at all; even the Colossus is not mentioned. The enormous wealth of the city of Famagusta, in
Cyprus, made a profound impression on him. The precious
stones incorporated into the many ornaments receive special
mention. There is a definite possibility that there were also
semi-precious stones, and ancient gems and cameos, but unfor-
34
PILGRIMAGES
tunately Ludolf says that he dares not say any more about
all these valuables. 94 In view of all this information,
almost all of it borrowed from Boldensele, we may even doubt
whether Ludolf did make this journey at all. He tells us
nothing at all about what he himself saw or did in the
course of it. Yet I do not believe there is any reason to
doubt that the journey really took place; in particular the
passages (of little relevance here) about the holy places,
contain information which makes it probable that he
was actually present. We may also wonder whether Boldensele
and Ludolf perhaps both drew the material for their work
from a common source. Although this possibility cannot be
ruled out in the case of some of the information about
Palestine, in the passages about the journey through Greek
territory it is most unlikely. Both the scarcity of sources
about the situation in medieval Greece, which is evident from
this study, and the nature of the information given, suggest
that Boldensele, in any case, is speaking from personal experience. Following in the steps of Boldensele and many other
pilgrims Ludolf also paid a visit to Sinai and Egypt. He describes the same Latin inscription as Boldensele, and although
there is certainly some question of borrowing, I do believe
that Ludolf also went and saw the inscription for himself,
since he says more about it than the Boldensele source can
have told him. In this he differs from later writers, who
mention this inscription, but without there being any question of them having personally inspected it. 95 Ludolf's interest may have been aroused by the passage about the inscription in Boldensele, and it is also possible that the
text was a local tourist attraction which every stranger was
proudly taken to see. Boldensele spoke of a text in several
languages; Ludolf is more precise. According to him the inscription was written in four languages, Latin, Greek, Hebrew
and 'multa quae ignorantur sunt insculpta', by which he may
have meant hieroglyphic writing. 96 As a Westfalian village
priest he knew no Greek, Hebrew or Egyptian, so he restricted
himself to transcribing the Latin text, as far as it could be
made out.
Vidi piramides sine te dulcissime frater
Et tibi quod potui lacrimas hie maesta profudi
Et nostri memorem luctus hanc sculpo querelam
Sit nomen Decimi Anni piramidis alti (sit = scit)
Pontificis comitisque tuis, Traiane, triumphis.
Lustra sex intra censoris consulis esse. 97
For Ludolf, as for Boldensele, the text is not entirely clear;
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
35
in any case he adds: 'expositionem horum versuum discreti

lectoris iudicio committo', The person who translated it into
the German vernacular also admits that he does not understand
what the text means: desse versch vorsta eyn kloker man, ik
versta er nicht, 98 Obviously what we have here is a pyramid
text, which was written on one of the pyramids near Gizeh.
The interpretation of these pyramids as 'Granaria Pharaonis'
had already been shrewdly rejected by Boldensele. These
pyramids were originally covered with fine stone plates, with
inscriptions here and there, As these monuments were used in
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries as quarries, only a
few traces of the original covering remain, and of the inscriptions no sign can now be found. 99 The first five lines
of the inscription are quite clear, but the sixth presents,
in the form in which it has been preserved, insurmountable
problems. The six hexameters form the lament of a sorrowful
Roman lady for her brother, who under Trajan
was a pontiff,
the personal companion to the emperor and a consul, all by
the time he was thirty. There are some slight differences
between the versions of the inscription as recorded by
Wilhelm von Boldensele and by Ludolf von Sudheim, but these
make no difference to the meaning of the text. 100 Problems
only arise when it comes to the name of the departed; in one
version Boldensele calls him Decimus Cetiannus, while in other
versions, as well as in Ludolf, he is called Decimus Annius. 101
Several different people may be referred to here: the consul
of 127, Decimus Titianus, or the praefectus Egypti of 166,
Flavius Titianus. 102 If, however, Decimus Annius is the correct version (but that gives a hiatus in the metre of the
line) it could refer to the consul Annius Trebonius Gallus,
who died in 108, 103 The sixth line is corrupt, and all
efforts to restore it have so far been of no avail. 104 We
therefore accept the fact that neither Ludolf nor Boldensele
was able to read the text properly. and we can only hope
that eventually new information will make 'iudicium discreti
lectoris' possible,
One other passage from the work of Ludolf von Sudheim must be
examined more closely here: his version of the legend of the
thirty pieces of silver, a legend which spread throughout
Europe after the crusades. 105 It may be that Ludolf included
this story as a result of being shown the silver pieces somewhere as relics. This is even more probable in view of the
fact that a century later such relics were shown to Pero
Tafur and to Felix Faber at Rhodes, 106 The story of the thirty
pieces of silver largely resembles the legend of the Three
36
PILGRIMAGES
Kings in a work by Johann von Hildesheim. 107 The essential

idea behind both works is that nothing happens by accident.
Thus the thirty coins remained together throughout all manner
of vicissitudes, so that everything which had to happen was
indeed fulfilled; only then were they scattered. There is an
interesting passage in which the three Magi are said to have
taken the oldest coins in their treasure chest with them as
a gitt to the child Jesus. This distinction between old
money and new, with preference given to the old, is something
which can only be expected from about the middle of the fourteenth century; the idea was particularly prevalent in France.
The dating of Ludolf's work, about 1350, is entirely borne
out by this. Ludolf makes the remarkable claim that these
coins were not silver, but gold; 'sed scriptura ipsos denarios argenteos appellat, quia antiquitas omne metallum argentum appellaverunt; sed nulli dubium quin fuerint aurei~ . 108
The claim that in ancient times all metal was refered to as
'silver' is entirely Ludolf's own. Yet his mistake is understandable, in the circumstances of his own time. He lived in
the time when all international trade and financial traffic
was conducted almost entirely in gold; Venetian ducats,
Byzantine nomismata and many other sorts of gold coins were
accepted as payments everywhere. Silver money played a far
less important role, and was much less highly thought of.
Monarchs made payments in gold, and a nobleman could only
give gold pieces as presents. It is therefore quite understandable, against this background, that Ludolf even calls
the authority of the Bible into doubt, stating quite positively that the coins in question must have been gold. It is
not, in fact, impossible that a rather older gold coin was
shown to pious pilgrims as one of the thirty pieces of silver.
The question is whether Ludolf realized that the silver coins
were ancient ones. Undoubtedly ancient coins were found regularly in the fourteenth century; but it is unlikely that
in northern Europe people already made collections of them
at that time. In Italy the situation was rather different;
Petrarch (1304-74) is known to have engaged in numismatic
studies. 109 Ludolf, however, cannot be expected to have been
able to recognize Greek, Roman or Byzantine coins, or to
distinguish them from each other. He was completely dependent
in this upon what his informant told him,
The information which the work of Ludolf von Sudheim provides
about Greece and about ancient monuments and objects is certainly not very extensive, nor of substantial importance. The
same is true of him as has been said about his predecessor,
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
37
Wilhelm von Boldensele. When Ludolf's book is placed next to

other pilgrims' books great differences can be clearly seen.
Most of these works merely list a number of holy places and
relics. Ludolf seems to have a wider scope; he is interested
in all sorts of subjects, reads books by other authors,
quotes from them when he thinks fit - rather too often for
our taste - takes the trouble to study a remarkable inscription, and tells us something of his experiences on the way.
We should not condemn him too harshly for the fact that he
also includes stories about sea monsters threatening voyagers, or legends about the ruins of Athens and Troy; these
form an integral part of medieval travel stories, and in this
respect the work of Ludolf von Sudheim is no exception.
7. Niccolo da Martoni
Not all the fourteenth-cent.ury travellers who set out on
the long and difficult journey to the East were North
Europeans. Among the pilgrims we also find Frenchmen and
Italians, one of whom is of great importance for this study,
He was an Italian named Niccolo, and came from Martoni, 110 a
small place in the vicinity of Carinola, 111 , in Campania,
There he practised his profession of notary, which made him,
by the standards of his time, an educated man. Weiss has
shown that in the eleventh to fourteenth centuries it was
precisely people from the class of notaries in southern Italy
who were intensely interested in the study of the Greek
language, and that these 'hellenists' even practised the
writing of Greek poetry, 112
Can it be a coincidence that the notary Niccolo gives such a
highly detailed description of all sorts of interesting
things that he saw in Athens and elsewhere in Greece? It is
hardly surprising that the description is so detailed and
exact; what else could we expect from a notary! 113
Niccolo da Martoni can be followed on his pilgrimage
from day to day and from place to place; he always mentions
the exact date. As an example I quote the opening sentence
of his account: 'Anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo nonagesimo quarto, die decimo septimo mensis junii anni secunde indictionis, in vigilia Sacratissimi Corporis Domini nostri Jhesu
Christi, ego notarius Nicolaus de Marthono ... ' 11 ~ As well
as the year, day, month and indiction 115 there are also regular references to the calender of Church feastdays. The
mention of special days such as Day of the Sacrament (Corpus
Domini), Palm Sunday (Dominica palmarum) or fast days (car-
38
PILGRIA~GES
nisprivium) also make it possible to date the events exactly.ll&

It is pleasant to see how honestly Niccolo tells of his ups
and downs. His is no dull, factual report, but a description
of his personal experiences. The reader feels personally involved when, during a heavy storm, he creeps away, in fear
and desperation, down into the depths of the ship, convinced
that his last hour has come. In Cyprus we see him trying in
vain to drive a yoke of oxen, having hired a cart to go to
Nicosia to venerate the cross of the penitent thief. 'Ego
nesciebam quid facere, quia numquam talem artem exercivi',
he writes; 117 and the following morning, after a sleepless
night in a verminous hut, he gets up very early and leaving
the owner of the cart (who had spent the whole day making
critical remarks about his driving) still peacefully asleep,
he continues to Nicosia on foot. These personal details make
Niccolo's book fascinating reading from start to finish.
Greece was not the sole object of Niccolo's visit; he too,
went as a pilgrim to the Holy Land. He had, moreover, a
special devotion to St. Catherine. The threat of pirates and
a shipwreck, however, made him set foot on Greek soil in
places other than the normal harbours. Niccolo's route is
easy to follow. The outward journey took him by way of GozoMalta, the Venetian towns of Koran and Modon, Cerigo
(Citrini), the islands of the Archipelago, and the Dodecanese, with Rhodes as the most important of them, and finally
to Alexandria in Egypt. It was only on the homeward journey
that Niccolo visited Athens; then he actually went there
twice.
The first places Niccolo goes to in Greek territory are Koran
and Modon. 118 According to him they had formerly formed part
of the Angevin kingdom of South Italy, but the king had placed
them under Venetian care to protect them against the Saracens.119 The next port of call on the pilgrim route is Cerigo.
This is the place where most of the pilgrims' stories say
that Helen was abducted by Paris. Apparently remains still
existed of the temple where these two lovers were supposed
to have seen each other for the first time, for Niccolo says:
' ... ad insulam Citrini, in qua erat et nunc est quodam
templum' . 120
The Archipelago consists, according to Niccolo, of three
hundred islands, some inhabited, some uninhabitable. He mentions the most important island , Chios, as the only place
in the world where mastic grows. Trade in this valuable commodity brought the island more then 15,000 ducats a year.
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
39
One of the nearby islands is Candia (Crete), which also belonged to Venice. This rich island, says Niccolo, produces
excellent wines, and possesses a formidable military force;
without much difficulty it can mobilize sixteen galleys,
fully armed and manned. One interesting sight here is the
121
'Liberintum in quo alias fuit Minotaurus' .
It is known
that from the end of the fourteenth century, under the Venetians, visits were already made to what was then believed to
be the Labyrinth.Y 22 Judging by the dates on which he travelled, however, it is clear that Niccolo did not visit Crete.
The facts he mentions must thus have been things he heard on
the way. Next Niccolo comes into the jurisdiction of the
Knights of Rhodes. Via the islands of Lango and Niczari
(Cos and Nisyros) his ship arrived at the island of Ssimie
(Symi). This rather dull lump of stone is praised for the
excellent quality of the wines produced on the island. Each
day large quantities of grapes are sent to the market in
Rhodes, and Niccolo also greatly enjoyed them during his
stay in Rhodes: 'et multum comedimus dum fuimus ibi'.
Before three o'clock on Monday July 13 our traveller arrives
at the harbour of Rhodes. The first thing he notices is the
thick walls of the city, but then his attention is taken by
something else: on the jetty is a row of fifteen windmills.
The construction of these windmills strikes him as so extraordinary that he does not think he can possibly describe them
in writing. Such things, he says, can only be explained by a
drawing, or with the help of the fingers. In his work as it
has come down to us there are, however, no drawings; whether
the original version contained sketches is not known.
Niccolo is delighted with the gardens on this flower-filled
island; above all, the air there is so healthy that people
can be seen who are eighty, a hundred, or even a hundred and
twenty years old.
As a pious pilgrim Niccolo pays plenty of attention to the
relics found on the island. A miracle worked there by St.
Anthony is also recounted in detail. What makes the greatest
impression on him, however, is the story that the 'ydolus'
is said to have stood near the harbour. 123 This statue,
according to what Niccolo was told, was so big that a ship
in full sail could sail into the harbour between its legs.
From the top of the statue - so his informants in Rhodes
assured him - there was a magnificent view over a very wide
area. Like many other medieval authors Niccolo da Martoni
also connects the colossus of Rhodes with the Colossians to
whom St. Paul wrote his famous epistle. 12 ~
40
PILGRIMAGES
With the sentence: 'de factis Rodi plus non est dicendum' he
closes his description of the Greek attractions which he
visited on the outward journey.
By way of Alexandria and the Sinai, Niccolo reaches the
Holy Land, where he visits innumerable places.
On January 24 1395 he is back in Rhodes. His desire to return to his fatherland had become so strong that in Beyrouth
he had taken a ship to Cyprus without waiting for his fellowpilgrims. From there he travelled in another ship to Rhodes,
where several problems arose. The captain would not enter the
harbour at night, and by the morning the wind had changed to
an unfavourable quarter, so that it was impossible to land.
Moreover, the presence in the harbour of the Gatalan pirate
Martinus Vincentius filled the captain and all those aboard
with great fear. For that reason the ship continued to the
north. In Lango (Cos) Niccolo found a small boat from the
island of Symi, whose captain was prepared to take him and
a few German fellow-passengers back to Rhodes for the price
of one ducat. Back on that island Niccolo found hospitable
lodgings in the same house he had stayed in on the outward
journey. He now mentions two subjects which he had not mentioned on the way out: the giving of alms by the Knights of
St. John, and which relics were to be found in the island's
churches. Niccolo gives an extremely good description of the
beggar women who use children as a way of working on the sympathy of the passers-by - a situation with which travellers
to the Mediterranean are still confronted in our own day.
Niccolo says that they borrow these children, so as to get
a larger portion of food. 125 Next he goes on to give a list
of all sorts of relics; the most important of these is a
thorn from Christ's crown of thorns. On February 1 Niccolo
embarks in a ship from Messina, with Venice as his destination. But his hope of soon being home was not to be fulfilled.
One may ask why from Rhodes Niccolo did not head for Constantinople. His account of his journey gives no explanation,
but I believe that it was the troubles in the Mediterranean
which made it impossible to do so. In 1394-1401 Constantinople
was almost continuously besieged by the Turks. The western
army which hastened to its assistance was defeated at Nicopolis at the end of 1396. There were also wandering bands of
pirates and bandits in the area, as we are regularly told in
his account. 126 The first stopping place on the journey home
from Rhodes is at the island of Lango. Here Niccolo goes
ashore to visit the house of the philosopher-physician
Hippocrates. Not much of it remained; he saw a beautiful
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
41
spring with clear water, and a group of largely delapidated

buildings which were used by the local inhabitants as pens
for sheep and goats. 127 Then follows a most remarkable story
about Hippocrates' daughter, who was able to turn herself
into a snake at will, and the member of the brotherhood of
St. John who promised to kiss her while she was in the form
of a snake. 128 The journey past Nicosia (Naxos) and Paris
(Paras) passes without difficulties. Niccolo, as was to be
expected, connects the name of the latter island with the
prince in the Trojan sagas. On the islands of Thermia the
pilgrims are attacked on their homeward journey by marauding
Catalan pirates. Niccolo and a few companions manage to
escape in a small boat under cover of the night, and with
the few possessions he has managed to salvage in a bag round
his neck he hastens towards the town of Thermia, There a new
plan is made for the return to Italy. Niccolo decides to
travel to Corinth via Athens, which had recently been taken
over by the Venetians. At this point we find a clear reference to an important moment in Athenian history. We know
that after the death of Nerio I Acciajuoli in September 1394
the city was left by will to the chapter of the great Church
of Mary (i.e. Parthenon). The chapter did not simply accept
this legacy, but placed the city under Venetian government,
and so in the last months of 1394 the Venetians took control
of the city. 129 Once in Corinth, Niccolo hoped to find a
ship heading for Venice.
On the evening of February 23 1395 Niccolo da Martoni
lands in Attica. The ship on which he was travelling could
not put in to Piraeus because of a contrary wind; for this
reason the travellers were put ashore at another harbour
further along the Attic coast, at a place about thirty-five
kilometers from Athens. 130 Near this harbour, according to
our author, there were two marble statues, one of a man, the
other of a woman. It is said that the woman, upon being followed by the man with wicked intentions, prayed to God for
help, whereupon both of them were turned into marble, Judeich
believes that the man referred to is the seated figure on the
rock at the entrance to the harbour at Porta Raphti, which
later became popularly known as ~~nb. 131 He assumes, moreover, that on another rock nearby that had acquired the name
~~on6u~, there used to be a statue of a woman. Niccolo
can hardly be expected to give a clear description; we must
not forget that he did not arrive until very late, and therefore was unable to get a close view of the statues,
At night Niccolo sets off in the rain through the hills of
42
PILGRIMAGES
Attica, and early next morning (February 24, 1395) he enters

the civitas Acthenarum. In this city, the Athens of 1395,
where Niccolo finds 'multas columpnas et multos lapides mar132
moreos qui nunc iacent ubi ipsa civitas fuit hedificata' ,
Niccolo himself will be our guide.
He begins by stating that formerly, in the time of
Emperor Hadrian, the city was larger than in his own time,
The ruins found all over the surrounding countryside, and
perhaps also the inscription on the Gate of Hadrian, 133
brought him to this conclusion. The suggestion that the city
was devastated by the Trojans after Hadrian's time is a mistake on Niccolo's part. He is probably referring to the invasion by Germanic tribes in 267 A.D. when the city was
plundered and destroyed by the Heruli. 134
The city itself lies on a plain 'intra duos montes', between
Hymettus and Aegaleus, two mountain ranges which do indeed,
as he says, lie six miles (8.8 km.) apart. In medieval
times there were still olive trees growing on some parts of
the plain. What is more important is the information that in
Niccolo's time the population was concentrated 'prope castrum
civitatis', so at the foot of the Acropolis. At the end of
the fourteenth century the city was certainly not large.
Niccolo estimates the number of houses at about a thousand,
which would tally with a population of between three and five
thousand people.
While he was in this long-famous city anyway, our traveller
made up his mind to see something of the 'res antiquae~ His
request to some of the local people to act as his guide 135
is immediately granted, and so it is that he soon finds himself standing next to two fontes aquarum. In former times
students from the schools of philosophy who came to Athens
used to have to drink from these 'pro acquirenda scientia'.
These two wells or spring-covers were 'pulcherrime laborati
et fabricati cum lapidibus marmoreis'. Niccolo is the only
writer to mention these wells, and for this reason we cannot
tell for certain exactly what it was that he saw. The most
likely solution is that which associates these springs with
the remains of some waterworks on the south side of the
Acropolis. 136
The next monument which Niccolo describes in detail is
the 'studium Aristotelis'. This was a building measuring
twenty feet by sixteen; it was roofed over and covered with
sheets of marble, and was decorated in gold and other colours.
At each end it was still possible to see enough of the construction to give Niccolo an idea of what it must originally
NICCOLO' DA MARTONI
43
have looked like. Joined on to this building, he says, was a

large atrium with a porticus, which he says was where Aristotle used to walk sometimes, when he was tired, for recreation. Apparently Aristotle's way of teaching was no longer
properly understood in the middle ages. 137
This is another of the buildings described by Niccolo of
which no remains can now be found. Judeich suggests the remains of the skene of the Dionysian theatre and the nearby
stoa. But in this south-eastern corner of the city there
were still, in the middle of the last century, all kinds of
ruins to be seen, which later fell prey to the construction
of the Leoforos Dionyssiou Areopaghitou. Paton points out
that in many of the travellers' descriptions the 'studium
Aristotelis' is situated either near the aqueduct of Hadrian
on the Lykabettus, or else near the monument of Thrasyllus on
the south slope of the Acropolis. 138 From Niccolo's description it seems most likely that he was referring to the latter.
There is no doubt at all, however, about the identification of the next building he visits. The 'magnum hospitium dicti imperatoris Adriani, quod est dirructum' can only
refer to the temple built by Hadrian to the Olympic Jupiter.
Until 1673139 the Olympieion is always referred to as the
palace of Hadrian.
Niccolo's description is not, in fact, entirely correct: he
counts only twenty columns, but several decennia later (in
140
1436) Cyriacus of Ancona was to find twenty-one of them.
Our author probably prefers to count in round numbers. He
estimates the height of the columns as eighty palms, and says
they were so thick that it would take four people with outspread arms to encircle them. 141 The statement that a palace
was built on top of these columns is found in several places
in medieval travellers' tales; this invention must have
formed a part of the 'local tradition', for no ancient source
can be found to account for it. The story may have grown up
because at that time the architrave was still built up on a
large number of columns. There were also the remains, on the
top of one of the pillars, of a construction built there by
a hermit.
When Niccolo looks round to the north west his attention is
taken by the Gate of Hadrian, which he refers to as the
'introitus dicti castri'. He sees this fine monument as the
entrance to the palace of Hadrian. He may possibly have
known the Greek alphabet, and so have been able to decipher
the name A6PIANOY which was clearly visible, inscribed on the
arch. Nothing could then be more probable than that he should
44
PILGRIMAGES
see the two buildings, both of which bore the name of the
same Emperor, as the remains of one complex of buildings. In
this case 'castrum' cannot mean the Acropolis, as is seen
from the word 'dictum', which Niccolo always uses to refer
back to something he has already seen or mentioned. Moreover,
the description of the Acropolis in the following chapter
opens with the words 'deinde accessimus ad castrum ipsius
civitatis'. Thus Niccolo must also have seen the palace of
Hadrian as a castrum, or fortification.
The author makes a delightful comparison between the Gate
of Hadrian and that of his own city of Capua. Both gates, he
says, are equally fine, though the one in Capua, built by
Frederick II as a towered entrance gate, is greater in terms
of size. 142
Before climbing the Acropolis Niccolo first visits a large
bridge, situated outside the city, Although the information
he gives is highly legendary in character it is still
possible to make out what it was he saw: 'ubi alias milites
pugnabant de ventura, currebant ab utroque latere et in medio
ipsius pontis fiebat pugna'. The bridge can be none other
than the Stadium bridge over the Ilissus, and in the soldiers charging at each other across the bridge we can recognize reminiscences of the ancient games,
Now Niccolo does an about turn and moves westwards to the entrance to the Acropolis, Here he sees 'quedam sala magna in
qua sunt columpne magne XIII. Supra quas columpnas sunt
trabes longi pedibus triginta, et supra ipsas trabes sunt
tabule marmoree; magnum et mirabile opus videtur'.
Without doubt this description refers to the palace in the
Propylaea, as Le Grand has already observed in his edition. 143
In the middle ages the Propylaea had become a part of the
fortifications, and no longer formed the entrance to the
Acropolis, which had been their function in antiquity. (see
the Travlos drawing), How Niccolo got at the number of thirteen columns was formerly not entirely clear. The four
pillars at the back could certainly not be seen at that time,
The six columns of the passage were visible. Judeich believes
that from the front only four columns were visible, and
therefore adds on the three smaller pillars of the picturegallery to arrive at the required number of thirteen columns
(4+6+3), An examination of the detailed drawing by Travlos,
however, suggests what I consider to be a better solution,
Most probably Niccolo referred to the six inner pillars plus
the six on the front - which was, it is true, walled up, but
in such a way that the columns were still visible, A small
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
45
corner pillar of the picture gallery should also be included,

which could be seen from the hall (6+6+1). 1 qq It may be taken
for granted that at the time of Niccolo's visit the Venetian
governor resided in the Propylaea palace.
Once Niccolo arrives at the Acropolis his attention is immediately attracted by the great Church of St. Mary, the
Parthenon, which had been converted into a Christian church.
At that time the Parthenon was the cathedral of the Latin
Christians. To make the measurements clearer to his readers
he compares it with the great church of Capua, which he says
must be about the same size. The church, he tells us, is constructed of large blocks of marble, fixed together with lead
clamps. Round the church there are sixty columns. Once again
his figures are approximate rather than exact; a few decennia
later Cyriacus counts fifty-eight, which is, in fact, the
right number. Each pillar was higher than the length of the
ladders used for the wine-harvest - a pleasant way of
describing their size, though rather vague; five men were
needed to enclose the circumference of one such column. 1 q 5
From Niccolo's description we can make out that the church
had at least a partial upper gallery. A reconstruction of
how the church was most probably arranged at the time of our
traveller can be found in the book by Michaelis about the
Parthenon: the letters B-B-C on his plan refe~ to the upper
gallery, which he believes to have been in use as a
yuvaL~VL~~~ 1 q 6 , Since then the idea once current that in
medieval churches there was a separate part set aside for
women has been abandoned. It is now assumed that the women
did not sit in a separate gallery. On one of the inside
pillars a cross had been drawn; Niccolo uses this as the
starting point for telling a legend about St. Dion~sius. In
medieval and later texts Dionysius the Areopagite 1 7 is regularly confused with St. Denis, the first Archbishop of
Paris and the patron saint of France. 1 q 8 Niccolo, too, seems
to mix these two up with each other.
The width and height of the main entrance are given exactly;
they were four and five cannae respectively. 1 q 9 Then fact
again gives way to legend: the doors of this entrance are
said to have come originally from the gates of the city of
Troy; after the sack of Troy they were carried off and used
for the church of St. Mary in Athens. That the church had
two naves, one behind the other, is easy to imagine after a
look at the ground plan in Michaelis. 150 There can easily
have been altars both in the narthex (K) and in the apse (E).
The story that the first altar in the world was set up in
46
PILGRIMAGES
this church by St. Dionysius must be regarded as a pious

legend.
Four thick pillars made of jasper 151 support a fine ciborium
above the main alter (F on the plan). These pillars must
also have been of considerable size; the height was two
cannae, the circumference the armspan of two men. There was
also a cistern in the church, which was fed by rainwater.
For a long time this cistern was thought to date from
Turkish times, when the building was used as a mosque and
a lot of water was needed for the rites of purification.
Niccolo, however, provides proof that the tank dates from
much earlier than the Turkish period. A richly bejewelled
icon of the Panagia, said to have been painted by the
Evangelist Luke himself, 152 is carefully preserved and
venerated in a side chapel. The total number of columns inside the church is estimated by Niccolo as eighty. This
figure may be approximately correct if we bear in mind that
on the balustrade, which itself rested on pillars, there
were more pillars which supported the roof. The extraordinary
phenomenon of a patch of light on the wall which was said
never to go away is explained by the author in transcendental
terms: it was believed, he said, that the body of a saint
was shut up behind the wall at that place! The fact that the
patch of light actually came from a sort of window that was
concealed by a sheet of marble or a plate of alabaster
completely escaped him. 153
The list of a number of relics which were the pride of the
church is of no great importance here. The reference to an
old Evangeliarium, on the other hand, is interesting. This
was said to have been written by St. Helena in golden letters,
in Greek, on parchment. This therefore must have been a
15
codex aureus, written in Old-Byzantine script.
~
Outside the walls of the Acropolis Niccolo sees two pillars
on which, it is said, there had once been an idol with
apotropaeic powers. The statue was said to have the power to
keep enemy ships away from Athens. This legend is found
again in later authors; the origin of the tradition must be
sought in Antiquity, when a Gorgon was placed on the wall of
the stronghold. 155 This Gorgon, made of gilded bronze, was
dedicated by Antiochus IV Epiphanes in the theatre of
Dionysus. 156 The two pillars probably formed part of a choreic
monument, possibly that of Thrasyllus, that was lost only in
1827, during the siege of the Acropolis.
Here Niccolo ends his tour of Athens. He has only visited part of the city, and a number of important monuments, such
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
47
as the Theseum,
the Tower of the Winds or the Monument of
Lysicrates have not been included in his sightseeing, Niccolo
limited himself to the area South-east of the Acropolis. On
Thursday, February 25 1395 Niccolo leaves Athens, with four
companions. Because of a quarrel between Theodorus Palaeologus,
157
the Despot of Mistra, and Carlo Tocco, Count of Cefalonia
about the inheritance of Nerio I, it is impossible for him
to travel overland to Corinth. He therefore sets off for
Negroponte (Euboea) in the hope that in that Venetian colony
he may find a ship going in the direction of his fatherland.
That Athens, which he had just left, was not a prosperous
city, is best seen from his remark that they had to travel
by donkey because in Athens there were no horses for hire.
On that day Niccolo again escapes from a great danger:
wandering bands of Turkish horsemen, mercenaries in the service of Carlo Tocco, made the area unsafe, robbing and plundering whatever they could lay hands on.
Niccolo came to a certain road just one hour after one such
band had passed by; and then to think that the delay had been
caused that morning by the man who hired out the donkeys!
According to Niccolo this was clearly an expression of the
will of God: 'Voluit Deus quod quidam de Acthenis nos ille
die decepit de asellis per eum nobis premissis'. At the next
158
stopping place, Zucchamini (Sykaminon),
he is waylaid by
heavily-armed horsemen. But once he has been identified as
a non-Turk he is treated with great hospitality. The next day
the Governor lends them horses to ride to the coast, after
which a fisherman takes them in a small boat to Negroponte,
where they are again given a warm welcome.
Niccolo describes this island in a fair amount of detail.
It is about three hundred miles in perimeter, and some parts
of it lie quite close to the mainland. 159 Its most important
town, also called Negroponte - the former Chalcis - was not,
it is true, very large, but was densely populated with Greeks
and Franks. Niccolo estimates the number of dwellings on the
whole island as about fourteen thousand - fourteen times as
many as in Athens! Before Niccolo's time Negroponte must
have been even larger, but wars had taken their toll, Outside
the city, according to our author there were 'alique habitationes et antiqua hedificia'. Whether he is referring here to
ancient remains or to the remains of medieval buildings is
not clear from his description. There are at least two Latin
monasteries on the island, one Franciscan, the other Clarissan. After mentioning the medieval fort Castrum Fata Morgane
Niccolo describes the two wooden bridges which led to the
48
PILGRIMAGES
city from the mainland. Both bridges were closely guarded at

all times by armed men.
On either side of the town there was an anchorage for ships,
so that they could always come in to load and unload their
merchandise, regardless of the direction of the current. This
current, which flowed constantly back and forth past the
place was put to good use. Three watermills had been placed
in the stream of the current, constructed in such a way that
they could be in continuous use; in this way each mill
brought in a sum of fifty ducats annually. 160
While he is on the island Niccolo has a good look round. He
admires the strong, towered walls of the city, but also the
noble and wealthy men and the beautiful women. He has plenty
of time to do so; for forty days he waits in vain for a
ship. Finally, at his wits' end, he decides to return to
Athens. And so after breakfast on Friday April 2, 1395 back
he goes; by ship to the mainland, on foot to Zucchamini and
from there, in constant fear of Turkish or Albanian robbers,
back to Athens.
On the Saturday before Palm Sunday 1395 Niccolo is back in
Athens. This time we are to have no description of monuments.
But he does write one sentence which shows clearly how ex~remely unimportant Athens was at that time. He is compelled
to lodge with the Bishop's chaplain, in view of the fact that
there were no inns to be found in Athens. 161 The next day,
Palm Sunday, immediately after the Palm Sunday service, our
traveller leaves in the direction of Megara. After fifteen
miles (22.2 km.) the remains of Lippissinox (Levsina-Eleusis)
come into view. From the great number of ruins, columns and
pieces of marble lying about everywhere he draws the conclusion that this must once have been an important place. The
remains of an 'aquaduct' receive special mention: 'et aqua
fluebat ad dictam civitatem per quosdam conductos fabricatos
cum pileriis et archis per quos descendebat a quibusdam montibus ad ipsam civitatem'. An aqueduct is not mentioned among
the excavated remains of Eleusis. I believe, therefore, that
Niccolo is mistaken on this point, and that the curved construction mounted on pillars which he saw was not an aqueduct
but a bridge. About a kilometre outside Eleusis as one
approaches it from Athens, on the left side of the road, near
the hamlet of Kalo Pigadi, there are the remains of an old
four-arch Roman bridge, about fifty-five metres long and five
and a half metres wide. 162 This bridge, which is made of
large blocks of porous stone, was built in about 124 A.D.
under Emperor Hadrian, over the River Cephisus, which at
1
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
49
that time flowed past Eleusis. The path of this river has
since changed, because of the water finding another way underground. It is probable that in Niccolo's time the riverbed
was already dry, so that the function of the construction as
a bridge was no longer obvious. It was thus to be expected
that the author should compare it to the aqueducts which he
knew from Italy. How Niccolo comes by the information that
in its prime the city had a perimeter of ten miles (14.8 km)
we cannot, unfortunately, discover.
When Niccolo arrives at night at the gates of Castrum Metre
(Megara), he is made to wait outside. Megara was a small
fort, containing about eighty dwellings and situated on a
fertile plain. Here, too, there was anxiety about the fighting between the rulers of Mistra and Cefalonia. For this
reason he stays at a small wayside chapel, and although the
situation is not without danger he enjoys an excellent
night's sleep.
The next day he and his four companions embark in a boat
which is so small that there is hardly room for them all. In
the evening they reach the harbour of Coranti, a small place
on the Saronian Bay, about fifteen miles from the actual town
of Corinth. Here, too, the fighting between the Despot of
Mistra and the Count of Cefalonia is the talk of the day. An
attack by the Despot on the city of Corinth had just been
beaten off by Carlo Tocco with the help of the Turks. There
were Turkish soldiers roaming about everywhere in the
vicinity, and it was considered practically impossible to
reach the city of Corinth in safety. Yet Niccolo decides to
risk it, and with a few local men he manages, after a hard
journey by night, to reach the city on top of the mountain.
The situation there was far from rosy; it was impossible to
buy bread, and, just as in Athens, there was no inn. In
Corinth, however, Niccolo and his friends are also hospitably
received at the house of the archbishop. According to our
author all sorts of astonishing stories are told in the West
about Corinth, which are not true. Thus he will make known
the true facts of the matter.
Previously, in the time of King Alexander (the Great) the
city was not situated on top of the mountain, but between the
mountains and the sea. The ruins which are still there give
some idea of its size. During the Roman siege a terrible fire
broke out; it completely destroyed the city so beloved by
King Alexander. 163 The new city was built on top of the mountain and was surrounded by a wall about two miles long.
According to Niccolo the walled-in part is, in his day, very
50
PILGRIMAGES
largely empty and bare; only here and there are a few
delapidated little houses to be seen. He estimates the total
number of dwellings as about five hundred - half the already
meagre number found in Athens.
With Corinth belongs the Isthmus; at that time this narrow
strip of land was known as the Examilia, on account of the
distance between the harbours on its two sides, which is
about six miles. 16 q Niccolo says it was King Alexander who
attempted to dig a way across, so that the Peloponnesus
would become an island. Traces of this digging, which was actually undertaken by Emperor Nero, 165 were still visible in
medieval times. Apparently the extremely rocky ground made
the job impossible, so that the work had to be given up. The
wall which runs across the width of the Isthmus is also mentioned. This is also said to be the work of King Alexander.
In Niccolo's time parts of the wall were still in good condition, while other parts were in a state of extreme decay. 166
After all his rather unfavourable remarks about the city and
the Isthmus Niccolo does then give some information of a more
favourable nature: the dried fruits (currants) and figs of
this region were of an exceptionally high quality!
For the first time after months of misfortune some good
luck now, at last, befalls our traveller. The Count of Cefalonia wanted to evacuate his wife from the city of Corinth
to his own much safer island, and gave Niccolo leave to join
the company. In this way he travelled with a strong escort
to the western harbour. Before leaving the city, however, he
first paid a visit to a little church which was dedicated to
St. Paul. This, according to the local tradition, was where
he wrote his letters to the Corinthians from prison. The
pious visitors were also shown a cross which he had scratched
on a pillar. 167
In the harbour there were two brigantines waiting, one for
the Countess and here train, and one for the others, including
Niccolo. The voyage from the Gulf of Corinth to Patras went
off without problems. In that city there was again no inn to
be found, and again it was the Archbishop who put the pilgrims
up. 168 Inns were apparently exceedingly few and far between
in medieval Greece! Niccolo has something of particular interest to say about the episcopal 'palace': it contained a
room twenty-five paces long, on the walls of which was painted the 'tota ystoria destructionis civitatis Troye. 169 We
should like to have heard more about this, for very little is
known about this kind of medieval Ilioupersis painting; unfortunately Niccolo is content merely to mention its exist-
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
51
ence and no more.

In Patras he finds a ship to take him to the island of Gorfo
(Corfu). For one last time he is to find himself in danger
of his life when a tremendous south-westerly gale blows up.
By the skin of their teeth the ship and its crew are saved,
and on April 20 1395 Niccolo sets foot on dry land at Corfu.
There still remains the crossing from Greece to Apulia and
the rest of the journey home. We shall not accompany him any
further on his journey, however, for the remaining events
are not relevant to us here. We are left with the question
of how important Niccolo da Martoni's description of his
travels is. In answer to this question several points can be
made. In the first place, the author gives an exceptionally
clear picture of the great difficulties involved in travelling at that time. As a result it is easier to understand why
it was that so few people undertook such distant journeys.
It is also important that Niccolo keeps accurate note day
by day not only of things of interest to a pilgrim, such as
churches and relics, but also of what he sees and hears on
the way. The great value of his work, however, lies in his
description of Athens as it was in 1395. Shortly after the
Catalan period, a period of regression and decay in the history of the city of Athens, the Italian notary visits this
city. The picture he gives of it is indeed a sorry one. The
city was small, much of it lay in ruins, and visitors could
not even find decent lodgings there. Yet as Niccolo goes
round it his thoughts are full of its glorious past, of the
time when Athens was the greatest city in the Greek world.
It was not his intention, when he set out on his travels, to
visit the antiquities which reminded him of that time, but
now that he finds himself in this city he is quite happy to
go and look at them. He is thus the first western-European
to confront us with the state of the ancient monuments of
Athens. He should not be blamed for the many legends and
stories which he mentions in his account. On the contrary,
they show how certain reminiscences of antiquity have continued to live on throughout the centuries, even if the
ancient core has been so changed by later additions that it
is now barely recognizable. The fact that he only visited
part of the city makes his description no less valuable.
As well as his description of the Athenian monuments
there is another aspect of Niccolo's work that deserves our
attention: here and there he mentions a number of historical
events which form a welcome addition to our knowledge of the
history of Greece in the middle ages. This is particularly
52
PILGRIMAGES
true of the complications surr0unding the inheritance of

Nerio I. Not all these facts are entirely new, but at various
points they fill in details in the existing picture.
Finally, his description of the Greek mainland and the
islands provides very welcome information about the situation
in that area at the end of the fourteenth century. The great
accuracy of this author's work makes his account particularly
valuable. In the work of Niccol~ da Martoni we have a unique
document, that gives a great deal of information about the
Greece of 1394-5 in general, and about the Athenian antiquities in particular.
B. Pero Tafur
It is a pity that so little attention has been devoted
to the description of the long journey through large parts
of Europe and Western Asia by the Spanish nobleman Pero
Tafur, for his narrative contains some exceptionally valuable
information. The fact that the account of his travels only
survives in one manuscript in a Spanish library 170 is probably
the reason why he has remained unknown for so long. The first
printed edition only appeared in Spanish in 1874; 171 this was
followed in 1926 by an English translation with some commentary.172 In 1938 Vives devoted a critical study to the
author and his work. 173
In the prologue to his work the author explains what it
was that made him visit such distant countries. For a nobleman, he says, there is the opportunity while travelling to
display bravery, and to show oneself worthy of one's ancestors. What is more important to Pero Tafur, however, is
that in foreign countries one's view can be widened through
contact with other forms of government and ways of life.
Certain valuable elements can then be introduced into one's
own country, to the benefit of the whole nation. 174 These and
other reasons cause him to leave his native city, Cordova,
in 1436. At this time he is probably about twenty-five years
old.
After having first taken part in an unsuccessful expedition against Moorish Gibraltar, he arrives in Genoa round
about Christmas in 1436. He says that this city was apparently founded by Prince Janus of Troy, who had travelled to the
West after the Sack of Troy. The tower-like houses and the
situation of the city on a mountain above the sea suggested,
according to Pero, that they were the work of a defeated man.
He saw the legend about the founding of Genoa illustrated
PERO TAFUR
53
between the arches of the nave of the cathedral of S, Lorenzo.l75
From Genoa he travels on to Venice, the most important

port of departure for pilgrim ships. In the meantime, in
Bologna he receives from Pope Eugenius IV, who is there for
the Council of Florence-Ferrara, a licence to visit the Holy
Land. Because there are no pilgrim ships leaving before
Ascension Day, he employs the months in between to travel
round Italy. He visits, among other places, Rome, Perugia
and Assisi.
The visit to Rome was not entirely satisfactory, for
when Pero asked for information about the ancient remains to
be found in that place he was unable to find anybody who
could enlighten him on the subject at all. 176 These antiquities appear to interest him very greatly; he does not only
visit churches for which indulgences could be obtained, but
also refers to a number of ancient monuments and ruins. He
mentions the old Church of St. Peter, and the great obelisk
nearby. 177 He sees the statue of Marcus Aurelius which was
placed by Michelangelo on the Capitol in 1538, then still in
front of the St. John of Lateran, where it had stood since
the twelfth century. In the middle ages its identity was not
known, for one tradition identified it as St. Constantine
and another as a certain legendary Marcus while Pero sees in
this horseman the equally legendary figure of Mucius. 178 The
Colosseum and a Colossus arouse his admiration, as does
the imperial palace on the Mons Palatinus, which Pero says
is the palace of Augustus. The Column of Trajan gives him
the opportunity to mention that Trajan was a fellow countryman of his, from Pedraza in Castile.
It is typical of his attitude to these ancient remains
that in three separate places he mentions the action taken
by Pope Gregorius 179 against the monuments of antiquity.
Because Gregorius was of the opinion that many pilgrims displayed excessive admiration for the old buildings and ruins,
the Pope had many of them destroyed, the better to divert
attention from worldly affairs to spiritual ones.
This was certainly held against him by Pero Tafur; it is
clear from his account that he laments the decay of these
once so magnificent buildings. The fact that life was not
particularly safe in Rome in the fourteen-thirties is perhaps
best shown by the presence of wolves, foxes and other wild
animals inside the city walls. 180
At the end of April 1437 Pero Tafur is back in Venice,
where he spends several pleasant weeks looking round the city;
54
PILGRIMAGES
meanwhile he makes arrangements for the crossing, as was

customary for pilgrims. 181
The journey to the Holy Land offers few problems; the
ship calls in at the set places: Parenzo, Zara, Ragusa,
Corfu and Modon. As they pass the Gulf of Patras Pero
speaks of the city of Corinth, once so rich and powerful,
but in his time largely depopulated.
182
The wall across the Isthmus receives special mention.
Provisions are.taken aboard in the heavily fortified fort of
Modon, and the ship continues by way of the island of Cythera, scene of Helen's abduction by Paris, (says Pero, following many medieval writers), arriving some forty-eight hours
later at the island of Candia. Pero praises the great fertility and wealth of this island, mentions in passing the great
uprising of the Greek and Venetian inhabitants against Venetian authority in 1363, 183 and then refers to the labyrinth
in a single sentence: 'dizen que tres millas de alli esta
aquel laberinto que fizo Dedalo, e otros muchos antiguos. 184
From his description he does not appear to have visited the
labyrinth himself; but it does appear that according to his
source or sources it was situated in the vicinity of the
capital, Candia, most probably near Knossos, about five km
from present day Iraklion (i.e. Candia). In the slightly
older description (about 1420) by Buondelmonti, the labyrinth
is said to be near Ampelouzas, in the neighbourhood of Gortyn.
The question of the location of the labyrinth will be examined in more detail in Part II. 185 It is not clear what Pero
meant by the other ancient remains, but he may have been referring to some ruins of the Colonia Julia Nobilis, the Roman
Knossos. Matton refers to a late-Roman villa with mosaics and
a sixth-century basilica in that area. 186
From Candia the journey continues to Rhodes. Pero
describes the city of the Knights, their Hospital and relics
in the church of St. John, including 'grant parte de los
dineros por que fue vendido Nuestro Senor' . 187 From Rhodes
the last part of the journey to the Holy Land is made in one
stage; an intermediate stop at Cyprus is only included in the
itinerary on the return journey.
Although the description of the holy places falls outside the scope of my subject, in Palestine Pero again shows
his interest and his curiosity for important old monuments.
With the help of a Portuguese renegade he disguises himself
as a Moslem, and so manages to penetrate by night into the
Temple of Solomon (the Omar mosque), an undertaking which
does in fact come off, but which could have cost him his life.
PERO TAFUR
55
Christians were absolutely forbidden entry into this mosque;

for this reason the description of its interior is a valuable
passage in his work. 188
In the meantime Pero has decided to visit the monastery
of St. Catherine in the Sinai, so he sets off via Cyprus for
Egypt. From there he sets out with a caravan across the
desert to the monastery, the journey lasting several days.
There he meets another west-European traveller, the Venetian
nobleman Niccolo de' Conti, who had spent more than forty
years in the Middle and Far East. 189 Nicolo de'Conti manages
to divert him from his plan for travelling further east by
describing to him the dangers which would beset him on every
side. The result of their conversations is a number of tales
told him by Conti about mysterious India and the even more
distant countries of Java and Ceylon. 190 Prester John plays,
almost inevitably, an important part in these stories. 191
Returning to Egypt from the Sinai on October 27 1437
Pero Tafur arrives back in Rhodes. The journey had been
fraught with dangers, for off the south coast of Turkey the
ship had only just managed to evade Turkish pirates. The
description of his second visit to Rhodes is interesting
more from a historical than from an archeological point of
view. Pero is present on the day of the death of Antonio
Fluviano, the Aragonian grand-master of the Knights of St.
John (1421-0ctober 29 1437). He describes in detail the
procedure for electing the new grand-master. After a number
of ballots the Prior of Auvergne, Jean de Lastic (1437-1454)
is elected. 192
On the way to Constantinople the ship is wrecked off
Chios, and Pero is rescued from the waves only with very
great difficulty. From Chios he makes an excursion to the
Turkish mainland, intending to visit Troy. Here, just as in
Rome there is nobody who can answer his questions. The
nature of a place which was called Ilium, a heap of ruins
situated opposite the island of Tenedos, and the presence of
other large ruins, make him think that what he sees before
him is the Troy of Priam. What he saw was probably, however,
nothing more than the much later Roman settlement of Troy.
According to Pero the local Turks do not destroy the ruins;
they regard them as relics, and build their houses up against
them. 193
When, continuing his journey, he lands on Tenedos he has
a good view from there of the ruins of Troy. On this island
there even appear to be some local inhabitants who can tell
him something about the ancient Trojan remains; unfortunately
56
PILGRII\IAGES
Pero does not say what they told him.

When the ship has sailed through the Dardanelles into
the Sea of Marmara he sees from a great distance - though his
'hundred miles' is somewhat exaggerated! - the Hagia Sophia,
rising into view like a mountain. 19 ~ As they sail through the
narrow strait a tower at Vituperio reminds him of Achilles
and Patroclus. In Constantinople he is received most cordially by the emperor, John VIII Palaeologus. At his request
the emperor gives order for the Byzantine archives to be
searched, for one of the reasons for Pero's journey was that
he wanted to obtain full information about his family tradition. His family was said to be related to that of the Byzantine emperors, being descended from a prince who had left
Constantinople for Spain several centuries earlier as a result of a family quarrel. 195 The search of the archives produces the hoped-for result, as a consequence of which he receives an even greater reception at the court; thus he is
even permitted to take part regularly in imperial hunting
parties.
When on November 24 1437 Emperor John VIII leaves for
Basel in a last desperate attempt to enlist the support of
the West by uniting the churches against the advancing Turks,
Pero resists all the emperor's attempts to persuade him to
accompany him, and stays behind in Constantinople. 196 He
first wishes to pay a visit to the Sultan and to the ruler
of Trebizond. From Constantinople he travels to the court of
Sultan Murad II in Adrianople. His admiration for the Turks
is evident from his description. Then he embarks for Trebizond and the Genuese emporium of Kaffa, on the Crimea. His
description of the remote places Trebizond and Kaffa is extremely valuable. 197 He gives various particulars, for example,
which are important for the chronology of the ruling family
of Trebizond. Although the ruler begs him to prolong his stay
in his little realm, Pero finally declines. One of the
reasons for this is the fact that this ruler had entered into
a mixed marriage with a Turkish woman, which was something
Pero found reprehensible. 'As a good Christian' he makes this
perfectly clear to him. 198 In Kaffa, at the enormous slave
market, he buys three slaves, who were to serve him later in
Spain. This was not considered reprehensible; on the contrary,
a special papal Bull strongly encouraged the purchase of
slaves - if they were Christians - because this was a way of
preventing th'em from falling into the hands of non-believers. 199
Now follows the most important part of the work of Pero
Tafur, his description of a number of ancient and Byzantine
PERO TAFUR
57
monuments in Constantinople. Before leaving for Trebizond

and Kaffa he had already spoken about the conquest of the
city by the Crusaders in 1204. In this connection he refers
to the theft of relics which took place at that time, and
also the theft of works of art and valuable building materials.200 The two immense pillars which he had admired at the
Palace of the Doges in Venice - one crowned by the statue
of a winged lion, the other by San Todaro (Theodorus) with
the dragon, which he says were among the loot, as were the
four large bronze horses which until recently adorned
the facade of St. Mark's Cathedral. 201 On his return to
Venice he will again speak of these antiquities stolen from
Constantinople. 202 Having returned to Constantinople he asks
the Despot Dragas, 203 who was temporarily in charge of government, to arrange a conducted tour of the Church of Hagia
Sophia and its treasure chamber for him. The vast size of the
building makes a great impression on him. Pero says that when
the city was in its hey-day, some six thousand clergy were
attached to this church but this figure is exaggerated. 204
The floors and lower walls of the church are covered with
valuable stone plates. Pero is particularly interested in the
high quality mosaics, which begin a spear's length from the
ground, and with which the domes and arches are decorated. In
particular he mentions a mosaic of God the Father 205 in the
centre of the main chapel. Underneath the church Pero visits
a cistern of gigantic size - the largest cistern he has ever
seen anywhere. 206 In the treasure chamber he is shown many
relics, most of which are related to the life of Christ and
of Mary.
In front of the Church of Hagia Sophia Pero's attention
is caught by an equestrian statue standing on a very high
column. He is told that it depicts Constantine on horseback
and that from the direction in which his finger is pointing
the ruin of Greece and Constantinople will come. He is also
informed that the orb in the horseman's hand once fell down
during a heavy storm. Only then, according to Pero's narrative, did people realize, when they saw the size of this
globe, how immense the statue as a whole must be. The statue
of the horseman, which many other authors also locate on the
Augusteion in front of the entrance to the Hagia Sophia must
be that of Justinian I. 207 Pero Tafur gives the interesting
information that there have been some attempts at restoring
the statue; th~ fallen orb has been restored to the rider's
hand, and the horse has been anchored more firmly to the
column with chains. The total cost of this restoration is
58
PILGRIMAGES
said to have been 8,000 ducats. Pero completes his visit to

the Hagia Sophia and its surroundings with a visit to a nearby market, where bread, wine and fish were sold.
The next day Pero visits a church of St. Mary, where he
says Constantine was buried. In this church he sees an icon
of the Holy Virgin painted by St. Luke. The other side of the
icon, he says, shows a scene from the Crucifixion. He describes in detail how, on certain days, the icon is carried
in procession outside the church, a sight which he has himself been to watch several times during his stay in Constantinople.208 The Blachernae church (Valayerna) he finds in ruins,
so badly damaged by fire that restoration is no longer considered possible. This church, which tradition said was built
by Helena, was considered more beautiful than the Hagia
Sophia. 209 The next church mentioned by Pero Tafur is that of
the monastery of Pantocrator, richly decorated with gold mosaics. This church, which was very rich in relics (amongst
other things the jars from the wedding at Cana were kept
there!), was used as a mausoleum, 'enterramiento de los Emperadores.'210 On his wanderings through the city Pero finally comes to a square with gates, arches and porticos, where
formerly people used to come to watch the games on feast days.
In the middle of this square he sees a copper pillar, consisting of the intertwined bodies of snakes; on the pillar are two
heads, According to a legend, in former days wine used to flow
out of one, and milk out of the other; but Pero says that we
should not give too much credence to this story, as there was
no longer anybody alive who had seen it for himself. In fact
there is a grain of truth in the legend, for not so long ago
it was shown that this pillar had been used as a fountain in
medieval times. 211 As for the number of heads Pero was mistaken, for shortly before his journey three heads had been
seen by Buondelmonti, and in the Turkish period the monument
still possessed three heads. 212
The interpretation of the story about 'el Justo' is
rather more problematic; this 'just man', was a sort of ombudsman who acted as an intermediary in cases of disagreement
between buyers and sellers, until in the end his arm was
struck off by a discontented buyer.
This story is only to be found in Pero's book, so that it is
far from clear which statue he had in view. 213 The tale must
undoubtedly be one of the many told by the guides to visitors
to the Hippodrome. 214 A statue with a broken arm is sufficient
to give rise to such a tale; the Mirabilia Urbis Romae and
the Patria (of Constantinople) are both full of similar inven-
PERO TAFUR
59
tions. Pero himself has not much faith in the legend, witness
his remark that he believes much more what the Evangelists
have to say. 215
Next to the Hippodrome, says Pero, there is a bath house,
about which his guides told him a good story. Women accused
of adultery who could leave this building 'in full state'
were thus proved to be innocent. Diehl has shown that Pero
Tafur's version is a highly simplified form of a tale in the
Patria, in which a statue of Aphrodite forms the central
element in this chastity test. 216 A similar story can be
found in the work of the anonymous Russian. Pero did not
think the story of the bath house, which some researchers
have connected with the Thermae of Zeuxippus, to be entirely
credible either, for he remarks that he 'would not consider
it sinful if anybody did not believe it. ' 217
Another monument in the Hippodrome attracts his attention: the obelisk carved out of a single piece. Pero compares this with the obelisk of Julius Caesar, which he had
seen in Rome, but considers the one in Constantinople less
beautiful and not so high. 218 As with the statue on the
Augusteion the name of Justinian is not mentioned, neither
is that of Theodosius, who had had the obelisk put up; this
relict of the past is also connected by him with Constantirre.
Pero sees many buildings in and around the Hippodrome, but
does not give any further description of them.
His next subject is the position of the city, a triangle
with two of its three sides washed by water. High, strong
walls, built of marble blocks give protection against attacks
from outside. In this context Pero recounts the legend of
the heavenly horseman who protected the walls. 219 In his
time this protection seems to have come to an end, he says,
and the angel appears to have gone away, for since then the
city has been captured by the Turks. 220
The description of the state of the imperial palace
gives a clear picture of the extremely difficult circumstances in which people lived in Constantinople in the last years
before the Turkish conquest. Pero's work is nothing if not
explicit: 'la casa del Emperador muestra aver sydo magnifica,
pero agora no esta ansi, que ella e la !ibdat bien pares9e el
mal que an pasado e pasan de cada dia'. 21 Only the part of
the palace inhabited by the emperor's family is reasonably
well maintained; the rest is in a bad state of decay. In
spite of this, court ceremonial is strictly kept up, although
in Pero's eyes the emperor is little more than 'a bishop
without a diocese' . 222 He makes the interesting observation
60
PILGRIMAGES
that near the entrance to the palace he saw a library with

many books, old manuscripts and historical documents. 223
Pero says the city is thinly populated, adding that most of
the inhabitants live in the districts along the sea coast.
The wharf and the docks situated there had known better
times. In spite of all the regression, however, trade must
still have been reasonably brisk, since in the harbour of
Constantinople, and even more in those of the Genoese in
Pera on the far side of the Golden Horn, he observes many
ships. 224 Yet the inhabitants of the city are badly dressed
and look poor and shabby, thus showing their sad situation;
though in his opinion they actually deserve an even worse
fate, in view of their depravity and sinfulness. 225 It is
quite obvious from this that Pero Tafur is not very welldisposed towards the inhabitants of Constantinople. It is remarkable how this extremely unfavourable judgement of these
people, who were at any rate Christians, contrasts with his
favourable remarks about the Turks, who according to the
official teaching of the Church at that time, deserved to be
held in abomination. Nothing could illustrate more
clearly the decayed state in which Pero found the city,
and what he sees as the decadent way of life of the
inhabitants.
The passage in which Pero Tafur tells of the legendary
journey of Charlemagne to Jerusalem and Constantinople deserves particular attention. 226 This journey, which people
in the city tell him all sorts of things about, is for him
a historical fact: after his pilgrimage to Jerusalem Charles
is said to have come to Constantinople, where a violent
quarrel broke out between him and the emperor of the East,
who had shown himself disloyal to Charles, and had had many
Franks put to death, thereby breaking his given word. The
quarrel was finally solved by an agreement in which the Byzantine emperor promised to do penance, and also never again
to pronounce the death sentence. This, according to Pero is
the reason why there are so many people in the Byzantine
world with their hands cut off or their eyes put out. I do
not share Diehl's amazement at this western story being heard
in the Greek capital. 227 Pero's contacts with the western
section of the population in Constantinople appear to me to
provide the explanation. Pero concludes what he has to say
about the city with a reference to the advance of the Sultan,
who passed close by the walls with his entire army. The inhabitants feared a new siege, but the Sultan continued in the
direction of the Black Sea. 228
PERO TAFUR
61
After a short excursion to Brusa, on the Gulf of Nicomedia, Pero Tafur returns to Pera, formerly also known as Galata. By comparison with Constantinople this must have been
a prosperous place. He estimates the number of inhabitants as
about 2,000, and says that this Genoese settlement was well
protected by ramparts and moats, and that many of the buildings there were comparable with the fine palazzi of the
city of Genoa. The population of Pera consisted mainly of
Greeks, but all government posts were in Genoese hands.
According to our author the wealth of Pera is based on its
trade with the Black Sea territories, with Syria and Egypt
and, on the other side of the Mediterranean Sea, with the
countries of Western Europe. 229
After a stay of two months in Constantinople and Pera,
Pero Tafur boards a ship from Ancona, taking with him his
slaves and whatever else he had bought in Kaffa. In the
Dardenelles he presses the captain to take aboard some
Christian slaves who are fleeing from the Turks, a manoeuvre
which is not without problems, and which leaves him with an
arrow wound in his foot. 230 As they travel from Mytilene to
Thessalonica the Hagion Oros, Mount Athos, comes in sight.
Pero tells a rather confused story about Mount Athos: he says
there are three monasteries there, one at the foot of the
mountain, one halfway up the slope and one on the top. As the
monks attained a certain degree of perfection they were 'promoted' to a higher monastery. 231
The recent loss of the city of Salonica to the Turks
(in 1430) is only mentioned in passing. It is remarkable that
Pero Tafur says of Negroponte (Euboea) that in the past it
was joined to the mainland by a bridge, whereas in 1396
Niccolo da Martoni still referred to two bridges. Apparently
this link with the mainland was no longer in existence in
Pero's time. 232
Apart from a few storms the return journey went off
without problems: via Crete-Modon-Corfu-Ancona Pero returns
to Venice; arriving on Ascension Day, May 22 1438. Each
year on this great church festival various ceremonies and
festivities took place. Among these was the exhibition of
aZZ the treasures of San Marco. Pero takes this opportunity
to admire these innumerable treasures, riches such as he had
never seen before all in one place. He is sorry not to be
able to write at length about La Pala (Pala d'Oro); even a
reasonably detailed description of this work of art, he says,
would take up too much room. 233
Once again Pero Tafur visits and describes the city of
62
PILGRIMAGES
Venice. Many different subjects, such as the gondolas, the

cathedral of San Marco with its campanile, and the four
bronze horses, the two colossal granite pillars on the quayside, the arsenals, the government of the city, trade and
finance - all these are dealt with in a fair amount of detail. After his stay in Venice Pero does not yet return to
his home. He embarks on a new journey across northern Italy,
in the course of which he again meets the emperor of Constantinople in Fer~ara, at the concilium being held in that
place about the question of a union of the churches. 234 By way
of Switzerland and Germany he comes to the Burgundian Netherlands, where he is most cordially received by Duke Philip
the Good at the brilliant court in Brussels. 235 He continues
through Germany to Prague and Breslau, where round about
Christmas 1438 he has a meeting with Emperor Albrecht II of
Hapsburg. In the middle of winter, seriously delayed by snow
and ice, he travels on to Vienna, and after various wanderings in Hungary he at last finds himself back in Venice.
There he finally takes a ship bound for Sicily. A heavy storm
drives the ship off course, in the direction of Tunis, but
from there he does eventually get to Cordova, via Sardinia,
arr1v1ng in April or May of 1439. 236
There, after all his travels, he settles down for good,
and in 1452 marries Dona Juana de Horozco. He appears to have
taken an active part in local politics; in the city archives
his signature even survives on a document. 237 He is thought
to have died in about 1484.
He must have committed the story of his travels to paper
in the years following 1452, as appears, for example, from the
reference to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks as
an event which had occurred recently. 238
The work of Pero Tafur is for many reasons an important
document, and one which is still seriously undervalued. The
few authors who have taken an interest either in the work as
a whole or in particular aspects of it have raised numerous
important points. Vasiliev emphasizes the importance of Pero's
description of Constantinople, Habler discusses in detail his
journey through Germany and the Netherlands, Letts dwells on
Pero's commercialism, Diehl devotes an article to the Mirabilia-tales which Pero noted down in the Byzantine capital. All
these points are of undoubted importance. What has not yet
been emphasized, however, is the more or less unique character
of Pero Tafur's attitude with respect to ancient monuments.
In his introduction Letts calls him a medieval, but what
'medieval' ever showed any such interest? Pero Tafur's account
SUMMARY
63
of his journey cannot be compared with those of Wilhelm von

Boldensele and Ludolf von Sudheim, two pilgrims who undertook
the difficult journey to Jerusalem just a century earlier.
Neither does the work of Niccolo da Martoni yet display the
interest in antiquities which is so clearly present in Pero
Tafur. Pero wanders around while he is in Rome, and in Constantinople he specially requests to be shown round the
Church of Hagia Sophia; in spite of all the risks involved
he disguises himself in order to get a look at the Omar
Mosque in Jerusalem, and when on Ascension Day 1438 the
treasure chamber of San Marco is on display, he is to be
found among the visitors. Much of what he heard and saw is
reflected in his writing, which thus often contains information of great value, although, as is the case in all travel
accounts, there are also some passages of little or no importance.
Pero's motives for travelling were certainly not generally shared in his day; most accounts make it quite clear that
the authors felt little or no pleasure in their journey, and
that the frequent difficulties and dangers had a negative
effect on their judgment. None of this appears in Pero; he is
full of curiosity about everything which is old and strange
to him, and his great enjoyment of it all is evident in his
work. His positive view of travel, his interest in antiquities,
his independent religious judgment and the critical tone he
employs in writing - these are the most important elements
which make the work of Pero Tafur a valuable document.
9. Swnmary
As has already been said in the introduction, the pilgrims
form the largest group of foreigners travelling through Greece.
In the early middle ages travellers to Jerusalem were extremely
few; from about 1100 their numbers gradually grew, and first
hundreds and then thousands of them made their way to the Holy
Land each year.
Pilgrim traffic normally followed set routes. In the comparatively short period that the Balkan road was in use,
Thessalonica and Constantinople were right on the pilgrim
route from western Europe to Jerusalem. Visits were undoubtedly paid to these places, although there are hardly any traces
of them in the literary sources.
The far more frequently used sea-route only took the
pilgrims round the periphery of Greek territory. The Venetian boat service, in particular, offered little possibility
64
PILGRIMAGES
of deviating from this route. At a few harbours on the

Peloponnesus, Crete and Rhodes, the ships anchored for a
short time to take on provisions. Only a small percentage of
the pilgrims were able or willing to allow themselves to
deviate through Greek territory. As their interest was mainly religious they did not direct their steps to Athens, Thebes, Sparta, or Thessalonica. Only the city of Constantinople,
with its wealth of relics, had the power to attract them.
For eastern Christians Constantinople lay on the most
frequently used route to the holy places, so that a halt in
that city was usual. For Orthodox Christians Constantinople
was often actually the goal of the pilgrimage.
From this whole large group of pilgrims only a few
travel accounts have survived. Moreover, these pilgrim's
books are all very much alike, with their emphasis on the
religious aspect, the churches with relics and the indulgences
which could be earned. Data about the country, the inhabitants,
material remains from the past and old traditions will be
looked for in vain. In theory many pilgrims could have seen
antique remains, but in practice the lack of freedom the
routes allowed, but even more the intellectual limitations
of the pilgrims, meant that it was only the occasional individual who had any eye for his surroundings.
The descriptions dealt with in this chapter of pilgrimages by Benjamin of Tudela, Wilhelm von Boldensele, Ludolf
von Sudheim, Niccolo da Martoni and Pero Tafur fall outside
the main body of pilgrim writing, on account of their wider
views and their more varied content. For this reason they
deserve a special place in the cultural history of the middle
ages.
II. THE CRUSADES AliD THE LATIN STATES IN GREECE
1. Crusaders: lth - 4th Orusades

A second large group of West-Europeans who set foot on
Greek soil and had some degree of contact with the inhabitants
there is formed by the Crusaders. Their goal, like that of the
pilgrims was not the Byzantine Empire, but Palestine. 1 In the
eyes of the participants there was no difference between going on a pilgrimage to the holy places and going on a crusade;
they often referred to themselves as 'pilgrims', and to their
army as 'peregrinus exercitus' . 2 Yet although the religious
aspect cannot be discounted, it must be said that the Crusades
were to a large extent not religious but secular in character. 3
With regard to the Crusades two different periods can be
distinguished. In the first period, from 1095 to 1291, the
Holy Land was captured from the Moslems, and Latin states
were established in Palestine and Greece. With the fall of
Akko in 1291 the period of the Crusades proper comes to an
end; in the second period, up to 1444, plans are regularly
made for reconquering Palestine, but these are never put into
effect. Moreover, with the advance of the Turks in the Balkans
in the fourteenth to fifteenth centuries the idea of recapturing Palestine recedes further and further into the background as the West is confronted with the problem of protecting Europe against the Turks. 4 From both the first and the
second periods texts have survived which are important for
the present study. In the period before 1204 there are no
detailed descriptions, yet some authors can be found whose
chronicles do pay some attention to the Byzantine territory
through which the Crusaders travelled. The few scraps of information these authors have to offer us are important because
in the middle ages their work reached a fairly wide public;
thus their narratives influenced, for better or worse, the
picture of the Greek world passed on to later generations. 5
The two leading figures in the First Crusade, Pope
Urbanus II and the Byzantine Emperor Alexius I, each had
quite different motives for taking part in it. The Byzantine
Emperor, who was engaged in a bitter struggle against the
Moslems in Anatolia, hoped for the support of several hundred
heavily armed western knights. The argument that the Holy
Land must be set free was, for him, of secondary importance.
For Urbanus liberating the holy places, and at the same
time helping Christians in the East who were oppressed by the
Moslems, was undoubtedly an important matter, but what he
66
THE CRUSADES
also had in mind was the church union with Byzantium, for
which successful negotiations had been going on since 1088.
The possibility of increasing papal prestige must also be
regarded as an important incentive for Urbanus's call to arms
in November 1095 at Clermont in France. 6 Although the idea
was that there should be some form of co-operation between
the Byzantine and the Latin troops, mutual suspicion and the
fact that each side pursued its own interest prevented anything much coming of this. Those who took part in the first
Crusade travelled to Constantinople from their various places
in Western Europe, mainly by the overland route across the
Balkans. Alexius was horrified to see several thousand heavily armed soldiers advancing across his territory towards the
capital. His attempt to get the Crusaders across the Bosporus
as quickly as possible was successful; in consultation with
the emperor and the leaders of the Crusade it was decided
first to combat the Moslems in Anatolia; after that it would
be easier to thrust through to Jerusalem by way of Syria.
The short stay of so many crusaders in and around
Constantinople did not give rise to any lengthy descriptions
of that city and its monuments. Mrs. Ebels-Hoving has analyzed
the twelve most important writings about the first Crusade
and its immediate results in a study which appeared a few
years ago, entitled 'Byzantium through Western eyes, 10961204' . 7 Only four writers express any interest and admiration
for the city of Constantinople; but this admiration is not
based on the beauty of the many ancient and Byzantine buildings and works of art which the crusaders saw, but rather on
the history of the city and the presence of many valuable
relics. Guibert of Nogent 8 and Robert of Rheims 9 recall the
foundation of the city by Emperor Constantine, and both of
them speak of the relics which the city possesses in such
great quantities. Robert even goes so far in his praise as
to express the opinion that Constantinople was founded by
divine providence for the very purpose of housing all these
relics. 10
The great size of the city of Constantinople appealed
very much to the western visitors. For the crusaders, who
were accustomed to the small towns and villages of Western
Europe, such size was almost beyond belief. Foucher of
Chartres 11 emphasizes the extent of the city, with its many
palaces and monasteries; he also mentions the great quantities of gold and silver which he saw in the city. He expresses admiration for the magnificent silken garments which many
of the people wear. Because of its price silk was hardly
1th-4th CRUSADES
67
found at all in the West. 12 Foucher does not, of course,

forget to mention the numerous relics. Like Foucher, Bartolf
of Nangis also included in his work a description of the
Byzantine capital; in it his enthusiastic admiration for
this wealthy city is clearly shown. 13
The work of Foucher of Chartres reflects what he saw
and did as a participator in the Crusade. Bartolf of Nangis
is an author about whom much is still not clear. He probably
lived at the beginning of the twelfth century in Syria, after
the Crusade. His version of Foucher's Historia contains
many illuminating comments, but above all he adds to Foucher's
work a number of topographical particulars. 1 ~ For this reason
I am inclined to assume that his description of Constantinople
is based on his own observations.
Guibert of Nogent and Robert of Rheims did not themselves participate in the Crusade. Their chronicle was put
together in their monastery cells in northern France after
the expedition, from information obtained from people who had
taken part in it. 15 Perhaps there is some echo in their work
of the intangible oral tradition which grew up in western
Europe when the Crusaders returned home and recounted their
experiences in the Greek world and in Palestine. In this way
some interest for these places was awakened in communities
in Europe which until the eleventh century had been rather
isolated, and where contacts with the outside world were more
the exception than the rule. 16 The works of Guibert of Nogent
and Robert of Rheims, but even more that of Foucher of
Chartres, were widely read in the twelfth century and the
importance of their writings for the present study lies in
the favourable impression they gave of the city of Constantinople.
Apart from these four authors there were hardly any who
devoted any particular attention to Constantinople. In a
number of works the city is not even mentioned by name, but
simply referred to as the 'urbs regia'; the emperor is merely referred to as the 'rex' or 'imperator constantinopolitanus' . 17 The picture of the city of Constantinople painted
by the four authors already mentioned may be a favourable one,
but the general attitude found in most of the chronicles
towards the inhabitants, and especially towards the Byzantine
emperor, is one of mistrust, suspicion and in places even
hatred.
The Second Crusade (1147-9), led by the German Emperor
Conrad Ill and the French King Louis VII again brought many
west-Europeans together before the walls of Constantinople.
68
THE CRUSADES
The expedition ended in a tragedy; most of the participants

came to a wretched end in Asia Minor, and never reached their
goal. Only a few got as far as Antioch and the little Crusaders' state which had been founded in Palestine as a result
of the first Crusade, The cause of this disaster is attributed by almost all historians to two separate factors: the
treachery of the Byzantine emperor Manuel I Comnenus and
mistakes made by the Crusaders themselves were together responsible for the disastrous result, 18
Although this Crusade is mentioned in many writings, only
one author has given any thought to the city of Constantinople:
Odo of Deuil, the only writer of a separate work about the
events of the second Crusade, He was a chaplain to Louis VII
and accompanied him on the journey to Antioch. He entitled
his work 'De Profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem'. As a
source, however, Odo needs to be treated with caution. He is
extremely conscious of the difference in belief between Latin
and Greek Christians; it was a difference that was officially established in the schism of 1054, but which had already
been present for a long time before that. For Odo
the Greeks are not Christians, but heretics, and he considers
this such a serious matter that he adopts a strongly antiGreek attitude, In his account of Constantinople he constantly tries to include unfavourable as well as favourable qualities. The city itself makes a favourable impression on him,
but his opinion of the inhabitants is, like that of the
chronicles of the first Crusade, an unfavourable one. Odo
praises the beauty of Constantinople, especially the
Blachernae palace, but describes the city as dirty and dark. 19
He contrasts the riches of the city with the craftiness and
untrustworthiness of its people, 20 But he says, 'if the city
had not had these faults, it would be preferred above all
others as a place to extend the faith, because of the favourable climate, the wholesome fertility of the soil and the
easy crossing. ' 21
The mistrust with which the Byzantine emperor was often
already spoken of by people writing about the first Crusade
was not made any less by the events of 1147-9, Yet by no
means all the sources, as yet, indicate an anti-Byzantine
attitude. 22 The participants in the second Crusade cannot be
accused of any definite anti-Greek bias, and probably surveyed the city of Constantinople, like Odo, with some admiration;
this makes the question of why they paid so little attention
to what they were confronted with in Byzantine territory even
more difficult to answer.
1t~-4th
CRUSADES
69
We have established that participation in the second

Crusade did not, except in the case of a few passages by
Octo of Deuil, lead to information about or descriptions of
Constantinople and Greece; but this is not the whole picture.
A literary work that was extremely popular and very widely
known in western Europe in the middle ages may perhaps be
shown to have a direct connection with the presence of
western Crusaders in front of the walls of the Byzantine
capital in the years 1147-9. Various historians believe that
the twelfth century and later versions of the Pelerinage de
Charlemagne contain a satire on the events of the second
Crusade. 23 The essence of this story was the pilgrimage of
Charles to Jerusalem, which soon came to be sung of in the
chansons de gestes. The pilgrim hospice set up by Charles
in Jerusalem and his diplomatic contacts with the Caliphs
form the basis for the story of this legendary journey. From
the second half of the tenth century 24 onwards not only
Jerusalem is mentioned in the story, but also Constantinople 25
with its wealth of relics. The best known version came into
being in the middle of the twelfth century as a satire on
the second Crusade. 26 This version of the legend, which after
the canonization of Charles (1165) 27 ,was even included in his
Vita, illustrates the rivalry which existed between the
Crusaders and the Byzantines, and especially between Louis
VII and Manuel. The Pelerinage tells how Charles the Crusader
set out for Constantinople by the overland route. The picture
given of the Byzantine people in the legend is not too unfavourable, although the Greeks are said to be crafty and untrustworthy. Emphasis is placed on the wealth of the city of
Constantinople, where relics and gold are to be found in large
quantities; it was said, for example, that people there had
a golden plough, which was regarded as a sign of jmmense
riches. It is interesting, too, that the western Knights already have the idea of conquering this wealthy city - an
idea which was several decennia later to become reality.
Contrary to historical fact, in the legend Emperor Hugo is
inferior to Charles; somewhat ironically, he is made to
swear allegiance to Charles as his vassal. The story of
Charles's journey to Constantinople survived for centuries,
both in western Europe and in Constantinople.
In the fifteenth century Pero Tafur gives his own version of
the legend as he must have heard it in Constantinople. It
seems plausible that this legend, west-European in origin,
became known in Constantinople in the period of the Latin
Empire (1204-61), and that the many western-Europeans in that
70
THE CRUSADES
city helped to keep it alive.

The passages from Odo of Deuil and the information about
the Byzantine capital offered by the Pelerinage de Charlemagne
are of little interest with regard to the study of the monuments. Their importance is that in a time when contacts
between western-Europe and Byzantium had been restored after
hundreds of years, their wide circulation covering a large
cross-section of the population awakened interest in the rich
and great city on the Bosporus. I do not think it rash to
assume that, reinforcing the oral tradition, they stimulated
others to set off for the East, either as crusaders or as
pilgrims.
To a large extent the third Crusade passed Constantinople
by (1189-1192). The English king, Richard Lion-heart and the
French monarch, Philippe Auguste, chose the sea route, and
from Sicily headed directly to Cyprus. Only the third participant, the German emperor, Frederick Barbarossa, set out
over land with his army, and after a long and difficult journey across the Balkans 28 finally reached the Byzantine capital.
Relations between Emperor Isaac II Angelus and Barbarossa
were bad. The fact that Isaac had had several German ambassadors cast into the dungeons had led to a great deal of
bad feeling. The chroniclers' accounts of the third Crusade
all point in the same direction, namely, that if Barbarossa
had not resisted the pressure exerted upon him by the army, 29
Constantinople would not have been stormed by a crusading
force only in 1204, but as early as 1189.
Although the German emperor must have spent some months
with his troops in the vicinity of the Byzantine capital, it
is not likely that many of them actually set foot in the city.
Mistrust of the Greeks, particularly as a result of the
arrest of the ambassadors, prevented contact with them. The
crusaders were proabably excluded from the city as far as
possible, just as during the first Crusade. Both Foucher of
Chartres and Robert of Rheims say how much the military might
of the crusaders was feared at that time, and how reluctantly
permission was given for small groups to enter the city to
visit the famous churches. 30 We can well imagine that after the
misbehaviour of the German troops in the Balkans, security
measures were more rigourously applied. This probably explains the fact that none of the German participants in the
third Crusade produced a description of the city of Constantinople.
The fourth Crusade was a catastrophe for Constantinople;
on this last expedition, which affected the city, Constanti-
1th-4th CRUSADES
71
nople was twice beleaguered and captured, with great arson

and vandalism. The second time the city was taken there was
intensive plundering which continued for several days (April
14-16, 1204). The reigning Count of Flanders, Baldwin, was
declared emperor, and crowned on May 16 in the Hagia Sophia;
Constantinople was to be governed by western rulers until
1261. The fourth Crusade, the events which led up to the
final drama, the sources from which our knowledge is drawn
and the way in which these sources should be interpreted all these things are covered by an extensive literature. 31
I only wish, here, to mention a few points which are of importance for this study. It is unlikely that the conquest of
the Byzantine Empire had been planned from the beginning.
Even after the conquest of Zara on the Dalmatian coast by the
Venetians the majority of the Crusaders still fully intended
to go straight on to Palestine. A small part of the army did,
in fact, do so. Since they were travelling by ship the deviation of the enormous fleet of more than two hundred ships in
the direction of Constantinople was completely unnecessary; 32
they could have set sail direct for Rhodes, and from there
headed for the Syro-Palestinian coast. Among the leaders of
the Crusade, however, a new plan was raised: it was decided
to go first to Constantinople in order to help the pretender to
the throne, Alexius, to carry out his plan and then, with the
financial support promised by Alexius, to continue to the
Holy Land. Because of mistakes on both sides the undertaking
escalated, with disastrous results for the city of Constantinople. Although in the past the fourth Crusade has sometimes
been presented as having been undertaken out of violent
hatred of the Greeks, 33 this was not, in fact, the case.
Norden has rightly pointed out that the leaders of the fourth
Crusade actually intended to co-operate with the Byzantines. 34
This argument also makes unlikely Riant's thesis, that it was
the wealth of valuables, but especially of relics (by now
known to west-Europe) that caused the deviation of the
crusading army. 35
The burning and plundering of Constantinople by the
Crusaders undoubtedly caused an enormous amount of damage in
the city, but the statement that 'the Franks of 1203-4 only
looked at the Greek treasures with greedy robbers' eyes' 36
seems to me rather a sweeping one. The work of the Byzantine
author Nicetas Choniates, who was an eye-witness of these
events, doubtless contributed to this view of the crusaders.
His opinion of the western conquerors, which is understandably not an impartial one, is expressed as follows: 'Rude
72
THE CRUSADES
and uncultivated barbarians, unacquainted with the Muses and

the Graces, who did not even know Homer, Euripides, Sophocles
and Pindar, nor Thucydides, Herodotus and Xenophon, nor yet
Socrates, Aristotle and Plato. 37
Nicetas' comment on the crusaders' ignorance of classical
authors is undoubtedly true, and most of them did indeed behave like rude and uncultivated barbarians. On the other hand
it must be remembered that the Crusaders behaved as was then
customary - and not only then~ - on military expeditions.
The land and possessions of the opponent were plundered and
burnt without mercy. The loot from such raids was seen as a
way of supplementing normal pay, which certainly was not
lavish. It must also be remembered that the things the crusaders were accused of had also been done over a century
earlier, under Alexius I, by mutinous Byzantine soldiers. 38
After the first days of plundering and destruction
(April 14-16 1204) the leaders attempted to re-assert their
authority over their troops. Bonifatius of Montferrat and
Henry of Flanders managed to restore order of a sort, and to
stop further vandalism. As a result of their intervention two
of the richest palaces, the Blachernae and the Bucoleon,
narrowly escaped being plundered. These were precisely the
two palaces which by the treaty of division with the Venetians
had fallen to the Latin emperor. 39 The behaviour of the
leaders is certainly not likely to have been dictated primarily by the cultural value of these Byzantine palaces; but
apart from all their self-interest, a certain admiration for
these extensive buildings with their valuable contents must
still have had some influence on their actions. The fact that
the notion of 'richness' came first and their artistic value
only far behind is of little importance.
Not all the antique monuments were equally affected in
1204. The large buildings were left relatively undisturbed
and survived the storm fairly well. This is true not only of
the two palaces and the large churches but also of the immense
columns and the Hippodrome. The valuables containing gold,
silver, gems and cameos suffered most. qQ Enormous quantities
of relics and reliquaries were stolen, as well as innumerable
luxury articles. Many of these were destroyed and melted down,
while some reached northern Italy, northern France and
Flanders.q 1 Marble statues also suffered, and many of them
must have been lost in 1204. The same is true of bronze
statues; the huge statue of the emperor in Barletta and the
four bronze horses which until recently adorned the front of
San Marco in Venice escaped the melting pot, but innumerable
lth-4th CRUSADES
73
other bronze figures - the statues in the spina of the Hippodrome, which included sphinxes, a statue of Hercules and one
of Romulus and Remus with the she-wolf - were indeed melted
down. 42
Foremost among the chroniclers of the fourth Crusade
are Geoffroy de Villehardouin and Robert de Clari. In their
work they not only depict factual events but also devote some
attention to the city of Constantinople and what struck them
as being of interest in it. From their chronicles it appears
that among the Crusaders there were also some higher feelings.
In their view the attitude of the Crusaders towards the
Byzantine capital and its art treasures, can perhaps best be
described as a mixture of admiration and incomprehension.
Admiration is found especially in the passage where Villehardouin describes the reactions of the crusading army when they
saw the city of Constantinople rising up out of the sea in
front of them: 'You must know that many people saw Constantinople who had not seen it before; who could not imagine that
there could be such a rich city in the whole world; they
gazed at those high walls and those rich towers surrounding
the entire city, and those rich palaces and those soaring
churches, of which there were so many that nobody would believe it unless he beheld them with his own eyes; and the
length and breadth of the city, which was sovereign over
every other.' 43
Admiration is also found in Robert de Clari's description of the palaces of Bucoleon and Blachernae, 44 and the
same feeling can also be found in the passage where he tells
how after the conquest the crusaders (whom he calls 'pilgrims') wandered about in the city: 'Then the pilgrims beheld
the size of the city, and the palaces and the rich abbeys and
rich monasteries, and the great wonders which were in the
city, and they stood before them full of admiration.' 45
To lay the emphasis on the frequent occurrence of the
word 'rich' in Clari's work, and to conclude from this as
Hendrickx does 46 that his attitude is purely one of greed,
is not, in my opinion, the right approach. I have already
attempted to show that in Western Europe in the twelfth
century the notion of riches was directly associated with
the city on the Bosporus.
In almost all the older descriptions of Constantinople the
emphasis was laid on the great wealth of the city and the
presence of innumerable valuables of gold, silver, silk and
precious stones. I believe, therefore, that the repetition
of the idea of richness in de Clari's narrative in fact brings
74
THE CRUSADES
out how dumbfounded the western crusaders felt on suddenly

being confronted with a level of civilization which was
quite unknown to them. They had already known that the city
was a rich one, but that its riches should be so great surpassed their expectations. Moreover, the frequent repetition
of a limited vocabulary completely tallies with the low
level of education of Robert de Clari. This man found it
difficult in this new and unexpected situation, to express
his thoughts adequately. A further point is that the few
literary works he knew were of no help to him, since their
style and vocabulary were just as clumsy as his own.~ 7
The chronicle writer Villehardouin, who was himself
descended from the high French aristocracy, and who was involved, as a marshal of Champagne, in the leadership of the
Crusade, ~ 8 says very little about the city of Constantinople,
His account is mainly concerned with the actual events in
which he himself was involved. In his work, however, we can
also read how the Franks went to look at the city and there
came into contact with the Greeks (Ch. XL), He does not dwell
upon the wealth of the palaces taken over by the leaders,
All he says about the Palace of Bucoleon
which was occupied
by Bonifatius of Montferrat is: 'Nothing should be said of the
treasure in that palace, for there was so much that there was
no end or limit to it' (Ch, LV), Nor does he describe the
palace chosen by Henry of Flanders, the Blachernae, but he
does say that the treasures contained in it were at least as
numerous as those in the Bucoleon (Ch. LV). In connection
with the execution of Alexius V Murzuphlus Villehardouin
mentions the pillar of prophecy, (about which I shall have
more to say when discussing the work of Robert de Clari):
'In Constantinople there was a pillar, roughly in the middle
of the city, and this marble pillar was one of the highest
and the most beautifully carved that I have ever seen', He
must have looked at this pillar very carefully, for he is
able to report that many different scenes are carved in the
marble. Unfortunately he only considered one scene worth
mentioning separately, that of the plunging figure which was
said to be 'prophetic'. (Ch. LXVIII),
Whereas the chronicle of Villehardouin provides little
information that can give us a picture of the city of Constantinople around 1200, much more can be found in the work
of Robert de Clari. This knight from Picardy is the first
crusader to leave behind a detailed description of what he
saw in Constantinople, His work, which dates from the beginning of the thirteenth century, is well worth a chapter to itself,
ROBERT DE CLARI
75
The results of the fourth Crusade will be dealt with in

a later chapter, but at this point it may be useful to summarize the importance for this study of the first to fourth
Crusades.
It was the Crusades that brought about intensive contacts
between western-Europe and the Byzantine empire, which had
previously been entirely inaccessible. From the middle of the
twelfth century onwards we see an increasing interest in
that part of the world, which is concentrated in particular
on the city of Constantinople. At first attention is directed more to general characteristics, such as the favourable
situation of the city, its wealth and the presence of many
remarkable relics; after the fourth Crusade, and indeed as a
result of it, the mirabilia stories connected with certain
monuments became increasingly important. Constantly we find
a certain dualism: the city of Constantinople is admired,
but its emperor and the faithless, crafty inhabitants are
despised. Nowhere do we find any suggestion of historical
awareness, or of any real interest in the antique monuments
for the sake of their artistic value or their origins in another, older culture. In the period up to 1204, moreover,
contact was mainly limited to Constantinople itself; this was
the most important place in the Greek East, and also the city
where numerous remains of earlier periods of culture were
still to be found. Nothing can be learned from the surviving
sources of what was happening anywhere else than in
Constantinople.
2. Robert de CZari
Robert de Clari was a simple French knight from the Picardy region. Unlike Geoffroy de Villehardouin he was not involved in the leadership of the fourth Crusade, and he does
not seem to have known much about the background of many of
the things that happened. 49 His eye-witness account may be
taken as representing the view of the ordinary west-European
crusader on Constantinople and its Greek inhabitants. He
shows no understanding of the ancient culture of this city
which had remained more or less unimpaired for centuries.
Incomprehension, together with admiration for what is new
and strange, is the main element found in Clari's work. 50
First of all he tells how the harbour on the Golden Horn
was shut off by a large iron chain between the city and the
tower of Galata. The crusaders first had to attack and capture
this heavily fortified tower, which was defended by Varangians',
76
THE CRUSADES
Genoese and Pisans; only then could the chain be broken, 51

Clari then devotes a number of chapters to a description
of the city, in which he discusses various subjects. First he
speaks of the magnificent palaces; because most of the owners
of these rich palaces had fled, the leaders of the expedition
took these buildings over for themselves. Clari explains the
great riches in the city by pointing out that never since
its foundation had Constantinople been conquered: 'ne au
temps Alexandre, ne au temps Charlemagne, ne devant ne apres'
(c. 81). About the Bucoleon palace he says that it contained
five hundred rooms, all of them decorated with gold mosaics.
Of the thirty chapels, large and small, in the building, he
mentions one in particular for the richness of its decoration,
This Sainte Chapelle, the Church of St. Mary of the Lighthouse,
begun under Constantine V and completed by Michael III (84267), had a floor made entirely of slabs of white marble.
All around him he saw the shine and glitter of jasper and
porphyry, silver and cut stones. This chapel also contained
several extremely important relics, including two large
pieces of the Holy Cross (c. 82). The rdches of the Blachernae palace, with its two hundred rooms are too great, says
Clari, for him to be able to describe them. Thus he only
says that the crowns of former Byzantine emperors are housed
there, together with many jewels, precious stones and silken
materials. (c,83). His admiration for the city, mentioned
above, (c,84) leads him to describe the building which, because of its size, attracted most attention: the Hagia Sophia
(c. 85). The fact that he says the French for Hagia Sophia
is Sainte Trinite shows that Clari had no knowledge of Greek.
He speaks of the great pillars in the building, and attributes to them the power of healing all sorts of diseases. He
expresses admiration for the magnificent altar with its baldachin supported by silver pillars, 52 Both the list of costly
materials and the healing power seem to be borrowed from the
letter of Prester John, well-known in the middle ages, in
which exactly the same elements play an important part, It
is therefore not certain in how far Clari is describing what
he actually saw. 53 Chandeliers hanging by silver chains
provided light for the immense building. Outside the Hagia
Sophia Clari saw the great statue of Justinian I on horseback,
which is mentioned again and again in many descriptions of
Constantinople. Clari describes this pillar with its statue
in detail. On top of the pillar he saw a bronze figure of an
Emperor mounted on a horse. His hand is extended towards the
East ('vers paienisme'), which Clari interprets, on the basis
ROBERT DE CLARI
77
of what he has been told, as a threatening gesture in the

direction of the Saracens. In the other hand the horseman
held the globus crucifer, 54 a golden apple surmounted by a
cross. Clari attempts to identify the horseman, but again
reveals his incomprehension. He believes that the figure
is that of Emperor Heracles. Because of his victory over the
Persian King Chosroes II and his recovery of the Holy Cross,
Heraclius was one of the few Byzantine emperors who lived on
in popular memory. In France his name had become widely
known through the Eracle of Gautier d'Arras, a literary work
which had appeared in the twelfth century; 55 Clari's interpretation can probably be traced back to this work.
Clari says ten herons have built their nests on the
horse's head and on the end of its back, and came back to
nest in them each year - a picturesque piece of information,
but one of no great use to us.
Clari tells of the wealth of the church of the Holy Apostles,
and adds that according to the Greeks Constantine, Helena and
many other emperors were buried there. (c. 87).
The walls of the city, with their great gates, had at
first made a great impression on the crusaders. Yet Clari
has little to say about them, only thinking two of the gates
worth mentioning. First he speaks of the gate of the 'Golden
Mantle', the Gyrolimne gate near the Blachernae building.
Above this gateway he saw a golden apple, which he was told
was able to turn lightning away from the city. The gateway
took its name from the statue of an emperor with a flapping
golden mantle (c. 88), placed above it. The second gateway
he describes is the Golden Gate, on which were two brass
elephants. Clari describes how this gate was used only for
the triumphal procession of the emperor after winning a
victory in time of war. (c. 89).
The Hippodrome is described by Robert de Clari in some
detail under the name of 'les jeux l'Empereur' (c. 90). He
estimates its length as one and a half bow shots, and the
width at almost one (in fact it was about 400 by 120 metres).
Spectators could take their places on the steps around the
central area, while the imperial family and other highlyplaced dignitaries could watch from a box. A reminder of the
competitiveness of the factiones is found in Robert's remark
that when the games were held two teams took part at once.
What is most interesting is Clari's description of the Spina:
'Over the whole length of this place there was a wall, fifteen
feet high and ten feet wide. On this wall stood statues of
men and women, of horses, oxen and camels, of bears, lions
78
THE CRUSADES
and all sorts of other animals. They were cast in brass, so

well made and so natural in form that no other master, either
in the pagan world or in Christendom, could have fashioned
such fine statues and formerly it occurred regularly that the
statues moved by magic, but now they no longer did so.' It
was, in fact, customary in antiquity to decorate the spina
of a circus with statues. 56 Over a number of centuries the
Roman and Byzantine emperors had managed to assemble in the
Hippodrome in Constantinople a collection of masterpieces
from many Greek cities. The importance and the artistic merit
of these works does not emerge at all from Clari's description, Only the fairytale element attracts him: to him they
were puppets which could be brought to life by magic (c.90).
The medieval love of automata is clearly evident here. 57 In
front of the Exchange Clari sees two female figures made of
brass which were very beautiful and life-like. One was
probably the bronze statue of Athena, which is also mentioned by Nicetas Choniates; 58 who the other figure was is not
certain. The reason that he mentions them is not that they
were old, or beautiful, but has again to do with the fairytale element: the inscription on one of the statues is
supposed to have predicted the conquest of the city by men
from the West (c. 91). Robert closes his account of the city
with a description of the two 'prophetic' pillars (of Theodosius and Arcadius). It is interesting to hear that the top of
each pillar was occupied by a hermit, In the passage about
the pillars Robert de Clari, like Villehardouin, omits to
give an exact description of what he actually saw, Here again
only one detail interests him, and that is the prophetic
character attributed to these pillars. Some of the scenes
depicted on the pillars were responsible for this interpretation. Where the idea that the pillars were 'prophetic' originated can no longer be found out. It is possible that original
Greek traditions are at the bottom of the notion, 59 though it is
not impossible that it was a purely western discovery. The
latter solution seems to me preferable, since in the historiography of the fourth Crusade the prophetic character of the
pillars in Constantinople occupied an important place: after
the misdeeds of 1204 there was a certain amount of shame
about what had happened and in the search for excuses divine
providence is introduced as an important element in the
crusaders' favour. 60 The miraculous story about the bronze
statue of a woman pointing to tho west, with the inscription
that the conquerors of Constantinople would come from that
direction, and a similar sort of fairy-tale about the pillar,
ROBERT DE CLARI
79
from which the usurper Murzuphlus was thrown by the crusaders

as a punishment, both play an important part in these
attempts at self-justification. The whole history of Byzantium was supposed to be on the pillar, including its conquest
by longhaired men from the west dressed in armour. In this
connection Villehardouin adds that on the pillar there was
even the figure of a man falling head first. 61 The identification of this figure with the executed Murzuphlus increased
the credibility of the story. What we are to make of Clari's
statement that all these predictions could only be read
after they had come true is a question that only a man of
the middle ages, with his belief in signs and wonders, could
answer. For many historiographers the idea that the Byzantines
should have known what to expect because it was on the pillars,
is sufficient justification for the whole undertaking. In the
Greeks' failure to take timely action the crusaders clearly
saw the hand of God. 62
Clari does not wish to say any more about 'the great
and small, poor and rich, the size of the city, the palaces
and other wonderful things', for he says that if anyone
described even a hundred.th of 'the riches, the beauty and
nobility of the abbeys, monasteries and palaces' he would
not be believed, and would be regarded as a liar (c. 92).
There is one more passage in the work of Robert de Clari
which deserves special attention, where he tells how some
months after the conquest of Constantinople in October 1204
a meeting took place between a French knight, Pierre de
Bracheul, and the King of Bulgaria, 'Jehans LiBlaks' (John
of Walachia). To the question why the crusaders had come from
such a distance to take the city of Constantinople, and
whether there was no more territory to conquer in their own
country, Pierre de Bracheul answered as follows: 'Have you
never heard how great Troy was destroyed?' On receiving an
affirmative reply from the Bulgarian King, who remarked that
that event had taken place long ago, Pierre gave this explanation of the motives: 'Troy belonged to our forefathers; those
who got away settled down in the place we come from; and it
is because it belonged to our forefathers that we came to
conquer this country. ' 63 In this passage the influence of the
medieval sagas of origin is clearly expressed. The French
crusaders claim relationship with the ancient Trojans and
therefore the Greeks are automatically their enemies. Thus
the saga of origin could also be used as a justification for
a war which in fact even the French could not regard as praiseworthy.64
80
THE CRUSADES
In judging the work of Robert the Clari many negative

factors have to be taken into consideration. The order of
writing is chaotic and all too often exaggeration intrudes.
Clari sometimes mentions for their special healing power,
or their power to ward off evil, buildings and objects
which he would otherwise certainly have passed by. There is
a striking similarity in style and spirit to the mirabilia
stories, both those of Rome and those of Constantinople. 65
As a description of the city of Constantinople and its
antique monuments Robert de Clari's account is rather disappointing. It offers comparatively little in the way of
concrete facts, and the information which it does contain is
given without any realization at all of its hist9rical or
art-historical value. It was clear to the author that the
things in question were 'old', but questions as to 'how old'
or 'whose' do not occur to him. He shows no awareness at all
of any earlier phases of culture completely different from
his own. The names of Constantine and Helena, Heraclius,
Alexander the Great and Emperor Charlemagne were well known
to many people in the middle ages, but offered no further
points of contact. They were merely used to refer to things
which had happened 'at some time in the past', without belonging to any clear point in history.
But in spite of this the work of Robert de Clari is important,
first of all because it is the only detailed eye-witness
account of the events of 1204, and secondly because it gives
a clear picture of how the ordinary, not too educated westEuropean of about 1200 responded to direct contact with the
remains of classical civilization which were then still so
abundantly available in Constantinople.
3, The Latin states in Greece

With the capture of the capital of the Byzantine empire
in 1204 the greater part of Greece fell into western hands. 66
Only in a few small areas were Greek rulers able to hold their
own: Theodorus I Lascaris established the state of Nicea in
western Asia Minor; Trebizond, 67 on the Black Sea, was another such refuge, and in Europe the mountains of Epirus were
sufficiently inhospitable for the Ducae to be able to hold
their own there. The rest of the territory was divided between
the knights of the Cross and the Venetians. Venice provided
itself with a number of places of commercial importance:
large parts of the city of Constantinople, the island of
Euboea, the fortresses of Monemvasia, Koron and Modon, and
LATIN STATES IN GREECE
81
also, by a transaction with Bonifatius of Montferrat, the

island of Crete. 68 Constantinople became the capital of the
Latin Empire under Baldwin of Flanders, who was soon succeeded by his brother Henry in 1206. Thessalonica became the
centre of a Latin Kingdom under Bonifatius of Montferrat.
Athens came to belong to the county of Athens and Neopatras,
ruled by Burgundian lords of the De la Roche family, while
on the Peloponnesus the principality of Achaea came into
being. All sorts of small feudal lords also established themselves on the Greek mainland and on the islands, and although
in theory they were subordinate to the more powerful rulers,
in practice they acted more or less autonomously. 69
In some places Latin rule soon came to an end. Thessalonica was reconquered by the ruler of Epirus, Theodorus
Ducas, as early as ~224. In 1261 Michael VIII Palaeologus
regained the mastery of Constantinople with a surprise attack
launched from Nicea; 70 since the death of Henry in 1216 the
power of the Latin Emperors in Constantinople had steadily
decreased. Moreover, in 1262 began the reconquest of the
Peloponnesus; especially in the fourteenth century Byzantine
territory there was greatly extended. 71 In other places the
Latin rulers remained in power for several centuries. The
principality of Achaea continued to exist until 1432, although
its territory slowly dwindled, and the county of Athens only
came to a definite end in 1456. The islands of the Archipelago, with Naxos as their centre, remained under western rulers
until well into the Turkish time (until 1566) 72 and in Crete
Venetian rule only ended in 1669, when the capital, Candia,
fell to the Turks after a siege lasting twenty-one years. 73
How did the Greek population react to western domination?
In answering this question a distinction must be made between
the situation in large cities such as Constantinople and
Thessalonica on the one hand and the state of affairs in the
country and on the islands on the other hand. In Constantinople
westerners, and the Venetians in particular, were already
very much hated by the Greek population in the 12th century.
Bitter quarrels were always springing up between the Venetians
and the Greeks, and led to anti-Venetian feeling which eventually developed into a general anti-Western attitude. 7 ~ The
uprising of 1182, in Constantinople, when thousands of
Latins were massacred, was a moment when the long pent-up
rage exploded. 75 The population on the Morea and on the
islands of the Archipelago were less unfavourably inclined
towards the new rulers. The reign of terror to which the
Byzantine governor Leon Sgouros had submitted the whole area
82
THE CRUSADES
in the years round about 1200, from his seat in Nauplion,

made many people in central and southern Greece regard the
French and Lombardian nobles as a sort of liberators. 76 It
should also be said that in general the government introduced by the Latins was not unreasonable. Apart from the
unedifying scenes which occurred in Constantinople in 1204
large-scale theft and blood-baths did not take place. Because
many Byzantine landowners and noblemen outside Constantinople
were not driven out nor robbed of their possessions, the
pattern of life outside the capital remained largely unchanged. In the time immediately following the conquest part
of the population even gave their full support to the new
rulers. 77 Emperor Henry of Flanders who soon succeeded
Baldwin, in 1206, even managed, as a result of his just
treatment of both his Greek and his Latin subjects, to
arouse the definite sympathies of the local habitants, 78 not
only in the capital but also in his territories outside the
city. His successors, however, did not share his views, so
that all the goodwill he had built up soon disappeared. Thus
Henry's attempts to integrate the Greeks and Latins ended in
failure at an early stage: in Constantinople there was still,
until 1261, a steadily dwindling, completely isolated Latin
substratum. In the Morea integration was partly successful,
largely because the feudal system made contact unavoidable.
There Villehardouin succeeded in building up a state made up
of Greeks and Latins that continued under the rule of his
family until 1278; after that it passed to Charles of Anjou,
the King of Naples, and the Angevin rule only came to an end
in 1432, Under the Villehardouins and the Angevins the principality of Achaia was one of the most prosperous areas in
the whole of Greece. The long duration of the occupation inevitably led to a certain amount of assimilation; but many
Greeks still continued to hope for a re-conquest by the Greek
despots of Morea.
It is still a remarkable fact that the generation of the
conquerors of 1204 could not settle down properly in the
Greek world, Homesickness played an important part in the
years from 1210 to 1230, especially among the French knights.
Their presence in south-eastern Europe in fact resulted in
members of their families in the West travelling out to the
newly-formed settlements. In this way members of the De la
Roche family left Burgundy for Athens; but the founder of
that county, Othon de la Roche, himself returned in 1225 to
his home in Franche-Comte. 79
Miller has drawn attention to the way in which the
83
Frankish conquerors quickly died out; many families disappeared within as little as two generations. He gives as a reason
for this the permanent wars, against the Greeks, but also
against each other. The great isolation of the French group
also had something to do with it. There was also the problem
that the children of some of the relationships formed by
Franks with Greek women, known as Gasmuli, felt more Greek
than Frankish, and abandoned the western way of life. 80
The Italians felt more at home in Greek territory than
the French. In the course of the fourteenth century a movement can thus be seen from French to Italian; by the end of
the fourteenth century Italian has even become the official
language of the Latin territories.
Although little research has been done into the way of
life of the western rulers in Greece, and into their relations
with their Greek subjects, the fact that in the thirteenth
century they could not settle down there, and that they remained an isolated group, may lead one to conclude that
contacts were mostly rather superficial. Certainly incidental
cases of mixed marriages can be found and cases of Greeks in
high positions of government, 81 but in Greece there is no
question of a rapid and extensive assimilation. 82 From this
point of view the Frankish area of Greece forms a strong
contrast with the small Latin states of Jerusalem, Tripoli,
Antioch and Edessa, where a strong and rapid assimilation
with the local population did indeed take place. 83
Weitzmann has recently convincingly shown how as a result
of frequent contacts the art of the Latin states in Palestine
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries exerted a strong influence on west-European art. 8 ~
Although there is not a lot of documentary proof, it may
nevertheless be assumed that from 1204 onward there was a
constant interchange of traffic between western Europe and
the Latin territories in Greece. I see no reason why the
situation in th.e Morea should have been fundamentally
different from that in Palestine. In the field of art these
contacts certainly led to mutual influences, with the strongest influence being that of Byzantine art on the West.
Studies by Kitzinger and Weitzmann clearly show this Byzantine
ascendancy. 85
To the question whether the Latin knights and their
subjects who settled in Greek territory showed any sort of
interest in the ancient monuments they found there, the
answer must, for the time being, be negative. Written sources
from the period of the Latin occupation of Greece are scarce,
84
THE CRUSADES
and in these few sources not a word is said about the

surroundings in which they lived, 86 We know about the main
outlines of the political and religious events of the time
from surviving documents, and there is also some information
87
about economic activity.
Yet not a single westerner left
behind a description of the country in which he found himself and the people with whom he lived. The Latin settlements in Greelt territory are thus only of indirect importance to this study.
The presence of Franks in Greece became most noticeable
when a constant stream of Byzantine works of art began to
flow in the direction of western Europe. In the years immediately following 1204 this consisted mainly of loot in the
form of relics and reliquaries; 88 after 1215, when the Fourth
Lateran Council issued a proclamation forbidding the trade in
relics, the flow diminished, but it never came to a complete
89
standstill.
Jewels and luxury articles also found their
way to the West. These objects were chosen not so much for
their age or their artistic value as for their religious or
exclusive quality. Many prime items which can still be admired in the treasure chambers of Northern Italy and France
came to the West in the years following 1204, 9 u
The ancient monuments attracted just as little attention
from the new rulers for their age and artistic qualities.
There was no question of preservation; both the antique
buildings and the Byzantine ones insofar as they were usable,
were adopted to the needs of the Latin rulers. Thus the Hagia
Sophia became the Latin cathedral of Constantinople, the
Burgundian lords built their palace in the Propylaea in
Athens, and an old watch tower on the coast of Elis was
again prepared for defensive use by the new rulers of the
91
Morea.
The very fact that some ancient buildings now fulfilled a new function resulted in the Latins unconsciously
helping to preserve them, Modern research on the architecture
of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, for example, has
revealed that in the time of the Latin empire restorations
which. had become necessary as the result of earthquakes,
were expertly carried out. Some aspects of the architecture,
especially the use of flyin~ buttresses, recall contemporary
forms in the Ile-de-France. 2 Architects and workmen from the
mother country were probably brought in to carry out these
restorations. Thus it must be conceded that besides all the
damage the crusaders caused they did also contribute to the
preservation of important antique monuments. As far as the
capital is concerned, the period of the Latin empire (1204-
85
61) was, in spite of some positive elements, mainly negative

in character. Because some of the inhabitants had fled the
city became underpopulated, and this led to the decay of
large areas of the city on the Bosporus, once so renowned
for its beauty. The picture of the beautifuZ city which is
usually found in the work of authors up to 1204 is now lost,
and when the Greek author Nicephorus Gregoras (early fourteenth century) speaks of the Byzantine capital of post-1261,
he paints a picture of a decayed city. 93 Western visitors of
the fourteenth and fifteenth century also tell of the many
open spaces in the city, where buildings were destroyed in
the fires of 1204, and never rebuilt.
About the situation outside Constantinople few details
are known. Apart from the construction of various forts no
large-scale building was undertaken by the Latin rulers.
The most important consequence of the fourth crusade
and the founding of the Latin states was that from then on
there were always to be large numbers of western inhabitants
in the area. This made travel much easier for their former
compatriots, since if they found themselves in difficulties,
or in need of any help or advice, there were many places
where they could fall back on the related population group.
That this did indeed happen can be seen from the travel
accounts: Niccolo da Martoni goes to stay with the Latin
archbishop in Athens, and in Patras he again takes up residence in the episcopal palace. While he was in Constantinople-Pera Pero Tafur stayed with a Castilian sea captain. The
presence of western inhabitants in Greek territory can be
viewed favourably or unfavourably. In the typically colonial
atmosphere in which the Latins lived in the East they did
not even observe or note down things of interest offered by
their surroundings. There were no written sources, from which
visitors and others who were interested could cull possible
material. Moreover, visitors were provided with the possibility of keeping to their own western way of life; there was no
need to make contact with the native Greek population,
and many felt not the slightest need to do so. On the other
hand, it should be said that visitors' questions were answered, sometimes rightly, sometimes wrongly, by their compatriots;
the Latin inhabitants acted as guides and explained what they
knew. By settling in Greece they had gradually become acquainted with local traditions. It is their transmission of these
traditions which is important for this study.
86
THE CRUSADES
4. Crusade pZans in the fourteenth and fifteenth century

The fourth Crusade was the last in which the inhabitants
of Constantinople saw western crusaders appearing before their
walls. Later expeditions did not have the specific purpose of
protecting the HoZy Land against the constant advance of the
Moslems, but were aimed more at combatting Islam in general.
The goal of the expedition of 1218, in which Count William I
of Holland distinguished himself, and that of 1248 under the
leadership of Louis IX of France was Damiette in Egypt; the
expeditions steered round the edges of Greek territory to get
to their destination, strategically situated in the Nile
delta. During the expedition of 1228-29 only Frederick II's
fleet put in on the way at Greek harbours, in Crete, Rhodes
and Cyprus. Louis IX's expedition of 1270, which is often
regarded as the last genuine Crusade, remained right outside
the east-Mediteranean area; this expedition was directed against
the Moslems in North Africa (Tunis). With the fall of Akko in
1291 Latin rule in Palestine came to an end. This loss made
a deep impression in western Europe, and also had definite
repercussions for travel to the near East: from now on pilgrimages became more diffic.ul t, with the result that the
number of pilgrims to the Holy Land declined considerably. 94
In the years following 1291 the idea of defeating the Mohammedans was still in people's thoughts. The popes, in particular, made fairly regular attempts to organize a new
Crusade. These attempts met with small success, since there
was little enthusiasm among the majority of fourteenth and
fifteenth-century sovereigns for actually setting out on a
Crusade. The ideal was kept alive,however, by fanatical
crusade preachers. Sometimes preparations even reached the
stage where a small expedition actually did set out but the
real purpose, the reconquest of Jerusalem,_was never
achieved. 95
I want to take a closer look at some of these attempts
to revive the crusading ideal, because these activities gave
rise to some descriptions of Greece. Attention will be directed to three periods: the time around l330 with the preparations of the French king, Philip VI of Valois; the expedition
of the Hungarian king Sigismund, which ended dramatically in
1396 with a crushing defeat by the Turks at Nicopolis; and the
crusade plans of Philip the Good of Burgundy in the middle
of the fifteenth century.
When in about 1330 the French king Philip VI hinted that
he was considering going on a Crusade, he was soon presented
CRUSADE PLANS
87
with a complete scenario for such an undertaking, the Directorium ad faciendum passagium transmarinum. 96 The identity
of the author of this document is not entirely certain, although manuscript tradition already attributed it at an
early date to a certain Brocardus or Burchardus. It was
known from the text that the author was a Dominican who had
lived for many years in the Near East. 97 On the grounds of a
strong similarity of style, but especially of ideas, Kohler
has tried to show that the author of the Directorium was
Wilhelmus Adam, 98 the Latin bishop of Smyrna, later archbishop of Soltanija (in Azerbeidjan) and finally of Antivari
in Albania. 99 Adam's violently anti-Moslem attitude can perhaps best be illustrated by the title of his best-known
work: De modo Saracenos extirpandi. 100
The Directorium did not succeed in exerting any direct
influence on the actual preparations for the expedition; it
was put before the king and his advisers, but after they had
studied it it was laid aside as impracticable. As it contains
various passages in which the author gives his fourteenthcentury view of Greece, a region through which he himself
had travelled - he spent some time in Constantinople and
Pera 101 - it should not go unmentioned.
The tone of Brocardus' work is violently anti-Greek. He
wishes to take revenge for the loss of the Latin empire in
1261 and to punish the faithless Palaeologians who keep
talking about church union but never keep their promises. In
the beginning of his work he deals in detail with the
various routes to the Holy Land, 102 and expresses his preference for the route across the Balkans. He sees Thessalonica
as a suitable rendez-vous for the various groups of participants. From there a thirteen-day journey leads to the
capital of the Palaeologian empire. He gives a short description of the situation of Constantinople; attention is par~
ticularly directed to the small number of inhabitants and the
many open spaces inside the extremely strong walls. In his
work a clear contrast is made between strong, well-populated
Pera and weakened, underpopulated Constantinople on the other
side of the Golden Horn. He makes the interesting statement
that with the exception of some of the palaces all the houses
in the city were made of wood. 103 In spite of the strong
walls surrounding it Brocardus reckons that the city could be
conquered after a siege of only one day, and bases this obviously highly exaggerated assessment on the cowardice of the
Greek inhabitants.
Brocardus shows no interest in what was inside the city.
88
THE CRUSADES
Twice he mentions the Hagia Sophia, and seems to assume that

this building was generally known to people in the West. To
stir up hatred of the Greeks even further the author describes
how in a crypt near the walls of the Bucoleon palace, he saw
a great heap of bones, those of the Franks killed by Michael
VIII in 1261, 104 he says.
As the second city of the Empire Thessalonica receives
a passing mention. The conquest of this city was considered
to be just as little of a problem as that of Constantinople
since although the walls were strong they were not everywhere well maintained. 105
Athens is not mentioned separately: the ducatus Athenarum,
then in Catalan hands, is referred to with the Venetian
Negropontum (Euboea) only as a place where supplies of wine,
vegetables, oil and cheese could be obtained.
Only one ancient tradition is touched upon: the city
of Ephesus was said to have been founded by the Amazons and
by women. 106
These few fragments of information are all that this educated
man, who has spent a large part of his life in the Near East,
feels inclined to say about the Greek territory he has visited.
Neither the Palaeologian Empire nor the Latin states in
Greece played any part in fourteenth-century crusade plans.
If Brocardus assumed that Thessalonica and Constantinople
could be conquered en passant, another crusade preacher
leaves the whole area completely out of consideration. Marino
Sanudo the elder, a nobleman from Torcello near Venice,
spent much of his life in the Byzantine area of the Levant.
For many years he lived on the island of Naxos, where his
family bore rule as dukes of the Archipelago. 107 In his
Secreta fidelium sanctae crucis, a remarkable mixture of
pilgrim guide, report about strategic positions and exegesis
of the Bible, he mentions only Palestine and Egypt; it may
be concluded that he thought the Latin and Greek rulers with the exception of the Knights of St. John of Rhodes so weak and unimportant that he does not mention them anywhere in his lengthy treatise. The Secreta was presented to
Pope John XXII in 1321, and some ten years later the same
document was laid before Philip VI of Valois 108 as a support
and a stimulus for his crusade plans. Copies were also
presented to other sovereigns.
All the more striking, by contrast, is the entirely
different nature of another work that can also be associated
with the crusading activities of the time round about 1330:
CRUSADE PLANS
89
the treatise by Wilhelm von Boldensele which has already

been discussed in detail in the section on pilgrims. His
relationship with cardinal Elias de Talleyrand, one of the
leading figures in the undertaking, makes it extremely
likely that Boldensele's pilgrimage was not merely religious
and devotional. It may be assumed that the need for recent
information about the areas the expedition would be aiming
for probably played a decisive role in his committing the
account of his pilgrimage to paper. The high level of education of the author, who had spent a considerable part of his
life in the Dominican order, 109 is a guarantee of the high
quality and the reliability of his account. Boldensele
naturally devotes most attention to the Holy Land; his
description of Constantinople, Troy and Ephesus indicate,
it seems to me, a personal interest in these places, which
he was acquainted with from ancient history. It must, moreover, be said that Boldensele had an eye for the aesthetic
qualities of the ancient monuments he saw; his description
of Constantinople and of the great basilica in Ephesus make
this quite clear. It is this positive attitude to remains
from antiquity that makes Boldensele's work differ so widely from that of his contemporaries Brocardus and Marino
Sanudo.
For some time it looked as if the undertaking of Philip
VI would be a success. Part of the combined fleet which had
been sent on ahead 110 won a victory in 1334 at Cassandrea,
off the coast of Thessaly, and shortly afterwards the Turks
suffered a second defeat at Smyrna. 111
In the following year the rest of the fleet lay ready on the
Riviera, fully equipped for the expedition; in Crete the
Venetians had completed all their preparations, as had the
Knights of St. John in Rhodes. And then as a result of the
growing threat from England - the beginning of the Hundred
Years' War - Philip VI suddenly cancelled the whole undertaking.112
After the Turks had crossed the Hellespont, in about
the middle of the fourteenth century, and had settled permanently on European soil, their power and their territory
both extended with extreme rapidity. Making use of internal
quarrels in the Byzantine imperial family they went into
action in Thrace in 1346, as allies of the usurper John
VI Cantacuzenus (~346-54), and a few years later (in about
1352) they had already established an impregnable base on the
peninsular of Gallipoli, which, when Cantacuzenus no longer
required their services, they showed no desire to leave. 113
90
THE CRUSADES
Although the threat presented by Turkish expansion did not

go unnoticed in western Europe, there was little reaction to
it, in spite of all the papal appeals for a new Crusade. 114
The only leader who did react to these papal appeals
was Count Amadeus VI of Savoy (a cousin of Emperor John
V Palaeologus), who in 1366 undertook various manoeuvres in
Greek waters. He lay at anchor for some time in July and
August off the coast of Attica and Euboea, but did not find
it necessary to visit the city of Athens - another proof of
the lack of interest in that city in the fourteenth century. 115
A visit was paid, however, on the way past Cape Sounion, to
the ruins of the temple. 116 At first Amadeus had some success
with his military operations, for he succeeded inregaining
Gallipoli from the Turks, but he then became entangled in the
political difficulties between the Byzantines and.the Bulgarians; in 1367 he was finally forced by lack of funds to
give up the Crusade, and to go back home loaded with debts. 117
The victory he had gained had no lasting results: the Turks
recovered quickly and completely from their defeat.
In Niccolo da Martoni's travel account we read how in
about ~395 groups of Turks made their way unhindered through
Greek territory, plundering as they went. In the years 13951402 Constantinople was continually beleaguered by Turkish
troops, and the Latin rulers in Greece were too divided and
too weak to offer any resistance. As well as Constantinople,
Hungary was also increasingly threatened, as the Turks sought
to expand in the area north of the Danube. In ~396 this
threat, which was ultimRtely a threat to the whole of Europe,
resulted in a number of European rulers again co-operating
in a Crusade against the infidels. The stimulation of Philippe
de Mezieres was undoubtedly largely responsible for this; his
Songe du vieil Pelerin, published in 1389, was intended to
imbue young Charles VI, whose education was entrusted to him,
with the crusading ideal. 118 France and England, who had just
signed a peace in the Hundred Years' War, each made a large
contribution to the undertaking. In Burgundy, in particular,
there was great enthusiasm for the new Crusade: the young
Count of Nevers, John of Burgundy, was placed at the head of
the Franco-Burgundian detachment of ten-thousand men. 119
The organizer of the undertaking, the Hungarian king
Sigismund, received a good deal of support, including that
of German rulers and some from Spain. The whole expedition
was primarily intended as support for threatened Hungary;
help for Byzantium, that was in a state of great distress,
was a very minor consideration. The expeditionary force left
CRUSADE PLANS
91
Hungary for the south, and in September 25 1396 battle was

joined with the Turks at Nicopolis, on the south bank of the
Danube. 120 Partly because of the reckless and wayward behaviour of the French cavalry, but especially as a result of the
treachery of the Hungarian troops, who deserted in large
numbers, the crusaders suffered a shameful defeat. Sigismund
himself managed to escape, though with difficulty, but many
western knights were killed or fell into Turkish hands.
Enormous sums had to be paid for their ransom; those who
were not of the nobility and could not raise ransom money
were pitilessly slaughtered. 121 A fairly full description
of the battle of Nicopolis and the ensuing massacre can be
found in the work of a German participant, Johann Schiltberger from Bavaria. His life was spared on account of his
youth, and after many years in Turkish prisons he managed
at great risk to his life, to escape to Constantinople. His
participation in Sigismund's Crusade resulted in his writing
a description of Turkish territory, but also of a number of
monuments in Constantinople. 122 After the Turkish victory
the situation of the Greek capital became even more perilous.
Emperor Manual II succeeded with difficulty in repelling the
continual attacks, aware that after the defeat of ~396 no
further help could be expected from western Europe. His only
help came from a small gToup of Frenchmen, (just over 2,000.
men} under the warlike Marshal Boucicaut who had been ransomed
after Nicopolis. 123 The city appeared to be lost, especially
when Manuel's visits to a number of west-European capitals
in 1400 gained him many expressions of sympathy, but nothing
at all in the way of practical support. 124 Deliverance came
from a completely unexpected quarter: Bajazet's defeat by
the Mongols under Timur at Angora in 1402 put a sudden end
to the siege of the city of Constantinople, which had been
going on for years.
The battle of Nicopolis resulted in an important change
in the crusade ideal. Previously the Moslems in Palestine had
been great, but distant, enemies. The ideal of liberating the
holy places was kept alive by the rousing writings and speeches of crusade preachers, while the stories and reports of
pilgrims returning from Palestine also stimulated interest
in such an undertaking among a wide ~ross-section of the
population. No practical action resulted, however, since
rulers could expect no political advantages from such expeditions to distant places. Nicopolis suddenly showed that the
enemy was much nearer by, and that he already had large
areas of south-east Europe in his possess-ion. 12 5 In spite
92
THE CRUSADES
of this not one monarch was prepared to take any energetic

action against the Turks, or to support the state which was
most threatened, the steadily shrinking Palaeologian empire.
There was hardly any interest at all in Greece, the main
factors responsible for this lack of interest on the part of
the West being the fact that politically Byzantium meant
nothing to them, and the difference in religion. Negotiations
for a church union made regular progress, but never actualiy
led to any definite, concrete results.
The positive idea of the Greeks as Christian brothers thus
never quite overcame the negative view that they were
schismatics. 126 This largely explains the fact that western
Christendom watched without apparent emotion the downfall of
the Palaeologian empire. When in 1453 the capital, Constantinople, fell into the hands of the Turks, the news did, it is
true, cause great agitation in western-Europe; but this soon
died down, because in fact the political situation actually
remained unchanged. 127
The only place where some limited degree of response
was given to the repeated appeals of the popes to combat the
Moslem threat was in Burgundy. Several times during his long
reign (1419-67) Philip the Good made preparations for a
Crusade. Each time, however, the complicated political situation, prevented him from carrying out these plans. In how
far Philip regretted this, and to what extent his promises,
reinforced by costly oaths, were actually sincere, it is hard
to say; but there is room for some doubt on this score, since
Burgundy had little to gain from such an undertaking. It may
reasonably be assumed that in the Burgundian readiness to
embark on a Crusade a desire for revenge for the bitter
humiliation of Philip's father at Nicopolis may well have
played a role. We may be certain that Philip's crusade plans
received a warm reception from his third wife, the Infante
Isabelle of Portugal, whom he married in 1430. 128 Combating
the unbelievers was something very much after her own heart.
The travels of Ghillebert de Lannoy and Bertrandon de la
Broquiere must be seen as forming a part of the preparations
of Philip the Good. Ghillebert de Lannoy undertook many long
journeys as an ambassador; in 1421 he set off for the Levant
on the orders of Philip and the English king, and visited
various different areas there. 129 His orders were to obtain
as much information as possible about the state of affairs in
those places. Some ten years later, in 1432, Bertrandon de la
Broquiere set out from Burgundy with the same brief. 130 Whereas de Lannoy travelled as a diplomat Bertrandon de la Broquiere
CRUSADE PLANS
93
went to the Levant as a pilgrim. Like Lannoy he visited

Byzantium and Arabic and Turkish territory; but where the
diplomat speaks of Greece only in vague terms referring to
friendly reception given him at the Greek court and the
'merveilles et anciennetez' in the capital, 131 Bertrandon
has described what he saw on his way through Greece and Asia
Minor in detail. It is true that the written version of his
account only came into being many years after his journey;
the work is dated after the fall of Constantinople, 132 in
about 1455, and this date may be related to the events at
the 'feast of the pheasant' at Lille in 1454, where Philip
made a solemn promise to work with all his might for the reconquest of Constantinople, 133
About his outward journey via Corfu, Modon, Candia and
Rhodes Bertrandon does not say much. The galley left Rhodes
again so quickly that he hardly had time to pay a swift visit
to the city. 134 His description of the return journey is
more detailed: he travelled on horseback through Asia Minor,
visiting Bursa amongst other places, but passing Troy by; 135
from Scutari he crossed to Pera, and then went on to stay
with a Catalan merchant in Constantinople. His meeting with
Benedetto Folco da Forli, the ambassador in that region of
the Duke of Milan, 136 was to lead to a combined journey to
the court of the sultan, who received them both in audience,
As a diplomat and a high-ranking nobleman Bertrandon was
also granted an audience with the Byzantine emperor, The
emperor was particularly anxious to be informed about the
recent events in France concerning Joan of Arc.
Bertrandon's description of Constantinople is fairly
lengthy, and gives a good picture of daily life in that city, 137
but it also shows that Bertrandon was not particularly interested in antique monuments. He describes relatively few
buildings, and what he says about them offers little in the
way of concrete information, What is interesting, and not
known from any other sources, is Bertrandon's remark that he
attended a mystery play in the Hagia Sophia, where the story
of the Three Young Men in the Fiery Furnace was performed, 138
The Hippodrome is mentioned only en passant; there he saw
the Emperor's brother taking part in the riding competitions.
There is, however, no description of this famous building,
nor is there any mention of the famous pillar of snakes.
Bertrandon does describe the statue of Justinian, but identifies it with the wrong emperor (Constantine). He makes a
similar mistake when he says that the grave of Helena could
be seen in the Pantocrator Church; probably he was confusing
94
THE CRUSADES
Helena with the empress Irene. In the Blachernae palace his

attention is specially attracted by the little chapel of Mary,
because of the great beauty and riches of its interior.
Old traditions sometimes come to his notice, such as
the story (which he does not rightly understand) about the
destroyed palaces, the material from which emperor John
V (1341-91) had wanted to use, in 1391, to reinforce the
walls; 139 and the story, also incorrectly reported, about
the pile of bones of the Franks killed in 1261 by Michael
VIII, visible for all to see at the Bucoleon. According to
Bertrandon these were the bones of pilgrims who had died on
the way to Palestine.
Like others who visited Constantinople in that period
Bertrandon mentions innumerable open spaces in the city, and
emphasizes that the emperor's scope was limited, and that in
fact most of the power was in the hands of Venetians and
Turks. 140 It is doubtful whether this upset him at all; his
opinion of the Greeks is rather unfavourable, and his admiration for the Turks is made perfectly clear. 141 He expects
little good to come of the recently negotiated church union,
since he is of the opinion that it was rather the result of
poverty and necessity than of conviction. 142 On January 23
1433 Bertrandon de la Broquiere left Constantinople to return
to Burgundy by way of the Balkans. He describes various
places he visited on this return journey; the great and powerful Adrianopolis, that had, for several decennia been in
Turkish hands, and also the extensive ruins of Trajanopolis.
At Serres he thought he saw the battlefield of Pharsalus
(which he calls Thessaly); whether this was a local tradition
cannot now be determined; in any case that is not where
Pharsalus is to be found. A tomb in the vicinity of Aenus is
related by Bertrandon to the Trojan Polydorus, the son of
Priam, who was murdered and robbed of his wealth in Thrace
after the fall of Troy. 143 It is very well possible that as
Bertrandon looked at the tomb near Aenus he had in mind the
appropriate passage from the third book of the Aeneid. 144
There is a remarkable difference between the worlt of de
Lannoy and that of de la Broquiere, if one considers the
attention these two authors pay to the Greek empire. In the
account by de la Broquiere some degree of importance is
attached to Greek territory: his journey through Macedonia
and the Balkans is described in detail. For the Lannoy the
visit to Constantinople and the audience with the emperor
was just one incident on his journey, which also took him
through Poland and Danzig, Russia, Rhodes, Egypt and the
CRUSADE PLANS
95
Holy Land. I believe that the difference in approach is a

result of the change, mentioned by Hintzen, 145 in the crusading ideal, a change which occurred round about 1420-30 at,
amongst other places, the court of Burgundy. For de Lannoy,
in 1421, the goal of the Crusade was still to be found in
Egypt: once the Mamelukes had been properly dealt with there,
the Holy Land would naturally come into the hands of the
Christians. In these plans already expressed a century earlier by Marino Sanudo, Byzantium was of very little importance; the visit to the emperor can thus best be regarded as
a courtesy visit.
The situation in the Balkans, which from the Christian
point of view had been steadily degenerating for some years,
made it necessary to change the direction of. the crusade,
and to aim primarily at combating the Turks. In this
struggle the Balkans and the Palaeologian empire came to
occupy a position of central interest. In 1432 the plan
designed by Brocardus a century earlier had to be adapted
for this purpose, and modified in accordance with the
latest information.
So Bertrandon de la Broquiere was despatched, travelling,
against all advice, over land from Palestine, through Syria
and the Turkish territories; after visits to Constantinople
and the court of the Sultan he returned to the Burgundian
court by way of the Ballmn route. I think it very likely that
the earlier crusade plans of Sanudo and Brocardus had something to do with this; a possible indication that this was
so is the presence of several copies of these and similar
works in the library of Philip the Good. 146
As well as these two reconnaissance trips Philip also
organised a small expedition against the Turks. In response
to an urgent appeal from Emperor John VIII Palaeologus in
1442 he fitted out a skeleton fleet under the command of
Geoffroy de Thoissy, Martin Alfonso de Oliveira and Walerand
de Wavrin. 147 The net results of this undertaking were very
small indeed. Thoissy operated in the Black Se.a from 1444-5,
with little success; Oliveira, it is true, managed to lay
hands on a rich booty, but achieved little in the struggle
against the Turks; and Wavrin's attempt to prevent a strong
Turkish expeditionary force crossing through the straits to
Europe ended in miserable failure. One result of this failure
was that a Hungarian force on its way across the Balkans under
John Hunyadi, 148 was destroyed by the Turks at Varna in
1444. 149 The operations of Walerand de Wavrin have been
96
THE CRUSADES
described at length by his uncle, the chronicle writer Jean

de Wavrin. 150 One passage in his work deserves special
attention: as he lay at anchor in the roads of Tenedos
Wavrin realized that he was very close to ancient Tray.
This was confirmed by people who knew the area, and unlike
many other visitors he was actually shown the right place,
a hill on the plain near Hissarlik. 151 The visit to this
historic spot did not go undisturbed, for the Burgundians
got into a fight with hostile Turks and had to retreat to
their ships. 152
Various other ancient traditions also appealed to the
imagination of the Burgundians: they all knew about the
Golden Fleece, the highest honour the Burgundian sovereign
could bestow (founded in 1429), As they cruise through
the waters of the Black Sea near Trebizond and the Caucasus,
they are aware that what they see before them is Colchis,
the land of the Golden Fleece. 153 In referring to the town
of Mangalia, a fortress on the Black Sea, Wavrin notes that
according to an existing tradition this town was founded by
Penthesilea, queen of the Amazons, 154
Despite the enthusiasm with which a decision was taken
at Lille in 1454 to drive the Turks out of Constantinople,
the expedition of 1443-5 was in fact the last Burgundian
operation in Greece,
International political developments continually presen~ed
Philip with new problems, and demanded his entire attention,
The fact that Constantinople was in the hands of the Turks
seemed to be regarded less and less as an immediate problem,
and its capture in 1453 was accepted as an accomplished fact,
Ill. ENVOYS
The drawing up of alliances and trade agreements, the
negotiation of peace treaties, the discussion of theological
problems or the arrangement of marriages with foreign
princes and princesses - all these were reasons for envoys,
ecclesiastical and secular, to embark regularly on long and
distant journeys. From time to time Greek territory was the
goal of such undertakings. A number of diplomatic missions
to the Byzantine empire, or rather, exclusively to the city
of Constantinople, are only mentioned in the sources as
having taken place. 1 Most envoys probably only gave an oral
account to their employers of the outcome of their missions.
To what extent they paid any attention to what they saw on
their way we cannot tell. This is all the more regrettable
because envoys, unlike most pilgrims and merchants, were
drawn from the more educated layers of the population. Most
of those chosen to be envoys, indeed, were members of the
nobility, bishops, abbots, or priests. From such people as
these one would expect a reasonably precise account of their
journey and of their stay in foreign parts. Sometimes
merchants, too, who were acquainted with the hazards of the
journey and who might well know the way were entrusted with
diplomatic missions. One example we might quote of such a
merchant is the whole-saler Liutefredus from Mainz, who
travelled to the Byzantine empire in 949 as an envoy of the
German emperor. 2
Descriptions of Greece written by envoys do exist,
though they are not very numerous. Either on their own
initiative or on the orders of their employer some envoys to
the Byzantine empire did put down on paper an account of
their experiences on the journey.
The account Liudprand, bishop of Cremona, wrote of his
mission is colourful, but otherwise not very useful to us.
The execution of diplomatic missions was quite usual in
Liudprand's family: his father travelled to Byzantium in 927
in the service of the Longobardic king Hugo, as did his stepfather, on the orders of the same king, in 941. 3
Liudprand actually travelled to the Byzantine empire as an
envoy several times, in 949-50 4 for Berengarius II, king of
Italy and again some twenty years later, in 968-9, for the
German emperor Otto ! 5 who was also king of Italy. He also
appears to have undertaken a third journey in 971, but he
apparently died on the way, either in Greece or in Italy. 6
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He left behind a detailed account of the second mission which was not, incidentally, successful; the bias of his
story is extremely negative, describing the difficult journey
across northern Greece (c.58), the cool welcome at the
Byzantine court and the arguments with the basileus about
whether the German emperor should have the title of 'imperator' or 'rex' (c.2), 7 Liudprand did not see much of Constantinople, as the envoys were kept under a sort of housearrest in the building where they were lodged. This was an
understandable measure, since Otto was besieging Bari, in
Southern Italy at the time, so that officially he was at war
with Byzantium. In an older script, entitled Antapodosis
(book of reckoning) Liudprand tells of his first, more enjoyable mission of 949. He mentions the imperial palace (V.21)
and gives a fairly full description of the technical marvels
to be found there, 8 such as the emperor's throne, which could
be moved up and down hydraulically, a tree made of gilded
bronze, with gilded bronze birds that could be made to sing
by means of a technical device, and two gilded lions of
bronze or wood, which could wave their tails and utter
terrifying roars (VI,5), He also describes a banquet in the
palace (VI. 8) and all sorts of tricks performed by acrobats
to amuse the guests. Although there is nothing to suggest
that he was not able, in his visit of 949-50, to move about
the city freely, he paid no attention at that time to any of
the other sights of Constantinople.
It may be that in Liudprand's day a tour of the city
and an explanation of the most important relics and monuments
were not included in the usual programme of entertainment of
foreign diplomats. A few hundred years later things were
different in this respect, as appears from an account by the
Chinese Nestorian monk, Rabban yauma, 9 who was sent to
western Europe, by the Mongol king Argoun in 1287, and passed through Cons-tantinople on his way to France and Italy . 1 0
He was entertained with great honour by Emperor Andronicus II
who, after conversing with him, entrusted him to the highest
court dignitaries who showed him everything there was to see
in the city. First they visited the Hagia Sophia, then the
most famous of the relics, followed by the graves of Constantine, Justinian and many other celebrities. 11
The same respectful treatment was accorded to the
Burgundian envoy, Ghillebert de Lannoy when just over a
century later (1421-3) he travelled to various places in
Europe and Asia Minor in the service of the English king
Henry V and Duke Philip of Burgundy. 12 In Constantinople he
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99
was given a friendly reception by the Emperors Manuel II and

John VIII; he was allowed to join various hunting parties,
and also to attend several banquets. A tour of the city was
specially arranged for him. In his account Ghillebert de
Lannoy simply mentions that this happened, but does not go
into any details about what he was shown. 13
A more detailed description is found in the work of a
Spanish envoy. In the early years of the fifteenth century
the Spanish nobleman Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo 14 went as an
ambassador of King Enrique Ill of Castilia and Leon (13901407) to the court of the King of the Tartars, Timur. WestEuropean sovereigns had become extremely interested in events
in Asia, especially after the battle of Angora (1402) in
which the Turkish sultan Bajazet was crushingly defeated by
the Mongols. Ambassadors were exchanged, and so it was that
Clavijo left Seville on May 22 1403 together with two companions, the nobleman G6mez de Salazar and the Master of Theology Alfonso Paez de Santa Maria. The journey to Samarkand was
to take fifteen months, of which the company spent about
five months in Constantinople (winter 1403). From there they
travelled via Trebizond to the camp of Timur at Samarkand.
The return journey lasted about the same length of time; on
March 24 1406 Clavijo arrived back in Spain.
To make sure that his journey should not be forgotten
Clavijo put an account of his experiences down on paper. For
the present study the part which refers to Greece and Asia
Minor is important; Cerigo, Rhodes, Lesbos, Troy are mentioned.
Much more important, however, is the detailed description of
a number of monuments in Constantinople. The company had
asked the emperor for a conducted tour of the city, with a
visit to the churches and relics. Clavijo devotes great
attention to the many relics found in Constantinople but his
description goes much further than this. He does not only
write that a particular church is decorated with mosaics,
but often says what the mosaics depict. This is all the more
important because out of the seven churches and monasteries
he describes only two now survive; the Hagia Sophia and the
Church of John the Baptist in Stoudion. 15 As well as his
descriptions of churches and monasteries, which take up the
most space, he also mentions other famous monuments, such as
the Hippodrome, the Serpentine column and the statue of
Justinian I. The general impression Clavijo gives at the
end of his account is that the city is in a serious state of
decay. The many open spaces inside the walls, the small
number of inhabitants and especially the ruins to be found
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everywhere in the city, all these indicate that by comparison

with earlier days the city had greatly declined in wealth and
prestige.
Soon after 1406 Clavijo made his account of his travels
into a book, in Spanish. Various copies of the work were soon
to appear, for the book enjoyed great popularity in Spain. 16
After 1204 the Byzantine court was no longer the only
place in the Greek world to which diplomatic traffic was
directed. There was doubtless regular contact between the
lords of the Latin states and the countries from which they
originated. In the sources, however, no descriptions can be
found of the country, nor of any monuments that may have been
seen.
As well as all these secular legations there were also
regular ecclesiastical contacts between Byzantium and the
West. Before the schism of 1054 these consisted mainly of
relationships between Popes and Patriarchs and the delegates
to councils and synods. After the schism envoys were continually being sent to negotiate a restoration of unity
between the Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox churches. The
few reports on this subject which have survived consist mainly of expositions of the subjects with which the theological
disputes were concerned; 17 the question of the filioque and
the use of unleavened bread (azyma) were matters of the
greatest importance. The only fragment I have been able to
find that is of interest for the purposes of this study is
from the account of the legation of two Dominicans and two
Franciscans 18 to the court of John Ill Vatatzes in Nicea in
1234. On arriving in that city they asked the way to the
cathedral church, but were taken to the old church where the
Council of Nicea was said to have taken place. There they
saw on the walls portraits of the fathers who had taken part
in that famous Church assembly. 19 After they had made a
lengthy tour of the city they were taken to the places where
they were to stay. A passage of this sort, however, is unique;
usually attention is limited only to points of theological
disagreement.
Just as Constantinople was an important place of pilgrimage for Russians, so in the Russian Church the patriarchate of Constantinople was the place to which people took any
serious internal problems. In about l389 there were great
problems concerning the leadership of the Russian church;
the question was brought before the patriarch of Constantinople by delegates from the various parties. Two of those
who took part in these missions wrote descriptions of their
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101
stay in the Byzantine capital which have survived.

In 1389 the Metropolitan of Kiev and All Russia, Pimen,
left for Constantinople with a great retinue. The reason
for his journey was not so much one of piety, although a
visit to the most famous relics was doubtless included in
the programme. Pimen hoped, however, that his legitimacy,
which was much in dispute, would be recognized by the
Patriarch. 20 An account of his visit to Constantinople has
survived, written by one of his retinue, a certain monk,
Ignatius of Smolensk. 21
Ignatius, by contrast with most visitors to Constantinople, remained in this city for a very long time. From his
account it appears that he spent at least three years there
(1389-1391). I believe that the explanation for this long
stay lies in the fact that in September 1389, in Chalcedon,
Pimen died. His followers found themselves in a difficult
position, in view of the fact that the leadership of the
Russian Church was now in the hands of the 'opposition'.
The great internal difficulties of 1390-1 even led in the
following year to the excommunication of the entire city
of Novgorod. 22 I therefore consider it quite possible that
some of Pimen's followers sought refuge, after his death, in
a Russian monastery in Constantinople. The year was already
well advanced and because of the winter storms the season
was not favourable for travelling. Yet some members of the
delegation did return hastily to Russia in the train of the
new Metropolitan, Cyprianus I, only narrowly escaping being
shipwrecked on the way. ~lost of them, however, remained in
Constantinople for periods ranging from a few months to
several years.
By far the greatest part of Ignatius's account consists
of the description of many of the relics, but he does also
make some incidental references to monuments, which are of
some importance to us here.
One nice detail is that he mentions going up the dome of
Hagia Sophia.
It was during Ignatius's stay in Constantinople that
the battle took place between John VII Palaeologus and
Manuel II (1390). This battle and the subsequent coronation
of Emperor Manuel are described in considerable detail. 23
The account goes straight on to describe a journey of
Ignatius in 1405 to Thessalonica, where he venerated the
grave of Saint Demetrius, and the monasteries on Mount Athos,
which he also visited. What happened in the intervening
years we are not told. The work ends with an undated
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description of a journey through the Holy Land, which, incidentally, is not found in all the surviving manuscripts. 24
A fairly detailed description of Constantinople in the
late Palaeologian period comes to us from a Russian author
whose name is not known. Evidence in the text, which refers
to the last Emperor and the last Patriarch, indicate, according to Khitrowo, that the account was written in the years
just before the conquest of the city by the Turks, during the
rule of John VIII Palaeologus (1425-48), The last paragraph, in which the author draws a comparison between the
rather decayed city which he saw and the far richer and more
flourishing place of the days of Constantine and Helena,
points at least to the last decennia of the rule of the
Palaeologians. Mango's opinion, 25 based on another Russian
version, is that the visit to Constantinople took place in
1389-90, and that the author should be sought among the
group of Russians who, like Ignatius of Novgorod, had come
to Constantinople in connection with the Pimen-Cyprianus
question. Since Mango's arguments seem to me irrefutable, I
have kept to his dating. The author of the document was a
monk, and he says that he lived in a monastery in the north
of the city, dedicated to St. Andrew. 26
The monuments most frequently mentioned by visitors to
Constantinople also appear in this account: the Hagia Sophia,
the Hippodrome with its column of snakes, the great columns of
Justinian, Constantine and other emperors. But the work also
contains other information, such as a reference to a planetarium that used to be in the old imperial palace, but which
had now fallen into decay. The author also mentions various
bronze and marble statues he saw in the city. There is an
interesting passage in which he speaks of the mosaics at the
entrance to the Blachernae palace.
Summing up, we may conclude that diplomatic traffic was
almost entirely limited to the capital and to the court. Not,
perhaps, in Liudprand's time, but certainly in later centuries
a tour of the city and a view of the most important relics in
Constantinople was a regular feature of the programme for
receiving foreign diplomats. The travellers' experiences
most likely featured in their oral report, though this cannot
be proved, Written accounts of such excursions survive only
in very small numbers. The mentality of the envoy and his
personal interests must have played a decisive part here, It
should not be forgotten that these receptions for diplomats
were organized everywhere, and thus formed a part of an
envoy's professional duties. For this reason we may be certain
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that if, in his written account, the envoy makes particular

mention of the monuments in Constantinople, it is because
he himself was interested in ancient monuments and is particularly impressed by all the old and beautiful things
which were shown him in the Byzantine capital.
IV. MERCHANTS
It has already been stated in the introduction that in
the early middle ages Syrians and Rhadamitic Jews acted as
intermediaries in trading between the Byzantine empire and
western Europe. Only when this function is taken over by the
Italian ports in the course of the ninth and tenth centuries
are there any direct contacts between Byzantium and the
west-European countries.
For a study of trading activities around the Mediterranean
during the middle ages Heyd's 1 sound work, though a century
old, is still of fundamental importance. A number of detailed studies have also appeared in which one or more aspects
of the subject are dealt with. 2
In this chapter I shall examine two of these aspects more
closely:
1. the place of the western trading communities inside
the Byzantine empire, and
2. the question as to how far antiquities and works of
art occupied a special place among the objects which
were traded.
1. The policy of the Byzantine emperors was aimed at controlling industrial and commercial activities within the empire
by means of all sorts of rules and regulations. 3 Internal
trade was the province of Greek merchants, while for foreign
trade contacts it was preferred to use the services of nonGreeks. Business was concentrated mainly in Constantinople,
which was the centre of an intensive transit-trade;
Thessalonica, Smyrna and other ports came to occupy a much
less significant place with regard to the capital. As a
result of this concentration of trading activity Constantinople became an extremely cosmopolitan city. From the ninth
to tenth centuries an increasing number of people of all
nationalities appeared there besides the Levantines: Italians,
Arabs, Russians, and from the twelfth century Turks as well.
They all received a temporary permit to reside in one of the
suburbs, and at first were subjected to strict control, 4
Because of their greater freedom and flexibility the Italian
merchants were in a favourable position. In Italy, by contrast
with Byzantium and the places under Islamic rule, they were
not subjected to a strict bureaucracy. As a result they were
able to move swiftly and easily in the field of international
trade. 5
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MERCHANTS
The greatest trade activity was developed by Venice,

The Venetians' good relationship with Byzantium was due to
the fact that nominally they were vassals of the emperor and
recognized Byzantine sovereignty. The emperor could give
them orders, but on the other hand they enjoyed the privileges of Byzantine citizens. 6 The position of Venice in
northern Italy, not far from the centres of the Frankish and
German empires, offered them extremely favourable perspectives
for busy commercial traffic. Contacts between Constantinople
and Venice went back as far as the early ninth century. 7 In
992 the trade concessions granted to Venice were set down on
record in a Chrysoboullos drawn up by the emperors Basil II and
Constantine VIII and the doge Pietro II Orseolo. 8
In the course of the eleventh century the Byzantine
emperor found himself obliged, as a result of fighting against
the Normans and the Seljuks, to grant more and more generous
concessions to the Italian sea ports, in view of the fact
that he could not do without their fleets. The policy of only
allowing temporary residence could no longer be maintained,
and so shortly after 1050 the first permanent settlements of
foreigners appeared in Constantinople. Syrian merchants were
the first to be admitted; they were soon followed by Venetians
and Amalfitans. In 1082 Alexius I granted great privileges to
Venice in return for the support of their fleet: the Venetians
obtained the right to free trade in the entire empire, were
exempted from taxes and controls, and were henceforth allowed
to settle in an area of their own inside the city, along the
Golden Horn. 9 The inevitable disadvantage for the Byzantine
emperor, i.e. that the strict control on the state monopolies
of Greek fire, silk and gold could no longer be maintained,
was something he was obliged to accept.
In 1148, under Manuel I, permission was given for the
Venetian quarter to be extended, and in the course of the
twelfth century its population grew to many thousands. Their
growing power engendered fear and hate. In 1172 Manuel had
thousands of Venetians arrested, and confiscated their
property, 10 but by this time their power was so great that
the emperor had no choice but to make peace quickly and to
make good the damage. But even though the emperors were
compelled for political reasons to give in to the powerful
western merchants, the hatred felt by the Greek population
grew, until in 1182 their fury found an outlet in riots in
the western quarters: in this explosion thousands of Latins,
especially Genoese and Pisans, met their death. 11
Political interests prevailed, however, and in 1187 Isaac II
MERCHANTS
107
reintroduced the western privileges; it is striking that the

treaty now drawn up with the Venetians is formulated in terms
of an agreement between two equal partners. 12
The events of 1204 brought three-eights of Constantinople
into Venetian hands, a situation that was to continue until
1261. Under Michael VIII Venice lost its privileges to Genoa,
but not for long; as early as 1285 Venetian merchants were
back in the city, and in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries their colony continued to be very important. In
fact the baile in Constantinople ruled independently of the
Greek court, and was also in charge of Venetian officials
working in the Levant. 13
As a result of the foundation of the Latin states the
internal trade of Greece also came into western hands. Many
of the places which were favourably situated from the trade
point of view had become Venetian property, and in others
Venetians operated as agents.
The competitors, Genoa and Pisa, also had important
interests in Constantinople, but they had commenced their
activities there later. 14
A Pisan quarter was established in Constantinople in 1111;
the Genoese first set up a trading post in a suburb between
1155 and 1160, and obtained a place of their own in the city
in about 1170. 15 In 1204 they were driven out of the city by
the Venetians, and retired to Pera, on the other side of 'the
Golden Horn. The treaty of Nymphaeum in July 1261, between
1\Iichael VIII and the Genoese, again gave them exclusive
trading rights in the empire. They were also allowed to
open consulates in many places in the Palaeologian empire;
the Black Sea region with Kaffa, established on the Crimea
in 1266, came to occupy a central place in Genoese trade. 16
Genoa also had settlements in the Latin states: in 1240 a
trading post was opened at Thebes because of the silk industry
there. A few years later a similar post may have been opened
in Athens for the same reason. 17
The Catalan merchants were fewer in number than their
Italian counterparts; from about 1250, however, they too set
sail for Constantinople and Pera in increasing numbers. 18
As well as the numerous Italian merchants Constantinople
had a number of Russian traders. They also lived th.ere with
a temporary permit of residence at first, and later in their
own quarter, called 'Mitaton' . 19 In Russian chronicles, such
as that known as the Nestor Chronicle, 20 we find repercussions
of th.eir activities. Not only Constantinople, but also the
Black Sea port of Trebizond was important for trade with Russia,
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MERCHANTS
The same route through the Black Sea and the Russian rivers
was used by Scandinavian merchants. Discoveries of Byzantine
objects, especially coins, in Scandinavia prove - particularly for the period 975-1025- that frequent contacts existed. 21
Arab merchants were also housed in their own quarter of
Constantinople. Except during times of war, the Greeks'
attitude to the Arabs, and later also to the Turks, was
generally fairly favourable. 22 In the twelfth to fourteenth
centuries in particular the relationship between Christians
and Arabs was mostly better than that between eastern and
western Christians. The events of 1182 and 1204 were not
quickly forgotten on either side! The positive attitude
towards Arabs is clear, for example, from the fact that when
towards the end of the twelfth century the Latin population
groups of Constantinople wanted to plunder and burn the
mosque, the Greek population helped to protect it. 23 The
Moslem merchants were highly thought of in Constantinople,
because they were responsible for the import of many coveted
products from the Middle East (Bagdad, Syria. and Egypt) and
even, by way of the great caravan routes, from the Far East
(Samarkand, China).
Although in the tenth century Thessalonica was already
a wealthy city, as a trading centre it was mainly of only
local importance. Contacts with foreign countries were
comparatively few; activity was directed mainly towards the
Slav people in the Balkans. As well as a large Jewish community, from the tenth century onward there were small groups
of foreign merchants living there, especially Italians. In
the course of the twelfth century their numbers also increased in Thessalonica, 24 although the numbers never compared
with those in Constantinople. Because of the slow silting up
of the harbour Thessalonica's trading activities did not increase, but underwent a gradual decline after the twelfth
century.
A similar decline took place in various other harbours
on the Peloponnesus; there, too, the influence of western
merchants did increase in the twelfth century, but their
numbers remained small, and only in a few cases is there
any question of permanent settlement. 25
There is little material to be found among the merchants
concerning the people of the country in which they stayed.
It must be borne in mind that these people were primarily
interested in commercial persuits, not in literary or contemplative ones. Their average level of education, too, was
not very high. Another important factor is that these
MERCHANTS
109
merchants lived in isolation inside the Byzantine state.

They were tolerated for business reasons, but because of
the absence of sources it is not possible to discover to
what extent they had any close relationship with the native
population, or whether the foreigners came to understand
anything of Byzantine culture. In how far they understood
each other's language- an extremely important factor in
making contact with each other - will be discussed later. 26
An illustration of this lack of communication is the book by
Marco Polo, whose father and uncle left for China from
Constantinople after they had stayed there for several
years (1254-60). He simply mentions Constantinople as the
point of departure, without any further comment. 27 Yet here,
too, there are some exceptions: people such as Burgundio of
Pisa, who grew up in the Pisan quarter of Constantinople and
later regularly acted as an interpreter and as a translator
of Greek manuscripts, or Moses of Bergamo, who lived in the
Venetian quarter of the city, and who built up a library
which also included Greek manuscripts. 28 These people are
exceptions, who deviate from the normal pattern of behaviour
of the mass; it is for this very reason that their names
are still known.
Yet the presence of so many merchants on Greek soil was
not entirely without consequences. These innumerable traders
doubtless spoke about their experiences when they offered
their products for sale in the West. In this way they helped
to form the picture of Greece held by people in western
Europe. They contributed nothing to the written sources;
their most important contribution was to load and transport
the Byzantine and oriental objects - particularly luxury
objects - so loved in the West. Apart from this they also
had the function in Byzantium of giving a hospitable reception
to their travelling compatriots.
Of the Italian merchants, a group of bankers managed to
obtain great influence in Greek territory during the course
of the fourteenth century. The famous Florentine family of
the Acciajuoli had acquired extensive property in the Morea
because of their strong financial links with the Angevin
Kings of Naples, who were also princes of Achaea. 29 Because
of their great wealth they largely dominated economic life;
in particular the trade in spices and oriental products was
30
in their hands.
Their influence was also felt in the
political field and in the life of the Church: during the
fourteenth century more and more members of the Acciajuoli
family are found in the highest civil and ecclesiastical
110
MERCHANTS
functions, as Cardinal-Archbishop of Patras and as lords of

Corinth. In 1385 Nerio I undertook an expedition, starting
from Corinth, against the Catalans in Athens, and two years
later both the city and the Acropolis were in his hands.
Until the Turkish conquest in 1456 the Acciajuoli were to
reside on the Acropolis and the Acrocorinth. 31 The reconstruction of the family tree must date from this last
period, the fourteenth to fifteenth century: the Italian
family claimed to be descended from a certain Angelos, a
brother of Emperor Justinus II; this ancient link with the
Greek world was supposed to make the rule of the Acciajuoli
appear more legitimate. 32 To what extent their Greek subjects
actually believed this is not known!
2. The trade in works of art and antiquities
The place which works of art and antique objects occupied
in medieval trade is not very clear. In the sources I have
used there is hardly any information on this score.
Lestocquoy's study on the subject 33 remains vague and unsatisfactory, Moreover, he limits his research to objects
which were made in the middle ages, such as Limoges enamel
and twelfth-century baptismal fonts from Doornik, and nowhere does he make any reference to objects from classical
antiquity,
It is certain that no special arrangements were made for
works of art: they were merely merchandise, just as utensils
and weapons were. This is clear from published fragments of
the archives of the trading firm of Francesco di Marco Datini
de Prato, the great Italian merchant, who lived in Avignon in
about 1355, 34 As well as the weapons and other war requisities
this firm also dealt in works of art such as paintings,
painted chests, embroidered garments, enamel and gold-smithery.
Nowhere is there any mention of pieces which go back to
classical antiquity, though such objects may have been included here and there among the merchandise. Nowhere do we
find any idea of the artistic importance of these objects; it
is always just a matter of sales goods, referred to by the
terms 'cose' or 'pezzi', and originating from the work-place
of a 'maestro' (craftsman). The absence of any interest in
the artistic surplus value is best seen in the instructions
to purchasing agents to refrain from buying if the price of
works of art was on the expensive side, 35
Yet there must have been some trade in antique material,
The use of ancient building materials as spolia points in
this direction, The re-use of material from old and decayed
MERCHANTS
111
buildings is actually a practice which continued into the

middle ages from ancient times. Information can be found in
the literature about the sale and transport of this kind of
material. Tradition says of Bishop Sylvanus, for example,
(early fifth century) that a large ship intended for the
transport of pillars but bewitched by a demon, was able to
sail on again normally as a result of the Bishop's prayers. 36
Many examples of the re-use of ancient material could be
quoted here; 37 but I shall confine myself to mentioning how
for the construction of the town of Kairouan at the end of
the seventh century, material was collected from every part
of the province of Africa to build the town and its mosque.
For two highly valuable columns their weight in gold was
even offered, 38 In this light the traditions noted by Ludolf
von Sudheim take on a new meaning. Ludolf describes how
large parts of the city of Venice were built of material
from Troy, adding that the same was true of Genoa and Athens.
In view of the absolutely dominant position occupied by Genoa
and Venice in the eastern Mediteranean trade in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries, such cheap exploitation of ruined
buildings can not be dismissed as impossible.
In general, however, it was not a matter of columns
and other large items of building materials, but of more
manageable objects. Free-standing sculptures attracted
hardly any interest in the middle ages. \fuy the four bronze
horses should have been spared during the looting of
Constantinople in 1204, and transported to Venice, is not
clear. A Christian interpretation, as in the case of the
enormous statue which is now in Barletta, and which was
spared because it was the statue of a Christian emperor,
is not really possible here.
Perhaps in this exceptional case there may be some feeling
for the artistic worth of this work of art. Whether its
great age was recognised remains questionable. In the case
of the porphyry group of the Tetrarchs, now also in San Marco,
built into a side wall, probably not only the value of the
material but also an 'interpretatio christiana' were responsible for its survival. Although it was long doubted whether
this group originally came from Constantinople, recent research has now provided irrefutable proof that this is so. 39
Whether the group was purchased in the thirteenth century or
whether these remains from antiquity also formed part of the
spoils of 1204 cannot be told; the sources are completely
silent on this matter. All that is known is that the group
was- built into the treasure chamber of San Marco after 1231.
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MERCHANTS
Pillars and other fragments of sculpture often fell

prey to souvenir hunters, particularly if they could function
in any way as a relic. The Church did, it is true, issue
regulations forbidding this, but this never had much effect.
Ludolf von Sudheim took no notice of these regulations, and
it is certain that Jacob of Verona was also guilty of similar
vandalism; 40 thousands of other nameless visitors did the
same,
There was far more interest in small objects than in
large ones, and particularly in gems, cameos and coins.
There was, comparatively, a great deal of this material,
and it was easy to carry. Yet here, again the beauty of
these objects was not the primary consideration; they were
collected because of special characteristics which were
attributed to them, Some stones were specially recommended
for their magic and apotrophaeic powers; they were regarded
as talismans, and worked into the decoration of costly
garments and bookbindings and even of reliquaries. 41 The
ancient representations were no longer understood, and were
thus interpreted from a Christian point of view. The scene
represented on the famous Grand Camee de France was seen as
Joseph's dream, a Jupiter with eagle and victory was identified as St. John the Evangelist with an angel, 42 and a
portrait gem of Caracalla was christianized by the addition
of the name 'Petrus'. In the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries coins were increasingly valued and collected,
especially those which bore the portrait of a famous emperor. 43
The first collections of ancient works of art consisted
largely of coins and cut stones. There was a plentiful
supply of these, because again and again hoards were
discovered during chance digging. It may be imagined that
these small objects were regularly taken away by merchants
and sold. These were no more, however, than minor transactions, which I think might have been regarded as additional to their regular wages; this is also the reason why they
cannot be found in the records of the large transactions,
V. SOLDIERS
1. Mercenaries
Just as the Byzantines conducted their commercial
activities through non-Greek merchants, so they were largely
dependent for their defence on foreign mercenaries. More and
more mercenaries of various European nationalities were incorporated into the Byzantine army.
The beginning of this process cannot be traced exactly, but
it is certain that from the beginning of the tenth century
the Byzantine army offered employment to Scandinavians,
Russians, Scythians, Slavs from the Balkans, Normans from
western France and from Sicily, Italians, and Anglo-Saxons
from England. They all served under their own officers,
either in Constantinople or else on the outskirts of the
Empire (EQw ~ns nDA8WS) 1 The most coveted posts were in the
Emperor's bodyguard, known as the Varangian Guard; those who
obtained a position in this hand-picked corps were assured
of high pay and considerable standing. The composition of
this guard did not remain unchanged throughout the centuries
of its existence. Originally it was composed mainly of
Scandinavian Vikings. Harald Sigurdsson, later king of
Norway (d.1066) distinguished himself in about 1040 as head
of the bodyguard of Emperor Michael IV during a Bulgarian
revolt. 2 Hara1d returned to Norway with great riches in 1046;
great emphasis was later to be placed on these riches gained
in Byzantium, especially in the Icelandic sagas. 3
Attempts have been made to trace a connection between
the runic inscription on a large, ancient marble lion in
Piraeus and Harald's activities in Byzantine service. This
figure of a sitting lion, about three metres high, was
carried off by Morosini in 1688 as war booty during his
compaign in central Greece and the Morea; the lion can now
be seen at the gate of the Arsenal in Venice. 4 It is not
certain that Harald ever went to Athens. According to tradition he conquered 'a city in the south', but this city could
just as well have been situated in Asia Minor or in Sicily. 5
Moreover, the inscription is so worn away that no conclusions
can reasonably be based on it.
The relationship of the runic inscription of Piraeus to the
activities of Harald is thus not based on factual information.
Nor are there any indications that the inscription was carved
by a member of the Scandinavian troops of Basil 11 Bulgaroc-
114
SOLDIERS
tonus, who visited Athens in 1018/1019. 6 The possibility that

this runic text, carved by Norwegians or Swedes, is of a much
later date cannot be ruled out. 7
After 1066, the year of the Norman conquest of England,
the Scandinavian element in the Varangian Guard declined in
favour of the Anglo-Saxons. This change of nationality was
not, however, a rapid one, and until at least 1204 the
Scandinavian element still dominated, Only in Nicea, and
after 1261 also in Constantinople did the English dominate, 8
After the fourteenth century there is no further mention of
Varangians in the Byzantine sources. But the possibility
cannot be ruled out that a small number of them may have remained in imperial service until the Fall of Constantinople.
There were two ways in which the ranks of the Guard
were replenished, Firstly there was a certain amount of
deliberate recruitment on the part of the Byzantine emperors.
We know that Alexius Ill sent envoys to Scandinavia to recruit new manpower. Scandinavian pilgrims and crusaders were
often asked, when they got to Constantinople, to join the
Byzantine service. A large proportion of Sigurd's force remained behind in the Byzantine capital after their expedition
to Jerusalem in 1111, and it is known that Emperor Manuel I
tried to persuade Ragnvald of Orkney and his men to enter
Byzantine service, when they arrived in Byzantium on a
crusade. 9 Secondly, the stories told by soldiers or pilgrims
on their return to the far north were also a powerful stimulus
for others to set off for Miklagard - the Scandinavian name
for Constantinople, A repercussion of these stories is to be
found in the Heimskringla of Snorri Sturluson. About Sigurd's
journey the following is said: 'horum vero narrationibus
adducti multi in Norvegia talis peregrinationis cupidi facti
sunt, quo accessit quod Nordmanni qui Miklagardi merere
stipendia vellent, abunde pecuniam lucrari dicebantur' . 10
Until well into the thirteenth century many Scandinavians
were lured to the Byzantine empire by the thoughts of the
gold of Miklagard, travelling either by way of the route
across Russia or else by ship across the North Sea and the
Mediterranean. One cannot expect any descriptions from these
mercenaries; their task was to fight, and with the possible
exception of a few of the leaders we may assume them to have
been illiterate. Yet the long term presence of so many
Scandinavians in Constantinople did not go entirely unnoticed
in their country of origin, As has already been said, the
great riches which could be gained in Byzantium form a wellknown theme in the Norwegian and Icelandic sagas. It also
MERCENARIES
115
appears that the famous buildings of Byzantium were not unknown in the far north of Europe. Many Scandinavian pilgrims,
such as the Icelandic abbot Nicolas of Thingor, 11 directed
their gaze especially to the Hagia Sophia, and were deeply
impressed by its size and magnificent decoration; in the
case of other travellers it was the Hippodrome that made an
indelible impression on them. The nordic sagas even include
a description of this building, which is most exceptional,
as in general sagas are not of a descriptive nature. 12 The
period in which the sagas originated was the twelfth to the
fourteenth century, but the stories contain much material of
an earlier date. This is the case with the material about
Byzantium, which had become known in Scandinavia by oral
tradition. In the sagas this material is concentrated mainly
around the journey of Sigurd, but is in fact drawn from
various sources.
In the early years of the twelfth century the future
king of Norway, Sigurd, set out on a pilgrimage to the Holy
Land. 13 He travelled by ship across the North Sea, visited
Compostela, then went on through the Straits of Gibraltar to
the coast of Palestine. The return journey was by ship as far
as Constantinople; then Sigurd himself continued by the overland route across the Balkans in the direction of his homeland. A number of his men, however, remained behind in
Constantinople and entered Byzantine service. The travel
stories recounted by those who returned, particularly those
relating to the entry of Sigurd into Constantinople and his
reception by the Byzantine emperor Alexius I Comnenus (10811118) must have made a great impression on the Scandinavian
hearers; it was these very subjects which were soon to be
sung of by the saga poets.
It is highly unlikely that Sigurd should have entered
Constantinople by the Gull Varta (the Golden Gate), 1 ~ since
it was most exceptional for this gate to be opened; this was
done only for the victorious return of a Byzantine Emperor
from a campaign. Dawkins has pointed out that there was a
tradition among the Greeks - and also among the Turks, right
up to the twentieth century - that whoever came into the
city through the Golden Gate would rule over it. 15 The entry
through this gate must thus be regarded as a legendary detail,
but one in which some knowledge of the tradition may have
played a part. The same legendary character must be attributed
to the procession through streets carpeted with gold and
costly garments to Loktiarna, a name which undoubtedly refers
to the Blachernae palace. 16 All these elements are intended to
116
SOLDIERS
increase the fame of the hero Sigurd.

The description of the Hippodrome, where in the twelfth
century games were still regularly held, is not legendary,
but based on personal experience. In the saga the place of
the games is called Padreim, a word in which the Greek
tnn66po~s can still be recognized. According to the saga,
Alexius gave Sigurd a choice: he could either have a great
gift of six talents of gold, or else see a special performance
of games in the Hippodrome. Sigurd, who up till then had,
like a great hero, kept none of the objects offered him, but
had given everything away to his followers, once again behaved
like a king, and accepted the non-material present. 17 The
description of the Hippodrome probably came from members of
Sigurd's retinue who had been present at the performances.
The Hagia Sophia and the Hippodrome are the only two
buildings in Constantinople which are mentioned by name in
Scandinavian literature. Other much admired monuments, such
as the statue of Justinian and the enormous cisterns, may
well have featured in oral accounts, but they have not been
included in the sagas as typical of Constantinople.
In the later middle ages, when there were so many large
and small wars, the mercenary who entered the service of the
employer who paid most was to be found everywhere in Europe,
and beyond. The Knight in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales 18 wanders
through Alexandria, Prussia, Letland and Russia, Granada,
Algeciras, Balmaria and Tramissen in North Africa, Lyeys in
Armenia, Satalia in Turkey and Palatia in Anatolia. Such a
picture shows how extensive the field of work of a mercenary
could be. The Palaeologian empire, with its continual struggle
against the advancing Turks, also offered employment for such
adventurers. In the early years of the fourteenth century
these were mainly Spaniards, who, when the war against the
Moors in their own country drew to an end, looked elsewhere
for work as mercenaries. In 1302 the so-called Catalan
Company was formed by Roger de Flor, former Templar Knight,
pirate and adventurer. 19 In the following year this group of
Spanish mercenaries entered the service of Emperor Andronicus
II to fight the Turks. They established their headquarters in
Gallipoli between 1304 and 1307. When, after some years, they
were dismissed from Byzantine service they continued to
wander through Greek territory, and in 1311 the Frankish Duke
of Athens, Gautier de Brienne, suffered a crushing defeat at
their hands at the Cephisus. The Catalans established their
rule in Athens and Neopatras (Thessaly), where they continued
in power until the end of the century (1387), 20
MERCENARIES
117
In Greece the name 'Catalan' had, and still has, an unpleasant

ring. The word is regularly used in oaths, curses and
accusations. The activities of the Catalans as robbers and
pirates is undoubtedly largely responsible for this. 21 Their
rule cannot, in fact, be described as totally decadent; Rubi6
22
y Lluch has constantly pointed out in his many studies
that
some positive developments did also take place in these years.
There was no question, however, of any cultural activity or
of any interest in antique monuments. The Catalans, like the
Scandinavians in Constantinople were more skilful with the
sword than with the pen. One exception from among their ranks
is the chronicle writer, Raman Muntaner.
Raman Muntaner was born in 1264 in Peralada, in Spain.
He came of the high aristocracy, and at a fairly early age
he already became the confidant of the kings of Aragon, a
position which he owed entirely to his personal services. 23
Under Roger de Flor Muntaner was attorney general in Sicily,
that had belonged to Aragon since the Sicilian Vespers of
1282. When Roger de Flor joined the service of the Byzantine
emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus in 1303, as leader of the
Great Catalan Company, to fight the Turks, l\1untaner followed
him to Greece. After the murder of Roger de Flor in 1305
Muntaner became one of the new leaders of the Catalan Company:
between 1305 and ~309 he was governor of the Peninsula of
Gallipoli. In 1309 he returned to Spain, and in later years
he successfully carried out various diplomatic missions; from
~3~1-14 he was the governor of the island of Jerba, which was
threatened by the Moslems.
Between ~325 and 1328 Muntaner wrote his chronicle, which
deals with the history of Catalonia and Aragon 24 in the years
1208-~327; the accent falls mainly, however, on the period
which Muntaner had been through himself, about 1275-~327. The
work concentrates almost entirely upon historical events; it
has very little to offer in the way of archeological information. Only a few passages deserve our attention: mention of
the churches of St. George in Tyra and St. John at Ephesus
point, in a work in which hardly anything is said about
buildings or monuments, to the fact that these magnificent
churches must have made an impression on the author, either
because of their size or because of their wealth. To assert,
on the evidence of such brief items of information that these
passages are of great archeological importance would, in my
opinion, be a gross exaggeration. 25 The emphasis is, in fact,
not nearly so much on the buildings as on the legends and
relics connected with them. 26
118
SOLDIERS
Muntaner did visit Constantinople, but we find no account

in his chronicle of what he saw and heard there. There is,
however, an interesting passage in which Troy is mentioned:
here Muntaner gives a medieval version of the legend of Paris
and Helen. I assume that this legend was in circulation among
the Greek inhabitants of that area, and that Muntaner heard
the story during his governorship of nearby Gallipoli. It is,
however, no more than a story; not a word is said about the
state of the ruins of Troy at the beginning of the fourteenth
century.
Because the Catalans dared not remain in Greece without
protection they offered the sovereignty of their newly
conquered territories to Frederick II of Aragon, the king of
Sicily. He accepted their offer but for the rest he gave very
little thought to these new additions to his kingdom; he
never visited Greece himself, but had it governed by a
chancellor. For many years Athens was competently governed
by his bastard son, Alfonso Fadrique. 27 Later sovereigns of
Aragon also paid little heed to their possessions in Greece.
Only towards the end of their rule was there any change in
their comparatively uninterested attitude.
In 1379 the King of Aragon, Pedro IV was elected Duke
of Athens and Neopatras in Thessaly, by the Catalan occupying force in those territories. 28 Although his rule was only
of short duration, as it in fact was already at an end in
1385, and ended formally at the end of 1387, the Kings of
Aragon, Pedro IV and Juan I did show some degree of interest
in their Greek possessions. Juan I (1387-95) called Athens
a 'membre important de la nostra corona' ; 29 and at the beginning of his reign he formed the plan of paying a visit to the
city. On the other hand he did little to defend his Greek
possessions; at the end of 1387 the Athenian Acropolis was
captured by the Florentine Nerio I Acciajuoli without much
resistance, with the result that Juan's plan was never
carried out. Rubi6 y Lluch has given special attention to the
humanistic activities of Juan I, and has demonstrated the
influence of the latter's friend Juan Fernandez de Heredia,
grand-master of the Order of the Knights of St. John who
had himself spent a number of years in Rhodes and on the
Peloponnesus. 30 Juan I's interest in Hellas is striking; he
wanted to relate the great deeds of the Greeks to his own
history. He is also known to have been interested in Greek
and Byzantine historians, such as Plutarch, Zonaras and the
Chronicle of the Morea. 31
Juan's father, Pedro IV el Ceremonioso (1336-87) expressed
PRISONERS OF WAR
119
his admiration for the Athenian Acropolis, which he knew only

from other people's reports, in words of great praise. In a
letter to the keeper of his treasure chest, Pedro de Valls,
dated September 11 1380, he writes: 'lo dit castell sia la
pus richa joya qui al mont sia e tal que entre tots los Reys
de cristians envides lo porien fer semblant. ' 32 That the
strategic importance of the Acropolis was partly responsible
for this eulogy need not be doubted, but we may also recognize
a certain aesthetic appreciation in his words. 33 We may assume
that the accounts that Pedro received from envoys and government administrators were so positive and appreciative in
tone that the king's attention was drawn to this distant,
eastern part of his kingdom, 34 This interest did not lead to
any description, but only to admiring words on the part of the
King of Aragon. From a political point of view Greece meant
nothing to him; his admiration is based only on its culture.
Apart from the Catalan Company there were also various
small companies from Navarre in Greece in the late fourteenth
century. 35 From among their number, however, not a single
written account of the area was produced.
2. Prisoners of War
The many wars in which the Byzantine empire was involved
in the course of its existence were responsible for foreigners
regularly paying invoZuntary visits to Constantinople and
other Greek cities. Because prisoners of war hardly ever saw
much. but had to wait in camps or prisons until they were exchanged or ransomed, not much material can be expected from
this group. It is obvious, moreover, that prisoners had very
little motive for showing much interest in any special
features in the territory of their opponents. Yet, here too,
there are some people who deviate from what may be regarded
as the usual pattern.
For a lengthy and detailed description of Constantinople
we are indebted to the Arab author Harfin-ibn-Yahya, who,
during fighting in Palestine in the early years of the tenth
century 36 was taken prisoner near Ascalon, by Byzantine troops.
The prisoners of war were taken by ship to Attalia, and from
there over land to Constantinople, 37
There Harfin was soon set free; the reason for this is not
known, but Marquart's suggestion, that Hfirun was in fact a
Syrian Christian who had only fought for the Arabs under
compulsion, may indeed be the explanation why he was so soon
released. 38 After his stay in Constantinople Harfin travelled
120
SOLDIERS
to Rome via Thessalonica, Spalato and Venice, He has left us

descriptions of both Constantinople and Rome. In the fragmentary version of the work which is all we have no reason is
given for the journey to Rome, In my opinion, however, the
choice of Rome as his destination makes Marquart's hypothesis
even more likely, since Rome was of no significance for
Moslems, but of great importance for Christians. His writing
has not survived directly, but as part of the work of the
Arabian-Persian author Ahmed Ibn Rosteh entitled Kitab alA'lah al-nafisa (book of things of value), 39 Harfin displayed
an interest in both religious and secular matters: he visits
churches, palaces and monuments. After a few remarks about
the size of the city he mentions the Golden Gate with the
statue of a group of elephants above it, and also the Pege
Gate, In his description of the Hippodrome he refers to the
bronze statues on the spina: statues of horses, people, wild
animals, lions, etc. His accurate description of the chariot
races seems to me to be based on personal observation, He
names several of the gates of the imperial palace, and also
describes the various companies of guards: black Christians
with shields and gilded lances, Khazars with bows in their
hands, and Turks armed with bows and shields, There is a
lengthy description of the imperial church, but in spite of
this there is still some uncertainty about the identification
of this building. 40 On the basis of Harfin's description we
may conclude that the imperial palace, or at least a part of
it, was open to foreigners. Harfin describes how in treasure
chambers to the left of the entrance he saw an equestrian
statue; he is much more interested,however, in a reception
and festive meal being held for Mohammedan prisoners in the
palace, Izeddin has shown that except in periods of direct
warfare the relationship between Byzantines and Arabs was not
bad, and that a reception of this sort in preparation for
their release is not inconceivable, 41 For the Arab author
the sight of an organ was something quite exceptional. This
instrument was played during the meal, while twenty men with
cymbals provided a musical accompaniment. A procession from
the palace to the Hagia Sophia is described at length; this
is undoubtedly a reference to one of the processions which
were held on major church festivals.
Although Harfin thought he saw the Emperor himself he was
probably mistaken about this. The person he describes, with
one black shoe and one red one, was not the Emperor but the
heir to the throne. 42
The famous statue of Justinian, almost inevitably, is also
PRISONERS OF WAR
121
included in Harfin's description. There is one passage, however, which is unique- that devoted to the Horologion,
situated near the Hagia Sophia that was traditionally believed
to be the work of Apollonius of Tyana, whom Harfin calls
Bolonious. 43 Another piece of work which was also attributed
to Apollonius was a group of bronze horses at the entrance to
th.e palace, 44 which the inhabitants regarded as a talisman.
Another talisman, against danger from snakes, consisted of
four bronze snal{eS with their tails in their mouths. Although
it seems obvious to think of the serpentine column in the
Hippodrome, I do not think this is the right identification.
In the first place the number of snakes is not the same, but
it is also difficult to see a relationship between the snakes
with. their tails in th.eir mouths and the outstretched snakes
of the snake monument. 45 The tradition which existed in
Constantinople with reference to the place where prisoners
were executed (the Forum Amastrianum) is found in a mutilated
form in Harfin's account. Water was supplied by a large aqueduct that branched off to take water to large parts of the
city. Harfin ends his description by speaking of some of the
many monasteries he found in the city, with their innumerable
religious.
The account by Harfin-ibn-Yahya is a work of exceptional
interest, with which no western description can compare,
Such a variety of interests as he displays is nowhere to be
found among western authors at the beginning of the tenth
century: this great concern especially for all sorts of nonreligious aspects of life in the Byzantine capital is only
conceivable in an author who has not grown up within the
western culture,
Several centuries later the city on the Bosporus meant
the beginning of freedom for another prisoner of war. Johann
Schiltberger's long imprisonment among Turks and Mongols came
to an end when he escaped to Constantinople. Johann Schilt46
berger was born in about 1381, near Freising in Bavaria.
At
an early age he left for Hungary in 1394 with his lord;
there he joined the crusade army then being formed by king
Sigismund to fight the Turks. Schiltberger was present at
the crushing defeat of Sigismund's army at Nicopolis in
47
September 1396. lie survived, perhaps because of his youth,
the bloodbath carried out by sultan Bajazet after the battle.
He was employed in the sultan's retinue as a messenger, and
during that period probably took part in the siege of
Constantinople, At the battle of Angora he fell, into the
hands of the Mongol leader, Timur, and under this ruler and
122
SOLDIERS
his successors Schiltberger participated in expeditions to

Armenia, Samarkand, Siberia, Egypt, Arabia and the area
round the Black Sea. Near Batoum, in 1426, he and several
other prisoners managed to escape and make their way, with
great difficulty to Constantinople. The fugitives were given
a friendly welcome by Emperor John VIII (1425-48), and
were lodged in the house of the Patriarch. The weak position
of the Byzantine empire in those years can be seen from the
fact that the fugitives were forbidden to go into the streets
of the city. If they were recognized by a Turk in the city
they could not escape being handed over! In spite of his
house arrest Schiltberger did manage to see something of
Constantinople, as he sometimes went out with the Patriarch's
servants to buy provisions. After he had stayed there for
three months a ship became available for the journey home,
and in ~427 Schiltberger was back in Bavaria, where he became
a Chamberlain to Duke Albrecht Ill. His account of his travels
must have been written after his return. Whether Schiltberger
wrote it down himself or dictated it to somebody else we can
no longer tell. It may be assumed that he did not work from
notes made during his thirty-year wanderings, but mainly
from memory. Buchan Telfer believes that the author could not
read or write, and that for this reason he did not make use
of any older literature. 48 This does not seem to me at all
certain; similarities to Mandeville, Marco Polo and Clavijo
can indeed be found. It cannot be proved that Schiltberger
did not know these works; but it is certain that a considerable part of Schiltberger's descriptions is based upon his
own observations.
Schiltberger regularly distinguishes between 'audita'
and 'visa', and is fairly critical in his attitudes. As a
source he is thus reliable and useful. Information which
differs from that given by other authors is found in, for
example, the passage where he says that the Bosporus was dug
by Alexander the Great. He also tells of a tradition existing in Germany which claimed that the statue of Justinian
was not made of bronze, but of leather. \Vhen he enquired
about this an inhabitant of Constantinople assured him that
the statue was indeed made of metal, and cast in one piece.
He was also told the traditional story about the apple in the
Emperor's hand.
The size and riches of Hagia Sophia made a great impression on Schiltberger, too. He is the only person to tell the
story about the five golden discs which Constantine was
supposed to have built into the domed ceiling, two of which
PRISONERS OF WAR
123
Emperor Manuel II removed, in order to use the gold in the

desperate fight against Bajazet, 49
The ruins of Alexandria Troas were probably pointed out
to him as the ruins of Troy as his ship sailed past.
Thessalonica is hardly ever mentioned in medieval travel
accounts. Schiltberger probably visited the city with the
famous shrine of St. Demetrius on one of his journeys in the
train of a Mongol leader. He does not mention a date for his
visit there. Nor does he describe Thessalonica; he only
refers to the oil that flows from the grave of St. Demetrius. 50
He describes the Turkish city of Bursa as a very large place
with two hundred thousand houses and eight hospitals. Although
these figures are certainly exaggerated this description does
give some idea of the great size of this city. Ephesus is only
mentioned as the place where St. John the Evangelist was
buried, and Izmir is confused with Myra, and as such is
referred to by Schiltberger as the episcopal see of St.
Nicholas.
Unlike HarQn-ibn-Yahya Johann Schiltberger was able to
see only comparatively little of the city of Constantinople,
Yet his work is also important to us, because his reliable
account gives a good picture of what struck a foreign visitor
as important in the early years of the fifteenth century, It
also includes some traditions which are not found in any
other sources. Even though it is possible that because of the
language problem Schiltberger did not always properly understand what his guide told him, or that his memory sometimes
let him down, yet it is quite likely that some traditions
survive in his travel account as they were then recounted to
visitors to Constantinople,
VI. MISSIONARIES AND SPIRITUAL ADVISERS

Up till the thirteenth century the Roman Catholic
Church's missionary work in Asia Minor and Greece did not
amount to very much; Benedictines and Cistercians were hardly
active at all in the missionary field.
The activities of the Cistercians in the Latin empire are
specially dealt with in a study by Brown. 1 She draws attention to the fact that Cistercians played an important part in
the preparations for the fourth Crusade, and that they were
also to be found in many places in the.Latin states; between
1204 and 1261 they had twelve monasteries in Greece,
and in the vicinity of Constantinople. It appears from surviving documents that regular contact was maintained with the
order's monasteries in the West of Europe: participation in
chapters, visitations and papal diplomatic missions led to
frequent journeys back and forth. Yet nowhere is there any
mention of work among the local Greek population. The presence
of the Cistercians in Greece was entirely a Latin affair. This
explains why most of the monasteries closed down in or shortly
after 1261. Only the foundation at Daphni and a community in
Crete continued after 1261 under the Burgundian lords of
Athens and the Venetian rulers in Crete. The monks and nuns
form the other religious houses returned to houses of the
order in Italy and France.
For the purpose of this study no contribution whatsoever
can be expected from the Cistercians. They lived an isolated
life on Greek soil as if there were no Greeks around them at
all. The foundation of two new orders, the Franciscans and
the Dominicans early in the thirteenth century brought some
change in the situation. For them, missionary activities
were a major priority; in the Rule of St. Francis there is
even a special passage devoted to 'de euntibus inter
Saracenos et alios infideles' 2 Francis himself had given his
disciples an example in his journey to Syria. Although
missionary work was primarily directed at the areas outside
Europe - Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt , Central Asia (Tartars)
and even Oriental Asia (China and Ceylon) - Greek territory
also formed part of their field of work. Their primary task
was the spiritual care of the western Christians in the Latin
states; besides this they continued to labour for the union
of the two Churches; and they were also actively concerned
with the conversion of Orthodox Christians. 3 They, at any
rate, showed some concern for the Greek population, which by
126
MISSIONARIES
comparison with the Cistercians was a great step forward.

In 1220 4 a first monastery was founded in Constantinople by
the Franciscans, to be followed eight years later by the
first Dominican community in the same city. From then on the
number of settlements within the Latin states grew rapidly,
so that by the end of the century there were twelve Franciscan monasteries and seven 5 Dominican ones on Latin territory.
The conquest of Constantinople by Michael VIII in 1261, and
the ensuing persecution of the Latins 6 affected the monasteries only to a limited extent; the Dominicans moved their
community to Pera-Galata, 7 while the Franciscans retained
their monastery in the City. Because Michael did not want to
cause a rift with the Pope the western clergy were left unmolested and after some time even the Dominican community in
Constantinople was re-opened. 8 In 1307 the 'Frerioi' were
all driven out of the city by Andronicus II and both orders
settled definitively in Pera. 9 The situation of all the
monasteries in Greece cannot be exactly determined from the
sources, but in any case at the end of the thirteenth century
there were communities in Negropontum, Candia, Canea, Thebes
(from as early as 1247), 10 Athens, Corinth, Patras, Clarentia,
Corfu, Cefalonia, Modon and Koron. 11
Just as the French and Italians living in the Latin
states barely gave any thought to the country in which they
had settled, so many Franciscans and Dominicans - who were
also mostly Italians and Frenchmen - concentrated their
attention mainly on their religious tasks; from among their
number no descriptions of the country, the inhabitants, the
history or ancient remains were produced. Their contacts
with the Orthodox population are likely to have been mostly
rather superficial, for relationships between the Orthodox
and the Latins were generally extremely bad. Thus the
importance for this study of the missionaries working in
Greece is only very slight. These religious were extremely
mobile: they are found all over Europe, as crusade preachers
but also, in particular, as envoys in the diplomatic service,
frequently in aid of negotiations for unity. Because of their
knowledge of foreign languages, unusual for their time, they
quickly became greatly valued as observers in foreign
countries, and their services were made grateful use of by
the Pope and by many other rulers. In 1234 a legation of two
Franciscans and two Dominicans travelled to Nicea to discuss
with John Ill Vatatzes the subject of a Church union, 12 and
the second Council of Lyons (1274) also came about largely
MISSIONARIES
127
as a result of Franciscan activities. 13 As the orders were

open to all nationalities there were also some Greeks to be
found among their ranks, although their numbers always remained small. In the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries there
were people born in Greece and also those who had worked
there for some time to be found all over Europe, and I
believe that through their oral contacts they made an important contribution to the spread of some knowledge of the
Greek language, 14 improved insight into the Orthodox religion
and a greater appreciation of this distant and little-known
outpost of Europe.
VII. GEOGRAPHERS
1. Geographic activity up to about 1400

In classical antiquity the study of geography flourished
greatly.
In the works of Ptolemy and Strabo, to name only the most
important writers in this field, 1 a mine of information was
assembled about the then known world. In the period between
the sixth and the tenth century this knowledge was lost as
far as western Europe was concerned. In Byzantium much of it
was preserved, but geography was not a branch of science
which was practised much there; the Byzantines were especially
interested in ancient historical writing, but not so much in
ancient geography. 2 Because the Byzantine empire was very
self-contained and few subjects of the basileus ever went
beyond the borders of the country there was no stimulus to
test existing knowledge and compare it with the contemporary
situation. The role of Byzantium was one of conservation:
until about 1400 the knowledge of the ancient Greek geographers was preserved there, without there being any influence at
all from outside. Only in about 1400 did a new interest in
the classical Greek geographers arise in western Europe, a
development very closely connected with the first translations
into Latin of the Greek geographical treatises.
Outside Europe there had been further progress based on
the knowledge of the Greek geographers. In the world of Islam
there was already detailed knowledge of the geography of its
own territory as early as 1000; this level was not to be
equalled in western Europe until many centuries later. 3 The
knowledge inherited from the Greeks was added to with many
observations of their own. In particular the statutory
pilgrimage to Mecca, caused large numbers of Moslems from
every part of Islam to travel. However, poor contacts between
Moslem lands and the West of Europe prevented this knowledge
from spreading west.
In the western-Europe of medieval times geography was
not seen as a separate science, and was not counted as one of
the seven artes liberales. Geography was usuallK included
with geometry, or in some cases with astronomy. Nowhere,
however, is there any sign of particular interest in the
subject.
Cartography was of no significance at all for medieval
travel. The function of a map as a means of showing the
130
GEOGRAPHERS
traveller the way in unknown territory is totally unheard of.

In drawing maps there was no attempt at giving a genuine
picture of the nature of a particular area, but rather an
explanation in words and pictures of the most important
places in the history of salvation, which was what the middle
ages called the history of the world. According to Paulinus
Minorita, a Venetian cartographer of about 1300 a good map
was 'scriptura et pictura' , 5
In medieval times the function of a map was quite different
from what it is now: it was not so much a scientifically reliable document as a beautiful illustrated and colourful
addition to a theological (i.e. Bible exegetical) or a historiographical work. Almost invariably the cartographer had
not seen for himself places he drew, but he based his work
entirely on the literary sources available to him, These were
primarily from the Bible, but also from some of the less
important Latin geographical treatises from such authors as
Solinus, Martialis Capella, Macrobius and Orosius. 6 It goes
without saying that as a result of this approach medieval
maps are not very accurate, and that to our eyes they look
most peculiar. The usual method of taking bearings by the
East causes few problems; the absence of a scale, however,
and the habit of greatly enlarging at will certain places
which were considered important, did make for some rather
strange maps. Adapting the map to the size of the page also
led to some peculiar shapes! There was no set system for
names or symbols; nor did the cartographers keep to particular colours. Seas and rivers are sometimes drawn in green,
sometimes in blue; only the Red Sea is invariably coloured
red, 7
Because, unlike the Arabs, people in western-Europe drew
maps according to the deductive method up till the thirteenth
century many of the maps which survive from that time are
maps of the world. Starting from the largest entity (the
world) they worked down to the smaller entities (the
countries). Only in the course of the eleventh or twelfth
centuries did the earliest maps of Europe appear; and the first
map of a single land, England, goes back only as far as about
1250 (Mathew Paris). 8 No separate maps existed of Greece or
the Byzantine empire; where these countries do appear they
form part of a larger whole.
It is characteristic of the maps of the world that Delos,
or sometimes Delphi or Naxos, is shown as the centre of the
world; in this they simply follow the ancient tradition, As
a result of the Crusades, and perhaps also stimulated by a
ACTIVITY UP TO ABOUT 1400
131
text from Ezekiel, 9 from the twelfth century onward Jerusalem

comes to be regarded as the centre of the world. 10 Because
the maps of the world were inspired by the Bible and by
classical writers Palestine, Greece and Italy also occupy an
important place. The further from the classical oikumene the
less information given on t~e maps.
It remains a remarkable fact that the Crusades, the
increasing pilgrim traffic and the growing trade contacts
had no noticeable effect on medieval cartography. The increased traffic did lead to more interest, but this was precisely
in the old, existing literature. The information found in
pilgrims' narratives and in crusade chronicles was not put
to use. 11 This may explain why most thirteenth and fourteenth
century maps do show Troy, which was known from classical
literature but which no longer existed, while Constantinople
is often omitted. 12 And yet Constantinople was precisely the
place which was visited by most pilgrims, merchants and
crusaders.
Von den Brincken has summarized in table form the information which can be found in the work of geographers from
Hieronymus up to Hartmann Schedel (end of the fifteenth
century). 13 With regard to Greek territory the following can
be learnt from them: the regions are always referred to by the
old, classical names (Thracia, Macedonia, Achaea, Attica); the
existence of the Byzantine empire and the changes after 1204
as a result of the establishment of the Latin states, are not
shown at a11. 1 ~ As for the towns, up to John of Wallingford
(mid-thirteenth century) Constantinople is always included,
but even before the end of the Latin empire it suddenly disappears from the map and is no longer to be found. 15 Of the
other places that are mentioned there is a clear predilection
for the communities to which Paul had written his Epistles
(Thessalonica, Corinth, Rhodes) or which had some other
connection with his evangelistic activities (Athens - Areopagus; Crete- Paul and Titus). Sparta and Delphi are virtually unknown, and Thebes, the capital of medieval Greece, is
nowhere to be found. Of the islands, only Delos, as centre
16
of the world, and Patmos,
as the place where St. John the
Evangelist lived, play any role; whereas Cyprus, known since
antiquity as a bridge between Palestine and Greece, is usually marked. Of the towns of Asia Minor Troy is actually the
only one which is generally known. Ephesus also occurs
several times as the place where St. John stayed, and as the
location of the legend of the Seven Sleepers, but towns such
as Pergamon, Nicea, Sardes and Laodicea are only very rarely
132
GEOGRAPHERS
marked on a map. 17 As for the mountains, the mount of the

gods, Olympus, is very well known, even though it is sometimes confused with a mountain in Bithynia that was inhabited
by monks, and therefore thought to be in Asia Minor. 18 The
Parnassus, by contrast, only appears very occasionally on a
medieval map.
The maps of Europe which appeared from the eleventh to
the twelfth century give much the same picture: the geography
of Greece is only of minor importance. The oldest known map,
that of Lambert of St. Omer, 19 ignores all contemporary
political boundaries; it is based on the fifth century work
of Martianus Capella. Only one Greek city is marked, Athens;
and one mountain, Mount Olympus. On this map Naxos replaces
Delos as centre of the world. Lambert's accompanying text
consists of a long list of genealogies, starting with Priam,
who was regarded as a forefather of the Franks.
From the above the following points can be concluded for
the purposes of this study. In the middle ages travellers
could not obtain maps of the places they were going to visit.
This is not only true of Greek territory, but applies to all
the countries of Europe, and beyond. Such very limited cartographical activity as was developed was, moreover, based on
out-of-date philological data, in which the centres of
classical Greece did play some part, but remained far less
important than places known from the Bible. There is no
development of cartography in the West until the fifteenth
century. For a knowledge of contemporary Greece the geographic writings are of no use whatsoever. The activity was, after
all, of a theoretical nature; for the solution of practical
problems, such as occurred with the development of trade and
traffic, geography as it then existed offered no solutions.
As science took no interest in the problems of travellers, and particularly those of the seamen, they had to look
for their own solution to their problems. As a result of
technical progress in shipbuilding, but especially of the
introduction of the compass (which was imported from China
by the Arabs and its application perfected by the Italians)
it became possible from the thirteenth century onward to sail
directly across the sea. This had great advantages for the
increasing sea traffic, but maps on which coast lines,
islands, good harbours and shallows or reefs were clearly
marked now became essential.
Purely practical cartography probably originated among the
Scandinavians. 20 They were soon followed in the thirteenth
century by Italian and Catalan seamen. Their maps are usually
CR.ISTOFORO BUONDELM:ONTI
133
wrongly referred to as 'portolani'; this term actually referred to the port officials. The proper name is 'carte nautiche'
or 'carte portolaniche' . 21 If originally maps were only made
showing the coastline fairly exactly as a help to seamen,
soon the Genoese, Venetians and Pisans set to work to produce
very exact sea maps. 22 These were drawn fairly well to scale,
and did not cover large areas but only areas of a limited
extent. Most ships had such maps on board from the thirteenth
to fourteenth century 23 and their use is occasionally mentioned in travel accounts. Thus Niccolo da Poggibonsi writes: 'e
arrivamo a una isola che si chiama nella carta Sapienzia' . 2 ~
There were also fairly accurate maps of Greece, which were
intended exclusively for shipping in that area. They give no
information whatever about the interior; only the coastal
area is shown, with numerous names. Monuments are nowhere
marked on them; information based on literary sources will
also be looked for in vain. In this lies the great difference
between these 'empirical' maps and the usual mappae mundi. 25
When Ptolemy's Geographica became known, shortly after
1400, new paths opened up for the study of geography. The
works of the Italian geographer Cristoforo Buondelmonti,
which appeared shortly afterwards and were especially concerned with Greece, are the first in which the influence of
Ptolemy can be clearly seen.
2. Cristoforo Buondelmonti
In about ~405 the Latin translation of Ptolemy's Geographica, which had been begun by Manuel Chrysoloras~ was
completed in Florence by Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia. 6 The
work was presented to Pope Alexander V in about 1410 under
the title of Cosmographia, and for over fifty years this
edition was to exert great influence. The publication of
this work led to a sudden great interest in geography in
Florence and the surrounding area in the period from 1410~420.27 It can hardly be a coincidence that it was in
precisely these years that the geographical works of the
Florentine priest Cristoforo Buondelmonti were produced.
About Buondelmonti himself little is known. No documents
relating to him have been found in the Florentine archives.
The family records contain just as little information about
this important member of the prominent Florentine family
of the Buondelmonti. In later authors of geographical and
cartographical works Buondelmonti is not mentioned, so no
information can be obtained there. 28 In his time he cannot
134
GEOGRAPHERS
have been a particularly striking figure, for even a relation

of his from the sixteenth century, Lorenzo de Buondelmonti
(circa 1570) knew practically nothing about his ancestor.
Thus Cristoforo's long stay in Greece appears to have been
forgotten. 29 Only a few passing references in his writing
make it possible to sketch the main lines of his career.
Cristoforo seems to have been born in Florence between
1380 and 1390, as the son of Rainerio Buondelmonti. 30 He was
attached to a church in Florence as a cleric (in any case a
priest, and possibly also a monk); there is no evidence to
support Cornaro's claim that he was Archpriest of the Sancta
Maria supra Arnum, 31
In about 1414 32 Buondelmonti went to Rhodes, partly with
the intention of studying the Greek language and, using
Rhodes as a centre, to travel intensively in the region. What
his other motives were is not entirely certain; there is a
possibility that he entered the service of the Dukes of the
Archipelago; 33 but there is no clear evidence of this in his
work. Some authors claim that he went to Greece 'ad graeca
comparanda volumina' , 34 but according to others this collecting of Greek manuscripts should be regarded only as a sideline.35 All that is certain is that in 1423 he was still- or
again- in Rhodes; 36 that is the last date from which anything is known about Buondelmonti. 37
The possibility that he was still alive and witnessed
the Fall of Constantinople in 1453 cannot be ruled out, but
there is no proof of this. 38 Cristoforo's special interest in
Greece may perhaps be partly due to the fact that a branch of
his family was living in the area at that time. His aunt,
Magdalena Buondelmonti, a daughter of Manente Buondelmonti
and Lapa degli Acciajuoli, had come to the Ionian islands on
her marriage to the count palatine of Kefalenia and Zakynthos,
Leonardo I Tocco, After the death of her husband in about
1381 she continued to rule as regent, dying only in 1401. 39
Through this branch of the family Cristoforo was also related
to the bankers' family of Acciajuoli, members of which governed Athens and Thebes from 1387 onward. These relationships
with several prominent families in Greece must have stood
him in very good stead in his travels. It is not unreasonable
to assume that before his stay in Rhodes Cristoforo may already have spent some time with his relations in Zakynthos. 40
Rhodes was the base from which, from 1414 till about
1420 Buondelmonti travelled through the entire area of Greece,
His interest was not so much in the mainland, but rather in
the islands. He himself describes his mode of travel as
CRISTOFORO BUONDELMONTI
135
follows: io hora qua con pirrhati hora con mercanti et hora

con grippi et barcheto et altri legni delle Isole et hora
innanzi et hora indiretro hora in qua et hora in la secondo
che la comodita del navigare che ad me era apparechiato. Per
che lo fine del mio navigare solo era per posser investigare
la conditione et effecto delle Isole. 41
Only a few definite dates can be established from his
account of his travels. At the end of 1414 or in 1415 he was
in Crete. In 1417 he again spent 24 days travelling on horseback around that same island, and in 1418 he was in Crete
yet again. 42 He visited Imbros and Andros in 1419; 43 with
regard to the other islands he visited, and the time he spent
in Constantinople, - which was certainly not short - during
one or more visits to that city, it is not possible to give
a more accurate date than between 1414 and 1420.
Buondelmonti is the author of at least three works of
a historical and geographical-cartographical nature. The
earliest of these, the Descriptio Insulae Cretae, must have
appeared round about 1417, and was dedicated to a certain
Nicolas, probably Buondelmonti's Florentine friend Niccolo
Niccoli, 44 with whom he also kept in touch from the Archipelago. The dedication could be read by putting together the
initial letters of the different chapters: C(r)istoforus
Presbiter dat Nicolao l(ibrum) CCCCXVII. 45 The same sort of
acrostic is found in Buondelmonti's second work, the Liber
Insularum Archipelagi, that appeared a few years later
(about 1420) and was dedicated to Cardinal Giordano Orsini:
'Cristoforus Bondelmont de Florencia Presbiter nunc misit
cardinali Iordano de Ursinis MCCCCXX' is the message hidden
in the eighty-two initial letters of the chapters. 46 His
third work, entitled 'Nomina Virorum Illustrium' was composed
in 1423 in Rhodes, commissioned by Janus, the King of Cyprus.
This last work consisted of a list of famous people from the
Creation up to the end of the thirteenth century. 47 In the
first two works the emphasis is on geography and cartography.
They are accounts of his travels, but from the order in which
the material is presented it appears that Buondelmonti has
summarized the experiences of several different journeys,
making them into a literary narrative. The more or less random
nature of his travels probably made it necessary to introduce
some kind of system into the presentation of the material.
The great problem with Buondelmonti's work is the complicated way in which his writings have been passed down.
Both the works about Greece exist in several versions, partly
revised by the author himself. The original editions of both
136
GEOGRAPHERS
works have unfortunately been lost. The original of the

Descriptio Insulae Cretae, dedicated to Niccolo Niccoli
dates from 1417, but is only known from later copies. In
1422 a version of this text appeared in Constantinople which
had probably been revised by the author in person. 48 Between
1417 and 1422, a short version also appeared of Buondelmonti's description of Crete. The Descriptio has remained
relatively little known; few manuscripts exist of either of
the versions, long or short, 49 so that this document has remained somewhat hard to come by.
Relatively little is known, either, of the Liber
Insularum Archipelagi presented to Cardinal Orsini in 1420.
This work has not survived in the original; it is no longer
to be found in either the library of the prelate Orsini,
which is now incorporated into the Vatican library, or in the
Buondelmonti family library. 50 The text is preserved in
several manuscripts which have not yet been published in
full; 51 the shortened version of the book has also survived,
in the form in which it was published by Buondelmonti himself in 1422. 52 It would appear that before 1420 Buondelmonti
had already sent a summary or a preliminary description of
the islands of the Archipelago to Orsini as a gift, 53 but
this manuscript has also disappeared without trace. What we
do have is an edition of the shortened text dating back to
1428 or 1429, and one from 1430, which differ considerably on
various points from the text of 1422; 54 whether Buondelmonti
himself was responsible for this edition is not certain.
Besides the editions for which the author was mainly responsible there are also a number containing variants which cannot
be traced back to Buondelmonti himself. All this makes textual
criticism of Buondelmonti's work an exceedingly difficult
business. As a regrettable consequence there are no good
editions available of Buondelmonti's work. The existing ones
all date from the nineteenth century and are based on a
collation of only a few of the manuscripts. The text as we
have it, both of the Descriptio and of the Liber Insularum
Archipelagi, is frequently unclear and probably corrupt.
The author's Latin is of a lamentable quality. Both in the
construction of the sentences and in verb endings and cases
he makes the most remarkable mistakes. 5 5 These mistakes are
doubtless partly due to carelessness and lack of expertise
on the part of the copyists but some must also be laid at
the author's door. Buondelmonti's knowledge of Greek was not
very good either. He says himself that he went to Greece with
the intention of learning the language; 56 it is possible that
137
he had already started studying the language in Florence.

Buondelmonti's text indicates, as far as his Greek is
concerned, a mainly verbal knowledge of the language, Among
the people he found himself with on his travels across the
Archipelago and on board ships, sometimes western, sometimes
Greek, he developed a good vocabulary, but, just as with his
Latin, his knowledge of Greek grammar and syntax is rather
superficial.
In spite of all these complicating factors the work
of Cristoforo Buondelmonti is still of the greatest importance. On the one hand he continues the tradition of the time
that preceded him, while on the other hand he begins something entirely new. As a geographer he carries on in the
tradition of his predecessors, but at the same time he is
the first to apply his attention specifically to the area of
Greece, and to draw and publish maps of Crete and the Greek
islands. These maps form an integral part of his works, and
must be seen in close relation to the text. In the foreword
to the Descriptio he explains the meaning of the colours
used - black for mountains, white for the plains, green for
the water - and in the text there are occasional references
to the accompanying map, 57 Moreover, Buondelmonti does not
limit his cartographical work to Greek territory only. He
also produced maps of Northern Europe and the Baleares, 58 He
made a fairly detailed map of Crete, with the mountains,
rivers, towns and villages, castles and also ruins marked on
it. Accompanying the Liber Insularum Archipelagi was a series
of seventy-nine maps of the various islands, and one of
Constantinople, which was dealt with separately. Buondelmonti's
maps are not, of course, entirely reliable on all points, but
before criticising him for this we should bear in mind that
he carried out pioneering work, without any basis on which to
build. Maps of Greece and the islands did not exist; by
comparison with the portolani of the late middle ages Buondelmonti's already achieve a reasonably high degree of accuracy. 59
Just as the text of Buondelmonti's geographical work has
been handed down in an extremely complicated way, so too the
tradition of his maps causes problems for modern scholars,
Because the text and the maps were separated from each other
at an early stage, each part took on a life of its own, This
meant that the maps were made use of by later geographers,
and were added to, corrected, etc. 60 A separate and searching
study would be needed to unravel the whole mapmaking tradition
and to rediscover the original versions. Such a study is not
necessary, however, for our present subject,
138
GEOGRAPHERS
Buondelmonti was the first cartographer to pay special

attention to Greece, to visit the region himself and to
present the results of his travels in book form. He was not,
howeve~ entirely alone in his work; his activities can be
seen within a larger context. The idea that it was useful to
use 'modern' maps in order to have a better understanding of
ancient writers is found as far back as Petrarch, Boccaccio
wrote a geographical handbook, De montibus, fluviis etc.; in
this there was still no mention of islands, but these were
given special attention in the work De Insulis by Domenico
Silvestri 61 (late fourteenth century). We should also
mention here the influence of the Latin translation of Ptolemy's
Geographica. It is only when the work of Cristoforo Buondelmonti is seen against the background of this growing interest
in geography that his transitional position between the
middle ages and the later period really becomes clear.
Buondelmonti's work aroused interest both inside his
Florentine circle of relations and beyond it, as is seen from
the fact that within a short time it was translated into
several languages. Cyriacus of Ancona is known to have
carried a copy with him on his wanderings through Greece.
The work also formed the basis of later geographical treatises, such as the Insularium Illustratum of Heinrich Martelli
(c.1470-80), and the !solaria of the Venetian Bartolomeo da
li Sonetti (c. 1477). 62
With regard to the present study Buondelmonti is of
importance as a geographer, but even more as a traveller
with an exceptional interest in archeology. Ancient monuments
were not the main object of his journeys, but whenever the
opportunity occurred he gave them a good deal of attention
in his work. His greatest interest was not archeological as
can be seen from the places he directed his attention to.
It was not the mainland that he visited, with cities such as
Athens, Thebes, Delphi, Sparta and Olympia, famous from
classical literature, but Crete and the islands. Buondelmonti
is well aware that Constantinople does not belong in this
context; he twice excuses himself for the fact that he nevertheless includes in his work a description of the city on the
Bosporus. 63 I believe that this shows just how fascinated
Buondelmonti was by the antiquities he saw in Constantinople.
Buondelmonti shows no special preference for any particular sort of antiquities. Architectural remains, pieces of
sculpture, mosaics, stones bearing inscriptions and small
objects such as coins are all mentioned in his Descriptio
insulae Cretae, and in the Liber Insularum Archipelagi.
139
Buondelmonti's descriptions also contain, inevitably, references to a number of legends, such as were attached to certain
relics of the past. 64 His work is particulariy important from
this point of view, because it establishes that these traditions existed in Greece at the beginning of the fifteenth
century. Cristoforo does not usually say who his informants
were, but I believe that they should be sought mainly among
the Latin - Italian inhabitants of Greece. He was in regular
contact with Venetian government officials in Crete, but
also recounts how he exchanged views there with a Greek
protopapas (abbot) in Greek and Latin. 65
Buondelmonti was not lacking in critical faculty; in
certain cases he expresses definite doubts about what he has
been told. He did not believe that the grave he saw in Chios
was that of Homer, 66 and in the case of Zeus' grave and the
labyrinth on the island of Crete he has some reserves about
accepting the local tradition. 67 A number of facts are
presented with the addition of 'ut dicitur', and in such
cases he refrains from adopting any definite position.
Buondelmonti had a reasonable knowledge of ancient literature,
in so far as it was available in his time. His emphasis is
always, of course, on Latin writers, but Greek texts did not
entirely escape his attention. 68 Historical knowledge appears
to be his weak point; like all medieval authors, he lacks a
knowledge of the historical framework within which the events
he mentions took place. Names are, in fact, often known to
him, but the relationships between different facts and people
are not recognised.
Buondelmonti had a wide knowledge of mythology, which is
shown for example, in his descriptions of all sorts of
statues which he saw. After he has described a figure of
Mercury, for example, or Diana, Cybele or Pan, he follows
this with a lengthy allegorical explanation of the figure
and its attributes. Etymological explanations are found
frequently in his works; sometimes he gives extremely ingenious explanations, which are completely correct, while others
are totally nonsensical. 6 9 Here too, however, it should be
remembered that Buondelmonti lived at the beginning of the
fifteenth century, and that the etymological explanations
given by the sixteenth century hellenists were not usually
any better.
In Buondelmonti's work three regions are discussed in
detail. First he speaks at length about the island of Crete.
The island is described in both the long and the short versions
of the Descriptio, but in the Liber Insularum Crete is also
140
GEOGRAPHERS
briefly mentioned. Next he deals in his study with the many

inhabited and uninhabited islands of the Archipelago, and
finally he devotes a lengthy chapter of that work to a description of ancient monuments in Constantinople. I shall
now take a close look at these three regions of Buondelmonti's
in this order.
Crete
The most important reason for Buondelmonti's wanderings
in Crete 70 was to trace and mark on his maps the Hecatonpolis
of classical literature, the hundred cities, the existence of
which was mentioned by Vergil, among others, following Homer. 71
In Buondelmonti's day the only ones of these that survived
were the three large places of Chanea, Rethymnon and Sitia;
the capital, Candia, he regarded as an Arab settlement, and
therefore did not count it. Altogether he believes he has
found traces in the form of ancient remains about 60 places
of the Hecatonpolis. In actual fact there were considerably
fewer places, since he made the mistake of including several
72
Byzantine and Venetian settlements.
Buondelmonti divides
the island into three parts: the western part, the northern
coast and the central interior. Each of these parts is dealt
with separately. His geographical interest is revealed in the
way he mentions many mountains, hills, rivers, capes, bays
and islands. The interest he shows in nature and in the landscape is something which is comparatively new. In medieval
writing natural descriptions are hardly ever found, 73 but
Buondelmonti regularly refers to a particular region or
valley as 'amoenus' and describes the town of Rethymnon as
'pulcher'. He also points out the healthy aspects of life in
the country, where people can regularly be found who remain
fit until an extremely advanced age. 7 ~ He describes the scent
of the thyme, the presence of all kinds of trees, and plants,
the nesting of the birds, and how visitors are greeted by the
buzzing of bees. 75 Although in the long version more details
are given and there is more opportunity for the author to
give his comments, there is actually little difference in
content between the long and the short versions.
What is most striking, however, in Buondelmonti's
description of Crete, is the completely new attitude to ancient
remains. Whereas earlier authors hardly said a word about the
remains of antiquity, which were scattered about the countryside in a state of decay, Buondelmonti regularly expresses
the rather sad feeling that came over him when he came face
to face with the greatness of the past. If one looks beyond
141
the rather verbose terms in which this is expressed there

remains a very real sense of sadness for the decay and the
present desolate state of these ruins. 76
The state in which Buondelmonti found many old places
was indeed not very inspiring. Mostly the broken pieces
remained where they had once fallen, and were overgrown with
shrubs and trees, or covered over with cornfields, vineyards, and pastures where cattle grazed. Ancient walls were
put to a new use as pigstyes or barns for storing grain; and
the ruined cities also ensured a permanent supply of cheap
and perfectly usable building material.
Nowhere did Buondelmonti find any interest among the
inhabitants for any ancient remains found on their land. He
describes how his guide showed him a fine piece of mosaic,
and told him that most of the rest of it was hidden under a
nearby vineyard. The owner of the vineyard refused to allow
any further search, because that would have meant him removing
some of his vines, and that he flatly refused to do 'quia non
nobis talia necesse sunt' . 77 But Buondelmonti was not the
only person in Crete who was interested in antiquity. There
is an interesting passage in which he describes his visit to
a noble lord, Nicolaus by name, who lived on the island. This
man owned a country seat near 1\tirina; the house stood in a
delightful valley, surrounded by magnificent gardens, and
both house and garden were decorated with ancient sculpture.
An antique statue served as a fountain; heads of Marc Anthony
and Pompey were placed to the left and right, and Buondelmonti
found many other pieces of marble which had been brought to
Nicolaus' residence from other buildings. In the midst of
these ancient remains Nicolaus led a lonely existence (solus
sine heredibusl, finding joy in Latin literature and in the
works of Dante. 78
Buondelmonti's trip around the island was not entirely
without risk. As a strangely-behaved foreigner he was sometimes threatened to some extent by the local people. 79 His
wandering around the extensive ruin sites was not without
danger either. Buondelmonti describes how at the ancient city
of Minoa, near Suda, the ground slid away from under his feet,
and it was only by clinging to some bushes that he could
prevent himself from falling into an extremely deep cistern. 80
What strikes one, on reading Buondelmonti's account is
that although he lists all sorts of antique remains to be
found in Crete he does not give a
clear description of any
of them. Following the usual medieval custom he refers to
all large buildings as 'palatium'.
142
GEOGRAPHERS
He saw such ruins in Kissamos, for instance (palatium cum

multitudine columnarum), and in Chersonesos and Gortyn. This
last building he identified without more ado as the palatium
of the legendary King Minos, who was said to have lived in
Gortyn. 81 Other large buildings are referred to as 'templum',
which in a number of cases was probably correct. The god to
whom the temple was dedicated in antique times is, however,
never mentioned. Sculpture is dealt with in the same way;
statues are usually only specified as 'imagines' or 'bustae'.
Only occasionally is there any reference to a 'caput Veneris
vel Dianae quod super omnia pulcherrimum videbatur', or to
two busts near the basilica of St. Titus in Gortyn which he
refers to as 'busta apostolorum. 82 Mosaics are described as
'cum variis figuris', but what they represented is not made
clear. In the case of only two of the inscriptions he discovered does Buondelmonti take any trouble to ascertain the
complete, original text; and then he does not entirely
succeed in doing so, because of the badly weathered state of
the stone. Thus he adds to his transcription of the text at
Phenix a note to the effect that it was obtained 'per
conjecturas'. 83
Some of the monuments of antiquity, which are also regularly
referred to by later authors, are mentioned for the first
time in the work of Cristoforo Buondelmonti. In the vicinity
of Candia he saw a building that according to local legend,
was supposed to be the grave of Caiaphas; Buondelmonti
mentions this tradition, but expresses his doubts about its
truth by adding 'ut dicitur' . 84 He shows the same hesitation
with regard to the grave of Zeus on the slopes of the Jouktas.
Although he states that the inscription was obliterated and
that there was no evidence for the identification, he nevertheless accepts the tradition 'quia per totam insulam ita
provulgatum cognovi' , 85
It is interesting to note a small detail concerning the grave
of Zeus which is not in the Descriptio Insulae Cretae, but
which Buondelmonti did include in his Liber Insularum Archipelagi. In this book he briefly describes the cave and gives
it measurements, and then remarks in a down-to-earth way
that 'people thought' that although Zeus was in heaven his
body was buried here in Crete. Then he says how he found the
place where the grave was: Ptolomaeo demonstrante viam, from
which we may conclude that he had a copy of Ptolemy with him
on his wanderings.
The most interesting passage in Buondelmonti's writings
about Crete is his description of the old town of Gortyn and
143
the nearby labyrinth, which he also visited. The size of the

ruined site suggested that Gortyn had been a large town,
comparable in size with Buondelmonti's native Florence, but
without a wall around it. 86
Among the town's most striking buildings were the so-called
palatium Minois and the Basilica of St. Titus. There were
also hundreds of columns on the site, some standing, some
lying; marble slabs, pieces of sculpture and graves were
everywhere to be seen. From Gortyn Buondelmonti paid a visit
to what was then supposed in Crete to be the labyrinth of
antiquity. Here he again has doubts as to whether the
tradition is correct, and he comes to the conclusion that
the old quarry he was shown is not the famous mythological
labyrinth of Knossos. He is unable, however, to find a more
likely spot on the island, and so, reluctantly, he has to
leave the problem unsolved. 87
If anybody should want to use Buondelmonti's Descriptio
Insulae Cretae as an archeological handbook he would undoubtedly be disappointed at what it had to offer. Yet this work
is a unique document about the island of Crete, precisely
because for the first time since classical antiquity somebody has taken the trouble to survey and describe things
reminiscent of an earlier phase of culture. Thanks to
Buondelmonti's work, however vague and incomplete it may be
on some matters, we have a picture of the state of the
antiquities on this Greek island as they were at the
beginning of the fifteenth century. One is struck by the
feeling of sadness for the decay of the earlier culture
which the author experiences, something which was unusual
for the fifteenth century. Buondelmonti's book is also
important for the topography of Crete: there are some places
from antiquity of which Buondelmonti found remains but which
have now completely disappeared. Buondelmonti's greatest
importance, however, lies in his account of a number of
traditions then alive in Crete; for some of these he is our
sole source.
Buondelmonti does not allow himself to be discouraged
by the desolate state in which he found the ancient cities,
but his writing reflects what particularly interested him,
and what h.e hoped would also be followed with interest by his
readers, and in particular by his Florentine friend Niccolo
Niccoli, for whom it was specially intended.
Liber Insularum Archipelagi

Although this title refers only to the islands of the
144
GEOGRAPHERS
Archipelago in the Aegean Sea, the contents of Buondelmonti's

work in fact cover a wider field. The Ionian islands to the
west of Greece are also dealt with, and further chapters are
devoted to the peninsulas of Chalcidice (with the Athos) and
Gallipoli, and to the cities of Constantinople and Pera. In
all, seventy-five islands or groups of islands are described.
Some of these are large, densely-populated and prosperous
islands, while some are bare, uninhabited reefs rising out of
the sea. There may be some doubt as to whether Buondelmonti
actually saw for himself all the islands he describes. Some
of them he describes very fully, apparently at first hand,
but there are some others about which he has hardly anything
to say; probably he mentioned the latter only for the sake
of completeness.
He attempts to provide an etymological explanation of
the names of many of the islands, and sometimes does so with
amazing success. Because of the great differences between the
various islands Buondelmonti's work is extremely varied in
content. At one point he speaks of the arduous existence led
by monks, after visiting a small group of monks living in
solitude on a rocky peak; on another occasion he is struck
by the unfathomable depth of the harbour of Santorini. 88 The
beauty of the landscapes he saw during his travels attracts
him strongly just as it did in Crete: he speaks of the rich
vegetation of Rhodes, with its plants and trees, or the
beautiful scenery of Cos, where the song of innumerable birds
would delight even the gods. 8 9
But in the Liber Insularum Archipelagi his interest is
again particularly attracted to the memorials of antiquity.
Ancient monuments and objects, together with legends both
ancient and medieval, occupy a large part of the work.
Crete, Rhodes and Cos receive the most detailed descriptions. The chapter on Crete is actually nothing more than a
summary of Buondelmonti's work about the island which had
appeared in 1417, and to which he refers the reader for
further particulars. 90 He says that in Crete the remains of
about sixty ancient cities were still to be seen, and mentions
briefly the grave of Zeus, the ruins of the temple at
Hierapolis, the mosaic at Matalia and the extensive ruins of
Gortyn, with the nearby Labyrinth. Nothing is found in the
Liber Insularum Archipelagi of the critical attitude and the
doubts about what he had been told which appeared from time
to time in the Descriptio: Buondelmonti merely lists, without
comment, the places on the island which he considered important.
145
He devotes more attention to Rhodes, the cosmopolitan

harbour town and the base from which for many years he set
out on his travels. 91 The tradition of the Colossus is recounted at length, as is the idea, connected with it, that
Paul's Epistle to the Colossians was intended for the
Rhodians. He is struck by how small medieval Rhodes is (the
city of the Knights of the Order of St. John) in comparison
with the ancient city, the remains of which were still everywhere to be seen. In Lindus he visits the Acropolis and
mentions a special rite in which Hercules was venerated
there, at a shrine. Architectural remains in the middle of
the island make him conjecture that Rhodes was formerly
divided across the middle by a wall. It is not clear what it
was that Buondelmonti saw here; there is no further evidence
for this idea. During his walks on the island he regularly
came across 'coins bearing the portrait of Caesar'. I imagine
that this refers to Roman coins from the imperial period,
although the local coins of Rhodes from the period of the
island's autonomy (323-43 B.C.) also more or less answer to
the description. For a non-numismatist a radiate head of
Helios differs very little from an emperor's head!
Coins were not all that was regularly found in Rhodes;
Buondelmonti tells how 'not long ago', so probably during
his stay over five hundred statues of all sorts were discovered in an enclosed space. It seems to me very likely that what
was discovered was a store-room used for terracotta statues,
perhaps belonging to a temple.
Cos receives special attention because of the quantity
of marble statues and theatres which Buondelmonti still found
there, 92 Moreover, the island enjoyed a certain fame on
account of the house of Hippocrates, outside the ancient
city. Buondelmonti visited this place, and judging from his
description this house must then still have been in a fairly
good state, After explaining who Hippocrates was, Buondelmonti recounts a traditional story which he must have heard
on the island, the story of Hippocrates' daughter, who was
changed into a snake. In the form in which Buondelmonti gives
it the legend is quite incomprehensible; but if one compares
his story with the more complete version as recounted by
Mandeville and by Niccolo da Martoni, it appears that all
three authors based their stories on the same tradition. 93
By contrast with the Descriptio of Crete, in the Liber
Insularum the emphasis is not so much on architecture and
ruined cities, although on various islands ruins and architectural remains are mentioned.Buondelmonti does not refer to
146
GEOGRAPHERS
palatia, but he does speak of old temples, such as the Temple

of Apollo of Nicopolis-Actium (c.3), the temple in Cythera
where Helen was said to have been abducted, (c.9.) the shrine
of Hercules at Lindus (c.l3), a temple of Apollo on Naxos
(c.37) and a temple of Juno on Samos (c.54). Deviating from
his method in the Descriptio Buondelmonti now often manages,
by relating the ruins to his knowledge of classical literature,
to identify the god to which a particular temple was dedicated,
The only divinity he does not name is that of the temple on
Paras (c.34). One building that did not date back to antiquity
nevertheless attracts his special attention: the monastery of
Nea Moni, on Chios (c.58). He praises the 'mira structura' of
the church, but declines to go into the subject any further,
as he does not consider himself adequate to the task. He has
not lost his critical turn of mind in the Liber Insularum; he
accepts without scruple the tradition about Hippocrates' house
in Cos, but when on Chios he is shown the grave of Homer his
doubts are aroused. In spite of all his searching he is unable
to discover the truth of this identification; he therefore
decides to leave the question to later generations (ideo
posteris ad inquirendum dimittamus). 94
Sculpture receives more attention in the Liber Insularum
Archipelagi than in the Descriptio. On different islands
Buondelmonti saw innumerable statues, large and small; a few
of these are described in detail. On Cythera (c.9) he saw a
group consisting of Venus and the three Graces, and on Melos,
(c.23} a figure of Cybele. On Siphnos (c.24) there was a
statue of Pan, while on nearby Seriphos (c.25} his attention
was taken by a statue of Apollo. In the chapter about Andros
(c.28) he describes a statue of Mercury, on Samos a statue of
Juno (c.54) and on Naxos, an island famous for its wine, a
statue of Bacchus, the god of wine which still survived (c,37).
After describing the god in question and his attributes he
always adds a lengthy allegorical interpretation in which he
explains all the details. His good knowledge of mythology was
certainly a great help to him here. Even if his interpretations are extremely far-fetched and without any real foundation Buondelmonti's descriptions give a good picture of how
people regarded antique sculpture in the fifteenth century,
and what they believed its original meaning to have been.
Besides these free-standing statues, Buondelmonti also
mentions a relief carved in the rocks near Corfu, showing the
ship of Odysseus. 95 He also considers the remarkable pieces
of marble in the form of animal heads he saw on Rhodes worth.
mentioning.
147
As well as paying interested visits to ancient remains

Cristoforo also tried his hand at restoring monuments! On
Delos his attention was particularly attracted by an unusually large marble statue lying on the ground amid many other
remains near the old temple. 96 An attempt to set this enormous colossus upright again was not successful. A thousand
men were not able to do the job, even with the use of tackle
and hoisting apparatus from the ships. In the end they were
forced to abandon the attempt without achieving their aim.
Two traditions about events which are supposed to have
taken place not long before Buondelmonti's visit are worth
our attention. On the peninsula of Gallipoli Buondelmonti
noted down the story of the farmer who found a treasure of
coins as he was ploughing. 97 When he took them to the ruler
of the region, Murad I (1362-89) the latter had them carefully examined by his learned courtiers. Because they could
not establish whose portrait it was on the coins the sultan
made no claim on the treasure, and the coins were returned
to the man who found them. In a short study 98 I have already attempted to show that the contents of this treasure
consisted most probably of either Roman aurei or Byzantine
solidi. 99 In connection with this story I would like to
point out that Buondelmonti is one of the authors who portray
Sultan Murad as a good and just ruler; this sultan is traditionally known, however, as a cruel tyrant. 100 Buondelmonti's
favourable judgment of Murad fits in well, moreover, with his
opinion of the Turks; here, too, he shows admiration and
appreciation.
In the second story, which must be situated somewhere in
the vicinity of Nicomedia, a ploughing farmer is again the
main character (c. 64). In a coffin h.e found the remains of a
ruler complete with crown, sceptre and sword. When attempts
were made to remove the body from the coffin, however, it
crumbled to dust. It is difficult to assess the truth of this
traditional story. It is doubtful whether the grave was
really that of a king; yet it is by no means impossible that
in the vicinity of the old imperial residence of Nicomedia
there should be rich graves of prominent people.
Just as the Descriptio of Crete gives a good impression
of what was still to be seen on that island at the beginning
of the fifteenth century, so reading the Liber Insularum
Archipelagi gives one some idea of what still remained on the
various islands of Greece in the way of ancient remains and
old traditions. In many cases one would have been glad of
more details, but here too, it is true to say that Buondel-
148
GEOGRAPHERS
monti was the first to show any interest in the archeological

aspects of these islands.
Constantinople
Although Buondelmonti does not say so himself, it is
probable that during his travels he set foot in Constantinople
several times. This city was the centre of shipping traffic
in Greek territory. Because there were no direct connections
between many of the places, it was often necessary to travel
via this central point at which all the various means of
transport came together. Towards the end of the Liber
Insularum Archipelagi Buondelmonti devotes a very detailed
chapter to the city of Constantinople. After explaining the
name of the city he names the two emperors who had done the
most for it: its founder, Constantine, and the lawgiver and
builder, Justinian I. To the latter are attributed the construction of the Hagia Sophia, the imperial palace and the
Hippodrome. The triangular ground plan of the city and its
strong surrounding walls are also mentioned at the beginning
of the description. In describing Constantinople Buondelmonti
is often extremely precise: he gives the dimensions of
some of the buildings, and these measurements often tally
closely with the facts.
Buondelmonti pays relatively little attention to the
churches, palaces and other large buildings in the city. He
gives a number of the measurements of the Hagia Sophia,
emphasizing particularly the great height of the dome and
the depth of the cistern underneath the building. He also
says that only the square base of the dome was still standing;
all the other parts which were formerly built on to it had
now collapsed and disappeared. He does not, however, give a
description of the inside of the church; the reason he gives
is that he would not know where to begin! 101
He found the Church of the Hagii Apostoli, with the
graves of many of the emperors, in a state of ruin, and in
connection with the church near the palace, which he calls
Enea, 102 he mentions only the mosaics on the walls and the
complicated, decorative patterns of the marble floor. The
famous Mese, the pillar-lined street between the Hagia Sophia
and the old imperial palace, must still have been more or
less intact in Buondelmonti's time, but to this unique piece
of architecture he devotes only one short sentence.
He is much more interested in the innumerable cisterns
he saw in the city. He lists them, emphasizing the enormous
size of these constructions. What interested him most of all,
CRISTOFORO
BUONDEU~ONTI
149
however, were the great columns and obelisks he saw in various

places in the city. First of all he mentions the statue of
Justinian on the Augusteion; then he describes the obelisk of
Theodosius, even quoting the inscription on the pedestal,
After referring to a second pillar in the Hippodrome, a brick
obelisk dating from the fourth century, he goes on to speak
of the presence in the city of five columns which were each
more than sixty ells high, The first is the column, already
referred to, of the Augusteion; the second is the column of
the Cross, a porphyry pillar erected by Constantine on the
Forum he himself founded, and which had been surrounded in
late antiquity by four bronze horses. Buondelmonti says that
the Venetians had removed these to San Marco in Venice.
The columns on which these horses had originally stood were
still to be seen in Buondelmonti's time, round the main
pillar. The third and fourth columns were in the middle of
the city; these, the column of Arcadius on the hill of Xerolophos and that of Theodosius on the Forum Tauri, had the deeds
of these emperors depicted on them. The fifth pillar, finally,
had a group of bronze figures on top of it, consisting of an
angel with a kneeling figure which Buondelmonti says is
Constantine. This one was situated near the Church of the
Hagii Apostoli. 103
There is a most remarkable passage about the statue of
Justinian which is only found in a few of the manuscripts of
Buondelmonti's work. 104 After he has described it he adds the
following sentence: 'usque in hodiernum fuit opinio ut esset
Justinianus, sed capto ordine ascendendi ad verticem ipsius
columnae visum est scriptum in ipso homine et equo eneo esse
Theodosium.' From this one can only conclude that in Buondelmonti's day somebody had climbed the column, perhaps on the
orders of the Emperor, and there found the name of Theodosius
inscribed on the statue. Weiss believes that this passage
goes back to Buondelmonti himself; 105 this is not impossible,
but I do not wish to exclude the possibility of it having
been inserted later, 106
The Hippodrome, which he reckons to be about 690 ells
long and 124 wide, then still contained another monument
which always caught the interest of visitors. In the middle
of the race course where, instead of chariot racing, horse
racing, duels and tournaments were now held, was the threeheaded serpentine column. In this connection Buondelmonti
noted the tradition that during the games water, wine and
milk flowed from these heads. This information probably
struck him as somewhat unlikely, as he adds to it the already
150
GEOGRAPHERS
familiar 'ut dicitur'. The same 'ut dicitur' accompanies the

tradition connected with the bones of 50,000 massacred Franks
in the vicinity of the Bucoleon complex. The bones were
shown to him; but the story of the bloodbath carried out by
the Greeks apparently struck him as incredible. At the end of
his description Buondelmonti gives his opinion of the general
appearance of the city. He, too, has seen the many open
spaces inside the walls, where people now cultivated vineyards and vegetables. His impression was that the city was
sparsely populated; moreover the Greeks gave him the impression of being highly unreliable. In his opinion the city must
formerly have been magnificent, a source of wisdom and
culture; but the Constantinople of his time was in a state
of great decay. Pera, on the other side of the Golden Horn,
formed a sharp contrast to this; under the Genoese it was
then enjoying a period of great prosperity and well-being.
Buondelmonti's description of Constantinople agrees in the
main with the view of the city given by his contemporaries.
Here and there the emphasis is different, but in general they
are much the same. His own contribution is that he concentrates more on the ancient monuments than other people do,
and not on churches and monasteries full of relics; these
are subjects he hardly mentions at all. The skill and
methodical approach of the geographer-cartographer led him to
measure buildings and sometimes to make an exact note of them
in his writing. Like many other visitors to the city he was
told traditional stories connected with certain places and
monuments. He did not put much faith in the truth of these
stories; he finds it much easier to believe the man who
climbed the column of Justinian and found the name of an
emperor written there, than the word of any number of people
who called themselves guides ..
Buondelmonti's most important contribution of all, however, is his map of Constantinople. He was the first person
ever to draw a map of that city, and to mark the ancient
monuments on it. His example was to be followed in later
centuries by innumerable others.
3, Arab geographers
In Western Europe in the middle ages geography was

chiefly a theoretical science; in the Arab world of the same
period this was by no means the case, for among the Moslems
the traveller and the geographer were frequently one and the
same person. For an Arab geography was more than a mere list-
ARAB GEOGRAPHERS
151
ing of distances and routes; the climate, the scenery, and

the way of life of the inhabitants were usually also included
in the description. 107 The basis of Arabic geography was the
work of Ptolemy, which had been translated as early as the
ninth century; in western Europe the work itself was only rediscovered at a late date, and before that people simply made
do with excerpts from it in the work of Latin authors; the
Arabs constantly put into practice Ptolemy's data and corrected it in accordance with their own findings.
The religious and cultural unity of the Moslem countries
made travel in that area a comparatively pleasant undertaking.
The duty of making pilgrimages to Mecca, and to a lesser
extent the attraction of other holy places, meant that within
Moslem territory travelling took place on a large scale. The
congregation in one place of people from many different
regions led to a lively exchange of observations and ideas.
As a result, people were often well-informed even about rather
inaccessible places. 108 Apart from the religious aspect of
travelling, trade also encouraged people to travel to distant
places. Along the great caravan routes to central Asia there
was a constant stream of trade caravans in both directions,
and to these travellers could easily attach themselves. There
were all sorts of facilities available to people on their
travels: at regular distances there were caravanserais and
stopping places where people could rest or change mounts.
Moreover, the Moslem area was much safer than Europe; in the
Arab world pilgrims were inviolable - a state of affairs
never achieved in Europe. There were also good maps available,
on which were marked all sorts of details about particular
routes and regions. 109
The political unity of the Islamic area did, it is true,
disintegrate after about 1000; after this the emergence of
many small kingdoms made travel rather more difficult, but in
spite of this it still remained possible to undertake long
journeys. Arabs continued to wander between Morocco and China
and from the Balkans to the Indonesian Archipelago. Where
countries outside Moslem territories are concerned, however,
the reports of Arab geographers are considerably less reliable.
In such cases most of their information is drawn from those
literary sources that were available to them.
One of the problems one encounters in studying Arab
geographical works is the large scale plagiarism found in
them. 110 Writers would take over whole passages from the
work of a predecessor, sometimes mentioning their source,
but more often not, and include them in their own work. One
152
GEOGRAPHERS
often comes across a passage which is based upon autopsy, but

its whole context has been industriously copied from elsewhere.111 An illustration of this may be found in the work of
Aboulfeda, a geographer from Damascus (1273-1331), who in the
middle of his description of Constantinople suddenly refers
112
to 'somebody who had visited the city, and who said that ... '
It is clear that where Greece is concerned most of the
data of Arab geographers is not based on personal observation.
Constantinople is exceptional in this respect, probably
because trade also brought many Arabs to that city. Information about Athens, the Peloponnesus and the Archipelago,
however, indicate copying from old literary sources. Athens
as the former centre of philosophy, found in the work of
Ibn Hauqal, Aboulfeda and in the Hudud al-Alam, 113 can
probably be accounted for in this way. The same is true of
most of what is said about Greece in the work of the famous
Arab geographer Idrisi (c.1100-1166), who worked for a long
time at the court of Roger II of Sicily; there in about 1154 he
recorded all the facts then known about the world on a silver
map of the world in the form of a globe. 114 His description
of Athens as a densely populated city, surrounded by gardens
and fertile estates bears no relationship whatsoever to the
real state of affairs at the time. The same may be said of
his description of Sparta as a flourishing and important
city; reservaiions are perhaps also called for with respect
to the existence of various prosperous cities on Crete. His
statement that mastic is grown on Samos is incorrect; Idrisi
confused this island with Chios. 115
Descriptions of striking geographical landmarks, such
as the wall across the Isthmus and the position of Monemvasia
undoubtedly go back to reports by eye-witnesses, but not
necessarily by Idrisi himself. His accurate description of
Constantinople and of Ephesus, which was then in a state of
complete decay, suggest that Idrisi did visit this region
himself. 116 His detailed description of the many bronze
statues in the Hippodrome deserves particular attention.
The Arab authors have little of importance to say about
Greece. In actual fact it was only the capital of the Byzantine empire that attracted the attention of Arab travellers
and geographers. The fact that many of their reports about
Constantinople have never been translated and are therefore
not accessible to me, is probably no great loss, in view of
the fact that they are almost all very much alike, due to the
plagiarism mentioned above. The contents of a few works which
have been translated are probably sufficiently representative of
ARAB GEOGRAPHERS
153
them all. 117 The most detailed Arab account is that of the
world traveller Ibn Battuta. As a geographer he is unimportant;
I shall regard him, rather, as one of the few medieval
tourists. His description of the city on the Bosporus is
based largely on his own observations. 118 Ibn Battuta's work
will be considered in more detail in my chapter on 'tourists'.
As an example of an Arab geographical account of Constantinople I have chosen the mid-fifteenth century work of the
geographer Ibn al-Wardi. 119 His description is comparatively
detailed, and one may rest assured that the greater part of
what he has noted is also to be found in the work of other
Arab writers. Although al-Wardi saw nothing, or hardly anything, for himself, his work is important because it sums up
the ideas about Constantinople that were held in the Arab
world.
The strong walls and gates of the city receive special
attention. The old imperial palace is mentioned briefly, but
then al-Wardi immediately goes on to the Hippodrome, situated
next to it, with its statues of people and animals. Then
follows a short description of various large columns and
obelisks, which are referred to as 'towers'. The statue of
Justinian on horseback was attributed to Emperor Constantine
who was said to be buried at the foot of the column. Al-Wardi
makes the interesting remark that this column was so high
that the figure of the horseman was visible from a great
distance, both on land and sea. The aqueduct of Valens is
described as a bridge; its great size made it rank among the
wonders of the world, according to al-Wardi. He concludes by
remarking that there were so many statues to see in the city
that it would be impossible to describe them.
The descriptions of the Arab geographical writers offer
nothing in the way of new material. In the main their observations agree with what is already known from western and
Byzantine sources. One can, however, detect differences of
emphasis. The difference in religion leads to a completely
different approach to churches and relics, to which the
Arabs paid no attention. No special thought was given,
either, by people who had grown up in a world in which people
and animals were not portrayed, to the many statues and
reliefs. They were only struck by the amazing sight of the
Hippodrome, and the colossal statue of Justinian attracted
all eyes to it. In this, and in their admiration for the
immense walls and the city's many very high columns, accounts
from East and West again run along very similar lines.
The great difference with the West, however, is that the
154
GEOGRAPHERS
Arab geographers produced their work at a time when in

Europe there was still no question of travel. Idrisi lived
in the twelfth century, Ibn Hauqal in the tenth; in content
their writings are comparable to those of later western
authors, but at the time at which they were written nothing
of the sort existed in the West. These Arab works did not
influence western geographers. The two cultures were too far
apart, and the language formed an almost insuperable barrier;
because of this, western science was never able to derive any
benefit from the discoveries made by Arab scholars. Not until
the occupation of large areas of Arab territory in the nineteenth century did people in western Europe find out what
knowledge and wisdom had already lain hidden there for
centuries.
VIII. SCHOLARS AND STUDENTS

studies at a Greek university
In the fourteen-thirties Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini
expressed the opinion that nobody could consider himself
educated unless he had spent some time studying in Constantinople.1 This statement by a man who was deeply interested
in humanist activities is easy to understand; Constantinople
was the only place in the world where a rich collection of
manuscripts containing classical texts was available.
Yet his attitude is, for his time, a new one; for many
centuries Greek studies had been a most unusual activity
for western Europeans. It was not until the last years of
the fourteenth century, that interest in Hellas was reborn,
an interest which was closely related to the growth of
humanism in northern Italy.
From the second century B.C. onwards the study of Greek
language and culture formed a part of the normal living
pattern of the upper classes of Roman society. This may be
seen from the many Greek teachers who went to Italy; but
soon many Romans also went to be educated in Greece. Cicero,
for example, spent some time in Athens, where the greatest
number of schools of philosophy, and the most famous ones,
were to be found, and also in Rhodes. 2 Famous Church Fathers,
too, such as Hieronymus and Hilarius, also spent a long time
$tudying in the eastern part of the Roman empire. As a result of the split in the empire Greek influence on the West
declined sharply, and by the early middle ages knowledge of
Greek had practically died out in western Europe. Outside
Byzantium the only population group still using Greek was to
be found in southern Italy and Sicily; these immigrants were
few in number, however, and were too isolated to exercise any
influence outside Italy. 3
The rise of Christianity meant the end of the ancient
schools of philosophy. These remains of pagan Greek culture
closed down one after the other in rapid succession; the last
to go was the neoplatonic Academy in Athens, which was closed
in 529 on the orders of Justinian I. The teachers left
Athens, and spread all over the Greek archipelago. From now
on all scholarship was to be based upon Christianity, and
taught at Christian teaching establishments.
Constantinople became the cultural centre of the empire.
After a period of decay, the 'University of Constantinople'
156
SCHOLARS AND STUDENTS
was re-opened in about 860 under Photius. In the Magnaura

Palace geometry, astronomy and philology were henceforth to
be taught by three paid professors. 4 From that time onward
scholarship was always to occupy an important position in
Constantinople; under the Palaeologians it was to flourish
greatly. However, very few, if any, of the students, were
westerners. In the period up to the twelfth century no
facts are known for certain about west Europeans going to
study in Byzantine Greece; in the twelfth century only a
few names are known. In the past some scholars believed that
the ninth-century Irishman, John Scotus Eriugena (810877), who was renowned for his great learning, spent some
years studying in Athens. 5 Cappuyns, however, has shown that
the Johannes who studied in Athens was not John Scotus.
The mistake arose because of an incorrect interpretation of
a passage by Roger Bacon on the pseudo-Aristotelian Secreta
secretorum. 6 In fact the reference is to the Spanish-Arab reviser of the Secreta, Yuhanna Ibn-el-Batrik (d.815). His
claim that he had visited all the places where the philosophers had taught should be read metaphorically, and not as
a reference to actual travels to distant places.
The authenticity of the journeys to Asia Minor of a
number of Englishmen under King Edward the Confessor, with
the purpose of finding out more about the Seven Sleepers of
Ephesus, must also be considered doubtful (circa 1056). 7
Not until the twelfth century do we find the first
accounts of people going to study in Greece, John of
Salisbury ( mid twelfth century} spent some time in Apulia
and Calabria (Santa Severina) to learn Greek, perhaps under
the guidance of Henricus Aristippus. 8 The maxim of Adelard
of Bath (died after 1142) 9 was to find things out for himself, and not merely to accept what others had said or
written. For this reason this English scholar travelled a
great deal: in southern Italy he studied Greek philosophy,
especially Platonism; he visited Cilicia and Syria in order
to learn the Greek language, and in Spain he busied himself
with Arab learning, 10
The journeys to southern Italian and Byzantine territory
undertaken by monks from the monastery of St. Denis near
Paris, or on their behalf, should also be classed as journeys
for study purposes. In the second half of the twelfth century
there was a great interest, in that monastery, in the Greek
liturgy, and thus also in the Greek language; one of the
results of this was that people were sent to look for Greek
manuscripts - something quite unique in Europe right up to
157
the end of the fourteenth century. 11 In the thirteenth and

fourteenth centuries St. Denis stood entirely alone in
western Europe; it was the only place where the Greek
language and liturgy continued to be intensively studied.
Although the exact year is not known, it was in any case
before 1166 that Johannes Saracenus travelled to Greece on
behalf of the monks, to collect manuscripts there. In about
1167 he was followed by one of the monks from the monastery,
the Provenyal doctor Wilhelmus le Mire, who, after travelling around Greece and paying a visit to Constantinople, returned to Paris towards the end of 1167 with several codices
he had managed to obtain. 12 All that is known of these two
is that they made the journey: no details at all are known
of what happened on the way. The same may be said about the
journey to Greece of David of Dinant. This mysterious figure,
who was condemned as a heretic at a provincial council in
Paris in 1210, on account of pantheistic ideas, was a great
expert on Aristotle. Little of his work has survived, as
most of his writings were burnt after he had been condemned.
In some twelfth to thirteenth century fragments which may be
attributed to him 13 one is struck by the sentence 'cum essem
in Grecia pervenit ad manus meas liber Aristotelicus'. From
this we may conclude that David either studied in the Greek
part of southern Italy, or else in the Byzantine empire, 14
and that he worked from original texts of Aristotle.
I agree with Setton in considering it extremely doubtful whether the late twelfth-century Parisian doctor, Johannes Aegidius, ever did study in Athens. 15
More important than any of these people, however, is
John of Basingstoke, archdeacon of Leicester. 16 After studying in Oxford and Paris, this Greek and Latin scholar, the
translator of the Donatus Graecus, is believed to have
continued to extend his knowledge in Athens. 17 The name
Athenae was etymologically related by him to a-3a~LOG and in
this he believed he saw an indication of the eternal nature
of scholarship in that city. 18 The details of John of Basingstoke's stay in Athens are known to us from the Chronica
Maiora by Matthew Paris, who recounts how in Athens John was
a pupil of a certain Constantina, the daughter of the archbishop.19 Whether Constantina ever existed, and if so, who
she can have been, is a question that has occupied many
scholars. The great problem is that the visit of John of
Basingstoke to Athens cannot be dated exactly; it could have
been either before or after the Frankish conquest of 1204. I
believe a date before 1204 to be preferred as a stay in
158
Athens would have been less likely during the period of

Latin domination. If there was any scholarship at all in
Athens at that time it was Latin and western scholarship;
and for this there would be no reason to travel to Athens!
It is by no means out of the question that there should
have been a very learned woman in Athens in the twelfth
century. It was not unusual for the daughters of prominent
Byzantine families to receive good schooling; the best-known
example is that of the highly educated Byzantine princess,
Anna Comnena. A more difficult problem is that Constantina
is referred to as the daughter of the archbishop, From 1182
until after the conquest of Athens by the Franks, the
scholar Michael Choniates was metropolitan bishop of the
city. 20 In one of his many letters he states emphatically
that he had no children. 21 His predecessors who include the
well-educated Georgius Bourtzes, 22 can hardly be considered
as possibilities for chronological reasons: John died in
1252. Michael did not have an immediate Greek successor, for
two years after going into exile in 1204 he was succeeded by
a Latin archbishop, Berardus. 23 The latter, however, did not
usually live in Athens, but in the more important city of
Thebes. Perhaps the best solution to the problem of Constantina's descent is to assume that a connection was seen between
the scholarship of Michael Choniates and the knowledge of
Constantina, and that it was thus believed that there was a
father-daughter relationship between them. 2 1t
One may wonder what John's curriculum consisted of in
Athens. Mathew Paris says of Constantina that she 'omnem
trivii et quadrivii noverat difficultatem' . 25 These terms,
though quite normal in western learning, tell us little. It
is not possible to discover in how far this knowledge differed from what was taught at the universities of Oxford and
Paris.
However, separate mention is made of Constantina's
talents in quite a different field: she was able to forecast
with great accuracy earthquakes, plague epidemics, thunder
and lightning and eclipses of the sun and moon. 26 In this
field there seems to have been an old and widespread tradition
in the Byzantine empire. Several centuries earlier Liudprand
of Cremona already refers to a sort of Sybilline books in
which predictions about all sorts of future events were
written. 27 In Greece John of Basingstoke also learned about
a system of numbers unknown in western Europe; in this system
the numbers are shown by letters (the Greek system); moreover,
each number could be shown by a single letter (non-Greek). 28
159
He introduced this new discovery into western Europe, but it

did not really catch on, and was never a success. All the
information that survives about John of Basingstoke's activities in the Byzantine area point mainly in a literaryphilological direction. No trace is found there of the impression made on him by the remains of antiquity. This is all the
more surprising in view of the fact that it was just such a
man as Michael Choniates who quite deliberately drew the
attention of the Athenians of his time to the glories of
classical culture as manifested in the ancient monuments. 29
From this we can only conclude that John of Basingstoke was
not interested in such non-philological matters, for on
his return to western Europe he hardly mentioned them,
With the conquest of 1204 and the founding of the Latin
states much of the attraction of studying in Greece was lost.
In the newly formed states scholarship followed the Latin
pattern, and Greek attainments faded into the background;
Latin learning and culture were, in fact, considered superior
to Byzantine Greek. As early as 1205 Emperor Baldwin formed
the plan of founding a school in Constantinople for the
advancement of Latin learning. At his wish Pope Innocent III
sent a request on May 25 of that year to all archbishops,
bishops and prelates in France to send clergy to Greece,
equipped with breviaries and missals to establish the Catholic
faith there. 30 He also exhorted the magistri and scholares in
Paris to go out to Greece in order to reform the study of
literature there. 31 In spite of the information that the
country was rich and prosperous, and furthermore, that the
reward awaiting them was that of eternal life, hardly anybody responded to th.e appeal, and the plan was never put into
effect.
Shortly after 1204 a College de Constantinople was set
up at the University of Paris. Its purpose was to make young
Greeks acquainted with the French language and culture, and
so to bring about reconciliation between the Orthodox and the
Roman Catholic Church. This venture was not a success, as is
best illustrated by the scarcity of information about this
college, which apparently continued to exist up to the
fifteenth century. 32
Even after the re-conquest of Constantinople in 1261 the
School in that city still hardly attracted any scholars or
students from the West, although many Greeks there were
involved in work on several different branches of learning. 33
The rather unfavourable picture of the Palaeologian empire
that existed in the West, and the continued disputes about
160
the differences in religion between East and West led to such

a degree of separation that it was hardly possible for the
Byzantine - Greek area to exert any influence at all on
western learning. If scholars in western Europe did from
time to time show any interest in the Greek language and
culture, it was to the Greek territory in southern Italy and
Sicily (especially Palermo) that people went to acquire
knowledge or from where they attracted Greek speaking teachers.
For Roger Bacon, for example, who studied Greek intensively
in England in the thirteenth century, 34 southern Italy was
the best place to go for the study of Greek, because he
believed that the population there still spoke it as a living
language and they could be considered as real Greeks. 35 The
whole of his Opus Maius III is a plea for the study of Greek,
Hebrew and Arabic, He considered this knowledge necessary,
not only for Bible exegesis and the interpretation of texts,
but also for missionary activities and for trade contacts. 36
In the fourteenth century, and even in the fifteenth,
Southern Italy and Sicily continued to be the most important
places for the study of Greek. From the end of the fourteenth
century, however, both Constantinople and the Latin regions
of Greece came to attract the interest of west-European
scholars to an increasing extent. The Italian geographercartographer Cristoforo Buondelmonti spent several years on
Rhodes at the beginning of the fifteenth century (1414-20),
using it as a base for his geographical reconnaissance trips.
In Crete, too, which was under Venetian rule, western
scholars were engaged on the study of Greek manuscripts. 37
The extent of their activities was limited, however, and they
may be seen more as the exception than the rule.
The growing interest in studying in Constantinople began
in the West shortly before 1400. Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia
is regarded as the first Italian humanist to travel to
Constantinople to study Greek. This scholar, who came from
near Florence, did not allow himself to be put off by the
fact that the city was beleaguered by the Turks and could
only be reached by water; in 1395 he set off for Constantinople to learn Greek from Manuel Chrysoloras and Demetrius
Cydones. In the following year he returned to Florence,
together with his two teachers. 38 He had already acquired a
certain fundamental knowledge in Italy, with Giovanni Malpaghini;
the difference between the teacher and the pupil, however,
was that whereas Malpaghini had acquired his slight knowledge
in the south of Italy, in about 1370, his pupil chose the
place where the Greek language was best taught at that time
(1395). 39
161
Jacopo's example was followed (Aurispa, Guarino, Fiielfo)

and thus Constantinople, with the little that still remained
of the Palaeologian empire, came more and more to the notice
of western scholars. 40
This would explain the statement by Aeneas Silvius
Piccolomini. We are not concerned here with large numbers of
people, however, but with single individuals. It was hoped
that manuscripts would be found in Constantinople, and the
search was indeed regularly crowned with success. The purpose
of this activity was purely philological; the antiquities
which people hardly paid any attention to in their own
region were not regarded as anything special in Greek territory,
either. With the exception of Cyriacus of Ancona, there is no
mention of travellers or scholars who undertook a long
journey for the express purpose of visiting the antiquities
of Greece earlier than 1453.
The conclusion that can be drawn from the above outline
is necessarily an entirely negative one as far as the Greek
monuments are concerned: journeys to the Greek-Byzantine area
for the purposes of study are almost non-existent in the
middle ages. Moreover, from the few sources available it is
clear that when a western scholar does find himself on Greek
soil for one reason or another, his interest is purely
philological and literary, and that the material remains of
the ancient culture are left out of his consideration. Until
about 1400 Greece received hardly any special attention from
scholars. It was only under the influence of the Renaissance,
especially in Italy, that the cultural importance of Byzantine
Greece came to be recognized. But by then the Palaeologian
empire was involved in a serious political crisis. The fall
of Constantinople into Turkish hands meant the beginning of
the isolation of Greece, which was to last for centuries.
The Greek scholars who took refuge in western Europe, taking
with them numerous manuscripts, were received there with great
joy: 41 Greek studies could continue, even if the mother
country was long to remain inaccessible.
IX. TOURISTS
In the middle ages only very few long trips were made
for the sake of scientific interest and for the actual
pleasure of travelling. In the case of only two of the
travellers dealt with in this book it is clear that they
embarked on their journeys for these reasons. These are the
Arabs Harawi and Ibn Battuta.
In the second half of the twelfth century Aboul Hassan
Aly ibn Abou Bakr al-Harawi 1 wandered through many countries
in the Near East, southern Europe and North Africa. He came
from Mosul (Irak) and after his travels he retired to Haleb
(Aleppo) where he died in 1215. Among the Moslems Harawi was
very well known as a world traveller. It was his custom to
write his name all over the place; contemporaries report
that this name was to be found on walls in many places. 2
During his travels he visited the Byzantine empire,
where he was given a friendly reception at the court by
Emperor Manuel I (1143-80). No exact date can be given for
Harawi's stay in Constantinople; my preference is for the
period between 1160 and 1175, on the grounds of the author's
age (he died in 1215) and of the fact that notes about the
Hagia Sophia were lost shortly after 1175 3
Harawi planned to devote a lengthy work to the ancient
buildings, monuments and wonders that he had seen on his
travels. The sights of Constantinople must also have been
included among these. But this work entitled 'Book of the
wonders, the ancient monuments and the talismans', has been
lost without trace.
Many of Harawi's notes were lost while he was still on
his travels. We know that shortly after 1175 many of his
notes, including those on the Hagia Sophia, disappeared
beneath the waves when he was shipwrecked off Trapani in
Sicily. 4 On June 23 1192 some other
works fell into the
hands of the Crusaders under Richard Coeur de Lion, who
attacked the caravan in which Harawi was travelling from Cairo
to Damascus. 5
What has survived is a short work entitled in translation:
Le Livre des indications relatives a la connaissance des
lieux qui doivent etre visites en pelerinage. In this pilgrims'
guide book Harawi also devotes a few paragraphs to monuments
in Constantinople. He speaks of the size of the city, and the
many monuments, the like of which were not to be found in the
whole of Islam. The colossal columns particularly attracted
164
TOURISTS
his attention; he describes the column with the statue of

Justinian I in detail. For further details about the Hagia
Sophia, the palaces, the Golden Gate, marble and bronze
statues, including those of the Hippodrome, the columns with
reliefs and all sorts of legends he constantly refers the
reader to his lost Livre des merveilles.
Another part of Harawi's description of monuments in
Constantinople has survived because it came to be included
in 'Les monuments des pays et l'histoire des serviteurs
(de Dieu)', by the Persian geographer Zakarija ben Muhammed
ben Machmud al-Kazwini. 6 In this there is mention of a Pharos
in the Hippodrome, and a clock with a different figure coming
out of it at every hour. The Pharos would appear to refer to
one of the two obelisks in the Hippodrome, 7 but Harawi's
description is far from clear. He attibutes the Horologion
to a certain miracle worker called Blinas - a name in which
that of Apollonius of Tyana is just about recognizable. Like
Harun-ibn-Yahya, Harawi speaks of the three bronze horses in
front of the emperor's palace, which were also said to be the
work of Apollonius, and which functioned as talismans.
Ibn Battuta was born in Tanger in 1304, He came from a
family of judges (qadi) and he, too, received legal training. 8
At the age of 21 he went on his first pilgrimage to Mecca.
After that he spent about thirty years travelling around
Asia, Africa and eastern Europe. He stayed in China, Sumatra
and Ceylon, and also made a trip across the Sahara to central
Africa. During a stay at the court of Oezbeg Khan of the
Golden Horde (1312-40), the Mongol ruler, who lived in the
steppes, he was given the opportunity of visiting the city of
Constantinople. The third wife of the Khan was a Greek princess, and the Khan had given h.er leave to visit her parents;
in those familiar surroundings she would be able to give
birth to her child. 9 In about 1332 Ibn Battuta visited
Constantinople in the train of this princess. 10 The name he
calls her by is Bayaloun; her original Greek name is not
known. 11
Ibn Battuta regards the many sights of Constantinople
from the point of view of a believing Moslem. It is interesting to notice how he places the accent on different things
than the west-European authors of his time do. He says how,
accompanied by a special guide allocated to him by Emperor
Andronicus Ill (1328-41) and preceded by trumpeters, he
carried out his tour of the city. It is remarkable, however,
that in his account there is no mention of any of the much-
TOURISTS
165
described monuments such as the statue of Justinian, the

great columns, the Hippodrome and the immense cisterns. He
does pay some attention to the Hagia Sophia, although he only
saw this church from the outside; he did not feel inclined to
make the required genuflexion to the cross above the door on
the way in. 12 He knows nothing o.f Constantine and Justinian
as builders; he attributes the building of the Hagia Sophia
to Assaf ben Barkhya, the son of an aunt of Solomon.
Ibn Battuta shows great interest in the city's function
as a harbour and as a centre of commerce. He saw innumerable
ships of many different nationalities anchored in the Golden
Horn. He speaks about Astanbul and Galata, and specially
mentions the busy bazaars, where all sorts of products were
sold. His general impression of the churches and bazaars in
Constantinople and Galata, however, was that everything was
very dirty.
There is an important description of the interior of the
audience room of the Blachernae Palace, which he, as a Moslem,
was only allowed to enter by special permission. His interest
in legal matters emerges in his mention of a pavilion near the
Hagia Sophia where the judges held their sittings.
A remarkable passage tells of a conversation Ibn Battuta
had with the former emperor, Andronicus II, who after abdicating from the throne had become a monk and entered a monastery
(1328-32); this provides a date for Ibn Battuta's stay in
Constantinople.
Ibn Battuta was particularly struck by the great number
of monasteries and the presence of so many religious, both men
and women, in the city.
Concerning the topography and the study of the ancient
monuments Ibn Battuta's account offers little of importance
but the picture he gives of the general aspect of the city
and of daily life in it contains some interesting information.
He describes, for example, how the inhabitants were dressed; how
the men carried a parasol both in summer and in winter; the
women wore large turbans, while male headgear consisted of a
highy pointed hat.
When, after a month the princess still made no move to
go back to the Khan, Ibn Battuta and a number of Turks
belonging to her retinue returned across the steppes to the
Mongolian residence at Sarai. 13
That was all that Ibn Battuta saw of Byzantium. On his
other;~ journeys he visited places in Asia Minor, including
the towns of Ephesus and Pergamon. In Ephesus he mentions the
166
TOURISTS
two great basilicas, one of which, the Basilica of St. John,

was at that time used as a mosque. In Pergamon he was shown
the house of a celebrated former resident; he mentions the
name of Plato, but in this he was probably mistaken; he must
mean the philosopher and physician Galenus. In Uorocco, some
time after 1354, Ibn Battuta dictated his travelling experiences to the secretary, Ibn Juzayy, at the command of the
sultan. He appears to have spent the last years of his life
as a 'qadi' in some town or other in Morocco.
X. OTHER TRAVEL ACCOUNTS

Jean de Mandeville
In this category I would like to place the work of Jean
de Mandeville. 1 For many centuries his writing occupied a
very prominent place among medieval travel accounts. It was
regarded as the handbook for everything to do with the
countries of the Levant, and all that lay beyond in the unknown and therefore mysterious East. This admiration is
especially reflected in the large number of translations of
Mandeville's book which soon appeared, and in the numerous
manuscripts which are found in libraries spread all over
Europe. 2
In the course of the eighteenth century, and even more
in the nineteenth, this universal admiration gradually died
out. People began to read more medieval travel literature,
and to read it more critically, and to find other authors,
often important ones, besides Mandeville; comparison with
their work was less and less to Mandeville's advantage. There
were increasing doubts to the value of his information. 3 By
1888-89 Mandeville's fame is definitely at an end. Bovenschen
has produced many arguments to show that in fact the work is
no more than a compilation - and sometimes a bad one, at
that- that was circulated under a false name, 4 Bovenschen's
theory received almost immediate confi~mation; in 1889 an
English version of Mandeville's story was published, edited
by Warner, who had been even more successful in tracing
Mandeville's sources. 5 Mandeville claimed to be an English
knight from St. Albans, 6 who set out for the East by ship in
1332; there he entered the service of the sultan of Egypt who
came to hold him in great esteem on account of his great
bravery; after spending some twenty or thirty years in the
Levant he became ill with gout and in 1356 he travelled back
to Liege. All of this is pure invention. In actual fact the
author was a doctor, Jean de Bourgogne, also known as Jean
a la Barbe, who lived in Liege between 1343 and 1372, 7 He
probably wrote the work in about 1350, and it was published
between ~357 and 1371.
There is no doubt whatsoever that Mandeville never did
visit most of the countries he describes, but in the case of
his visit to Egypt and his stay at the court of the sultan
there is some uncertainty. The many details Mandeville recounts about this, for which no other source can be found,
168
OTHER TRAVEL ACCOUNTS
may be based upon autopsy although it is equally possible

that the source of these passages has been lost. 8 Even if
the part about Egypt was written from personal experience,
this is still only a small detail in the work as a whole,
and the only thing that remains for us to admire in Jean
la Barbe is his extensive reading.
Mandeville's two main sources are Wilhelm von Boldensele
and Brother Odoric of Pordenone. From Boldensele he obtained
his information about the journey to Palestine by way of
Constantinople, and the description of Egypt and the Holy
Land. Brother Odoric supplied the facts about the countries
further to the east, which he had visited on his travels to
India, Java and even China. 9 While the works of these two
authors form the basis of Mandeville's work, the whole thing
is decorated with fragments from many different writers,
including Jacques de Vitry (the Greek Orthodox church),
William of Tripoli (Islamica), Vincentius of Beauvais,
Jacques de Voragine, Marco Polo (the Far East), Haiton
(Armenia) and Johannes de Plana Carpini (Mongolia and Tartary).
A good way of making plagiarism more difficult to recognize is to write in a different language from the original:
most of Mandeville's sources had been composed in Latin; he
himself wrote in French. 10 There is no need, here, to go into
the excerpts from Boldensele's work; one point, however, is
worth our attention. The passage about the pyramid with the
inscription on it caused some problems. Mandeville talks
about the Granaria Pharaonis, and mentions the fact that
there were inscriptions on the pyramid in several different
languages, but, unlike Ludolf von Sudheim, he refrains from
reproducing the inscription. I do not wish to rule out the
possibility of there being a direct connection with the fact
that the presence of this inscription in Boldensele's work
was something extremely unusual. Simply to copy it out might
have been risky for Mandeville; it could have led to him
being unmasked as a fraud.
For the sake of completeness I shall give here a short
summary of those passages in Mandeville which relate to
Constantinople and Greece, After listing the routes to the East,
he turns his attention to Constantinople, with the Church of
Hagia Sophia and the statue of Emperor Justinian on horseback. Mandeville says that the apple had fallen out of the
Emperor's hand; according to him this was symbolic of the
loss of power and territory which the Byzantine empire had
suffered. All attempts to restore the apple to its place had
169
failed. There must be some mistake here, however, for not

only was the apple in the hand of the rider during Boldensele's visit in 1332 but it was still there almost a century
later, in 1420, What did happen was that in 1317 the cross
on the orb fell down. This may be what was behind Mandeville's
mistake. 11 This information in any case, was not taken from
Boldensele. The passage about the equestrian statue is
followed by an extremely full description of all kinds of
relics in Constantinople. The list of Greek islands is in all
probability taken from the encyclopedic work of Brunetto
Latini. 12 In the third chapter Athos is referred to, and the
fact that the top of this mountain rises above the clouds
leads to the statement that the shadow of the mountain
stretches as far as the island of Lemnos, a distance of 76
miles. There is said to be no wind at all on the top of mount
Athos; to show that this is so the story is told of some
philosophers who climbed the mountain and wrote in the sand
on the top; when they returned a year later they found the
writing still completely undisturbed. This tale may have
been borrowed from Vincentius of Beauvais, 13 with the
difference that the latter told the story about Mount Olympus.
The Historia Scholastica of Petrus Comestor also contains
this story, and this could also be Mandeville's source. 14
In chapter IV there is an interesting description of the
island of Lango (Cos). According to a medieval tradition,
the origin of which can no longer be traced, the daughter
of Hippocrates lived on this island, in the shape of a snake.
Only if a knight should dare to kiss her would she regain
her human form. Unfortunately for the person in question,
the two attempts described by Mandeville came to nothing!
Some years later the same story can be found in Niccolo da
lVIartoni, and a shortened version of it is also found in
Buondelmonti. This fairy tale apparently belonged to the
local tradition on the island. 15 The document from which
Mandeville borrowed this story has not yet been traced; so
far this is the oldest work in which the story of Hippocrates'
daughter occurs.
The description of Rhodes is extremely short. The island
had previously belonged, according to Mandeville, to the
emperor of Byzantium, and in his time was in the possession
of the Knights of the Order of St. John. The oldest name of
the island was said to be Colas, and according to Mandeville
it was to the inhabitants of this island that Paul wrote his
famous epistle to the Colossians.
170
After this Mandeville's description of Greece comes to

an end. He shows no interest at all in the antiquities in the
area. Legend and fantasy are always more important to him
than facts. As a writer Mandeville cannot be left out of this
study, but his writing has little of importance for us.
XI. LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTIC PROBLEMS

The knowledge of Greek in western Europe
It is not my intention to discuss the knowledge of and
interest in the Greek language in western Europe during the
middle ages. A detailed study of this subject has not yet
been written, but in many parts of the field much preparatory
work has alreadl been done. In this connection the names of
Bertold Altaner and Roberto Weiss, 2 in particular, should be
mentioned. All I want to do here is to call attention to a
few aspects of the subject which are related to travel and
to travellers.
The strange language and different way of writing have
always formed a hindrance to contact between the Greekspeaking population and foreign visitors. There is hardly a
single author who, in writing about his travels gives any
sign of knowing the Greek language to any extent at all. In
the majority of cases the most one can expect is a vague
knowledge of the alphabet 3 and of a few frequently-occurring
words. lt
The period up to the twelfth century

In the early middle ages the knowledge of Greek was lost
to the whole of western Europe with the exception of the south
of Italy, although here and there some interest in the language
could still be found. 5 This interest was not concerned, however, with the study of the language itself, but was always
of a utilitarian nature (theological, liturgical, medical).
The possibilities for learning the language were extremely
limited because both teachers and study material were very
hard to come by. The whole business was very much dependent
upon individuals: the death of the teacher usually meant the
end of all activity. The circle surrounding Archbishop
Theodore of Canterbury (668-93) is a good example of this.
He was a Greek, originally from Tarsus, who in his youth had
studied in Athens; 6 when he was appointed Archbishop of
Canterbury he collected around him a circle of people who
were interested in both Greek and Latin. Because there was
nobody with sufficient knowledge to succeed him, the circle
broke up soon after his death. The same fate befell the
activities of John Scotus Eriugena: he was an Irishman
living at the Frankish court in the ninth century; he was
extremely Greek-minded, as a result of which he was rather
172
LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTIC PROBLEMS
isolated. He had no pupils to continue his work, and therefore the knowledge which he had acquired with such difficulty
was completely lost again. 7
It was impossible to study on one's own, from books,
because of the absence of suitable manuals. There was no good
Greek grammar; all that was available were glossaries in two
languages, which contained short phrases or separate words in
Latin and Greek. 8 No more could be expected from these than a
rather unsystematic knowledge of a number of separate words.
It is certain that there were a number of Greeks in
Germany, and also in France, in the ninth and tenth centuries.
There were some among the monks of St. Denis, 9 and when the
Byzantine princess Theophano travelled to the north in 972
for her wedding to Otto II she also brought a number of her
compatriots with her. In the artistic field these Greeks made
their influence clearly felt; but the opportunity their
presence provided of learning Greek - either at the court or
at a few of the more important monasteries - was only taken
up by extremely few people. This lack of interest is, to some
extent, understandable. The most important factor was that
people did not have th.e strength of mind necessary to break
away from their own exclusively Latin-orientated world. There
was little need, too, to take the trouble to learn a foreign
language, since for everything that was considered important
there were Latin translations. One had the Bible, and beyond
that interest was mainly in books of a theological nature.
The treaties of the Greek Fathers, which had come to the West
in their original language, were then translated with all
speed. 10
In the middle ages anybody who took an interest in Greek
did so with an exclusively theoretical and scholastic purpose
in mind. Greek writers were read and translated, preference
being given to theological works; there was no interest at
all in Greek literature and poetry. No practical use could be
found for this study. It was unthinkable that after his
studies anybody should go off to Byzantine territory in order
to put into practice what he had learnt and to increase his
knowledge. Although in the period before the twelfth century
some knowledge of Greek did continue to exist here and there,
it appears that among precisely those groups of people who
travelled abroad in those centuries this knowledge was not
present. Because travellers to Byzantine territory -mostly
pilgrims and diplomatic envoys - were few in number, the fact
that they did not know the language caused relatively few
173
problems. Most of the difficulties occurred in the diplomatic

service. In the Curia and at the courts of western-European
sovereigns problems must have arisen regularly when documents
arrived from Byzantium without a translation attached. In the
fifth century even Pope Coelestinus I was unable to answer
a letter he received which was written in Greek, because nobody could translate it for him. In the seventh century nobody could be found to take on the job of translator, even in
Ravenna, the seat of the Byzantine exarch. 11 People often did
manage to obtain a Latin translation of the imperial documents
from the Byzantine chancelleries. 12 Papal diplomacy was
conducted entirely in Latin; even the apocrisiarii, the
envoys to the imperial court in Constantinople, only spoke
Latin; Pope Gregory the Great, an educated man who had spent
some six years in Constantinople as a nuntius, (578-84) is
known not to have spoken any Greek. 13 Greek popes in Rome,
too, were hardly able to accomplish anything because they
were surrounded by people who only spoke Latin. Anybody in
Rome who did speak Greek belonged to the small group of
immigrants and monl~:s 14 who had fled from Byzantium to Italy.
It is easy to understand why Liudprand of Cremona was chosen
by Emperor Otto I to perform various missions at the court of
the Byzantine emperor: in the south of Italy the bishop of
Cremona had managed to acquire a rather good knowledge of
15
Greek; this is demonstrated in several places in his writing.
In commercial contacts with Byzantium the lack of knowledge of the language was of very little importance, precisely because Levantines and Jews usually acted as intermediaries.
Even when their activities were taken over by the Italian
ports I do not think there were many problems, because in the
south of Italy plenty of interpreters were to be found.
There is one other group, limited in number, for whom a
knowledge of Greek was useful. Marriages are known to have
taken place from time to time, or to have been envisaged,
between western-European princesses and Greek princes. These
princesses needed to learn the Greek language, and sometimes
this happened before they went to the Byzantine empire. In
the majority of cases very little can be found about this in
the chronicles. We know that when the Bavarian Princess
Hadwiga, daughter of Count Heinrich and niece of Otto I
(tenth century), was engaged to a Byzantine prince, she had
Greek lessons at her home in Germany from some eunuchs who
were sent specially for that purpose, and as a result she
learned to speak the language fluently. In the end, however,
the marriage did not take place, and Hadwiga remained in
174
Germany and married the Duke of Swabia, In the monastery of

Sankt Gallen the monk and later abbot, Burchard II, benefitted
greatly from Hadwiga's knowledge, 16
The period from the twelfth century onward

From the twelfth century onward, when contacts between
Byzantium and the West were no longer limited to isolated
more or less chance meetings, a steady increase may be observed in the knowledge of the Greek language in westernEurope. The great difference with the preceding centuries
is that the study of the language now occurs at two entirely
different levels: as well as theoretical and literary studies
aimed only at the classical Greek authors, ther~ is an
increasingly felt need for practical knowledge of the language,
for a study of the every day speech of Byzantine Greece,
In the scholarly type of study there is a continuation,
on a much wider scale, of what had already developed in
previous centuries, Bible exegesis continues to occupy a central
position, and the study which is most preferred is that of
classical and early-Christian authors in the field of theology,
hagiography and philosophy. New areas of study such as classical mathematics and medical literature, which could be put
to some practical use, were also being explored and developed.17 This was made possible by more intensive contacts with
the Byzantine empire, where west-Europeans went to live, at
first only in the capital but later, in the thirteenth and
fourteenth century, all over the whole area, An ever-increasing number of manuscripts reached the west, thus furthering
the development of western learning. 18 Hippocrates, the celebrated physician of Cos, and his fellow-doctor Galenus, were
well-known in the West through translations of their work. 19
The writings of Aristotle also received more and more attention. Historical and literary works were still completely
ignored; only the Iliad is known in a Latin version, which
is attributed either to Homer himself(!) or to Pindar, 20
Geographical works, which could have been of great help for
travel purposes were still completely unknown; Ptolemy's
Geographica was not known in the West before the fifteenth
century, and Pausanias' description of his travels through
ancient Greece could not be used as a guide by a single one
of the travellers described in this book. 21
In the twelfth to fourteenth centuries philological
activity was concentrated in two centres: the South of
Italy and Sicily, and, far off in northern Europe, in England,
175
But the developments in England cannot be separated from those

in southern Italy; the work of people like John of Salisbury
(c. 1115-1180), Robert Grosseteste (c. 1168-1253) and Roger
Bacon (c. 1210-1292) was not only inspired by Greeks from that
area, but also actively supported by them. 22 After the death
of the driving forces behind them (Grosseteste and Bacon)
activities in England abated somewhat, but never entirely
disappeared. 23 In France, Germany and Scandinavia there was
considerably less interest and less work was being done.
Intellectuals in those places sometimes knew some Greek, but
their knowledge was very limited. The scholar Otto von
Freising (twelfth century) knew only a little Greek, but
even so he stood out clearly from his surroundings. 24 To what
extent his participation in the second Crusade contributed
to this knowledge we cannot tell.
The study of the Greek language, both in the South of
Italy and in England has been the subject of various studies
in the last few decennia. 25 This is also true of the interest
in humanism which emerged in the North of Italy in the course
of the fourteenth century. The largely unsuccessful efforts
of Petrarch to learn Greek from Barlaam of Seminara 26 as well
as Leontius Pilatus 27 activities in the field of learning
in Florence in about 1363, and those of Manuel Chrysoloras
some thirty years later, 28 have all been studied in detail.
It therefore appears sufficient to make do here with this
rapid sketch of the theoretical and literary level of scholarship, and to turn our attention to the other level of
language learning found from the twelfth century onward.
By contrast with the scholarly, theoretical studies,
in which southern Italy occupied a position of central
importance, the learning of the everyday language occurred
mainly on Byzantine Greek soil. Constantinople was very
important in this respect, but so also were Thessalonica,
Thebes, Ath.ens and the Peloponnesus.
With the increasing contact between the Byzantine
empire and western Europe, and with the growing number of
travellers, the inability to spealt the language came to be
seen more and more as a serious obstacle. In the commercial
field this problem was not yet so important. Trade with
the Byzantine empire and the Islamic states of the Levant was
by now almost entirely in the hands of the Italian seaports,
of which Venice and Genoa were foremost in importance. This
meant that in all the ports of the Levant the language of
the Venetians and Genoese was spoken and understood to some
176
extent. The other side of this coin was that these merchants
now also understood some Greek and to a lesser extent, Arabic.
This process was further stimulated by the establishment of
trading posts in each other's countries 29 to facilitate
commercial relations.
Whereas the Greek settlements in towns such as Venice,
Genoa, Bari and Ancona remained relatively small, in the
twelfth century the Latin settlements in the Byzantine empire
grew into very large communities. According to the Byzantine
writer Eustathius, in 1180 there were more than 60,000 Latins
in Constantinople. 30 The interest of these businessmen was
directed primarily towards trade; their knowledge of the
language was also mainly determined by this. In practice
what must have evolved was a sort of mixture of Greek and
Italian with some Arabic influence, such as English is spoken
nowadays in ports such as Mombasa (mixed with Swahili) and
Singapore (mixed with Malay). Not only was this knowledge
one-sided, directed towards trade and shipping terms, but in
many cases it was verbal knowledge only. We cannot tell how
far the Italian merchants knew anything about grammatical
rules, or about Greek in its written form. Sources of information about daily life in the Italian communities inside the
Byzantine empire, and also in the Islamic states, are almost
non-existent.
It is extremely interesting to be suddenly confronted
with the complaint by a certain Moses of Bergamo, a man who
enjoyed great fame as a scholar and interpreter. He expresses
regret that in a fire in the Venetian quarter of Constantinople
in 1129 - an event which is not mentioned at all in Venetian
chronicles - a number of valuable Greek manuscripts which he
had managed to acquire at great trouble and expense were all
destroyed. 31 An account of this sort remains exceptional,
however.
A number of the names by which the towns and islands
were known in medieval Greece also originated in merchant
circles. Setines is the medieval name for Athens, and the
Acropolis is never referred to by that name, but always
spoken of as the castle of Setines. 32 The word came from
33
EtG
; Istanbul, the Turkish name for Constantinople,
came into being in the same way. 34 In these words the
original name is still recognizable; this is more difficult
in the case of the medieval name for Ephesus: Altaluogo.
The etymological connection with John the Evangelist, who
had lived in Ephesus and who was known there as o OYLOG 0EOAOYOG
aanVQ6
177
had been lost. Because the various parts of the city stood
on separate hills, it was soon assumed that this name had to
do with a high place. 35 The same applies to the island of
Euboea, where it is true that the name Negropont or Negripont
is derived from Euripos, but an association was also made
with the bridge which, in the middle ages, connected this
island with the Greek mainland. 36
For the Crusaders their lack of knowledge of the
language was a great problem as they travelled through Greek
territory. Hardly any of them spoke Greek, 37 and I believe
that the impossibility of making contact was one of the
reasons for the undisciplined way in which many Crusaders
behaved towards the Greek population. Guibert of Nogent
tells how many of those taking part in the first Crusade had
to make known their faith in Christ by means of signs, and
for the rest simply had to trust in the charity of their
fellow believers. 38 Only the leaders of the Crusades, who
understood Latin, were in a more favourable position. In the
fourth Crusade the language problem was less acute, because
of the large Venetian contingent involved in the undertaking,
but even then there was hardly anybody among the French
participants who knew any Greek. Riant has described how
some of the conquerors of Constantinople, when sending off
some of the stolen relics, seriously attempted to discover
the origins of these valuable objects, and how interpreters
were sometimes brought in to help (from the Latin trade
settlements?) while sometimes people tried to learn Greek
for themselves. 3 ~ These, however, are events which are
mentioned only because of the fact that they are so unusual.
The pilgrims had the same problem as the Crusaders, but
in their case measures were taken to make things easier for
them. Because of the increasing number of pilgrimages these
journeys became more and more commercial. I have already
described how the Venetians organized a special service for
transporting pilgrims to Palestine, For the use of these
Palestine pilgrims there were small vocabularies on the
market. These vocabularies, which appear in many pilgrims'
books, are based on the things people are likely to need in
their daily life - a sort of Greek phrase book. From the
eleventh century onward we find these little lists of words
in Greek- Latin and in Greek- Italian. 40 They usually
contain only the most elementary necessities, about thirty
words, just sufficient to keep oneself alive on the journey,
to spend the night somewhere and to continue on one's way.
178
LANGUAGE ANb LINGUISTIC PROBLEMS
Similar lists soon appeared for Hebrew, 41 and later on other

languages were also added. A good example of lists of this
sort is found in the pilgrims' book by Adolf von Harff, a
nobleman from Cologne (end of the fifteenth century); this
contains a list of basic necessities in many different
languages. 42
It might perhaps be expected that the Franks who
settled down in the small Latin states after 1204 would soon
have acquired a reasonable knowledge of Greek. The little
information we have f~om such sources as have survived points,
however, in a completely different direction. As has already
been said, integration with the local Greek population was
very slow. The machinery of government was modelled on the
French, and the official language was also originally French,
although in the course of the fourteenth century this was
replaced by Italian. The Greek population was hardly involved
at all, and one may assume that only those of them who learned the language of their masters were able to exercise any
influence at all in government. 43 For the ordinary colonists
it was sufficient just to know a few words for the business
of every day. Only among the higher feudal lords and some of
the c1ergy 44 can one find a knowledge of Greek in the thirteenth century. It is very likely that the knowledge of Greek
among the nobility was stimulated by marriages with Greek
princesses. It is still evident, however, that in the
chronicles of the time - o~which the chronicle of the Morea
is the most important - a knowledge of Greek is mentioned as
something exceptional. About William of Achaea it says that
in 1259, after his defeat at Pelagonia by Michael VIII and
John Palaeologus, he spoke to his conquerors in Greek:
'li princes Guillermes, qui sages estoit et parloit anques
bien le grec ... ' . 45 William was born in the Morea, and just
a year previously had married Helena Angela Comnena of
Epirus; he was one of the few westerners to become really
integrated. 46 A second feudal lord who could at least manage
a few words of Greek, was Jean de la Roche, lord of Athens.
In 1275 he addressed his men on the eve of a battle, and to
put courage into them he pointed out that although the enemy
was made up of many people, there were but few 'real men'
among them: 'il Duca veduto senza mirar ben detto essercito
disse in greco~ poli laos oligo atropi, cioe grande essercito
e pochi Uomini'. Such a statement may indicate some acquaintance with the Greek language, but to assume, as Setton does,
on the grounds of a certain similarity to a passage from
Herodotus (Book VII, 210), that Jean de la Roche was familiar
179
with that author, seems to me to go too far. 47 The solution

suggested by Miller, too - quite unsubstantiated - that the
story is based on a proverb, seems to me excessive and
unnecessary. 48 These are simply words that any general uses
to encourage his troops in the face of superior numbers. I
do not believe, therefore, that they tell us anything much
about Jean de la Roche's knowledge of Greek literature. What
we can conclude from the great emphasis on the fact that somebody said something in Greek is that that was itself still
exceptional at that time.
Another piece of evidence points in the same direction.
Leonardo da Veroli, the chancellor of Achaia and the wealthy
owner of houses and estates, is known to have possessed a
small library. This consisted mainly of romances and medical
writings: fourteen romances, and two medical books. He also
owned one Greek book and one chronicle, 49 Here, too, we can
only draw the conclusion that the possession of such a Greek
book was considered something exceptional, that deserved to
be mentioned separately.
Mercenaries and adventurers could hardly be expected to
have any great knowledge of the country in which they found
themselves. The Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon members of the
Varangian Guard lived, both in Constantinople and elsewhere,
in their own regiments. The commanding officers may perhaps
be expected to have had some knowledge of the language of
their employers, although this will have been mainly only in
the verbal form; the rank and file probably felt very little
need to learn the language.
In diplomatic circles the very limited knowledge of
foreign languages was always a serious problem. After the
establishment of the Latin states increasing diplomatic
contacts were maintained. Especially in the religious field,
discussions between Rome and Constantinople were also on the
increase. As a result of the schism of 1054 a rift had
occurred between the Greek Orthodox and the Roman Catholic
Church. In the centuries that followed there were many negotiations afoot to restore the unity of the two Churches. As
far as possible interpreters were employed who had acquired
their knowledge of the language either in southern Italy or
in the western communities inside Greek territory. Thus in
1136, in the dispute about theological questions that took
place in Constantinople, the western delegation included
Moses of Bergamo, who had lived for a long time in the
Venetian settlement in Constantinople, and Burgundio of Pisa,
180
who had spent the greater part of his youth in the Pisan
quarter of that city. 50 In the negotiations of 1205-1207
Niccolo of Otranto played an important part as an interpreter and translator. 51 Sometimes, however, no expert
interpreters could be found, and the negotiations were then
very much delayed and disrupted because people did not understand each other's language, or interpreted it wrongly. In the
Curia there was a great lack of expert interpreters, and quite
often people felt little faith in such interpreters as there
were. 52 At the Council of Lyons (in 1274, specially devoted
to Church unity) the Greek documents could hardly be translated, and even the fact that the Greek delegation included
the megas hermeneutes, the head of the Byzantine translation
department, was not very much help in solving the problems. 53
It was in fact Constantinople's contacts with the West
that suffered most from the lack of linguistic knowledge.
Foreign envoys in Constantinople received a better welcome,
in view of the fact that there were well organized bureaux
for translation and interpretation. These were staffed mainly
by western Europeans who had stayed behind in the Levant. 54
At the court of th.e Tartars and later at that of the Turkish
sultans a good deal of attention was given to learning foreign
languages. As early as the fifteenth century the Turks already
had a Greek and a Slav chancellery; they engaged people
specially for them from western Europe, from Greek territory
and from Russia. 55
In spite of the great linguistic problems which continually cropped up in contacts with the Byzantine empire, it must
be said that in western Europe people never saw this as a
reason to increase education in foreign languages. It was
only with the missionary interests of the newly-founded
Orders of Franciscans and Dominicans that a greater professional
expertise came into being. These Orders had the advantage
that because of their settlements in Greek territory, and
also elsewhere in the Levant, they could rely more and more on
people from the region, who could take on the training of
new missionaries. The importance of this was soon recognized
by the leaders of the Church, and thus it was the missionary
aspect that lay behind the decision of the Council of Vienne
in 1312 to introduce Chairs of Greek, Hebrew, Syriac and
56
Arabic
at five universities: Paris, Bologna, Oxford, Salamanca and the university of the Papal Curia at Avignon. 57
This decision of the Council was partly put into effect, at
least in Avignon, Oxford and Paris. In about 1317 the Francis-
181
can Archbishop of Ephesus, Conrad, went to teach languages in

Avignon. 58 A start was made in England in 1320, 59 and it may
be assumed that in Paris, too, there were some teachers
functioning round about 1325. 60 There was in any case no very
great activity, as the plan as a whole did not receive a very
enthusiastic welcome in western Europe; it was therefore not
long before it was dropped. The idea continued, however, and
in the fifteenth century the question was brought up again at
the Council of Basel in 1434, and the decision of the Council
of Vienne was reiterated in full.
One result of the linguistic knowledge of the missionary
Orders was that they were called upon more and more to negotiate diplomatic relations. In the fourteenth to fifteenth
century most of the legations to Byzantium and the Levant
included Franciscans and Dominicans.
The state of the knowledge of the Greek language in
western Europe as sketched above displays a strong resemblance
to the central theme of this study, in which the attitude to
the ancient monuments in Greece is examined. In neither case
is there much direct interest at all; there is often a lack
of any reasonable factual knowledge, and those few exceptional people who stand out in contrast to the great amorphous
mass are merely separate and individual characters. We can
only conclude from this that it was not only the Greek
language, nor only the ancient monuments that failed to
interest medieval man, but that the Greek world as a whole,
its language, its religion, its history and its customs, left
visitors from elsewhere almost entirely unmoved.
PART
Il
THE MONUMENTS
INTRODUCTION
Having discussed in Part I a wide variety of travellers
to Greek territory and particularly to the capital, Constantinople, in this second part I shall concentrate on their
accounts of antique ruins and ancient traditions. The places
described and named in the travel accounts are arranged
according to their geographical position. I have attempted to
summarize in various tables the information about ancient
Greece provided by these medieval travellers. A distinction
has been made between descriptions (sometimes lengthy ones)
(o) and brief references (x); information which is not based
on personal observation has also been included under 'references'.
It seems appropriate to begin with some remarks about
these tables after which each area will be considered separately.
What strikes one first of all is that the travellers
include representatives of many different nationalities. No
particular pattern emerges here, which is not surprising,
considering that the people concerned are individuals~ who,
contrary to the custom of their times left behind an account
of their experiences on their travels in which ancient remains
sometimes play some part. On the other hand, it is not entirely
due to chance that among the early accounts (before 1200) the
Anglo-Saxons and Scandinavians occupy a comparatively important place. It may well be that these peoples, who had no
antique monuments on their own territory were therefore all
the more impressed by the remains of ancient buildings and
objects, which were totally unknown to them. The fragmentary
and heterogenous nature of the material, however, makes it
impossible to state this with certainty. The fact that a
fairly high percentage of the authors were drawn from among
the clergy can easily be explained, Mbre than any others, the
clergy had a reasonable level of general education and were
able to write. Moreover, the chief motive for travel in the
middle ages was provided by pilgrimages, in which. the clergy
played a major part. Nor should the role they played in the
Crusades be underestimated, It is interesting to note that the
account of the journey was sometimes not actually written by
the pilgrim or crusader himself, but by the chaplain who
accompanied him on the journey. 1 Moreover, the importance of
the clergy in diplomatic contacts with Byzantium has already been
184
INTRODUCTION
indicated as have the pastoral and missionary activities of

Dominicans and Franciscans in south-east Europe and Asia
Minor. 2
Accounts by middle-class writers are sometimes found, but
these are comparatively rare. 3 The nobility, on the other
hand, made a much larger contribution, mainly as crusaders or
pilgrims, and as diplomats.
The situation of the Arab writers is in part identical
to that of the western Europeans and the Russians. These
travellers are mainly drawn from among the educated administrative class; the number of clergy in this group is
much smaller.
The language in which the accounts are composed is closely connected with the social position of the authors. For the
clergy Latin was the universal language; the more educated
members of the nobility also usually expressed themselves in
this language. The reason for this was that in western Europe
the school system was based entirely upon Latin. Yet throughout the whole medieval period Latin was only known to a
limited circle of people. The development of the vernacular
which can be observed in literature in various places after
about 1100, is also reflected in the travel literature of the
time. From the twelfth century onward we see more and more
movement in travel writing towards the use of the vernacular.
The nobility also makes increasing use of this medium. On the
other hand Latin long remained current, especially in
documents presented to ecclesiastical and civil dignitaries. 4
Although one might expect that the use of the vernacular
in travel accounts would make these accessible to a wide
public this was not altogether the case. From the fact that
5
many of the accounts have survived in only one manuscript
one can only conclude that they cannot have been very widely
publicized. Only a few works are known to have acquired a
great degree of fame; Mandeville's forgery was by far the
most widely-read travel account in the middle ages.
Another fact that strikes one is that the travellers
concentrated chiefly on cities and the larger islands. By
contrast with our own time, when the flight from the large
towns to the peace and quiet of the countryside sometimes
assumes extreme forms, in the middle ages travelling consisted of moving as quickly as possible from place to place, or
from island to island. The countryside meant very little to
travellers, partly because it was sparsely populated, or even
entirely uninhabited, but most of all because everywhere it
INTRODUCTION
185
was unsafe. 6 Thus the countryside is not mentioned in medieval

travel writing. In the middle ages there is an almost total
absence of that interest in the aesthetic value of landscape
that can be found in classical antiquity 7 and that from the
Romantic period onward, particularly under the influence of
Rousseau's 'Back to nature' 8 , has again gathered strength. 9
Most of those who travelled through Greek territory made
the journey either entirely or mainly by ship. In an area
with a long and twisting coastline, with countless promontories and bays and with hundreds of islands scattered in the
sea, the ship was the most suitable means of transport, and
the fastest. Moreover, a sea voyage was usually safer than a
journey over land. It is precisely this matter of the lack of
safety on the way that is particularly emphasized by many
travellers in their accounts. The opinion which is almost unanimously expressed is that travel, throughout Europe and
beyond, was a dangerous and difficult undertaking. Dangers
threatened the traveller on every side, sometimes caused by
the forces of nature, sometimes by criminals. Yet it does
not at all appear from the accounts that travel through Greek
territory was any more dangerous or difficult than travel
anywhere else. In 905 Arethas of Caesarea was threatened by
Arab pirates and Bulgarian robbers on his journey from
Constantinople to Corinth. 10 In the letters of Michael
Choniates the fear felt for Leo Sgouros and other pirates
in the period round l200 is clearly shown. 11 In about 1232
a voyage through Greek waters was even compared to a journey
to the Acheron; 12 and in the fourteenth century Jacob of
Verona and Niccolo da Martoni also appear to be terrified
of pirates.
Foreigners were mostly viewed with suspicion in the
Byzantine empire; in several of the biographies of holy men
who went on pilgrimages to Palestine we are told how in the
Byzantine empire the pilgrim in question was arrested as a
spy and finally regained his freedom only with difficulty. 13
The measures taken against foreign merchants who had to live
in separate living areas indicate the same attempt at segregation. When, after 1204, the population of Greece started to
take on a more cosmopolitan character as a result of the
influx of western knights, the situation changed. The need
for direct contact between Greeks and foreigners no longer
existed. Because the westerners mainly sought contact with
their fellow-countrymen a form of voluntary isolation grew
up - a situation probably not regretted by either side.
The mountainous and in many places still thickly forested
186
INTRODUCTION
country 14 did not lend itself well to easy travel over land. 15
Often, moreover, there were hardly any mounts or pack-animals
available; from the many permits granted by Charles I d'Anjou
of Naples for the free export of mules and horses from Apulia
to the Morea one can only conclude that in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries there was a permanent shortage of transport.16
For the travellers themselves there were hardly any
facilities, as is sometimes stated in the travel descriptions.
Bertrandon de la Broquiere, in about 1430, makes matters
entirely clear: 'il faut porter par la Grece tout cede quoy
on a necessite par la chemin' . 17 Unlike in classical Greece,
where sufficient facilities were available for the numerous
travellers, 18 there were hardly any inns; the only lodgings
there were, were considered dirty, unreliable and expensive.
Niccolo da Martoni complains regularly about the lack of
reasonable lodgings. The fact that foreign visitors to Greek
territory so often approached fellow countrymen is closely
connected with this. In the middle ages it was one of the
duties of the clergy to provide shelter for travellers. There
was always room for many travellers in the houses of bishops
and abbots, and not only for clergy who - except 'peregrinationis necessitate compulsus' - were not supposed to frequent
inns, but for others too. 19 In the Greece of post-1204 the
Latin clergy fulfilled this task of providing hospitality. In
Athens, Corinth and Patras Niccolo da Martoni took up residence at the house of the archbishop on the grounds that
there were no inns available. 20
From the surviving sources it nowhere appears that any
hospitality on the part of the inhabitants of Greece, so renowned both in antiquity and in modern times,rendered travel
through their territory agreeable. On the contrary, Saewulf,
writing about his journey, says that he stayed either on the
sea or in deserted huts and hovels on islands, 'quia Greci
non sunt hospitales' . 21 Niccolo da Martoni was left standing
outside the closed gate of Megara at nightfall; in his search
for somewhere to lay his head for the night he eventually
finished up in a little roadside chapel: 22 I do not think that
these experiences were exceptional. The constant fear of
strangers, robbers and pirates led to a conscious isolation
from outsiders, who might constitute a danger to such possessions, often very paltry, as people had. Yet here, too, it is
true to say that the Greeks were not exceptional in this
respect; I know of no information which might suggest that the
INTRODUCTION
187
situation was much better elsewhere.

Besides the problem of accommodation, which undoubtedly
added greatly to the difficulties of travelling, it must also
be remembered that the actual destination of most of the
travellers did not lie in Byzantine territory. All they were
interested in was to get through it as quickly as possible.
Only in the case of a few travellers is there any question
of a deliberate tour of Greece and of a number of islands. 23
All these factors were responsible for the fact that most
western travellers came no further than a few places along
the coast and on some of the islands, where their boat put
in for provisions or to spend the night. This explains the
comparatively great interest in islands, such as Corfu, Crete
and Rhodes, and the fact that the regular stopping points,
Modon and Koran, on the western side of the Peloponnesus are
seldom omitted. The same applies to Russian travellers: the
majority travelled across the Black Sea to Constantinople,
and apart from that hardly set foot on Greek soil at all.
The effects of this, from the point of view of a study
of the ancient monuments, can be clearly demonstrated.
Because the interior remained largely untouched such places
as Delphi, Olympia and Sparta are nowhere mentioned or
described. What antique remains there may still have been in
those places we do not know. In the descriptions attention is
concentrated upon a limited number of places which lie on or
near the sea coast. In many cases no clear relationship with
ancient Greece can be discovered.
XII. NORTHERN GREECE
1, ThessaZonica
It is remarkable how little interest in Thessalonica is
found in the surviving accounts by travellers through Greek
territory. This is all the more extraordinary in view of the
fact that there were several reasons why the city might have
attracted their interest. After Constantinople it was the
largest city in the European part of the Byzantine empire. The
city was not difficult to get to, situated as it was on the
sea and also on the old Roman Via Egnatia. Furthermore,
Thessalonica is named in the Bible: Paul preached there in
about the year 50, and later wrote his Epistle to the
Thessalonicans. Moreover, in this city St. Demetrius was
venerated, a saint who was not only known and venerated in
the Balkans, but also in western Europe, although in the West
there were comparatively few pictures of him. 1 The scarcity
of sources suggests, however, that Thessalonica was very
little known outside Greek territory, and particular in
western Europe. 2
Only a few of the travellers discussed in this book paid
a visit to Thessalonica. From their remarks it appears to
have been a large and prosperous city with a considerable
number of inhabitants. 3 From this we may conclude that the
damage Thessalonica suffered in the various conquests including those by Saracens (904}, Normans (~~85) and
Crusaders (~204) 4 - was limited, and that recovery was swift.
The western evidence bears out what is known from Byzantine
sources: a time of great prosperity in the eighth to ninth
centuries and again at the beginning of the fourteenth
century, and in the intervening period ~lternating prosperity
and relapse. 5
The period of Latin rule in Thessalonica (~204-24) was
probably too short to leave its mark. 6 The presence of
western traders in this harbour city of northern Greece lasted longer, but this, too, left nothing to show for it, It is
certain that even before 1204 Venetians, Pisans and Genoese
regularly appeared in northern Greece to conduct trade.
Benjamin of Tudela mentions their presence in the little port
of Armiro in about ~~60, and they were also to be found in
the large harbour of Thessalonica. 7 They cannot have been
very numerous, in view of the fact that trading activities
were concentrated on Constantinople; very little is known
190
NORTHERN GREECE
about permanent trading settlements of the sort known in

Constant.inople being found in Thessalonica in the twelfth
century. Only in the last quarter of the thirteenth century
did the Venetians have their own district there and their
own church, which shows that Thessalonica was then an
important place in their trading set-up. 8 Benjamin of Tudela
estimated that there were five hundred Jews in Thessalonica,
and also remarked that they were oppressed and discriminated
against by the Greeks: the only employment open to them was
manual labour. 9 Th.ese Jewish colonies in Thessalonica went
bacl~ a long way; as early as the seventh century their
presence is specifically referred to! 10
As a religious centre Thessalonica was undoubtedly of
importance, but its importance was limited to the Balkans
and Russia, For the Bulgarians, who were Christianized from
there, Thessalonica was a sort of holy city. The grave of
Demetrius was of great importance to all Orthodox Christians,
and particularly round about the time of his feast day
(October 26) pilgrims must have streamed in from miles
around. 11 Perhaps Ignatius of Smolensk was one of them; he
describes his visit to various monasteries and churches in
the city, and also speaks of the oil which was said to flow
in miraculous fashion from the saint's grave. Of the western
travellers Schiltberger is the only one who also mentions
this. Buondelmonti makes no mention at all of Thessalonica,
which in the fourteen-twenties, precisely when he was
writing his work,was in the throes of a political crisis. 12
In 1423 government was handed over to Venice in a last
attempt to keep out the Turks. But this attempt failed, and
in 1430 the city fell into Turkish hands anyway, as a result
of the conquest by Murad II (1421-51). This fact, the recent
conquest by the Turks, is the only thing that Pero Tafur has
to impart about the city.
The travel descriptions provide no material about the
history of the city, or about the presence there of ancient
monuments. Benjamin of Tudela is the only one who mentions the
founding of the city, which he attributes to Seleucus, a
general of Alexander the Great. This is not far from the
truth: th.e city was founded in 316 B.C. by Kassander, another
of Alexander's generals, and was named after his wife
Thessalonike.
The flowering of Thessalonica round about 300 A.D. of
which the Arch of Galerius, the imperial palace and the
Church of St. George
(built as a sepulchral monument) were
STAGEIRA-ATHOS
191
the tangible remains, went completely unnoticed in medieval

descriptions. The oldest known description of the immense
Arch of Galerius dates from 1521, in the Turkish shipping
handbook of Piri Reis. 13 In the Turkish period parts of the
imperial palace were used by the governors of the city, and
after 1430 the Church of St. George
was in use as a mosque.
These edifices must have been noticed by medieval visitors to
the city, and perhaps even visited. But we can only conclude
th~t they did not make sufficient impression to warrant
written evidence of the fact.
2. Stageira - Athos
Stageira, situated near Thessalonica, is named only by
Mandeville. He recounts that Aristotle was buried in this
place, which was also his birthplace, and that he was
commemorated as a saint in an annual feast. This Christianizing of the ancient philosopher, who was so influential
in scholasticism, is quite understandable; but whether
Mandeville's statement is true cannot be judged, as we have
no other information about this.
It is not only now that Athos is difficult to get to;
in the middle ages people probably lived there in great
isolation; in the sources that have survived little can be
found about this peninsula. Mandeville's story about the
high mountain where there was no wind and no birds or animals
and where a text written in the sand could still be seen,
undisturbed, a year later, has no historical value; the same
story is told by Vincentius of Beauvais 14 about the Olympus.
It seems to me that western travellers had very little
motive for visiting the Athos, because the monasteries were
inhabited almost exclusively by Greek-Orthodox and Russian
monks. Only one community of western monks was established
for a time on the Holy Mountain. Shortly after 984 a monastery
was founded by Amalfitans near the Megale Laura. 15 This
monastery continued to exist until well into tne thirteenth
cent~ry, but very little is known of what happened there in
those centuries. 16 From this we may conclude close contact
with the west was not maintained. What is said in the travel
descriptions is thus mostly based on hearsay.
Although Clavijo's remarks are not based on personal
observation they do contain some elements of truth, such as
the fact that no female creatures were allowed on the Athos,
and that the monks did not eat meat or fish. Clavijo mentions
one large and wealthy monastery, situated two days' journey
NORTHERN GREECE
192
up the mountain; it is not clear which monastery he means,

of the nineteen large ones in existence at that time. 17 As
well as these there were dozens of smaller monasteries,
according to Clavijo, where there were also many monks
living. 18 Pero Tafur's description of the three monasteries
situated at different levels, to which people were admitted
as they grew in holiness, is not based upon personal observation, but it does give a good idea of what people in the area
thought about the monks and their way of life. There is a
valuable description of the Athos in Buondelmonti's Liber
1nsularum Archipelagi, 19 which is a eulogy, undoubtedly based
on autopsy, of the simple monastic life. Many aspects of
their life and work are dealt with, but a description of the
monasteries and their treasures and relics is not to be found
there. 2 For later travellers these treasures on the Athos
were of the greatest importance. There were no ancient
monuments at all on the peninsula, but this was more than
made up for by the contents of the libraries and treasure
chambers, including thousands of valuable manuscripts and
documents. In 1444 Cyriacus of Ancona visited some of the
monasteries on the Athos, in search of manuscripts. 21 He met
with scant success - all he found was part of Plutarch's
Moralia - but since then Athos has still not been exhausted
as a treasure chamber of ancient culture.
3. Hellespont - Gallipoli
On their way to Constantinople countless travellers
sailed through the Hellespont (generally known in the middle
ages as Brachium Sancti Georgii), but only a very few say
anything about it in their writing. Saewulf estimates the
width of the passage as no more than three bowshots. He is
the only writer to place Helen's abduction by Paris in Raclea,
on the peninsula of Gallipoli. As he sails in, Buondelmonti
sees on either side of the Hellespont countless pillars, the
remains of past dwellings. The Gallipoli region is the scene
of the story about the farmer who found a hoard of coins,
which the Sultan, Murad I allowed him to keep. 22 The Bosporus,
too, received little attention. In Constantinople Schiltberger noted down the story that this waterway was not a
natural passage, but that the Bosporus had been dug by
Alexander the Great. Some of the authors also mention
Scutari, situated on the Asiatic shore, from where one could
cross to Constantinople or Pera. 23
According to Pero Tafur it was on the Dardanelles at
OTHER PLACES ON THE
1~INLAND
193
the Tower of Vituperio that the events concerning Achilles

and Patroclus took place. This tower may be the same one that
de Lannoy locates as being in the vicinity of Gallipoli. 24
4. Other
pZace~
on the mainland
Because most of the travellers in Greek territory travelled by ship, Macedonia and Thrace were visited comparatively
seldom, and hardly written about at all.
In the Crusade chronicles, and also in the work of Mandeville, there is no more than a list of various places which
were passed, without any details of the places being given.
Only in the accounts by Schiltberger and Bertrandon de la
Broquiere can any information be found about Adrianopolis,
Trajanopolis, Serres and Aenus.
Schiltberger calls Adrianopolis a large city with 50,000
houses, doubtless a figure meant to refer to a great mass. In
1362 Adrianopolis had passed into Turkish hands, and had
become the sultan's European residence. This city, situated
on the Maritza (=Hebrus) is described by Bertrandon as prosperous and densely populated; many western merchants had their
offices there. In Trajanopolis the situation was quite different: there Bertrandon states that of the once great city at
the mouth of the Hebrus nothing was left but rubble, with a
~ew people still living in the midst of it. In that place he
mentions only one other thing: a spring or bath of 'holy'
(curative?) water. During Baldwin I's battle against the
Bulgarians in 1205 the city was laid waste, and it was never
rebuilt; in the Byzantine period it had been a flourishing
trading centre. 25
At Aenus, near Trajanopolis, Bertrandon saw an old
sepulchral monument, a small tumulus, believed by the Greeks
to be that of Polydorus, the youngest son of Priam. At the
time of the Trojan war he was sent to the Thracian king,
Polymestor, with a large amount of gold; after the fall of
Troy he was murdered by this same king for his money. 26
Because they were related in detail in the third book of the
Aeneid these events had continued to be known about since
antiquity. 27 I do not rule out the possibility that some
familiarity with Vergil's text was what made Bertrandon take
note of what was told him about the tumulus.
A similar familiarity with names from ancient mythology
may have been behind a remark by the Burgundian admiral
Walerand de Wavrin, who not only wanted to visit Troy, but
also noted that off the Black Sea coast at Mangalia there was
194
NORTHERN GREECE
a local tradition that the founding of the city went back to

the Queen of the Amazons, Penthesilea. 28 This Penthesilea
became very well known again in the middle ages because she
was thought to be one of the 'neuf preuses', the female
counterparts of the nine heroes - three pagans, three Jews
and three Christians - who were held in high esteem in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, They were depicted in
tapestries and took part in historical pageants, and were
thus widely known. 29
Serres was an important place in Macedonia. Bertrandon
places the battle between Caesar and Pompey in the vicinity
of this city, although in fact it was fought at Pharsalus in
Thessaly.
5. Ionian Islands
Little information is given about the Ionian islands in
the travel descriptions, although travellers who went by way
of the Adriatic Sea usually put in briefly at one or more of
these islands. Yet from the surviving accounts the rather
precarious history of these islands in the middle ages can,
to some extent, be followed. 30 Because the situation is not
the same for the different islands, Kefallenia - Zakynthos,
Ithaca - Leukas - Paxos and Corfu will be dealt with separately.
Kefallenia - Zakynthos
Saewulf recounts that shortly before his journey in il02,
the Norman leader, Robert Guiscard, had died on Kefallenia.
This event, which took place in 1085, is also mentioned by
Buondelmonti, although he says the death occurred on Zakynthos. 31
Shortly before 1204 the islands of Kefallenia and
Zakynthos were already governed by western rulers. 32 In 1185
they were captured from the Byzantine emperors by the Normans
from Southern Italy, and a few years later the young Matteo
Orsini from Apulia laid the foundation there for a long dynasty.
This was followed in 1357 by the Tocchi dynasty. 33 Cristoforo
Buondelmonti was related to them, one of his aunts having
married the count palatine Leonardo I Tocco. 3 ~ In ~4~4 at the
beginning of his journey, Buondelmonti spent some time with
his relations on this island. He describes Kefallenia and
Zakynthos, but does not say anything about
there.
Ithaca - Leucas - Paxos

Buondelmonti's description of Val di Compare, the old
Ithaca, is more interesting. It was a small, rocky island,
IONIAN ISLANDS
195
with a plain in the centre on which were a few houses and

some overgrowth. Buondelmonti was conscious that he was on
the island of Odysseus, for after giving a picture of the
landscape with the two high hills he follows it immediately
with the story of Odysseus. 35 Just before that, in his
description of Epirus and the Mons Phalacrus situated there,
he had mentioned a rock in the shape of a ship, which was
supposed to bear a resemblance to the ship of Odysseus. It
seems to me quite probable that he is influenced here by the
thirteenth book of the Odyssey, which recounts how Poseidon
changed the ship of the Phaeacians into a rock. 36
Buondelmonti has nothing particular to say about Leucas
and Paxos. He does say that from Leucas there was a view of
the nearby mainland, where one could still make out the remains of a temple of Apollo at Nicopolis - Actium amidst the
37
ruins of the city.
Corfu
The greatest interest is shown, in th.e travel accounts,
in Corfu. Benjamin of Tudela describes how the influence of
the king of Sicily stretched as far as Corfu, where there was
only one single Jewish wool-dyer living. He is probably
referring to the fact that until ~149 Corfu had been a part
of the Norman empire of Southern Italy. The number of Jews,
incidentally, increased greatly after the twelfth century; in
1431 Mariano da Siena saw 'molti Giuderi' there.
Niccolo da Martoni visited the island in 1395, shortly
after a change of rule, He says that the area formerly belonged to the Angevin empire of Naples, but that in his time the
Venetians were in possession of the island. They had only
recently established their authority there, for after the
Angevin rule 38 they had not obtained the island, which was so
favourably situated for shipping, until 1386. Until the downfall of Venice in 1798 (Napoleon!) the island of Corfu was to
remain an important key-point for the Venetians.
The city of Corfu was fairly large, according to Niccolo
da Martoni; moreover, in a borgo, an extension built out
beyond the walls, there were numerous shops and inns. The
streets, however, were everywhere narrow and dirty, and most
of the houses looked rather dilapidated. 39 Niccolo emphasizes
the importance of the two harbours, which were protected by
forts placed on the top of two steep hills. The same information is found in the account by Bertrandon de la Broquiere,
XIII. CENTRAL GREECE
1. Athens
"Attika blieb beinahe vierhundert Jahre lang eine
menschenleere Wliste. Die Gebaude der Stadt (Athen) fielen
grossenteils zusammen, aus den Strassen wuchsen Baume, und
die ganze Stadt wurde zuletzt ein Wald, ein Dickicht von
Oelbaumen". This is how, in 1835, Jacob Fallmerayer described the state the city of Athens was in in the sixth to the
tenth century. 1 This view was based on data which he found
in a chronicle of the monks of the Anargyri monastery. Under
pressure from the Slav invaders in Greece the Athenians were
said to have retreated in the sixth century to Salamis. Their
city was deserted and fell into decay; a great fire in 746
had completed the destruction. In these centuries, it was
said, only the Acropolis was inhabited by a small group of
people. 2
Fallmerayer's view was an exaggerated one, and the
chronicle on which his opinion was based appeared upon
further inspection to be a forgery. 3 Athens never did remain
uninhabited for four hundred years, although all the evidence
which has since become available does suggest that the Athens
of the middle ages was small, poor and thinly populated.
The city which in classical antiquity had been a much
frequented cultural centre 4 had degenerated in the middle
ages into a small, poverty-stricken settlement against the
northern slope of the Acropolis. The stream of tourists,
students and wealthy patrons 5 to which Athens owed much of
her wealth had come to a halt. The exact point at which the
decay set in cannot be established with certainty. It is in
any case certain that in 267, when the city was captured and
plundered by the Heruli, considerable damage took place, 6
The schools of philosophy still continued, however, to
attract large numbers of foreigners. Judging by the slight
expansion of the city during the fourth and fifth centuries
there must have been some degree of recovery; 7 fortunately
the attack by Alarik and his Goths in 395-6 passed the city
8
by.
But it could no longer be said to be enjoying a real
time of prosperity: the passage about Attica and Athens in
the Expositio totius mundi et gentium, 9 as well as a few
lines from the letters of Synesius, Bishop of Cyrene 10
(about 400), offer proof of this.
For the city of Athens the closure of the pagan schools
198
CENTRAL GREECE
of philosophy in 529 resulted in the loss of all foreign

contacts. On the local level Athens continued to have some
importance both as a fortress - because of the Acropolis,
which was a difficult site to capture - and as an ecclesiastical centre. 11 The cathedral church on the Acropolis (the
Parthenon) must have occupied a position of importance,
although no evidence of this has survived, In regional
government, however, Athens played no part at all: in the
Byzantine period the seat of government of the thema Hellas
was at Thebes, and the strategus (governor) also took up
residence in that city.
In the Byzantine sources Athens is named only occasionally prior to 1204: Constans II visited the city in 662 on
his journey to the south of Italy. 12 It was the birth-place
of the Empress Irene (circa 800) and it also served as a
place of banishment for such members of her family as she
did not wish to remain in Constantinople, 13 a function which
.was shared with Cherson on the Crimea and several places in
Cyprus. The victory feast that Emperor Basil II held on the
Acropolis in 1018-~9 to celebrate his victory over the
Bulgarians 14 must have been a great event for the inhabitants
of the little Attican provincial town. I do not rule out the
possibility that it was precisely because the famous cathedral
church was situated there that Athens was the place which was
chosen.
During the sixth and seventh centuries the Slav invasions
of Attica can certainly not have passed by unnoticed, The
surrounding countryside suffered the most damage; the Acropolis, however, was not captured, At a later date the Arabs
from Crete also formed a constant threat. Kampouroglos is of
the opinion that perhaps in 943, but probably even as early
as 896-902, the city was invaded by Arab pirates roaming far
from their base. 15 The Norman invasion of 1146, from which
Thebes and Corinth suffered so heavily, probably passed Athens
by, perhaps because the city was so unimportant and could not
provide much in the way of loot. 16
In Arab sources Athens is mentioned several times in the
period from the ninth to the twelfth century. The ancient fame
of the schools of philosophy appears to have penetrated to
the Arab world: both the Persian geographical treaty HudUd
al-'Alam (982) and the work of the geographer Ibn Hauqal
(circa 970) contain a reference to ancient times when Athens
was the centre of Greek philosophy and the repository of the
culture of Hellas. Such purely literary data is quite useless
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as a description of medieval Athens; the same is true of the

passage devoted to Athens by the geographer Idrisi in his
work, which appeared in about the middle of the twelfth
century. Idrisi writes that the city was densely populated and
surrounded by gardens and fertile fields. This seems to me to
be a description of Athens in ancient times, when the city was
rich and prosperous, for the picture evoked by such few contemporary sources as there are is a totally different one.
In the accounts of western travellers of pre-1204 Athens
is of no importance at all. Benjamin of Tudela did not visit
the city on his wanderings through Greece, by contrast with
places such as Thebes, Patras and Corinth which he did visit.
The only evidence about Athens consists of one line in the
travel account of the Anglo-Saxon pilgrim Saewulf. 17 In 1102
he travelled through Greece, partly by ship, partly on foot
or on a donkey. He visited Patras and Corinth (August 9) and
from there travelled overland to Negropontum (August 23). The
remark that Athens was two days' journey from Corinth does not
make it clear whether Saewulf visited that city or not. The
amount of time between the August 9 and August 23 does not,
however, rule out a visit to Athens. From Negropontum Saewulf
continued his journey across the Archipelago by way of Rhodes
and Cyprus to Palestine.~ 8 His story is interesting because
a large number of places and islands are mentioned, which the
author often connects with the Bible and with various apostles
and saints. About Athens he has only two things of interest to
say: that was where St. Dionysius 19 had lived and had been
converted by St. Paul and there was also a church of St. Mary
in which a lamp always burned without ever running out of oil.
Nothing more is said about the city, its glorious past
or its cathedral (Parthenon). Only the legend of the everburning lamp, which he could have heard on the way or in the
c~ty itself, is mentioned by him as being of any importance.
Such tales about lamps which. went on burning 'eternally'
were not unusual in medieval Greece. In the fifteenth century
the German pilgrim Felix Faber mentioned a similar phenomenon
in a church dedicated to Mary on the coast of Epirus; 20 in
churches and palaces in Constantinople there is sometimes a
glow or light effect which lights up the whole building at
night. 21 The stories about this glowing effect (usually
caused by the afterglow of some semi-precious stone) generally originate, like those about ever-burning lamps, in
classical antiquity. 22 They occur several times in classical
literature: in a piece of writing about precious stones,
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CENTRAL GREECE
ascribed to Orpheus, ~L&Lxa 23 it is said tha~ the lychnic

(carbuncle) has the property of glowing in the dark, and
passages in Aelianus 24 and Psellus 25 also deal with this
subject. Nor were 'eternally-burning' lamps unknown in
26
antiquity. In his Scholica graecarum glossarum
Martinus
of Laon refers to 'candelabrum illud Theodosianum', a lamp
which, thanks to an ingenious device, could burn for a long
time without needing attention. What lay behind this information may have been a passage in the Historia ecclesiastica
by Sozomenus. 27 Although 'illud' refers to something that is
generally known, no such allusions or references are to be
found in the work of other authors.
Saewulf is not the only traveller to mention this light
phenomenon in Athens; several centuries later Niccolo da
Martoni was to see a shining patch on one of the walls of the
Parthenon, which he explained as being the place where a
saint had been buried behind the wall. 28 We shall probably
never know exactly what it was that Saewulf and Niccolo da
Martoni saw. Perhaps it was one of the two windows noticed
by Galland and Spon in the seventeenth century, which had
been shut off by means of thin slabs of Cappadocian marble:
daylight shone through them into the church as a pale pink
glow. 29 Saewulf's account is typical of the mentality of the
majority of medieval travellers: now and again their attention
was caught for a moment by some small and insignificant
detail, but the greater whole they passed by without comment.
While hardly any data has survived about events in
Athens in the early middle ages, the situation in the last
years preceding the Frankish conquest is fairly well documented. The letters of the learned Archbishop Michael Choniates 30
provide innumerable details about the state of affairs in the
city. Again and again Michael stood up for his Athenians,
attempting to protect them against extortion, excessive taxes,
pirates, the billeting of troops, etc. It is not surprising
that after his death Michael was regarded as a saint by the
local population. 31 On the other hand the inhabitants of
Athens had difficulty in understanding this man who, the
very first time he addressed them, in 1182, 32 compared them
to the Athenians of old and praised their city for its
former glories. The simple purpura fishers and soap producers
had enough difficulty in providing for their everyday needs;
the Attican soil was too bare and rocky for crops or cattle;
and other, more lucrative activities, such as the silk
industry in Patras, Corinth and Thebes, were non-existent in
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201
Athens. 33 The praise of the new Archbishop for the glory of

ancient Athens was then, for them ~n OUVETa. The Athenians of
Michael's time lived in the midst of the monuments of
antiquity, but these meant nothing to them; on the Agora
cattle grazed among the ruins. 34 Michael himself was one of
the few people in the city who was concerned with cultural
and intellectual activities. Besides his many archiepiscopal
duties 35 he also studied, copied manuscripts and built up a
private library. There are indications that during this
period manuscripts again came to be copied in Athens. 36 In
view of Michael's activities we cannot rule out the possibility that John of Basingstoke did indeed study in Athens in
the last years of the twelfth century, even though the legend
about the learned young woman, Constantina, continues to pose
many problems. 37 After 1204 Michael's care of Athens came to
an enforced end. Soon after he had successfully repulsed an
attack by the Greek pirate Leo Sgouros he had to relinquish
the city to the Frankish knights of the Fourth Crusade. Without offering any resistance - Michael realized that this
would not help anyway - he handed the city over to Bonifatius
of Montferrat and went into exile in Keos, where he died in
about 1222. Othon de la Roche from Burgundy became the new
Frankish lord of the Acropolis, and Michael was succeeded by
the Latin Archbishop Berardus. 38 During the taking of the
city the Parthenon was plundered, but remained outwardly undamaged. Michael's carefully accumulated library was dispersed; in later years, however, he was able to buy back some
part of it. 39
The Frankish conquest again shows how unimportant Athens
was at that time. When the conquered territory was divided
between the Crusaders and the Venetians Athens did not fall
into Venetian hands, even though the city of the Doges claimed
as many as possible of the good harbours and the places which
were important for trade (Patras, Modon, Ionian islands,
Negropontum, Aegina, etc.) Moreover, Athens was given in fee
to Othon de la Roche, a little-known and unimportant nobleman.
The fact that soon after 1209 the Latin clerus had to be
compelled to minister in person in the Parthenon and the
other churches, and to live in Athens, shows just how unattractive living in that city must have been, Even the archbishop moved, after a short time, to Negropontum! 40
The conquest of Athens undoubtedly made the city better
known in the west of Europe, but there is no trace of any
special interest; a strange situation now grew up, in which
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two totally different views of the city of Athens came to

exist side by side. The most widespread, which was already
in existence before 1204, among the Arabs as well, is based
upon Ziterary data in the Bible and in the work of classical
authors; according to this view Athens is an important city
with a glorious past. It is, moreover, the city where St.
Paul conducted his famous argument about the unknown god. 41
In a letter to Berardus in 1209, Pope Innocent III speaks
of the fame of the city in the field of philosophy and
literature. This is the element which is also emphasized in
the descriptions by Wilhelm von Boldensele and Ludolf von
Sudheim: Athens is the 'mater philosophiae', the city where
once the 'studium graecorum' flourished. This view was longlived: it is still found in the fifteenth century in several
Catalan texts. 42 The Arab author Aboulfeda (circa 1300) also
expressed this view. This literary-based idea, which spread
through large parts of Europe and of the Arab world, was,
however, completely removed from the reality of the situation in which the city of Athens led an inconspicious existence under a succession of Burgundian nobles, Catalan
mercenaries and Florentine dukes. The true state of affairs
did not penetrate very far: Ludolf makes some passing reference to it in his travel account, when he writes that the
city is 'nunc quasi deserta'. It appears, however, that he
did not go there himself. The same applies to the passage in
the writing of the French pilgrim d'Anglure, who, in 1395,
said of Athens: 'A environ xx miles pres fut jadis la noble
cite de Athenes qui est a present toute destruicte, et siet
en la Moree' . 43 This remark, which was not based upon personal observation, was not correct, as appears from the detailed
report left by the Italian notary Niccolo da Martoni of his
visit to Athens in the same year. The latter speaks of ruins,
remains of great buildings, pillars and statues. Some of the
ancient structures were still in good condition at the time
of his visit, however, such as the cathedral on the Acropolis
and the ducal palace that was built into the Propylaea. The
description by Niccolo da Martoni gives an impression of a
far from flourishing city, full of ruins; his wanderings did
not take him through the whole of the city, but did include
the most important places. This description, the first to
be written in the middle ages about a visit to Athens by a
western European, shows clearly the destruction to which the
ancient buildings of Athens had already been exposed for many
centuries. This deterioration had begun in late antiquity:
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203
in the early years of the fifth century Theodosius II had innumerable works of art and valuable building materials transported to Constantinople. His example was followed a century
later by Justinian I: Athens provided material too, for the
construction of the Hagia Sophia. 44 Moreover, all sorts of reminders of pagan cults were diligently destroyed by the
Christians. In this period the great statue of Athena Promachos
disappeared, and other ancient statues were also removed;
their places were often taken by statues of saints. 45 The
raids by Genoese mentioned by Ludolf von Sudheim completed the
picture of demolition and plunder. Only such ancient monuments
as had acquired a new function in the Christian religion,
like the Parthenon and Theseion, which were converted into
churches, were thereby saved from destruction. 46 Many small
new churches were built, perhaps with the use of plundered
materials. 47 Other ancient monuments, which were not Christianized, fell further and further into decay as the years
went by. Of the Olympieion nothing was left by the end of
the fourteenth century but about twenty columns (of the 366:),
the Stoa of Attalus had disappeared, the Agora was apparently
full of innumerable ancient remains and the antique gates
and cemeteries (Dipylon, for example) were, by then buried
deep under the sand.
The impression that the city was in complete ruins
continued, however, for a long time in western Europe. In
about 1485 the Belgian traveller Josse van Ghistele passed
the city by because there was said to be nothing to see
there but ruins, and he was not alone in this belief. 48 Even
in the sixteenth century this idea still continued. 49
A Word remains to be said about the western rulers in
Athens. Just as the local population displayed little interest
in the glorious past, and the city of Athens exerted no
attraction for people travelling through Greek territory,
so, too, the rulers, originating from France, Spain and Italy,
showed no particular interest in the city's centuries - old
past. Othon de la Roche naturally installed himself in the
safest and most comfortable place, in the palace at the entrance to the Acropolis. There in 1209, he received the Latin
Emperor Henry when the latter paid a two-day visit to the
city in the course of a round of visits to his various
vassals. Together they attended a service of thanksgiving
in the cathedral, the Parthenon, but apart from the mere
mention of this fact nothing more is said by the chronicler,
Henri de Valenciennes. 50
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CENTRAL GREECE
Othon de la Roche used as a counterseal of his family

seal an antique Greek gem, portraying three putti with a
large dog; to my mind this fact should not be seen as the
expression of a preference for antique objects. Miller believes Othon to have acquired this seal stone during the
plundering of Constantinople, or to have bought the stone in
Thebes. 51 I prefer not to rule out the possibility of the
stone having been found in Athens. It is certain that Othon
found the scene portrayed on it attractive; whether, however,
he was aware of the age and origin of his seal stone, I
leave to doubt. Apart from the fact that one of Othon's relations, Nicolas de la Roche, canon of Athens, erected a
stone construction on the top of one of the columns of the
Olympieion, to which to retreat as a hermit, 52 no further
information can be found about the city at the time of the
Burgundian rulers. In archives or other sources there is no
information available about this period in the history of
Athens, the Greek population or the Greek monuments. Rubi6
y Lluch once said, in this connection, that it was just as
if the Greeks had been completely banned from the history
of their own country. 53
In 1311 the battle of the Cephisus freed Athens from
Burgundian rule and brought the city into the hands of the
Catalan Company. Spanish rule was to last until 1388, and,
by comparison with the Burgundian one which
preceded it and the Florentine one which followed, this
period of Athenian history is comparatively well-known. As a
result of indefatigable activity on the part of the Spanish
scholar Rubi6 y Lluch a great deal of material about Catalan
Greece which has been preserved in the archives of the Crown
of Aragon has come to light. 54 As a result a great deal has
come to be known about the political, religious, social and
55
economic life of fourteenth-century Athens.
In particular
Rubi6 y Lluch has tried to show that the Catalans were not
only notorious pirates, but that inland government functioned
reasonably well in the Catalan period, 56 Nowhere, however, is
anything said in the Catalan documents about the monuments
which had come down from antiquity. Only those of the ancient
edifices that had obtained a new function in the Burgundian
period - and sometimes even as early as the Byzantine period are occasionally mentioned, The Catalan governors resided in
the Palau, the palace that was incorporated into the Propylaea.
The old picture gallery was used by them as the Cappella de
San Bartomeu, 57 and the Parthenon was known to the Catalans
ATHENS
205
as the Seu de Santa Maria de Cetines. This monumental old

building did undoubtedly attract attention, but not as a
monument that at that time already had behind it a history
of some 1750 years. Interest was directed towards quite
different matters, as is illustrated by a le~ter from Queen
Sibilia of Aragon to the Archbishop of Athens, Antoni
Ballester. 58 In this she mentions 'els miracles y piadoses
tradicions, la riquesa de mosaichs y vasos sagrats, les
reliquies dels sants' and asks Ballester to send her some
relics from among the treasures of the church of Santa
Maria de Cetines. 59
Athens was not, however, of great importance to the
Catalans, as can be seen from the fact that in the great
60
Catalan atlas of 1375 the city is not even mentioned.
Just as Burgundian feudal lords had done, so the
Catalans also attempted to preserve their western way of
life in Greece as far as possible. The contacts between
the small Catalan upper class 61 and the local population
thus remained few and non-committal although it cannot be
denied that a few reasonably educated Greeks were employed
by the government in administrative posts, 62 The gulf
caused by the difference in languages, religion and culture
was, however, seldom bridged, From the Greek side little
influence can, then, have been exerted upon the Spanish
rulers. As a result existing local traditions hardly spread
at all beyond the Greek community.
Not only were the contacts of the Catalans with the
local population very limited, but relationships with other
western rulers who had settled in Greece seem not to have
been very intensive. The Catalans' reputation as pirates and
their behaviour in the first years after they had established
themselves in Attica undoubtedly contributed to this isolation.
Against this background it is easier to see why Ludolf von
Sudheim gave Athens a wide berth, and why in 1366 Amadeus VI
of Savoy sailed past the coast of Attica but did not put in
to land at Piraeus. The picture Ludolf gives of Athens is one
of decay, plunder and destruction. In the mid-fourteenth
century that view of the city was the one that was propagated,
and nobody felt any inclination to go and test it against
reality!
Right at the end of the Catalan rule some interest arose
at court for the far off Greek possessions. In about 1380
Pedro IV el Ceremonioso expressed praise of the Acropolis,
and in 1387 Juan I conceived the plan of visiting his Greek
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territory. 63 This did not lead, however, to any deeper

interest, for on May 2 1388, after a siege of many months,
the Acropolis fell into the hands of the Florentine Nerio I
Acciajuoli. 64
With the arrival of the Acciajuoli as lords of Athens
the city entered upon a period of renewed life. Innumerable
buildings that had fallen into decay were rebuilt and
embellished, and gradually Athens began to win back her
influence over Thebes. One new development was that the
local Greek population were involved more and more by the
Florentines in the government of their city. 65 Undoubtedly
it was the political insight of the Acciajuoli rulers that
led them to take this step. The population of westerners
was after all too small, and the city was threatened from
several different sides. Harmonious co-operation between
Greeks and Latins was therefore a matter of necessity. The
groups of marauding Turks mentioned by Niccolo da Martoni
in 1395 soon joined forces with each other; in about 1397
the lower part of the city of Athens seems to have been
occupied for a while by the Turks. 66 At that time Athens
was - for a short spell - not under an Acciajuoli but under
the command of a Venetian government official, because in
1394 Nerio I had indirectly bequeathed the government of
Athens to the city of the Doges, in his will. 67 It was only
some years later, in 1402, that another member of the family,
Antonio Acciajuoli, managed to get himself recognized as
ruler of Athens. His government and those of his successors
remained, however, strongly dependent on both the Venetians
and the Turks.
In 1456 the Latin duchy came to an end: the last Latin
ruler, Franco Acciajuoli, was ousted from the government of
Athens by the Turks, and was given Thebes in fee in its place.
Whether the stronghold fell into Turkish hands in that same
year, or only two years later, is still a disputed question. 68
The travel account of Niccolo da Martoni dates from the
early years of the Florentine rule. He visited the city just
at the time that the bequest of Nerio I was being disputed.
This account, the first detailed account of a visit to
Athens by a foreigner from the West, is, in spite of its
limitations, extremely valuable. In the first place, it gives
a picture of what still remained in the way of antique
monuments; it also strikes one that Ludolf von Sudheim's
unfavourable opinion of Athens was only partly justified.
There was indeed decay, and many buildings were in ruins, but
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207
on the other hand there were quite a lot of buildings dating

from antiquity which were still in a good state of preservation. Niccolo looks at them with interest because this is
Athens, and also because it is old. He would not have made
a special journey just to see them, but the fame of the
ancient city of Athens is still so great, for him, that he
looked around it with interest and listened to what people
had to tell him about it. Through him various traditions have
become known to us, and their connections with particular
monuments. For the very reason that in the Florentine period
there was some contact between the Greek and the Latin population I believe that these traditions should not be seen merely as western inventions, but rather as authentic Greek
traditions. It appears from Niccolo's account that by the
middle ages the famous events of Marathon and Salamis had
already faded into oblivion, but that the names of famous
Athenian citizens and philosophers were still associated with
various old temples, palaces and theatres. Most of the ancient
structures were referred to as schola or palatium. 69
Several decades after the journey of Niccolo da Martoni the
Acciajuoli rulers provided lodging for another Italian: in
1436 (April 7 - 22) and again in 1444 the city of Athens was
visited by Cyriacus of Ancona. 70 On the second occasion he
travelled in company with the brother of the Duke of Athens.
On both occasions he was hospitably received by Duke Nerio II
in the palace in the Propylaea. 71 Cyriacus was enthralled by
the many remains of antiquity, and he described and drew any
number of monuments, copied inscriptions and collected ancient
coins and gems. His approach can no longer be described as
medieval, but as humanistic. 72 For him the antiquities form
the main purpose of his journey, and a few years later he
even goes back again to be able to look at them for a further
two weeks or more. Perhaps his attitude, so different from
that of most medieval travellers, can best be illustrated by
a small detail: Cyriacus is the first person for centuries to
speak of the Temple of Pallas Athena which. was built by
Phidias; 73 he also calls the citadei Acropolis again, instead
of Castrum. By comparison with the sparse information about
Athens in medieval descriptions, the observations of Cyriacus
of Ancona are of greater importance not only because of their
quantity, but also their quality. But it must not be forgotten
that the medieval notes. came into being at a time when ancient
culture was still hardly thougth of as a basis for contemporary
culture.
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If in spite of this a number of individuals do pay some

attention to the remains of antiquity their testimony is then
all the more deserving of our full attention.
2. Piraeus - Porto Rafti

In the years that the city of Athens was so unimportant
the harbour did not particularly flourish either, thought it
may be assumed that the harbour of Piraeus continued to be used
for fishing and also for various trading activities. 74 In the
middle ages the old name had been forgotten; the harbour was
known to western captains, from about the fourteenth century
onwards, as Porta Leone, or else - especially on Italian sea
charts- as Lion. 75 The immense antique marble lion, with the
runic inscription 76 which was added later, was behind this
name, being the most characteristic thing about the place.
The lion on the beach at Piraeus was one of three antique
marble lions in Athens and its surroundings. 77 In medieval
descriptions Piraeus is not mentioned; Cyriacus of Ancona is
the first person to mention not only the lion but also the remains of old walls and towers. 78
The tradition that an ancient grave was said to be that
of the Athenian statesman Themistocles is not found in any
writer prior to the seventeenth century. 79
Niccolo da Martoni did not land at Piraeus, but at a
place on the east coast of Attica, about twenty-five miles
from Athens. 80 We do not know what name this place- the
present day Porta Rafti - was known by at the end of the
fourteenth century; Niccolo merely speaks of alium portum
Acthenarum. The first mention of the name Porta Rafti is
found in the Itinerarium maritimum of 1570: 'la conoscenza
dell '!sola di Rafti e una statua grande di marmo, che tiene
in mano un paio di forbici, e si vede lontano m. 30 in mare' . 81
In 1395 Niccolo mentioned two statues, and associated
them with a medieval tradition. One of these figures has since
disappeared; of the other there are still some remains, but
the interpretation of these remains has led to rather varied
conclusions. The by Ross a.o. propagated view is that the
statue, which was some 2.35 m high, represented the figure
of a woman. 82 This statue, which dated from the early
Antonine period and which may possibly have been used as a
lighthouse, is said to have been a statue of Oikoumene, with
the light in the mural crown on her head. The attribute which
is interpreted as a pair of scissors was probably a sheaf of
corn. This interpretation was thought to be borne out by the
ELEUSIS-MEGARA
209
discovery in the neighbourhood of a small bronze statue of

Oikoumene dressed in a himation. 83 But quite recently the
Colossus of Porta Rafti has been subjected to fresh research
by Stephen Miller. 84 He goes back to the idea that the statue
is the figure of a man, dressed in a chlamys; he believes it
to be the statue of an emperor, not from the Hadrianic early Antonine time, but from the period round about 200 A.D.
The statue would then have been made elsewhere (in Attica,
perhaps), and only much later transported to the island off
Porta Rafti, so that at such times as Athens could not use
the harbour of Piraeus it could serve as a beacon, or perhaps as a lighthouse. The period Miller suggests for it
being moved is the time when Michael Choniates was resident
in Athens as Archbishop (1182-1204). There is a good deal to
be said for Miller's new interpretation, especially as he has
made a close inspection of the statue and its base. Niccolo da
Martoni only saw it in the distance, at dusk; the author of
the Itinerarium Maritimum probably simply followed the existing local tradition; and Vermeule fell in with Ross'
interpretation of the statue as being that of a woman.
Unfortunately it is no longer possible to know with absolute
certainty, because in the meantime the statue has suffered so
much as a result of time and weather that many of the details
have been lost. On one point, however, I entirely disagree
with Miller: he claims that it is because the statue was only
put up in Porta Rafti in about 1200 that the first mention of
it is not found until 1.395, in Niccolo da .Martoni. 8 5
His optimistic view of the number of medieval sources referring to antique monuments from the period prior to about 1200
is something I do not share! I consider it more likely that
it was placed there during antiquity.
3. EZeusis - Megara
Niccolo da Martoni is the only traveller to mention
Megara and Eleusis in his account. In Eleusis he saw, spread
over a wide area, innumerable ruins, the remains of walls,
pillars, pieces of marble, etc. Moreove~ he also saw a large
arch-like construction, similar to the aqueducts familiar to
him from Italy. What he saw was probably a Roman four arch
bridge across a former bed of the Cephisus. All he says about
Megara is that it was a small fort on the plain, with an
estimated 80 homes. 86
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CENTRAL GREECE
4. Sounion
On innumerable occasions the tall columns of the temple
of Cape Sounion must have caught the attention of passing
ships. For seamen they formed a familiar beacon on their way
along the Attic coast; for many centuries the cape has been
known in seafaring circles as Capo delle Colonne. This name
is already found on a coastal map from the beginning of the
fourteenth century. 87 People travelling by sea could only
land in the area with some difficulty and in any case the
presence of a number of pillars was not sufficiently attractive in the middle ages to make it worthwhile travelling for
many kilometres through inhospitable mountain country. Thus
the first descriptions of the temple only date from the sixteenth century. 88 The visit of Count Amadeus VI of Savoy in
1366 gave rise to no more than a brief mention.
5. Thebes
Thebes was the most important place in central Greece,
both in the Byzantine period and in the Latin period which
followed. In Byzantine times the civil and military government of the whole area- the thema Hellas- was there. 89 The
city was visited by Saewulf, but he did not leave any
description of it. Yet Benjamin of Tudela's travel account
shows the importance of the city: according to him there
were 2000 Jews living there in the twelfth century, most of
them involved in the production of silk and purple garments.
Benjamin does not state the numbers of Greek inhabitants, but
there were undoubtedly far more of them. Not only did trade
and industry flourish in Thebes, but the Jews in the city
were also very busy in the field of scholarship. Benjamin
writes that nowhere in the Greek empire, with the exception
of Constantinople, were so many eminent Talmudists to be
found. The city's inland position probably contributed to
its growth and prosperity. Thebes was, after all, much less
vulnerable to attacks by pirates wandering about the Archipelago than were places nearer to the coast. 90 Because of this
agriculture and industry were able to develop there undisturbed.
In the Catalan period, too, Thebes was the most important
place in central Greece; the city was regarded 'quasi caput
et magistra', and it was from Thebes, too, that Athens was
governed. 91 In 1371 panic suddenly broke out in Latin Greece
as a result of the defeat of the Serbs by the Turks. Plans
CORINTH-ISTHMUS
211
were immediately formed to make a joint stand against the

danger that was now threatening from the north. In 1373, at
the instigation of Pope Gregory XI, all the Christian Latin
rulers were to meet in the centrally situated city of Thebes,
to draw up a plan of action. Because of quarrels and mutual
mistrust this whole undertaking came to nothing. 92 In the
course of the fifteenth century the influence of Thebes
slowly declined. In about 1390 it lost its position as the
centre of government when the new rulers, the Acciajuoli,
took up residence in Athens, and with all its possibilities
for trade and shipping Athens came to outstrip Thebes in
power and in status. When the last Acciajuoli ruler of
Athens was deposed by the Turks, he was given Thebes in its
stead, but after a rule of only a few years this city, too,
came under Turkish rule.
6. Corinth - Isthmus
In the middle ages the harbour town of Corinth experienced
alternating periods of prosperity and decay. After the dark
days of the sixth to the eighth centuries, when as a result
of invasions by Slavonic tribes and the resulting unrest the
city had suffered much in terms of prosperity and influence,
the early years of the ninth century brought a definite recovery. Just as Thebes became the most important place in the
thema Hellas, so Corinth was the place where the military and
civil rule of the thema Peloponnesos was established. Clear
proof of this revival is provided by coins discovered there:
under Emperor Theophilus (829-42) there must have been a great
increase in the quantity of copper currency, a sign that a
new period of trade and business activity had begun. 93 As
well as the textile industry the glass industry enjoyed
a period of great growth up to the middle of the twelfth
century. 94
During the Norman invasion of 1147, led by Roger of
Sicily, Corinth was intensively looted; the city was never
to recover completely from this catastrophe. 95 It is possible
that Idrisi's description of Corinth as a large and populous
city was true of the situation in his time (before 1147). The
passage about the diolkos, however, suggests something that
happened in antiquity; I do not therefore rule out the
possibility that the passage is based on a literary source
as is probably also the case with the descriptions of Athens
and of Sparta. With the Latin conquest, after 1204 the city
came into the hands of Geoffroy de Villehardouin; in the
212
CENTRAL GREECE
thirteenth century Corinth was one of the harbours of the

principality of Achaea, but played no part of any importance.
Little is known of the period of Latin rule; there is just
one event which is of interest, when in 1305 the western
rulers of the Morea organized a spectacular tournament on the
Isthmus, which was probably an unconscious imitation of the
old Isthmian Games. 96
In the middle ages Corinth was a place which was widely
known outside Greek territory because of St. Paul's preaching
there, as described in the Acts of the Apostles, 97 and his
Epistles to the Corinthians. This is the only aspect of the
city Saewulf mentions, when he stays there for a short time
during his pilgrimage. Benjamin of Tudela gives some idea of
the size of the city: he counted three hundred Jews, a small
number in comparison with the 2,000 in Thebes, but still a
sign that trade and industry were not entirely non-existent.
Ludolf von Sudheim recalls, of course, the Epistles of St.
Paul, and goes on to say that the city, situated as it was
on.a mountain, was a practically impregnable stronghold; but
there is some doubt as to whether he ever actually saw the
city himself.
In 1358 the government of Corinth was transferred from
the house of Anjou to Niccolo Acciajuoli. Under the active
rule of the Acciajuoli, originally bankers and merchants from
Florence, the trading city of Corinth flourished again, but
when in 1387-8 Nerio I conquered Athens, Thebes and Livadia,
the residence was immediately moved from the Acrocorinth to
the Acropolis. 98 In those same years, round about l390, the
first of the Turkish attacks under Bajazet took place in the
Morea. The strong fortress of Corinth managed to resist the
attack, but from then on the almost permanent threat from the
Turks hindered further development. A second negative factor
was the internal struggle between the Latin rulers at the end
of the fourteenth century; Niccolo da Martoni provides detailed inf9rmation about this struggle.
Towards the end of the fourteenth century there seem to
have been different stories in circulation for Niccolo begins
his passage with the remark that in contrast to all the untrue things that are being said, he will now give the true
facts, based on his own observation.
Some knowledge of the events of antiquity does appear
to exist in Corinth in 1395, even though facts that are
correct in themselves are not associated with the right
people. Nothing, at this time, seems to be known about
CORINTH-ISTHMUS
213
Corinth's earliest history; Niccolo's informants attribute

the foundation of the city of King Alexander. The ruins of
the city on the plain could still be seen. Niccolo estimates
it as being about ten miles in circumference, and judging by
what still remained of the city he expresses the opinion that
the old city of Corinth must have been extremely beautiful.
Its capture and devastation by the Romans (146 B.C.) does
not seem to be entirely forgotten, but people do not seem to
be capable of placing even this event in a clear historical
framework. Niccolo's opinion of the Corinth of his time, a
fortified town situated on two mountain tops, is definitely
unfavourable. The city was smaller than the former one (about
2 miles round) and within a few lines Niccolo uses the word
'turpis' three times, once for the walls, once for the houses
and once for the fortress. Moreover, he notices many open
spaces inside the walls, which indicated depopulation and
decay. The number of homes (or houses) in Corinth he estimates
at only 500. What Niccolo says in his account is supported by
what Pero Tafur said 40 years later in connection with
Corinth. He did not visit the city himself, and must have
obtained his information by hearsay. He, too, speaks of an
old city where there were still some beautiful buildings to
be seen, but which was seriously depopulated and had fallen
into decay. Perhaps it was because he found the city unattractive that Niccolo da Martoni does not give a separate
description of any single building. He merely mentions his
visit to a church dedicated to St. Paul. The ten columns of
the temple of Juno, then still standing, are not even mentioned.99
The Isthmus, situated near Corinth, attracted the
attention both of Niccolo da Martoni and of Pero Tafur. Both
travellers refer to the plans which were made in antiquity
for digging right across this neck of land, and both of them
mention the six-mile-long wall built across the Isthmus for
the protection of the Morea.
Niccolo attributed the canal project to King Alexander,
who had not been able to carry out the plan because the ground
was too rocky; Pero Tafur believed the plan to have been
thought of by a Byzantine emperor, but that his counsellers
had advised him against it. Idrisi, who had already mentioned
the wall at an earlier date, attributed it to a Roman
emperor. 100 The plans of Caesar and of Nero thus lived on in
people's memories, perhaps for the very reason that traces
of the digging work were still visible in the area.
214
CENTRAL GREECE
In 1395 the wall across the Isthmus was still partly

intact, but partly decayed. 101 This wall, originally built
by Justinian I in about 551 was to be completely rebuilt
shortly afterwards, within a month, in April to May 1415,
under Manuel 11 Palaeologus. Because of the urgency of the
rebuilding, due to the serious threat of a Turkish invasion,
large-scale use was made of antique materials. Many of the
remains of ancient Corinth must have found their way into
the wall at this time. 102 Yet all these efforts were of no
avail, for several years later (in 1422) the Turks broke
through the fortifications anyway, and large parts of the
Isthmus wall again fell into decay.
That was the situation in which Cyriacus of Ancona
found th.e wall in 1437. 1 0 3 Pero Tafur' s statement that the
Morea was shut off by a strong, still visible wall was thus
no longer true; his informants were talking about how it had
been in former times:
Corinth passed into the hands of the Turks in the same
year as Athens. In August 1458, after strong resistance by
Michael Asen, the Acrocorinth was finally captured by the
Turks.
7. Patras
Little is known about the city of Patras in the
centuries previous to ~204. Like Corinth, the city must
have suffered severely from the Slav attacks, but nevertheless remained in existence. 104 With the return of the Greek
refugees from Southern Italy and Sicily in the ninth century
Patras, too, had once again a good sized population, 105 but
it never became a very big place. Benjamin of Tudela saw
some large old buildings there, and counted fifty Jews among
the inhabitants. In these centuries the textile weaving and
carpet factories must have been a good source of income; the
name of the immensely wealthy widow Danielis 106 (ninth
century) who was in charge of great weaving sheds and owned
thousands of slaves, is well-known. Patras was not entirely
unknown in western Europe; the city is not specifically
mentioned in the Bible, but according to later traditions
the apostle Andrew was said to have preached in Patras, and
to have been martyred there. 107 This is mentioned by Saewulf,
who went to the city 'causa orandi'. He adds that some time
after St. Andrew's death the body was taken to Constantinople,
where, in his day, it was venerated. Here he mentions another
tradition to the effect that in the middle of the fourth
PATRAS
215
century in order to put Constantinople on an equal footing

with Rome, Constantius II had the remains of the brother of
St. Peter brought to the new capital. As the first apostle
to be called, St. Andrew was greatly venerated, especially
in the eastern churches. 108
Benjamin of Tudela mentions a tradition about the
founding of the city; he says the founder was Antipater, one
of Alexander the Great's generals. This legend, which was
incorrect, but particularly current in Jewish circles, was
based on a chronicle called the Josipon, 109 and probably arose
because of the similarity in sound between Antipater and
Patras.
It is not clear to me what Ludolf von Sudheim means
when, after speaking of the suffering and martyrdom of St.
Andrew he claims that St. Anthony and many other saints
originally came from Patras. Probably his informants laid
on this pious story for him; or else he mistook the place.
In any case he did not visit the city of Patras, any more
than he did Athens or Corinth.
Niccolo da Martoni's account contains more interesting
information, He visited Patras in 1395, and because there was
no inn he stayed with the Latin archbishop, The latter was
the most important person in the city, for after the city
had passed as a barony into the hands of Waiter Aleman in
1204, the barony was sold to the archbishop in 1266 for
16,000 hyperpera, by one of Aleman's successors who wished
to return to his country of origin. 110 The city remained
under ecclesiastical rule until 1430, The Archbishops were
appointed by the Pope, and were officially subordinate to
the princes of Achaea, but with the support of the Pope and
financial assistance from the Acciajuoli family they managed
to maintain their independence. 111 It may be assumed that as
ruler the Archbishop would live in one of the finest houses
112
in the city; he probably resided inside the old fortress.
Although Angelo II Acciajuoli, a brother of Nerio I was
appointed as archbishop in 1394 he was only able to take
office in about 1400. Niccolo probably visited his predecessor, Cornaro, who worked in Patras from 1394 onward, 113
On the walls of the great hall of the archbishop's
palace Niccolo saw a painting running all the way round the
room, which showed the Sack of Tray. Such a picture fits in
well with what we know of wall decoration in Byzantine
palaces. It was customary to depict all sorts of heroic deeds,
both from contemporary times and from former history, on the
216
CENTRAL GREECE
walls. Michael VIII had his victory over Charles of Anjou at

Berat (1287) painted on the walls of the Blachernae palace. 114
As well as battle scenes successful hunting parties and
victories in games in the Hippodrome might also be subjects
for illustration. 115 There was also a rich repertoire of Bible
scenes available, and all kinds of themes from classical
mythology. This is seen extremely well in the medieval epic,
Digenis Akritas, 116 where a palace on the Euphrates is
described. The palace itself is fictional, but in his
description the poet undoubtedly took as his starting point
what he saw around him. The two dining halls were decorated
with gold mosaics, in which besides biblical scenes
(episodes from the life of Samson, David and his fight against
Goliath) one could also see the heroic deeds of Achilles,
Agamemnon and Helen, Penelope and the suitors, Odysseus'
adventure with the Cyclop, Bellerophon and the Chimaira, the
victories of Alexander the Great and the flight of Darius.
This is the context in which the painting of the
Ilioupersis in the palace of the Archbishop of Patras should
be seen. When the painting was done we can no longer tell,
but I believe it to date from one of the reconstructions in
the Latin period, for the old archiepiscopal palace was pulled
down in about 12~0 by William Aleman, in connection with the
building of the fortress. 117 How the figures engaged in ~he
battle of Troy are depicted on the walls of the palace of
Patras is not known for certain. Most probably they were
dressed, according to the medieval custom, as thirteenth
century knights. That is how Joshua and his men were shown
in the battle against Amorites in the pictures in the chapel
of the Frankish castle of Geraki, to the east of Sparta. 118
A similar adaptation of costume and weapons would also seem
probable in the case of the Ilioupersis.
Without the few lines from Niccolo da Martoni nothing
would have been known of the Ilioupersis in Patras. From it
two conclusions can be drawn: that the rich decoration of
palaces was not restricted to Constantinople, but that there
was also interest in other Greek cities for this sort of
painting; and also that not only wealthy Byzantines, but also
Latin rulers, liked to see pictures such as these, borrowed
from Greek mythology, on the walls of their houses.
In about 1450, only shortly after it had come under
Palaeologian rule in ~430, the city was conquered by the
Turks. The fortress held out for some time, but in 1458 was
forced to capitulate to Muhammed II.
EUBOEA-NEGROPONTUM
217
B. Euboea - Negropontum
Close to the mainland, but separated from it by fastflowing water, Euboea offered its inhabitants the advantages
of living on an island, together with the possibility of
frequent contact with the mainland. Procopius 119 in the sixth
century, wrote that the inhabitants of Euboea could establish
or break their connection with the mainland at will, by means
of a long beam,
According to Benjamin of Tudela the city of Negropontum
- the former Chalcis - was visited by merchants from all over
the place. 120 He estimated the number of Jews there as two
hundred, which indicates that there was some degree of
industrial activity in Euboea in the twelfth century.
Because of its position in central Greece, when the
territories captured in 1204 were divided up the island was
very attractive to the Venetians. They claimed the island,
and there they established the base from which they exercised
their power in the Archipelago. The baile of Negropontum was
one of the highest Venetian officers in the whole of Greece,
with control over most of the Venetian settlements in the
area, Only the Venetian colony in Constantinople fell outside
his authority. The city and the island must have been visited
by innumerable western travellers during the middle ages, but
Niccolo da Martoni is the only traveller - author to have
paid any attention to Negropontum. He describes a prosperous
island, with fine churches and houses in the city of Negropontum, and well-dressed citizens inside the strong surrounding
walls. The place was inhabited by both Greeks and Franks.
In Niccolo's time the connection with the mainland consisted
of two heavily guarded wooden bridges. Here and there on the
island Niccolo noticed ruins, but his description does not
make it clear whether these were the remains of ancient
buildings or not. His attention is caught in particular, by
three mills, which were turned by the current in the Euripus,
and brought in a good annual profit.
When, in about 1460, Greece fell into Turkish hands, the
Venetians still managed to keep their possessions on Euboea
for a little while. It was not until 1478 that Negropontum
was absorbed into the Ottoman empire after Venice had lost a
war against the sultan, 121
XIV. SOUTHERN GREECE
1. Modon and Koran

As they neared the south-western tip of the Peloponnesus
on their way through the Adriatic and the Ionian Sea, all
Venetian ships, as well as many from other harbours, set
course for the town of Modon, set on a peninsula at the back
of a bay. 1 This place, which is often spoken of together with
Koran, some twenty-five kilometres away on the eastern side
of the same peninsula, was a regular stopping place on the
shipping route round the Greek coast. In Modon most of the
pilgrims and other voyagers could stretch their legs while
provisions were being taken on for the next part of the
journey.
In the period previous to 1204 Modon was a small harbour
town with a Byzantine fort; the town was also the seat of a
bishop. lt had been inhabited since the Roman period. In 1125
the place was razed to the ground by the Venetians, led by
Doge Domenico Michiel, because the piratical activities of
the inhabitants formed too great a threat to Venetian interests.2 In the course of the twelfth century however, the
inhabitants returned. Some years after 1204 the southern tip
of the small peninsula together with the towns of Modon and
Koran had fallen into Venetian hands, after being occupied
for a short time by the Crusaders. Much against his will
Villehardouin had to relinquish these places, so favourably
situated from a strategic point of view, because in a treaty
of partition which had been drawn up earlier they had been
assigned to Venice. 3
In the following centuries the Venetians took great
pains to hold on to these places. A safe stopping place about
halfway between Corfu and Candia was indispensable for their
shipping. For this reason Modon, and, to a lesser degree,
Koran, were surrounded by heavy fortifications. 4 Even today
th.e ruins of the fort of Modon are still a most impressive
sight, and show both the extent and the quality of the
defence works. When the Peloponnesus became Turkish territory,
in about 1450, these virtually impregnable settlements remained Venetian. Not until 1500, in a war between Venice and
the Sultan, did the settlement at Modon pass into Turkish
hands, whereupon the garrison of Koran simply surrendered;
in the peace treaty of 1503 Venice finally relinquished these
two outposts to the Turkish empire. 5
220
SOUTHERN GREECE
There was not much to see in these remote towns, which

were surrounded by only a small strip of land. Nowhere is
there any mention of the remains of the Roman settlements.
Nor were there any places of importance in the hinterland,
which first belonged to the principality of Achaea and was
later under Turkish rule. The important places of antiquity,
such as Elis, .Messene, .Megalopolis and even Olympia, were
deserted and forgotten. 6 Thus there was never any question
of excursions to them from Modon and Koran.
For pilgrims, the grave of a certain St. Leo 7 formed
a special attraction, but beyond that there was nothing to
be seen in the town. In most travel accounts Modon, and
sometimes Koran, are merely mentioned in passing as the
first place on the Greek mainland where people went ashore.
Pero Tafur is the only writer to include in his account a
short description of these rich and prosperous towns, surrounded by vineyards and olive groves; he also adds that the town
of Modon is extremely unhealthy. 8
There is a remarkable little passage in the pilgrim
book by the Italian Frescobaldi, who visited Modon in about
1350. He mentions that on an island opposite the harbour
there is a hill, the Poggio della Sapienza, on which 'anticamente' philosophers and poets used to wander, 'afare loro
arti' . 9 To what extent a community of Greek monks with black
garments and long beards can have evoked memories of ancient
philosophers, we cannot tell. Perhaps it was the name,
'Sapienza' that led to this association. I do not think it
likely, however, that this remark was based on any ancient
tradition.
2. CeY'igo
When a foreign traveller visited Koran and Modon there
was still no question of him coming into contact with remains from the ancient world. Yet on the island of Cerigo
the ancient Cythera, to the south of the Peloponnesus, he
was directly confronted with the remains of antique monuments.
This island was also seen as an important link in the shipping
route through Greek waters, and was a port of call for countless ships.
Before 1204 the island had belonged, for some time, to
the archon family of Monogiannis, from Monemvasia. In 1207
the Venetian family of Venieri founded a marquisate there
under the auspices of the Venetian government. In spite of
their claim that they were directly descended from the goddess
CERIGO
221
Venus (Venus- Venieri!), to whom the island specially

belonged in antiquity, the Venieri were not popular with the
local Greek population. 10 It was not long before the Monemvasiotic archons returned (1238-1309); only in 1309 did the
island again come under the Venieri, through marriage, but
this only lasted a short time, until in 1364 the Venetians
took over the government completely; the Venieri remained on
the island, however, as government administrators. Venetian
rule continued, with a short break, until the fall of
Venice in 1798, 11
On the south side of the island, over the roads of
Kapsali, which provided a fairly sheltered anchorage for
most of the ships, a great Venetian camp, set on a steep
rock, rises high above its surroundings. The anchorage and
the fort are mentioned by name in the account by the AngloSaxon pilgrim Symon Semeonis. Somewhat further to the northeast on a small plateau close to the seashore, the remains of
an ancient settlement could apparently be seen, These were
the remains of the harbour town of Skandeia and the ancient
Cythera, referred to in the tenth Book of the Iliad; 12 the
present names of Palaiokastro and Palaiopolis, which were
already in use in the middle ages, give some indication of
the great age of these settlements. According to many medieval
and later descriptions this was where the temple was situated
where Paris first met Helen. This event is also described in
Dares' Historia Trojana. 13 Inflamed with love on the spot,
the two of them fled from Cythera to Troy. The legend of
Helen's abduction was probably still current on the island
in the middle ages. Niccolo da Martoni mentions it, and
describes how in his day the remains of the temple could
still be seen. Buondelmonti first devotes a great deal of
attention to the goddess who was closely connected with the
island because of one of the names she was known by, Cytheria,
He describes a piece of sculpture depicting Aphrodite with
Eros and the three Graces, and follows this description with
a detailed allegorical explanation, In his interest in the
goddess Venus Buondelmonti stands alone among medieval
travellers; his great knowledge of ancient literature and
mythology were undoubtedly what led him to write this passage.
Whether the sculpture described by Buondelmonti is connected
with the claims of the Venieri about their descent cannot be
said for certain. After describing the sculpture Buondelmonti
says that in his time the temple where Paris abducted Helen,
with her consent, could still be seen,
222
SOUTHERN GREECE
Travellers like Nompar de Caumont, Ruy Gonzales de

Clavijo and Pero Tafur also mention Cythera in connection
with Paris and Helen. This story continues to circulate
among pilgrims until well into the sixteenth century.
Cyriacus of Ancona sketched ruined walls and a tower on
Cythera, probably those of the Byzantine fort of Kastri
(Skandeia). He, too, believed that what he saw was probably
the 'castle of Helen' . 1 ~ On the basis of such uniformity in
the information given by completely different groups of
travellers over a long period it seems to me that a strong
local tradition must have been at the root of it. There is
no mention of excursions to 'the temple', but by analogy with
what happened in Crete such excursions are not inconceivable. 15
The existence of a local tradition about Helen on the
southern side of the Peloponnesus is all the more likely in
view of the fact that in antiquity there was already a special
cult of Helen on the Laconian coast. 16 When one remembers
that the region of the Maina and the Taygetos mountains remained undisturbed by foreigners for centuries (it was one of
the few parts of Greece to which Slav and Frankish invaders
never managed to penetrate) then it is quite possible to
imagine that precisely in such an isolated area age-old
traditions could survive for centuries practically unchanged.
Probably the story of the abduction grew up gradually
from an original version connected only with Helen, which
said that she had stayed in Cythera with Paris on the way to
Troy. The ruins which could still be seen strengthened the
belief that this was the temple where the abduction took
place; or, according to others, the palace of Menelaus; or,
as Spon and Wheeler believed in the seventeenth century, the
castle of Helen. 17 To what extent the Venieri were responsible
for the propagation of the version which said that Helen's
abduction took place on Cythera, cannot be said for certain.
In view of their zeal in establishing the legitimacy of their
rule by tracing their descent back to Venus I do not consider
it impossible that the spread of the Helen tradition which
already existed in the area, as a way of increasing the
honour of Cythera, may well be due to them.
It must be observed, however, that Cythera was not the
only place with a claim to being the scene of Helen's abduction. Saewulf places this episode in Raclea (Heraclea), on
the Propontis ('testantibus Graecis'), and particularly in
th.e fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Dalmatian port of
Parenzo is mentioned several times in connection with the
event. 18
MONEMVASIA
223
3. Monemvasia
The harbour town of Monemvasia, on the east coast of the

Peloponnesus deserves some attention for the very reason that
this town, with its excellent harbour, appears so extremely
rarely in the travel descriptions. Only in the account by
Willibaldus (eighth century) is Monemvasia mentioned as the
sole place on the Greek mainland where the journey was broken
for a short time. 19 I believe that there is a definite reason
for this conscious avoidance of a good harbour: the town,
except for the period from 1248-1262, was always completely
Greek.
Even before 1204 Monemvasia was an important place. It
was a busy port, into which ships sailed from all sides.
Under the Comnenes the inhabitants enjoyed a large degree of
self-government, and under the leadership of the Monogianni
family the town flourished and prospered. Monemvasia was
virtually impregnable, being situated on a peninsula that
could only be reached by means of a drawbridge; moreover,
the fort was built up on the rocks, over a hundred metres up,
and could only be reached from the sea. Thus the attacks of
the Slavs in the eight century and those of the Normans in
1147 were easily repelled, and the Crusaders were equally
unsuccessful in their attempt to capture the Byzantine fort
in 1204. 20 It was not until 1248, after a three-year siege
by William de Villehardouin both from the land and from the
sea (with the help of four Venetian galleys) that the Greek
garrison was starved into surrender. But the Frankish rule
was not to last for long, for in the battle of Pelagonia in
1259 William de Villehardouin fell into Greek hands. His
release in 1262 cost him the strategically situated places
of Mistra and Maina and the fort of Monemvasia. 21 From then
on the town remained Greek until the middle of the fifteenth
century; when the Turks were threatening and the despotate
of the Morea 22 had disappeared, Monemvasia first came
under the rule of the Pope and the Knights of St. John for
a short while, and then, until 1540, under Venice. 23
It seems evident that the fact that Monemvasia does
not feature in the descriptions has to do with the efforts
of the western captains to find a place with Latin inhabitants.
This may be seen as confirmation of the fact that contact
between Latins and Greeks was usually difficult and was not
seriously sought after by either side. A second reason may
be found in the fact that the Monemvasians, who were well
known as exporters of the famous malmsey wine, also enjoyed
224
SOUTHERN GREECE
a certain fame as pirates. Their preference was for Venetian

ships, 24 possibly because they carried the richest cargoes,
but certainly also for political reasons. For this reason
Monemvasia was barely considered as a port of call
by western ships from the twelfth to the fifteenth century.
In contact between Constantinople and the expanding Greek
territories in the Morea, on the other hand, Monemvasia did
play a part. Contact between Mistra and Constantinople could
not be maintained over land across the various Latin areas,
but it was still possible to supply the despots of the Morea
with reinforcements in the form of men and of materials by
way of Monemvasia. This was why the reconquest of the
Peloponnesus (circa 1260 - circa 1430) was eventually successful.
4. Sparta - Mistra
Sparta, which in the fifth century before Christ was the
most powerful state in Greece, was in the middle ages more or
less forgotten territory. Some of the ruins of ancient buildings must still have been visible in the country of the Laconians, but nobody cared about them. The place was not deserted; as an archbishopric Sparta was even of some importance
in the ecclesiastical organization. Information about Sparta
is, however, scarce. 25 As far as one can judge from the
literary sources, foreign travellers never went there; Sparta
was too far from the sea (about 45 kilometres) and so was not
accessible by ship. By land, too, it was difficult to get to;
a journey through the inhospitable Taygetos area still posed
26
great problems to travellers even in recent times.
For only a few decennia in the thirteenth century Sparta
was under Frankish rule; this period commenced soon after
1204, with the conquest of the Peloponnesus by the Franks,
and came to an end in 1262 when William de Villehardouin
bought his freedom by handing over (amongst other things) the
fort of Mistra, on the slopes of the Taygetos, to Michael VIII
Palaeologus. 27
It does not appear from one single medieval document
that people realized that this was the region in which the
events involving Menelaus and Agamemnon (which were, after
all, known to them) had taken place; or that it was here in
the plain of the Eurotas that the Spartan hoplites were
drilled to form an insuperable fighting machine, against
which even wealthy Athens was powerless.
Cyriacus of Ancona was the first person who, stimulated
KYPARISSIA
225
by his reading of the ancient authors, went and consciously

looked for what there was left of this famous place of
28
antiquity.
In my opinion the passage in Idrisi, about Sparta,
describing it as a flourishing and important city, should be
regarded - like the descriptions of Athens and Corinth - as
a recollection, based on literary sources, of the situation
as it had been in ancient times.
5. Kyparissia
In the Chronicle of the Morea, in which the conquest of
the Peloponnesus by the Crusaders at the beginning of the
thirteenth century is described in detail, there is only one
place where it is apparent that the western invaders realized
that the buildings they could see had not been built in their
own time. In the siege of Kyparissia the defenders of the
great tower of this important port on the west coast of
Arcadia managed for a long while to beat off the attacks of
Champlitte and his men. They had entrenched themselves in
what the French version of the Chronicle calls 'l'ovre des
jaiants' , 29 the work of giants, while the Italian version
(and the Greek, which is like it) talks about 'una torre
antica edificata da Greci antichi' . 30 This fortification,
which now forms part of the Frankish castle, 31 may undoubtedly date back to antiquity. A watch tower on the coast of
Arcadia, dating from the Greek, Hellenistic or Roman time is
certainly not unusual. The solid construction with very large
blocks of stone made western Knights think it was the work
of giants, who had put up the tower at some vague, unspecified
time in the past.
XV. CRETE
In the period prior to 1204 the importance of Crete
for international traffic was still extremely limited.
Byzantine rule had been broken for a long time by an Arab
occupation of the island in the period 827- 961. 1 This
Arab rule had, it is true, brought great prosperity to the
island, but at the same time had caused it to become very
isolated, because in those years Crete became a notorious
centre for pirates. Merchants and the few pilgrims to Palestihe who dared undertake the journey in those days, preferred to give the place a wide berth.
Hardly any information has survived about the period
prior to 827, and there are few sources of information about
the second Byzantine period, either. Its favourable situation
made the island an important base for the Byzantine fleet,
in both the first and the second periods, from which to cover
the eastern Mediterranean area. On the island itself, however,
the Byzantine government was held in little regard; 2 the
Cretans felt hardly any interest in what went on anywhere
other than on their island. 3
In 1204 Crete, together with the rest of the Byzantine
empire, fell into the hands of the Crusaders. 4 When the
territory was divided up Crete was given to Bonifatius of
Montferrat, but he very soon gave up his right to it: in
August of that same year he sold the island to Venice for
the sum of 20,000 marks of silver. Since the Genoese had
established settlements in various places and were not willing simply to give up these favourable trading positions it
took until 1212 for Venice to get the whole island under
control.
Because of its geographical situation Crete was of great
importance to Venice. In spite of the fact that its harbour
offered little shelter and could only take ships with a
fairly small draught, 5 the capital, Candia (Iraklion) nevertheless became one of the main points in the network of
Venetian trading posts in the Levant. It was also the last
great point of support in Greek territory that Venice lost
to the Turks. 6 Only in 1669, after a siege of twenty-one
years(!) were they forced to hand over the heavily fortified
capital, Candia, to the Turks. 7
For the Venetians trade interests were of primary importance; their whole machinery of government was geared to them,
228
CRETE
and the control exercised from Venice over the way things
were done on the island was extremely strong. 8 In spite of
the many rebellions which were always breaking out for
different reasons 9 , the period of the Venetian rule of Crete
must be described as a thriving and prosperous time. 10
Because of its central position on the Venetian shipping route, roughly half way between Venice and the Palestinian coast, the island of Crete- particularly the capital,
Candia - was visited by an evergrowing number of pilgrims.
The other three large towns on the island Canea (Chanea),
Rethymnon and Sitia, were often mentioned, but seldom
visited. The picture of Crete that emerges in the accounts
of visitors from the fourteenth century onwards is always
the same: all of them speak of a prosperous and wealthy
island governed by the Venetians. In 1335 the Italian
pilgrim Jacob of Verona 11 calls the place of'Candia a
beautiful city, charmingly situated and full of all sorts
of delights. Niccolb da Martoni particularly praises the
wines: in about 1420 Buondelmonti notices ships there from
all over the world, which came to Crete to purchase wine,
cheese and corn. Bertrandon de la Broquiere and Pero Tafur
also talk about the wealth and fertility of the island.
A detailed description of the island of Candia can be
found in the travel account by the Irish pilgrim Symon
Semeonis. 12 Together with a fellow monk, Hugo Illuminator, 13
he left Ireland in 1323 for Alexandria and Jerusalem. They
travelled through France and Northern Italy to Venice, and
there embarked, By way of the Dalmatian coastal towns, the
Peloponnesus (Modon) and the large island of Candia they
finally reached their destination, Alexandria. 1 ~ Symon is a
shrewd observer, who has recorded many interesting details
in his account. He mentions many of the special peculiarities
of Crete; in particular he is interested in the wealth of the
island, its scenery, with the cypress forests, 15 the way the
inhabitants are dressed, their way of life and the appearance
of the towns. According to Symon these towns looked very fine
and well fortified from a distance, but once you entered them
the streets turned out to be dirty and winding, with many of
the paving stones missing.
By comparison with the north-Italian cities he had
visited the Dalmatian, Greek and Cretan towns were decidedly
inferior. It is interesting that as an introduction to his
description of the island he quotes a line from the Eclogues
of the ninth-century poet Theodulus: Primus Cretais venit ab
oris. 16
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229
Titus, the companion of St. Paul and familiar from the

New Testament, is named by Symon as the patron saint of the
island. After the destruction of the old bishops' seat of
Gortyn by Arabs his head was taken to Candia, the capital,
and this relic was certainly of great importance to pilgrims. 17
It is remarkable that in Symon Semeonis's detailed
description not a word is said about the antiquities and the
old traditions on the island. Several sights which are regularly mentioned by visitors to the island from the fifteenth
century onward, - such as the Labyrinth, the grave of Zeus
on the Jouktas and the grave of Caiaphas at Knossos - are not
mentioned by him. It is possible that he was not interested
in these subjects, but in view of his wide interest in all
sorts of things which most fourteenth-century travellers say
nothing at all about (scenery, way of life, clothing, what
the towns looked like) I consider that unlikely. It seems to
me more probable that in about 1325 these three traditions
connected with antiquity were not yet known, or anyway not
well known, among the Venetians on the island. Probably the
traditions were known only to the local Greek inhabitants,
with whom the travellers did not usually come in contact.
They were certainly known about, as is evident from the
passages about the labyrinth in Nicephorus Gregoras (12901360) and in the commentary on the Iliad by Eustathius 18
(twelfth century). The latter clearly states that in his time
many people - especially seafarers - paid a visit to the
Labyrinth; Nicephorus Gregoras visited it himself, accompanied by local inhabitants using torches to light up the
inside. In about 1420 the labyrinth was described in detail
by Christophoro Buondelmonti, who also mentions the grave
of Zeus and the building that was believed to have served as
a grave for Caiaphas.
Thus I believe that it was not until the second half of
the fourteenth century that these three important monuments
from antiquity came to the notice of the westerners who lived
on the island.
The Labyrinth
'Et est in dicta insula Candie Liberintum in quo alias
fuit Minotaurus'. Niccolb da Martoni wrote this sentence as
a result of his visit to Crete in 1395. We cannot conclude
from this short passage that he actually visited the labyrinth
himseLf, but it can be deduced that towards the end of the
fourteenth century the association of the labyrinth with
230
CRETE
Crete was already fairly familiar.

The first description of the labyrinth appeared some
twenty years later, in Buondelmonti's Descriptio insulae
Cretae. 19 There he gives an account of his visit to the
labyrinth of Ampelouzas near Gortyn, about 45 kilometres
from Iraklion. His remark 'arma intrantium et nomina per
omnia sunt' shows that many others had been through this
maze of passages before him. We can tell what excursions of
this sort were like from the document De Orthografia, by
Gasparino Barzizza from Bergamo (1370-1431), who taught
rhetoric at Padua from 1407 to 1421. 20 The passage in question
dates from 1421, 21 and tells how the Venetian rulers of Crete
regularly organized trips to the labyrinth at Gortyn.
Magistrates arriving from Venice were conducted through the
complicated system of passages in the caves by Jewish guides,
by the light of torches. The passages stretched for a great
distance inside the mountain, leading the visitors more than
400 metres through the mountain, while the fluttering of bats
contributed to the eeriness of the dim light of the torches, 22
It is not known when these excursions were discontinued, or
for what reason. Woodward is of the opinion that around 1450
official visits of this kind no longer took place, because
they are not mentioned in a work that appeared at that time,
the De Orthografia by Giovanni Tortello from Arezzo. 23 But
from the account by Josef Pitton de Tournefort, who visited
Ampelouzas in about 1700, it is evident that the visits
continued after 1450, although they may no longer have been
organized by the Venetian administration. This writer mentioned the oldest date among all the names and dates on the walls
as 1444; this is followed by other inscriptions from 1496,
1516, 1526, 1539, 1560 and 1579. 24
The fact that these expeditions began well before 1420
can be seen from the texts by Buondelmonti and Barzizza. This
date is confirmed by another, much later, visitor to
Ampelouzas, the Frenchman Savary (eighteenth century), 25 who
even found among the graffiti some names from the fourteenth
century.
What was believed to be the labyrinth of Gortyn was in
fact a system of passages formed by an old stone quarry, from
which for centuries sandstone had been taken for the construction of all sorts of monuments, including those of nearby
Gortyn. 26 In the nineteenth century some of these passages
were shut off by the local inhabitants to prevent people
getting lost in them. 27 Moreover, as a result of earthquakes
CRETE
231
many of the passages had collapsed or could only be entered

at risk to one's life. The plan drawn by Sieber early in the
nineteenth century only shows those passages which he was
then able to visit. 28 It only occurred to a few of the
visitors to doubt whether the identification of the quarry
at Ampelouzas with the labyrinth known from ancient literature
was in fact correct. Pierre Belon (1553) did not believe that
it was: 'ce labyrinthe n'est autre chose qu'une pierrerie' 29
- and his opinion was supported by the Polish ruler, Nicolas
Radziwill (1583) who came to Gortyn shortly after him: 'ego
cum iis sentio qui locum hunc non labyrinthum sed lapidicinam
esse volunt' . 30 But their critical arguments were barely
attended to, and the idea of the labyrinth being connected
with Gortyn continued until well into the nineteenth century.
I have already shown, in a previous study on this subject,
how the first proof of the wrong identification came only
after the excavations of the minoan palace complex at Knossos
in the early years of this century. 31
The fact that not only in the latin middle ages, but for
many centuries after that people could so easily set aside the
evidence of ancient mythology, that of most of the classical
authors prior to the fourth century A.D., 32 and the ancient
coins of Knossos, all which point to Knossos, and not Gortyn,
as the site of the labyrinth, was due to uncertainty about
this question that existed in late antiquity. In 404 33
Claudianus describes the labyrinth and situates it at Gortyn;
in his commentary on the Iliad Eustathius speaks of a cave or
tunnel near Knossos. 34 It is practically certain that they
both based their remarks upon an old tradition. What may also
have played some role in this is that particularly in Crete
caves had, from the earliest times, been connected with
cults, and had been used for all sorts of rites. 35
All this goes to show that in the Byzantine time and in
the Venetian period the tradition of the labyrinth was sometimes connected with Knossos, sometimes with Gortyn. From the
fourteenth century onward Gortyn was preferred, but a remark
by Pero Tafur shows that in his day (circa 1440) the area
around Knossos had not renounced all claims to this famous
monument. After all, he states that 'it is said' that three
miles from Candia, in the midst of other antiquities, was the
labyrinth built by Daedalus. It is possible that one of the
ruins of the Roman colony Julia Nobilis 36 was connected by
local tradition with the labyrinth, which was supposed to
have been in that area. The description by Nikephorus
232
CRETE
Gregoras, however, rather suggests a quarry in the mountains

near Candia.
I believe that with the information that is available it
is possible to determine fairly exactly when the labyrinth
came into the field of vision of the people with whom
travellers came into contact, i.e. the Venetians, and when
it was that the excursions to Ampelouzas first began. It is
practically certain that at the time of Symon Semeonis'
journey (1323) the labyrinth tradition was not yet widely
known among the westerners in Crete. Nothing can be found
of it either, in the travel descriptions of Boldensele and
Ludolf von Sudheim, although both of them speak of the island
in terms that make it clear that what they saw was the Crete
familiar to them from classical literature rather than the
Candia of their own day. Any labyrinth tradition would
certainly have attracted their attention, for in their day
the concept of the labyrinth was already well-known in
western Europe, as we shall see. It may therefore be assumed
that around the middle of the fourteenth century the labyrinth tradition survived only among the Greek population.
Towards the end of the century the labyrinth was also known
in Venetian administrative circles. In the period in between
an event took place which had far-reaching effects, both
political and social. In 1363 a great rebellion broke out,
in which, for the first time, Greek Cretans and Venetian
colonists fought shoulder to shoulder against the Venetian
government, under the banner of St. Titus. 37 The rebellion
was put down with difficulty, after the Venetian government
had finally decided to send the famous general Lucchino dal
Verme to the island. 38 The island's social and economic
structure, however, was never the same again, partly because
of the relaxing of the rigid system of government, and partly,
too, because the Greeks and Venetians came to live together
in increasing harmony. I consider it probable that it was in
the years following 1363 that, as a result of these closer
contacts, the old traditions of the island also became known
to the Venetian inhabitants.
A tradition which situated the legendary labyrinth quite
firmly on their territory must have been taken over with
great delight by the Venetians. After all, from the times
of antiquity the idea of the labyrinth had always existed,
and had found artistic expression in the floor mosaics of
Roman dwellings, in early Christian basilicas (such as the
Reparatus basilica at Orleansville in Algeria, circa 324) 39
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233
and in medieval cathedrals. Particularly in the years between

1100 and 1300 there had been a great predilection for images
of the labyrinth: poems, drawings, garden lay-outs, and
especially the floors of many medieval cathedrals, all bear
witness to this fact. 40 The form clearly recalled the classical labyrinth, with its complicated plan of construction, but
the meaning was christianized: those who knew how to follow
the complicated route in the right way finally discovered, at
41
the centre of the maze of paths, the heavenly Jerusalem.
This gave rise in the middle ages to the tradition of the
pilgrimage of the soul, for those who were not able to make
the actual pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 42 The maze, with its
numerous dead ends, was also regarded as a symbol of the
difficulties to be encountered on the way to the heavenly
Jerusalem.
This whole complex of images that was connected in
western Europe with the labyrinth forms the background
against which the excursion organized by the Venetians in
Crete should be seen. The concept of the labyrinth was widespread throughout western Europe; it was the pride of the
Venetians in Crete that they believed that they could show
the real labyrinth to such important visitors as magistrates
from Venice. The travel account of the French nobleman Nompar
de Caumont, in 1418, gave publicity to a tradition connected
with the labyrinth which did exist in the middle ages, but
which was relatively unknown. In connection with his visit
to Crete he writes that in his day many people called the
labyrinth 'le cipte de Troie' . 43 The basis of this tradition
is to be found in the classical world. It can be seen from
Caumont's writing that the author was well versed in ancient
mythology. The identification of the labyrinth with Troy is
already found among the Romans: in popular Roman belief, in
which Knossos was entirely forgotten, Troy, and not Athens,
was frequently chosen as the 'great city' of antiquity. It
is probable that even in Vergil's time there was a belief in
an ethnic relationship between the Trojans and the Cretans. 44
The Trojan game of Ascanius, with its labyrinth-like shapes
may be an indication of this. 45 What may have contributed to
these ideas was the fact that Troy was besieged for a very
long time, and only finally entered with the greatest
difficulty.
The confusion of Troy with Crete must have continued,
under the influence of the later Roman mythographs, into the
middle ages. Caumont, the nobleman who was interested in
234
CRETE
mythology, provides the proof that this tradition was still

known, at least in France, in the early years of the fifteenth
century.
The grave of Caiaphas

For many centuries a small building in the vicinity of
Iraklion was regarded by the local population as the grave of
Caiaphas. It was only in 1883, with the building of the road
from Iraklion to Archanes - Pediada, that these ancient remains, on a little hill to the right of the plot, were scrapped and used as building material. ~ 6 The building measured
4.20 m in length and 3 m in width and was 2.50 m high; the
stonework was Roman, consisting of many small stones.
Buondelmonti is the first medieval author, and in fact
the only one, to mention this so-called grave of Caiaphas.
His addition of 'ut dicitur' shows that he himself had
little faith in this attribution, but it does appear from his
statement that in that area (near Knossos) this age-old
tradition still survived.
The legend that Caiaphas died in Crete is first found
in the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, in the part devoted
to the Acta Pilati.~ 7 There we read that in the twenty-third
year of the reign of the Emperor Tiberius, Pilate, the
governor of Judea and the Jewish high priest Joseph (also
known as Caiaphas) were summoned to Rome to give an account
of their administration. In Crete on the wa~ there, Caiaphas
fell ill and died, and he was buried there. 8 In the early
Christian period this story was apparently already believed
by Christians in Crete. As Xanthoudides has rightly pointed
out, it is no longer possible to discover how the story came
to be connected with the little building.~ 9 Was it that the
Cretans learned of the story and then looked for a suitable
monument to go with it, or did the story grow up in Crete
because of this monument, and so became known to the author
of the apocryphal Gospel? Attributing graves to famous
people was quite usual in antiquity; among others, there is
the grave of Zeus on the Joukt~s in Crete, and the grave of
Idomeneus and Meriones at Knossos. 50 Perhaps the Christians
wanted to have their own attractions, as well as, or rather
over and above, these personifications of figures from
mythology.
The grave gave its name to a region and to a hamlet,
Casal Cagiafa, 51 and even after the disappearance of Knossos
in the sixth to seventh century the story continued to live
CRETE
235
on in the area among the local population. In the course of

his wanderings on the island Buondelmonti may have heard it
in conversations with the Greek inhabitants, or with Venetian
colonists living in the area. It is not impossible that he
knew the Acta Pilati, but there is no evidence of this. His
brief statement is followed three hundred years later by a
detailed description by the Englishman, Richard Pococke, who
visited the island in 1743. 52 Pococke believed the building
to be an old grave, although he, too, prefers to leave its
attribution to Caiaphas to the responsibility of the local
inhabitants. Whether the little building ever was really used
as a grave it is now impossible to tell. One thing to be said
in favour of its being a grave is the fact that the building
was at the side of a road outside the town of Knossos. But
in view of the fact that all remains were completely lost
when the new road was built in 1883 1 we shall never know for
certain.
The Grave of Zeus
A third important sight in Crete was the Grave of Zeus
on the slopes of the Jouktas, a few kilometres south of
Iraklion. Like the labyrinth of Gortyn this, too, was an
underground cave in the mountains.
Buondelmonti describes the monument as follows in his
Descriptio: a cave with a narrow entrance, a depth of 42
paces and a width of 4 paces. The epitaph at the grave had
become worn down through the centuries that not a single
(Greek?) letter could now be made out. 53 From Buondelmonti's
description it appears that he found the cave and its immediate surroundings abandoned and in a state of complete
decay. Some of the ruins of buildings that must, in antiquity,
have belonged to shrines, had acquired a new function in the
fifteenth century as storage places for grain. Because there
was complete unanimity throughout the whole island in
attributing this grave to Zeus, Buondelmonti, after some
hesitation, has little difficulty in accepting this as being
true. Moreover, he found the place marked in the Ptolemy
text that he had with him. 54
Evans examined the cave in the Jouktas, and found there
the remains of an old minoan shrine. 55 It was probably at a
later stage that this old cult site was associated with the
idea that Zeus was buried there. Although in late imperial
times the worship of Zeus was forbidden and opposed by
Theodosius and his successors as idolatry, it appears that
236
CRETE
the local tradition survived among the Cretans, fond as they

were of old stories and customs, for a period of more than
2,000 years.
In Buondelmonti's time the location of the grave of
Zeus was known all over the island. I believe that this, too,
was an ancient tradition which originated among the local
population, and then in the second half of the fourteenth
century became generally known; by contrast with the labyrinth, however, there is no evidence that 'the grave' was
ever exploited by the Venetians as one of the sights of the
island. Perhaps the reason for this smaller degree of interest was that there was, in fact, some doubt as to the truth
of the story, a doubt that also appears momentarily in
Buondelmonti.
Apart from the Labyrinth, the Grave of Caiaphas and the
Grave of Zeus, Buondelmonti also mentions many other ancient
remains on the island of Crete, but as has already been said
when dealing with his person and his writing, there are few
concrete details to be found in his work. He merely speaks
of templa and palatia, imagines and bustae, columnae and
marmorea hedifitia. Such information is of little value for
a detailed description and an identification of particular
monuments in Crete. But it should be remembered that Buondelmonti did not set out to write an archaeological handbook of
Crete, but a geographical treatise, complete with maps. His
intention was merely to see how far the information he found
in the writings of ancient authors, and particularly in
Ptolemy's Geographica, were still valid in his own time.
Buondelmonti is the only one of the travellers discussed
in this book who was intensively concerned with Crete. He
visited the island for a number of weeks on his various
journeys, and he did not limit himself to a few places on the
coast; on horseback and on foot he penetrated far into the
interior. Other authors who visited the island shortly after
he did,have little of value to add to his description.
Bertrandon de la Broquiere and Pero Tafur both emphasize the
wealth of Crete, an aspect that Buondelmonti does not specifically mention in so many words, but which can nevertheless
be deduced from his descriptions of rich meadows and fields
of corn, beautiful gardens and fertile vineyards. Pero Tafur's
remark about the labyrinth being near Knossos suggests that
he had heard a tradition to this effect, but that is all that
can be said about this short passage. It is remarkable, however, that he does not mention the labyrinth of Ampelouzas.
CRETE
237
The Descriptio Insulae Cretae remained relatively unknown; there is little apparent influence on later authors.
Only much later, in the descriptions of Prince Radziwill
(1583) and Pierre Belon (1588), does the island of Crete,
with its ruins and its ancient traditions, again receive
detailed attention.
XVI. THE ARCHIPELAGO

Although there were countless travellers who wandered
through the Archipelago little attention is paid to these
islands in the surviving travelling accounts. Only a few of
the islands - which Niccolo da Martoni estimated as numbering more than three hundred - are mentioned by name, and
then only because ships put in at them for supplies or
because as they sailed past particular attention was called
to them. In the case of most of the islands, however, the
description in Buondelmonti's Liber lnsularum Archipelagi
(1420) is the first reference since classical antiquity.
The Archipelago did not boast any spectacular places
of interest; many of the islands were completely uninhabited,
and others only sparsely populated. Only two of the islands
were well known far beyond the Aegean area: Chios and Rhodes.
The reasons for their fame, however, are rather different.
1. Chios
Chios owed its fame and its prosperity to mastic, the
product of a small tree that only grew in the south of the
island. This resin, a secretion of the terpentine-tree, was
much in demand in the middle ages, and was used - among
other things - in the preparation of perfumes, liquor and
varnish and also in medicines. 1
In 1262 the island of Chios, which until 1204 had been
part of the Byzantine empire, was given to the Genoese
Benedetto Zaccaria by Michael VIII as a reward for his
support. 2 With the exception of a short period in the fourteenth century (1329 - 46) Chios remained in Genoese hands
until 1566. 3 The mastic monopoly was skilfully exploited by
the Genoese family Giustiniani, who managed after 1346 to
work their way up to become rulers of the whole of Chios.
Towards the end of the fourteenth century Niccolo da Martoni
estimates their income at more than 15,000 ducats a year.~
The Giustiniani family governed the island collectively:
they were united in the maona, or governing council,
mentioned by Pero Tafur among others. Chios became a great
trading centre in the Archipelago with Genoese ships in
particular, but those of other nationalities as well, visiting the harbour. The island became the most important point
in the network of Genoese trade relations with the Black Sea,
Constantinople and the coastal towns of the Levant.
240
THE ARCHIPELAGO
As well as the production of mastic, which is mentioned

by a number of authors, 5 the island possessed an
important reminder of antiquity, which is mentioned only by
Buondelmonti, and then in only a few lines. He says that
according to an old tradition the grave of Homer was situated
on the higher part of the island. 6 Buondelmonti did not
consider himself qualified to decide on the truth of this
tradition. In a dilapidated place in the region known as
'rus Homeri' all there was to see in his day were some
extremely weather-worn remains; these were undoubtedly of
great age, but could no longer be identified any further,
As the literary sources available to him provided no explanation either Buondelmonti leaves the matter open for research
by others after him. His doubts are understandable, for in
the Homerus-vitae of antiquity Chios is indeed mentioned as
the place where Homer lived, but he was said to be buried on
the island of Ios. 7 On a ridge of hills on the northern side
of that island there was an old tower, and several graves,
one of which was thought to be that of Homer, 8 In his
description of Ios, however, Buondelmonti does not say a
word about this. 9 In how far Buondelmonti was mistaken we
can no longer tell. I do not rule out the possibility, however, that not only on Ios, but in Chios too, a grave of
Homer was shown to anybody who was interested.
The fact that there were old traditions connected with
Homer in circulation on Chios can be seen from the works of
later authors, who do not locate the grave on Chios, but
rather a SchoZa of Homer. 10
About six kilometres north of the little town of Chios,
at Pasha Vrysi, is Daskal6petra, also known as the Seat of
Homer. This was a flat-topped peak of rock with another
granite block, about 80 ems high on top of it; because of its
vague resemblance to a throne or seat it became, in the
popular imagination, the seat of the famous poet. A ridge of
rock on either side of the throne was supposed to be where
his pupils sat. According to the local inhabitants there
were still traces of decoration visible, in the form of lion's
claws, up till the beginning of the nineteenth century, 11
Figures of animals decorated the sides; the outlines of the
figures on the front have become completely blurred, This has
probably already been so for some hundreds of years, for in
past centuries different visitors have interpreted it in
their own way. Pococke 12 (mid-eighteenth century) believed
he could see Homer with two Muses; Chandler 13 (eighteenth
CHI OS
241
century) was perhaps closer to the truth in distinguishing

a seated Cybele with two lions. The granite block was probably
a naiskos (a little chapel) with a seated Cybele, placed
there as a votive offering. Boardman believes that because of
the style of the animal figures on the sides a date in the
14
sixth or fifth century B.C. should be preferred.
The tradition of the Schola of Homer may perhaps also be
found in literature in the description of Chios by
Hieronimo Giustiniani (1586), in which a 'terrizola tu
Homeros' is mentioned. 15 It is extremely probable that Hieronimo Giustiniani, who was born in Chios, bases this on a
tradition that had already existed for a very long time, a
fragment of which had come to the ears of Buondelmonti. At
what point in time these traditions to do with Homer first
arose cannot be discovered from the few literary sources.
From Buondelmonti it appears that the tradition already
existed in the fourteenth century. It is therefore not
impossible that the origin may go back to antiquity, since
it is improbable that it should have come into being in the
intervening period. In view of the great fame the poet of the
Iliad and the Odyssey enjoyed, even in classical antiquity,
on the island of Chios, I do not consider it too audacious
to place the origin in that period. It is conceivable that at
precisely that time the Chiotans should have sought to
strengthen their claims against Smyrna 16 by means of
concrete and demonstrable objects.
Buondelmonti also paid a visit to the monastery of Nea
Moni, in the central highlands. He tells how visitors were
hospitably received there by the monks, who numbered more
than thirty. The church attracted his attention on account
of its unusual architecture. This church, which was built by
Emperor Constantine IX Aronomachus between 1040 and 1056, was
indeed a most extraordinary structure; other examples are to
be found only on Chios. 17 It is quite understandable that the
combination of an exonarthex with apses, covered by three
domes, an esonarthex and a naos covered by a large dome
should strike Buondelmonti as a peculiarly-shaped building.
He did not, however, consider himself capable of describing
it: 'plus quam narrare sufficiam' may refer to his inability
to describe the complicated edifice in detail, but it may
also be a way of saying that he did not consider such a
description necessary. It is remarkable, moreover, that the
famous mosaic decoration of Nea Moni did not make any particular impression on Buondelmonti.
242
THE ARCHIPELAGO
In striking contrast to Buondelmonti's fairly detailed

description of Chios, Pero Tafur has only one remark to make.
He spent three weeks on the island, and was extremely bored
because there was nothing to do!
2. Rhodes
In the middle ages Rhodes was well-known throughout
Christendom as the home of the Colossians, to whom St. Paul
had addressed his Epistle. In almost all the descriptions
this piece of information is repeated. 18 It was the Colossus
of Rhodes, which was known from antiquity, that led to this
misunderstanding. In his commentary on the New Testament
Erasmus rejects the identification of Rhodes with Colossae,
and on the basis of information found in ancient authors he
locates the city of Colossae in Phrygia. There had already
been some doubts before that, as appears from a passage in
the long version of Buondelmonti's Liber Insularurn. 19
The memory of the Colossus, one of the seven wonders of
the ancient world, still lived on in the middle ages, both
in Rhodes and elsewhere. Saewulf is mistaken when he refers
to the destruction of this statue, which was more than thirty
metres high, by the Arabs. In fact, during the capture of
Rhodes by Moawijah in 653 the remains of the statue, which
had already collapsed many centuries earlier in an earthquake,2Q were merely pulled down and taken away. Buondelmonti
mentions a story that there was a large mirror in front of
the chest of the statue, in which ships at sea as far away
as the Alexandrian coast, could be seen, 21 Niccolo da Martoni
is the first to describe how people imagined the statue was
positioned: one leg on the island, near the Church of St.
Nicholas, the other on the jetty on the other side, so that
ships sailed under the statue to get into the harbour. This
idea, which later became widespread, does not go back to the
texts of ancient authors, but is probably based on a mistaken
medieval interpretation. 22 The mouth of the harbour is too
wide for such a construction to be technically possible, As
a place where the statue may have stood, the area around the
palace of the grand-master is the most likely. On the island,
with the fort and the Church of St. Nicholas, there is too
little room for such an enormous construction. 23
For most visitors a stay in Rhodes must have formed a
pleasant break in their journey. The good climate and the
fertility of the island are repeatedly praised in the descriptions. In particular, the beautifully laid out gardens out-
RHODES
243
side the city of Rhodes attracted much interest. 2 ~ The city

of Rhodes itself was not very large, but was heavily fortified. Buondelmonti remarks that the ruins dotted about the
countryside showed that ancient Rhodes had occupied a wider
area; in 1395 Niccolo da Martoni reckoned that the place was
about as big as Capua, which he knew well. Boldensele's
account is the first in which the Knights of St. John are
mentioned as rulers of the island. Until 1204, with the
exception of a short spell of Arab rule in the seventh century, Rhodes had been a part of the Byzantine empire. In the
thirteenth century, after John III Vatatzes of Nicea the
Genoese held sway, but in 1306-7 the Knights of the hospital
of St. John of Jerusalem, who had been driven out of Palestine, settled on the island, where they were to remain until
1522. 25 It was they who built the enormous walls and moats,
as well as the palace of the grand-masters, the hospital and
the houses where the Knights lived. Both Niccolo da Martoni
and Pero Tafur give a good description of this medieval city
of Rhodes. One thing which attracted the attention of many
visitors to Rhodes was the row of windmills on the jetty. 26
There was not much to see in Rhodes in the way of
antiquities; for those one had to go further inland. Few of
the authors, however, decided to do so. Only Nompar de
Caumont visited the mountain of Philerimos, a few kilometres
to the south of the city of Rhodes, and believed that he saw
there the remains of ancient Rhodes. In actual fact he was
standing in the midst of the ruins of the old Ialysus. 27
Buondelmonti appears to have been the only one to wander
around the island; the fact that he used Rhodes as a base
for his trips around the Archipelago may be the explanation
for his detailed description of the island. He also visited
Lindus, and he says that the god Hercules was worshipped
th.ere in a special rite. This passage is not entirely clear
to me. Probably Buondelmonti had two ancient literary traditions in mind: at Lindus a god, usually identified as Athena,
was worshipped with sacrifices in which no fire was used. 28
This special rite is described by Pindar, among others, in
his seventh Olympic ode. 29 At Lindus Hercules was also worshipped according to a rite in which the priest cursed as he
brought the sacrifice of two bulls to the heros. 30 I do not
consider it impossible that a mixture of these two traditions
may have led to this confused passage in Buondelmonti's account.
Buondelmonti is the only author who makes any remarks about
ancient objects that he saw in Rhodes. He speaks of marble
244
THE ARCHIPELAGO
altars, decorated with animal heads, coins and vases. 31 He

makes the interesting remark that 'a short while ago' near
the Church of St. Anthony five hundred statues were discovered in a vineyard. I am inclined to think that this was
a great collection of terra cotta statuettes, which had been
given as votive offerings and were put away in the storeroom
of an old cult site. Such a passage as this, which I have
not found in the account of any other medieval traveller,
reminds one again how antique material is constantly being
discovered.
There remains one more place of interest on the island
of Rhodes which deserves some attention. Among the many
relics which were kept in the Church of St. John as valuable
treasures, was one (or, according to Pero Tafur, even
several) of the thirty pieces of silver for which Judas had
betrayed Christ. Many pilgrims in the fifteenth and sixteenth
century speak about this exceptional relic. 32 The fact that
the piece of silver had already been in the Church of St.
John for some time appears from a passage in a German pilgrim
guide which apparently dates from the beginning of the fifteenth century. 33 Pero Tafur and Mariano da Siena are the
only travellers discussed in this book to mention this relic.
I have already expressed my conjecture that Ludolf von Sudheim's lengthy discourse about the Three Kings, and in
connection with that the role of the thirty pieces of silver,
was inspired by seeing such a relic. 34 Rhodes was not the
only place where one of the pieces of silver could be seen;
in the period beginning in the fifteenth century there were
at least sixteen of them known in western Europe. We have no
information as to when they were placed in the treasure
chambers. 35 In the case of six of the coins we do not know
what they looked like; from the sometimes vague description
of at least eight we can make out that they are coins from
Rhodes. 36 I refer to the type with a head of Apollo, sometimes with halo (period 400- 304 B.C.), sometimes without
(period 304- 166 B.C.), and on the reverse a rose. That a
coin of this sort was displayed in Rhodes is apparent from
the account by the bishop of Saintes, Ludovicus de Rochechouart,37 who in 1461 made out the head of Ceasar on the
front of the relic, and on the back a lily. 38 There is no
problem in equating this description by a non-numismatist
with the type I have just described.
The question arises as to why precisely coins from
Rhodes should be regarded as the silver pieces of Judas. I
PATMOS AND COS
245
suspect that the activities of the Knights of St. John, after

they had established themselves in Rhodes in the early years
of the fourteenth century, may have been responsible for the
distribution of precisely these Rhodian coins as the pieces
of silver which were to occupy such an important place in
many of the treasure-chambers of Europe. This hypothesis is
supported by several different arguments. First of all it
should be said that at least two specimens were in the hands
of the Knights of St. John. This is true of the one in Malta,
that may, however, be identical with the relic formerly displayed in Rhodes, since it is probably that when the Knights
left Rhodes freely in 1522 they took their valuables with
them. If Pero Tafur is right in 1440 the Knights of St. John
in Rhodes had even more specimens. Another of the coins was
for a long time in the church of St. John of Lateran in Paris,
the church of the Malta command. 39 The time when the 'pieces
of silver' first became heard of in Europe too - about the
middle of the fourteenth century - does not exclude the involvement in this question of the Knights of St. John, who
had been in possession of Rhodes since 1310. Moreover the
Rhodian coins known as the pieces of silver are most likely
to have come from Rhodes, and not from somewhere in the
Palestinian area. 4 From the coin hoards on the island of
Rhodes which have been published so far it appears that almost all of them consisted entirely of Rhodian coins. 41 Thus
it seems to me quite possible that the discovery of a number
of silver Rhodian coins - perhaps exactly thirty in number on the island of Rhodes in the first half of the fourteenth
century gave rise to a tradition about the pieces of silver,
and that the Knights of St. John were involved in spreading
these coins all over Europe, as relics, in the fourteenth,
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
3,
Patmos and Cos
As well as Rhodes and Chios, Patmos and Cos were

known to some extent outside Greek territory. Having been
sent into exile on Patmos by Emperor Domitianus, the apostle
John had written the Book of Revelation on that island. This
fact is recalled by many travellers who came to the island,
or near it. 42 Cos was known, though less generally, as the
home of the famous Greek doctor, Hippocrates. Saewulf mentions
'Galienus medicus', but he may be assumed to have confused
the two doctors of antiquity, Galenus and Hippocrates.
On Cos itself Hippocrates was not forgotten; there
THE ARCHIPELAGO
246
Buondelmonti was shown the remains of a large group of

buildings, with its own spring, as the 'house', or perhaps
even the 'palace' of Hippocrates. Shortly before that the
same complex was visited by Niccolo da Martoni, who went to
the island specially for that purpose. He mentions the
spring, and says that the complex consisted of several
buildings; one part had collapsed, and another part was used,
in his day, for stabling the cattle of the occupants. These
may possible have been the remains of the ancient Asclepie-
um.
43
After mentioning the house of Hippocrates Buondelmonti

continues with a passage about a dangerous snake that caused
great devastation on the island, and about the daughter of
Hippocrates who appeared every six or eigth years, in a
changed shape. 44 Although these two elements are recounted
separately, they belong together, for Buondelmonti's extremely muddled version contains the same elements as the story
about Hippocrates' daughter that is told at lenght by Mandeville and in short by Niccolo da Martoni. Mandeville describes
how the daughter of the king of Lango (i.e. Cos) was under a
spell, and waited in a treasure-filled castle for a prince
who would kiss her in spite of her horrible snake's body. Two
attempts, one by a knight of St. John and one by a simple
visitor to the island failed, and ended in the death of the
person in question. Niccolo tells more or less the same
story: in connection with a cave or cellar in the Hippocrates'
buildings he heard the story of Hippocrates' daughter, who
guarded a valuable treasure, and who appeared to people sometimes as a princess and sometimes as a snake. Whoever dared
to kiss the snake would gain possession of the treasure and
be allowed to marry the princess.
Niccolo only recounts the fortunes of one knight of St. John
who made the attempt. As it appears in Mandeville and in
Niccolo da Martoni the story strongly resembles the motif
of the 'fair baiser' in the cycle of Arthur, in which Lancelot plays an important role. 45 In these stories about
Lancelot, however, the event does not take place on Cos.
Nor can Mandeville himself have heard the story on Cos,
considering that he never set foot on Greek soil. He makes
it quite obvious that he does not know the island, mentioning
two separate islands Cohos and Lango; in fact these are two
different names for the same island, Cos.
The mention of the Knight of St. John shows that Mandeville's version of the story cannot be very old, in view of
OTHER ISLANDS
247
the fact that these knights only settled in the Archipelago

in 1310. Yet the introduction of this knight into the story
does form a connection with Greece. 46
How Mandeville came to hear the story from Cos remains unclear. I do not rule out the possibility of oral or written
transmission via the Knights of St. John, especially as the
story appears to be familiar in Rhodes towards the end of the
fourteenth century. It was there that Niccolo da Martoni
heard it, from a certain Brother Dominic with whom he stayed
for a while. He considered what he heard very extraordinary,
but his informant assured him most particularly of its truth.
The explanation for the story being known on the island of
Rhodes as well as on Cos may perhaps be that Cos belonged to
the area that was governed by the Knights of St. John.
Buondelmonti's description of the house on Cos that
was ascribed to Hippocrates, followed by the legend in which
the daughter of the latter plays a part, makes t probable
that the source of the stories connected with Hippocrates is
to be found on Cos after all. 47 It must be observed, however,
that the person of the doctor has evolved, with the passing
of time, to become 'lord' of the island. We may assume that
in late antiquity and in the Byzantine period various popular
stories were spun on Cos around the figure of Hippocrates. 48
His qualities as a doctor faded into the background, and so
it was that a fairy-story about an enchanted princess who
possessed great riches was grafted onto the figure of Hippocrates, the lord of Cos. 49
4. Other islands
For information about other islands in the Archipelago
our sole source is Buondelmonti's Liber Insularum Archipelagi.
The Florentine geographer described some seventy-five islands,
some of which he had visited for himself. From the archeological point of view, a number of details can be found there
about ruins, pillars and statues. The descriptions of the
architectural remains are extremely brief and general. On
various islands, on Samos or Kalymnos, for example, Buondelmonti mentions extensive ruins, spread over a wide area, but
gives no further details. Only in the case of the temple he
mentions on Paros, made of spotless marble, may we assume
that he refers to the Church of Panagia Katapoliani on that
island, 5 a building which still exists, and which dates
back to the second half of the sixth century. In his descriptions of statues Buondelmonti gives more details. He is ob-
248
THE ARCHIPELAGO
viously interested in the free-standing sculpture that he

found on various islands. 5 1 After giving a .sometimes detailed
description of a figure and its attributes he usually continues
with an allegorical interpretation of the whole object, in
which he displays his knowledge of ancient mythology. Although such descriptions of statues which have long since
been lost are certainly interesting, the fact that at that
time somebody showed any interest in them is even more
important.
Because of the way he passes on various old legends
which were still alive on the islands in about 1420, and
mentions all sorts of ancient remains, Buondelmonti's book
of the islands has earned a place at the forefront of the
line of studies of the different islands of the Archipelago.
XVII. CONSTANTINOPLE
1. Appearance and situation

The city of Constantinople was very different from the
cities which western Europeans, Russians and Arabs found in
their own countries; this is why both eastern and western
visitors showed such exceptional interest in the Byzantine
capital. Relatively speaking, many medieval authors have
written about a visit to Constantinople; their accounts
sometimes differ considerably from one another in content
and in length, but with regard to the appearance and the
situation of the city they are practically unanimous in declaring that no other place in the world can compare in
size and in geographical position with the city on the Bosporus. Only Bertrandon de la Broquiere, in 1430, making a
comparison between the size of Rome and that of Constantinople considers the Italian city to be bigger. 1 He was right,
that Roman territory inside the Aurelian wall was sligthly larger, though much less thickly populated. Inside the
city wall built in 411 by Theodosius II Constantinople covered an area of about 13 km 2 Only when this is compared
with the few square kilometres of such medieval cities as
Paris, Cologne and Antwerp, 2 does it become clear how
immensely large Constantinople appeared to strangers.
According to Benjamin of Tudela the huge Arab trading city
of Bagdad was the only place that could conceivably be
compared with it. 3
As far as the dimensions
are concerned, varying
figures can be found in the different accounts. Sometimes
the total perimeter of the city is given as eight or nine
miles, sometimes as twelve miles; mostly, however, it is
estimated as eighteen miles. 4 These figures are of little
use, other than historiographic, since they are generally
based on traditional numbers and not on actual measurements.
It should be said, however, in connection with these estimates, that the figure most frequently mentioned, eighteen
miles, is much too high. The total perimeter of the city wall
as built by Theodosius in 411 was about eighteen kilometres.
This can be divided up as follows: west side 5! km, north
side 4! km. east side 1! km and south side 6! km.
The excessively high estimate is doubtless due to the profound impression the enormous size of the city made on
strangers; not one of the authors expresses any doubt about
250
CONSTANTINOPLE
the generally accepted figures.

Not only the size, but also the shape of the city
attracted particular attention. Unlike the majority of
European and Arab cities, which were more or less round,
the lay-out of Constantinople is shaped rather like a
trapezium. In medieval accounts people always speak of
a triangular shape, which ignores the short eastern side of
the city. 5
Two of the three sides of the triangle lay along the water;
the north side was bordered by the Golden Horn, the east and
south sides together by the Bosporus and the Sea of Marmara;
only on the western side was the city joined to the land.
Such a geographical situation was very unusual; this would
explain why the shape of the city and its position with so
much water on three sides, received so much attention. In
almost all the descriptions it is assumed that all three
sides of the triangle were equally long. Only Buondelmonti
took them as being five, six and seven miles for the land
side, the Golden Horn side and the side on the Sea of Marmara respectively. Even these proportions, however, are not
entirely correct, for the land side and the shore alongside
the Golden Horn are roughly equal in length.
The area covered by the city inside the walls consisted
of extremely irregular ground, and the presence of various
hills led to Constantinople being compared in this respect
with Rome, which was traditionally supposed to have been
built on seven hills. This idea is found, for example, in
the work of Bertrandon de la Broquiere, who remarks that Rome,
Constantinople and Antioch were all built on seven hills.
The city of Constantinople was never completely built up;
even in the Comnenian period, a time of prosperity, when the
city had a very large number of inhabitants, 6 there were
still extensive stretches of open ground along the land
walls and in the Lycusvalley. Odo of Deuil describes how in
1147 large pieces of ground inside th.e walls were used for
farming, and how the inhabitants themselves had gardens
where they grew vegetables and fruit. The fact that the
inhabited part of the city continued to shrink from the
thirteenth century onwards will be gone into later.
On both the land side and the side facing the sea
Constantinople was surrounded by walls, but because the west
side (the land side) was the most vulnerable that was the
most heavily fortified. A double wall erected by Theodosius
in about 411, with a deep moat in between that was added
APPEARANCE AND SITUATION
251
later (circa 1000?) made Constantinople virtually impregnable

from the land side. 7 Most of the travellers refer to the
walls as high, but do not give any exact measurements. Modern
examination of those remains that still exist, which are
still, in some places, extremely impressive, makes it clear
that the 'small' outer wall was eight metres high, and that
the strong inner wall reached a height of eleven metres.
Idrisi's estimate of 21 ells for the main wall with a parapet
of 10 ells tallies fairly well with this. 8
Bertrandon describes how near the Blachernae buildings
on the north side of the land wall, near the Golden Horn,
there was no moat; the configuration of the ground made it
impossible for a moat to be made at that high level. 9 This
vulnerable point in the defences, where on several occasions
a concentrated attack was made, was, however, sufficiently
protected by the special defence works of the Blachernae. 10
Visitors' attention was especially attracted by the
extremely strong walls, since defence works of such a size
were nowhere to be found. Most visitors considered the city
invincible
and indeed for many centuries the walls provided
protection against attacks of all kinds. 11 Only twice in a
thousand years was the city captured, in 1204 and in 1453.
The great strength of the walls also led to the forming
of legends: the inhabitants of the city believed that
Constantinople was impregnable because an angel on horseback
defended the walls and protected them. Pero Tafur mentions
the legend, saying how while the city was being built an
angel took over the watch from the guard. He ends his story
with the remark that in his time this angel must have disappeared, considering that the city had just been captured
by the Turks. 12 In two of the descriptions the strength of
the walls of Constantinople is consciously played down: in
his writing, which is full of anti-Greek comments, Odo of
Deuil remarks that the walls of the city were not particularly strong; and Wilhelmus Adam writes, in his Directorium ad
passagium transmarinum, in which the capture of Constantinople was seen as part of the crusade that was about to be
organized, that the city was indeed surrounded by walls and
the walls were intact, but that they were not very high. It
is clear that from Odo's negative point of view, but even
more from what Wilhelmus Adam had in mind, strong walls did
not suit their purposes. Yet the fact that both authors lied
in this respect is absolutely certain, as appears from the
great number of descriptions, dating from the seventh century
252
CONSTANTINOPLE
right up to about 1453, in which the strength of the walls

is precisely what is emphasized. 13
Buondelmonti gives some impression of the number of
towers and gates there are in both the land and the sea
walls: he says that on the land wall there were ninety-six
towers, on the wall along the Golden Horn 110 and on the
walls facing the Sea of Marmara 198, These figures tally
fairly well with what modern research has discovered: on
the land side 96 towers with eleven large and small gates;
along the Sea of Marmara a hundred and three towers and
thirty-six gates can still be identified; in the port on the
north side much has changed over the centuries, so that the
medieval situation is no longer entirely clear. It is certain
that the towers numbered more than a hundred. 14 Of the dozens
of gates, large and small (Schiltberger says there were 85
and Idrisi gives the figure of a round hundred) there were
15
only a few that received special attention.
The most famous
gate, mentioned by Harun-ibn-Yahya,
Ma9oudi, Sigurd, Idrisi,
Clari and al-Wardi, was hardly ever used in medieval times;
the Golden Gate could only be entered in a ceremonial proces16
sion by the Emperor, after he had achieved victory in battle
Robert de Clari describes at length how this ceremony went
in about 1203, This Porta Aurea was very beautifully constructed and decorated; the name referred to the fact that
it was covered with gilded plates, On the top there were
bronze figures, which included Emperor Theodosius II, a victory
and several elephants. 17 From the description by Harun-ibnYahya one might conclude that it was a quadriga of elephants,
for he speaks of a group of five figures: four elephants and
thei~ driver. Clari, on the other hand, mentions only two
large bronze elephants. We know that the group of figures on
the Porta Aurea was badly damaged in various earthquakes. In
the eight century (720) the statue of the emperor fell down,
and in 866 the same thing happened to the victory. 18 It is
not known whether these figures were replaced on top of the
gate during some restoration, but it is certainly probable,
From Hartin's account it is not clear which figure it was he
saw, the victory or the emperor. It is most likely to have
been the victory, as that statue was seen on the gate in
1648 by a Frenchman, De Monconys. 19 It is not inconceivable
that in new earthquakes between 913 and 1203 some of the
elephants were lost; in that case Clari's description would
also be correct.
Harun names as the second most important gate the Pege
253
gate (Silivri kapi) which was at a short distance (about

1 km) north of the Porta Aurea. This was the gate through
which, in particular, the traffic between Constantinople and
nearby places would pass. The name of the gate was taken
from a holy spring very near it, and the gate, like most of
20
the city gates was covered with iron work.
It is not clear on
which of the city gates the statue with the Golden Mantle
stood, which Clari describes. I believe he refers to one of
the large entrances in the land wall, but not the Porta
Aurea. Probably groups of figures were placed on many, if
not all, of the gates when they were built; there is hardly
any literary data, however, about such statues. Moreover,
either in 1204 or else at a later date, the objects themselves were lost.
The evidence about the external appearance of Constantinople (shape, size and position) indicates no changes over
the centuries. A definite difference is seen, however, in
what is said about the situation inside the city. From a
favourable view in the early descriptions (up till 1204), in
which Constantinople is regarded as a rich and beautiful
city, a transition can be observed towards an unfavourable
judgment in the testimony of the later Palaeologian period
(fourteenth to fifteenth century). The turning-point is undoubtedly to be found in the thirteenth century, with the
plundering of the city by the Crusaders, and the Latin
empire. The ensuing attempts at restoration by the early
Palaeologian emperors Michael VIII and Andronicus II were
certainly not without success, but this was only temporary. 21
Nothing can be traced about this in my sources, as there
are no accounts between 1204 and about 1340. Round about
~340 one finds not only the negative remarks of Wilhelmus
Adam and of the slightly earlier traveller Aboulfeda, but
also in fact some predominantly positive statements in the
work of Wilhelm von Boldensele (copied by Ludolf von Sudheim
and Mandeville!) and that of Ibn Battuta. 22 After about 1340,
however, nobody ever writes about the rich city of Constantinople, a theme which, before the thirteenth century, was
emphasized by practically all the authors, and especially by
those who took part in the crusades. 23 The picture of Constantinople as a densely populated city disappears, making
place for that of a delapidated place with a small number of
inhabitants. 24 Whereas in about 670 Arculf could still stress
the fact that many of the buildings in Constantinople were
made of stone, precisely what Wilhelmus Adam and Ibn Battuta,
254
CONSTANTINOPLE
centuries later, emphasize is the large number of wooden

buildings in the city. But in spite of decline in almost
every field the city still continued to impress. Ibn Battuta
praises the roomy, well-paved streets, and compares the
Greek city with dirty, cramped Frankish Pera on the other
side of the Golden Horn. Clavijo particularly notices the
coolness resulting from the numerous fountains and wells.
These were things which were completely absent from most
medieval cities. Even in the difficult times of the late
fourteenth and fifteenth century people were still prepared
to attend to such things.
An increasing number of visitors to the city stress the
many open spaces inside the walls. It has already been stated,
in connection with the text by Odo of Deuil, that the city
area had never been fully built up. After the fires caused
by the Crusaders in 1203 - 1204, in which particularly the
central part of the city suffered, 25 the number of open
spaces continued to increase. Large parts were never rebuilt
after 1204; there was little necessity for them to be, either,
since the population had fallen sharply. It is known that in
the period of the Latin empire little was done about restoration and maintenance; a few of the great buildings such as
the palaces and the Hagia Sophia were more or less kept up,
but large parts of the city fell more and more into decay.
With the continuing decline in the number of inhabitants in
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the built-up area
continued to dwindle. More and more areas came to be used as
vineyards or olive groves. 26 Several fifteenth century travellers, in particular, - Clavijo, Buondelmonti and Pero Tafur stress the small number of inhabitants they found in the city.
In an anonymous account, written in Munich in 1437, and intended as information about Constantinople for the participants in the Council of Basle, the number of inhabitants is
estimated as barely 40,000, 27 The inhabitants were concentrated mainly along the Golden Horn and the Sea of Marmara. Ibn
Battuta describes how inside the great walls people lived in
thirteen separate villages; and Bertrandon de la Broquiere
and Pero Tafur also speak of separate inhabited areas, spread
here and there over the open spaces.
The Golden Horn, which penetrated deep inland (5 km)
formed a magnificent natural harbour, which was for many
centuries a source of prosperity. Various different authors,
especially before 1204, speak of the busy trading activities
and the large number of foreigners they found in the city. 28
255
Robert of Rheims believed that in Constantinople trade was

carried on with the whole world, and the truth of this claim
can hardly be denied. With the decline of the city the
harbour also suffered a definite recession. A weakening in
the political field was accompanied by the loss of its central position as transit port, and in the fourteenth to fifteenth century it was no longer Greek Constantinople that
was the centre of international trade, but rather Genoanruled Galata-Pera. The income from harbour fees fell, and
round about 1350 Constantinople received a total of only
30,000 hyperpera, while in Pera harbour fees totalled
200,000 hyperpera. 29 A hundred years later Pero Tafur reported that in Constantinople the extensive harbour facilities
presented a deserted appearance, and were nothing but a
memory of earlier prosperity. Ships still put in there, and
some work was still done, but everywhere, in the docks and
along the quays there was evidence of capacity far in excess
of use.
Traffic across the Golden Horn between Constantinople
and Galata was by ship. Ibn Battuta is the only author who
mentions the fact that although the two cities were not far
apart there was no bridge linking them. In earlier times,
according to him, there had been a stone bridge over the
Golden Horn, but this had collapsed in the mean while. Janin
has devoted a special study to this subject, and believes
that Ibn Battuta may have meant the bridge across the river
Barbyzes, at the end of the Golden Horn. 30 There are also
indications that between the fifth and the seventh century
there was a bridge just outside the walls at Blachernae.
On the eastern side the Golden Horn could be shut off
by a large chain, which, when hung from two towers on either
shore obstructed the passage of enemy ships. 31 Robert de
Clari describes this chain, and tells how the Crusaders first
had to capture one of these towers (in Galata) to let down
the chain so that their ships could get through. 32
Only few of the authors took any interest in the previous history of Constantinople. Its founding by Constantine,
and the legend connected with it, in which the building
materials were said to have been found in a miraculous
manner at the place where the city had to be built, are
described only by Arculf-Beda and Robert of Rheims. The fact
that a small settlement called Byzantium, had previously
stood on the site of Constantinople is found only in Buondelmonti and Zosimus. Buondelmonti also describes how the city
256
CONSTANTINOPLE
was enlarged and embellished by Constantine and later

emperors; most of the authors, however, regard the Constantinople of their time as a given fact, and do not concern themselves with its historical development.
2. Hagia Sophia
Whoever approached Constantinople by land or by sea
could already see, from a great distance, the dome of the
~agia Sophia rising above the city. 33 The immense size of
the church and its situation on the high part of the peninsula made the Hagia Sophia a fixed landmark in the city.
Countless visitors must have admired the church,
throughout the centuries, from inside as well as from outside. Some idea of the impression the building made on them
can be obtained by comparing the various pieces of written
evidence with each other. The testimonies of western Europeans, Russians and Arabs do vary somewhat with regard to the
Hagia Sophia.
In spite of its great size this church made little impression on Moslems; several Arab authors do not even
mention it, or only do so in passing. 34 From the words with
which Aboulfeda introduces his passage about the statue of
Justinian it can be seen that he has purposely omitted what
was said in his source about the Hagia Sophia. Ibn Battuta
does pay a great deal of attention to the exterior, but remarks that he has not been able to visit the inside of the
church because he did not wish to perform the obligatory
genuflection in front of the cross above the entrance. One
may wonder whether this is the real reason, or whether nonbelievers were not allowed in the building.
When Russian authors write about the Hagia Sophia they
do so in a way that assumes a familiarity with its shape,
size and wealth on the part of their readers. 35 For the
Russians the cathedral church of Constantinople was of great
significance, for the very reason that Russia looked so much
to Constantinople in ecclesiastical matters. The form of the
Hagia Sophia and its decoration was copied in many churches
in Russia; the Hagia Sophia in Kiev is the most famous example of this. 36 The impression the church made on Russian
visitors, and the spell-binding effect of the solemn liturgy
heard in such a great and richly decorated space is reflected,
for example, in the Nestor chronicle. The envoys from Russia
who attended a service in the Hagia Sophia in about 987,
thought themselves to be in Heaven. 37 Such words of praise
HAGIA SOPHIA
257
and the oral accounts of countless Russian pilgrims who

visited Constantinople on account of its wealth of relics,
undoubtedly contributed to the great fame of the Hagia Sophia
in Russia.
From western accounts, too, it appears that a certain
knowledge of the cathedral of Constantinople is assumed, in
any case of the name and the vast size. For western visitors,
however, the structure of the building - a square ground
plan, with a dome supported by high columns - was less
familiar, and the costly interior was also something without
parallel in west-European countries. 38
Anybody who expects to find in the travel accounts a
description of the structure and appearance of the Hagia
Sophia is doomed to disappointment; most authors have an eye
for all sorts of details, especially on the inside; they love
to describe miraculous aspects such as the healing power
attributed to certain pillars or bolts, which is mentioned
by Clari and Antonius of Novgorod, but they say nothing about
the building itself. Thus Arculf's unsophisticated attempt at
describing the building is not followed for centuries. He
speaks of a large stone building, round in shape with three
storeys and a dome supported by arches. In 1204 Clari devotes
a few words to the shape of the building, but is much more
interested in the columns and bolts which drove out diseases.
Only Clavijo, in about 1400, was to give a detailed description of the inside and outside of the cathedral of Constantinople.
There is a remarkable text by an anonymous Armenian writer,
who makes an attempt (not entirely successful) at describing
the countless pillars in the building. 39 On the ground floor
he counted twelve columns of green marble, by which he
probably means the two lots of four massive pillars in
between the heavy buttresses on the north and south sides;
the remaining four are the two lots of two pillars which
stood immediately behind them in the side-wings. The sixtyfour green pillars on the first floor can perhaps be identified as the sixty pillars in the gallery of the space used
as a gynaeceum. The eight purple pillars almost certainly
fit in with the eight porphyry pillars of the exedrae, while
in the eight square pillars we may recognize the square
columns of the same exedrae. What the twelve white pillars
are supposed to be is not clear; Brock believes they may
have belonged to the columns of the atrium, which have disappeared, but I am more inclined to look for them inside the
258
CONSTANTINOPLE
building. The four pillars mentioned in his next sentence

cannot be accounted for either; the text appears to be corrupt at that point. The forty pillars of the upper storey
may refer to the pillars already mentioned; it is possible
that these forty pillars made up the partition between the
gynaeceum and the nave.
All the authors are unanimous in declaring that the
building was exceptionally large, but what the actual
measurements were is not usually revealed. 39 a Only the anonymous Russian writer of about 1390, Clavijo and in particular the geographer Buondelmonti took the trouble to make a
note of some measurements and distances. The name of Emperor
Justinian I, who commissioned the building, is mentioned only
by Boldensele and by the anonymous Armenian. Schiltberger
attributes the building to Constantine, and Ibn Battuta to
Asaf, the son of Barakhya, a vizier of King Solomon known
from Jewish and Mohammedan legends.
Originally the Hagia Sophia formed the centre of a
large complex of buildings. It was the main church of the
city, the seat of the patriarch, 40 and on feast days the
imperial family also attended church in the Hagia Sophia. A
considerable number of the hundreds of priests and officials
of the church were housed in the surrounding buildings of the
patriarchate and in a number of monasteries. 41
Ibn Battuta describes how in the fourteenth century the
complex could be freely entered through thirteen gates: first
one entered a large forecourt with a water channel and trees,
and only then did one reach the entrance to the church. With
the decay of the city in the course of the fourteenth century
parts of the Hagia Sophia also collapsed. Clavijo notices
many ruins in the vicinity of the church, and some twenty
years later Buondelmonti describes how only the testudo, the
central part with the dome, was still standing, while the
rest of the complex had collapsed and disappeared. Bertrandon
de la Broquiere remarks that of the many monasteries of
former days only three remained in his day (circa 1430). But
the church itself, according to Pero Tafur, was still well
kept up, although it was apparently no longer possible to
arrest the decay of the buildings surrounding it.
The inside of the church is described in general terms
by a number of authors. They emphasize the wealth of gold and
silver, the use of marble, porphyry, jasper and other precious
stones 42 and the magnificent mosaic decoration. Sometimes
their attention is caught by particular details, such as the
HAGIA SOPHIA
259
costly lamps (in the case of Benjamin of Tudela 7 the anonymous Russian and 7 in particular 7 Robert de Clari) 7 the altar
with its ciborium and antependium (Clari and Pero Tafur)1the
porphyry rota 1 mentioned by Antonius of Novgorod 7 on which
the imperial throne was placed ~ 3 and the bema or ambo from
which the Gospel was read 7 which is noted by Clari and
Clavijo.~~ Of the many mosaics only a few receive special
mention: Clavijo and Pero Tafur refer to the mosaic of the
Pantocrator 7 that was placed so high in the dome that in
spite of its immense size it still appeared small.~ 5 Then
Antonius of Novgorod speaks of a row of portraits of emperors and patriarchs 7 evidence that is borne out by the anonymous author of the Chronicle of Novgorod.~ 6 The portico
in which the portrait gallery was installed was destroyed 7
however 7 in the fires of 1203- 1204.~ 7 The same Antonius
of Novgorod also mentions a mosaic portrait of Leo VI the
Wise above an aisle of the church; he probably refers to
the picture above the imperial door in the narthex.~ 8
Whether this mosaic should be attributed to Basil I (867886) or to Leo VI (886-912) is a matter that is still under
discussion at the present time;~ 9 apparently in the period
round about 1200 the picture was connected with Emperor
Leo, Schiltberger's reference to golden discs in the walls
seems to me to be inspired by gold plates built into the
brickwork 7 bearing a confession of faith or a votive inscription. 50
Although in this century examinations of the Hagia Sophia
have yielded hardly any trace of them 7 various authors make
mention of immense cisterns which apparently stretched under
the church. 51 Under the narthex there is indeed a space
divided into two chambers 7 43,5 metres long 7 which was at
one time connected with a water system. 52 Whether it was
this space that led to the reference to cisterns under the
Hagia Sophia 7 both in legends and in travel accounts 7 cannot
be said for certain. The firm assertions of such reliable
authors as Clavijo and Buondelmonti do suggest 7 however,
that they did see certain spaces underneath the church that
were used as cisterns.
It is not known to what extent all the various parts of
the complex were accessible throughout the ages. For this
reason the description by Ignatius of Smolensk of how he
went up the dome is a useful detail, He was so surprised at
the great size of what had appeared so small from down below,
that he went round with a measuring-staff and measured the
distances between the various windows. 53
260
CONSTANTINOPLE
The travel accounts give no information about the

ceremonies which took place in the Hagia Sophia. Their
silence on this subject is easy to explain: Arabs either
did not wish or were not allowed to enter the church; for
the Russians the liturgy hardly differed from the one they
were familiar with, and the Roman Catholic pilgrims did not
record anything about Greek services either. There is, then,
only one piece of information available: Bertrandon de la
Broquiere says that he was present at the performance of a
54
mystery play about the Three Young Men in the Fiery Furnace.
There are a few small details in or near the Hagia
Sophia which attracted the attention of travellers, and
which should not go unmentioned. The fact that the roofs and
domes were covered with lead appears to have been exceptional; it is stated quite emphatically by Clavijo, Schiltberger
and Pero Tafur, The absence of a clock tower attracts the
particular attention of Antonius of Novgorod. He tells how
the faithful are called to the services by means of a rattle or
semantron. 55 The right of sanctuary that was associated with
churches also applied to the Hagia Sophia: Clavijo writes
that anybody who sought refuge in the church was safe from
arrest.
3. other churches and monasteries

Although Constantinople had dozens of other churches
and chapels besides the Hagia Sophia they are rarely described in the travel descriptions. They were undoubtedly frequently visited: in the chapter about pilgrimages I have spoken
at length about the attraction of the enormous number of
relics in the churches and monasteries of Constantinople,
particularly for pilgrims, but also for other travellers
(Arabs excepted!). 56 Whenever a certain church is mentioned
in an account, the emphasis is always placed upon the relics
in the treasure chamber; a description of the building and
its decoration is not usually given. Only one author deviates
very far from this fixed pattern: Clavijo gives a fairly detailed description of the structure and the decoration of
various churches and monasteries which he and his fellow envoys visited.
The monasteries and churches of Constantinople have been
the subject of a number of studies. At the beginning of this
century the great work of J. Ebersolt and A. Thiers 57 appeared, and in 1965 a study by Eyice about the churches from the
OTHER CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES
261
ninth to the fifteenth century, 58 Krautheimer, in his book

about early Christian and Byzantine architecture, pays
particular attention to late-Classical and early Byzantine
church building, especially that of the Emperors Constantine
and Justinian I, although it also contains some observations
about later developments. 59 In the recently published Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls 60 attention is also paid
to the churches in the city. Although the travel accounts
are not entirely without mention in these works, the material
that can be found in them has not yet been adequately drawn
upon.
The church of the Holy Apostles, on the western side of
the city, is referred to in the account of Willibaldus'
journey. The name of the church is not mentioned, but the
reference to the graves of Timothy, Andrew and Luke under
the altar make this identification certain. Their relics are
supposed to have been buried there in the middle of the
fourth century. 61 John Chrysostomus, who is also mentioned,
was buried in this church in 438. The Church of the Apostles
no longer survives, but in spite of this the building is
well known from descriptions by Byzantine authors, 62 from
drawings
and from architectural imitations: both St. Mark's
in Venice and the Basilica of St. John at Ephesus were modelled on the Church of the Hagii Apostili. 63 Up till 1028 it was
the burial place of the Byzantine emperors, who were all laid
to rest near the founder of the church and of the city,
Constantine, and his mother, Helena. 64 The Hagii Apostoli
church is referred to as a place of burial by Rabban 9auma,
Stephanus of Novgorod, Ignatius of Smolensk and the anonymous
Armenian, who noted there the graves of Constantine, Theodosius II, Justinian I and many other emperors. The church,
which was plundered in 1197 by Alexius Ill because he was in
need of money, and was again stripped bare in 1204 by the
Crusaders, was in a delapidated state at the beginning of the
fifteenth century. Buondelmonti found the church in a serious
state of decay. The magnificent porphyry tombs of the emperors65 must have still been there at that time. The tomb of
Constantine (according to Rabban 9auma and the anonymous
Armenian) was red, and that of Justinian I green. 66 Several
years after the conquest of the city the ruined building was
pulled down by Mehmed II (1462) and replaced by a large
67
mosque.
Several sarcophagi have survived, and are in the
archeological museum. 68
The church used as a place of burial by the Comnenes
262
CONSTANTINOPLE
and the Palaeologians, one of the buildings of the Pantocrator monastery, near the church of the Apostles (present-day
Zeyrek Kilise Camii) 69 is mentioned by Bertrandon de la
Broquiere and by Pero Tafur. Bertrandon's statement that
Helena, the mother of the emperor, was buried there, is not
true; in this burial chapel, which probably came into use
round about 1136, what caught his attention was probably the
great porphyry tomb of Empress Irene, the foundress of the
chapel, who died in 1134 and was later laid to rest there. 70
Nor was the tomb of Constantine to be found in this chapel,
as Bertrandon believed. He probably did not visit the church
of the Apostles, and did not see any other tombs of emperors;
the tendency, then current, to associate everything with
Constantine explains his mistake. The fact that there had
been attempts to open the grave and plunder it appears from
Bertrandon's statement that the large stone slab over the
tomb was smashed to pieces. 71
Pero Tafur contents himself with the remark that the
Pantocrator monastery was richly decorated with gold mosaics,
and that it was the burial place of the emperors7 2 One of
these mosaics was specially mentioned by Stephanus of Novgorod: after entering the first gate he saw a very large mosaic,
high up above him, of Christ as Pantocrator.
Parts of the monastic buildings have been opened up by
recent excavations. 73 Of all the sarcofag only one remains,
traditionally believed to be that of the Empress Irene; this
has now been taken to the Hagia Sophia museum.
The architecture of the church was not seriously damaged by its conversion into a mosque, but the decoration of the building was
lost completely.
Most of the churches and monastic buildings described
only by Clavijo are no longer in existence. His notes are
valuable for that reason, but are of even greater importance
because of Clavijo's attempt to give an accurate description,
paying attention both to the architecture and to the decoration. The first church the envoys visited was that of St.
John the Baptist in Petra, 74 in the north west of the city,
near the Blachernae palace. Clavijo praises the magnificently
coloured mosaics which embellished the walls and ceilings;
he particularly mentions a picture of St. John the Baptist
at the entrance to the inner court, and a Pantocrator in the
actual church. At the entrance to the building Clavijo was
much strucl~ by a dome supported by four pillars, which was
decorated with mosaics. He does not make it clear what the
263
purpose of this structure was. 75 Near the main entrance he

saw a fountain, covered by a dome resting on eight pillars
of white marble. The church itself was rectangular, and was
divided into three naves, of which the central nave ended in
an apse. 76 In these naves, which Clavijo calls chapels, there
were curtains hanging, behind which the sacred rites could be
performed.
The church of Maria Peribleptos was in the south-western
part of the city, and was also surrounded by a large inner
court of the monastery. 77 Even the outside of this church was
colourfully decorated. At the entrance Clavijo noticed a
picture of Mary, flanked by an emperor and an empress. This
group may have been that of Michael VIII and Theodora with
their small son Constantine, which is known from later
references. 78 Thirty Greek castles and cities were represented at Mary's feet; 79 according to Clavijo all of them were
the property of the monastery. At the same place near the
entrance an emperor was buried; Clavijo identifies him as the
founder, Romanus Ill (1028-1034) but this cannot be correct,
since his tomb is mentioned later. It is interesting that
under the picture of Mary official documents were kept,
complete with seals of lead and wax. What they were actually
kept in is not, however, described (a cupboard or niche in
the wall?). The Peripbleptos church was large and spacious,
and had five altars and a wealth of marble covering and mosaics. Two imperial tombs are mentioned: that of Romanus Ill,
already mentioned above, which was apparently plundered by
the Crusaders in 1204, 80 and another which may have belonged
to Nicephorus Ill Botoniates (1078-81), under whom the
buildings had been greatly extended. 81 In the monastery belonging to the Peribleptos church Clavijo saw a mosaic of the
Tree of Jesse, which according to him, excelled all the other
mosaics - mainly historical and biblical scenes - in quality
and splendour. Mango has shown that this theme only became
usual in the Palaeologian period, 82 so that this picture,
like that of the imperial family, only came into being during
the restoration under Michael VIII. The walls and ceilings
of the great refectory of this monastery were decorated with
scenes from the life of Christ, from the announcement of his
birth up to his death. 83
The Peribleptos monastery was held in great esteem in
the city, and in about 1420 it was used as the temporary
residence of the emperor during a Turkish siege and a plague
epidemic. With its gardens and its vineyards, with monastery
264
CONSTANTINOPLE
buildings scattered here and there, it was, as Clavijo observed, like a great city within Constantinople itself.
One of the oldest, and because of its wealth of relics
one of the most visited monasteries of Constantinople was
the monastery of St. John the Baptist in Stoudion, an area
in the south-west, near the Porta Aurea. 84 Here, too, Clavijo
describes the three-naved basilica with a polygonal apse, a
narthex, and an atrium surrounded by galleries of pillars.
Of the twenty-four nave columns mentioned by Clavijo only
eighteen can still be seen in the ground plan of the later
mosque, so that it is certain that major rebuilding must
have been carried out. This church also had countless mosaics,
depicting events from the Bible; in the refectory of the
adjacent monastery Clavijo notices a mosaic of the Last
Supper. The date of this mosaic may go back to the activity
of Abbot Theodorus Stoudites (798-826), who had an extensive
cycle of pictures of saints put up on the walls. 85 Later restorations, such as that in about 1293 under Prince Constantinus Palaeologus, cannot, however, be entirely ruled out.
Like the other monasteries that were visited, the church
of the St. George
in Mangana monastery stood in the midst
of gardens and fields, at the farthest eastern point of the
city (the Seraglio point). 86 Here, as in the church of St.
John in Petra, Clavijo mentions an octagonal fountain with
a covering dome outside the church.
Of the many mosaics in the building the one showing the
Ascension of Christ particularly attracted Clavijo's attention. The dome was adorned with the customary scene of the
Pantocrator, which Clavijo mistakenly took for God the
Father, and besides a scene of Pentecost near the entrance
Clavijo also saw a cross in the hetoimasia (depicting the
Second Coming of Christ), held by an angel above the clouds. 87
The floor and walls were inlaid with costly plates of porphyry and jasper. There was also a large tomb made of jasper,
in which an empress was said to be buried. Whether this
refers to the tomb of Skleraina, the mistress of the founder
of this monastery, Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-1055), or
indeed to that of an empress, is not certain. It is known
that Skleraina's tomb was used again by the Crusaders shortly
after 1204, for the burial of a French count, Hugues de St.
Pol. 88 But the tradition about an empress- probably Skleraina
- continued to be associated with this tomb up until Clavijo's
day.
As well as the church of St. Mary of Blachernae, which
265
will be discussed in relation to the palace of the same name,

89
Clavijo visited the church of St. Mary Hodegetria,
This church was situated to the east of the Hagia Sophia
close to the water of the Sea of Marmara. This small but
splend~d church was famous because it contained the renowned
icon of St. Mary, painted, according to tradition, by St.
Luke, In times of danger this icon was placed upon the city
walls. 90 In connection with this ~con Clavijo describes the
solemn display that took place once a week, on Tuesdays, an
event to which Pero Tafur was to devote much attention some
decades later, 91
From Clavijo's description of the monasteries in Constantinople some particular elements emerge. First of all,
the fact that these large groups of buildings were often
surrounded by a separate wall, like a city within a city,
and that they were also largely self supporting, possessing
their own gardens and fields. This tallies exactly with
the statements by Ibn Battuta, Bertrandon and Pero Tafur,
that inside the great walls of Theodosius Constantinople,
consisted of a number of separate villages. 92 The second
element that can be mentioned is the form of the monastery
churches: most of them were three-naved basilicas with a
central apse and a dome over the central nave. These
churches were entered through a gate-house, an inner court
with porticoes and, often, an elegant fountain, and
a narthex decorated with mosaics and precious stones: in the
dome usually the Pantocrator, on the walls and ceilings a
great variety of scenes from the Old and New Testaments, but
also from the history of the Byzantine Empire (portraits of
emperors). 93
The close relationship which grew up between the
imperial families and the great monasteries may perhaps best
be seen from the fact that several monastic churches also
served as imperial mausoleums.
The countless numbers of relics in these monasteries
must certainly have provided the major source of income of
these immensely wealthy communities. Even though the city was
very heavily plundered in 1204 and again during the Latin
rule, and robbed of thousands of relics, Clavijo's description shows that a century and a half later the monasteries
had recovered from this catastrophe and that once again the
relics were attracting thousands of visitors to the monasteries of Constantinople.
266
CONSTANTINOPLE
4. Hippodrome
To the south west of the Hagia Sophia lies the place
where for centuries the great games and festivities of
Constantinople were held. 94 The Hippodrome has received
regular attention both in the early descriptions of pre-1204
and in the later ones. In the period before the Frankish
conquest quite a lot of attention was paid to the structure
of the Hippodrome and to its decoration. In the plundering
and fires of 1204 the Hippodrome was very badly damaged and
the greater part of the decoration was destroyed; thus later
authors pay less attention to the building itself, but more
to the various objects that had escaped destruction.
The oldest real description of the Hippodrome in a nonGreek text dates from the early years of the twelfth century.
In the saga which came into being as a result of the pilgrimage of Sigurd to the Holy Land and Constantinople (circa
1110) the scene of the games is described as follows: 'those
who have been to Constantinople say that the Hippodrome is
laid out as follows: it is a flat area like a fairly large,
rounded stretch of ground; this is surrounded by a high wall,
and all round this stone wall there are steps on which the
spectators can sit, while the games are held on the flat
ground below'.
Benjamin of Tudela and Idrisi both express admiration
for the Hippodrome: they do not believe that such a building
is to be found anywhere else in the world. 95 Robert de Clari
attempts to give an idea of the measurements: the length of
the arena was one and a half bowshots, and the width almost
one bowshot. Centuries later Buondelmonti estimates the
length of the Hippodrome as 690 ells, and the width as 124
ells. 96 The actual measurements have been established in our
own century as a result of archeological research: the length
of the whole was 420-440 metres, the width varying from 117125 metres; the arena was 80 m. wide and about 370 m. long. 97
Clari says, moreover, that there were thirty to forty rows
of seats; he also mentions the boxes for the imperial family
and the court dignitaries. He speaks of the raised central
platform, the spina, which was apparently fifteen feet high
and ten feet wide. Haran-ibn-Yahya mentions two gates on the
west side, 98 through which the chariots appeared at the beginning of the race. 99 The spaces underneath the seats were
used as stables, storage places for chariots and equipment,
changing rooms, etc. 100
After Clari's description in 1204 it is a long time
HIPPODROME
267
before another traveller describes the Hippodrome. Towards

the end of the 14th century the anonymous Russian writer
speaks of this construction, that according to him had formerly been very beautiful and contained many marvels; in his
time a few of them apparently still survived. He mentions
thirty large columns which were joined together by iron rings
and a stone architrave. Clavijo probably refers to the same
row of columns when, besides the thirty-seven tall, white
marble columns of the sphendone (the rounding on the southwest side), he also mentions a row of smaller columns on
which there were paintings of the games. 101 The imperial box,
supported by four small pillars and decorated with statues,
is mentioned by both Clavijo and Buondelmonti. It also
appears from their description that in the fourteenth to fifteenth century a platform had been added to the northeast side, above the carceres, from which the ladies of the
court and highly-placed dignitaries could watch the games. 102
Buondelmonti is the only person to mention cisterns in the
building of the Hippodrome. His observation is correct, for
in the course of restoration work somewhere between the sixth
and the ninth century the vaulting of the sphendone had been
closed in, and the space thus created was connected to a water
main. 103 Apparently parts of this could still be seen in the
fifteenth century.
In the fifteenth century the Hippodrome, too, decayed
rapidly; of the 37 sphendone columns mentioned by Clavijo,
Buondelmonti, twenty years later, sees only twenty-four. 104
The evidence of Bertrandon de la Broquiere and Pero Tafur
suggests that in about 1435 the Hippodrome was hardly used
any more.
From an archaeological point of view the descriptions
from before 1204 have special importance, because they
contain several references to the decoration of the spina.
It is known from literary sources 105 that Constantine and
later emperors had pieces of sculpture brought to Constantinople from all over their empire, to decorate the place
where the competitions were held. The collection of stone
and bronze statues on the spina included many of the masterpieces of classical art. Harun-ibn-Yahya speaks of bronze
statues of horses, men, wild animals, lions, etc. There is
also an interesting description in the saga of Sigurd: 'in
that place many things from the past are depicted; Asen,
Volsungen and Gjukungen 106 are cast in metal, so ingeniously
that they give the impression of being alive and joining in
268
CONSTANTINOPLE
the competition.' Idrisi's work also contains a passage

about this statues; he speaks of two rows of bronze figures 107
that are so cleverly made that they throw even highly-skilled
artists into despair. All these men, horses and lions were
more than life-size. The last of the authors to see the
sculpted figures on the spina was Robert de Clari. He speaks
of statues of men and woman, horses and cattle, camels, bears,
lions and many other animals, all made out of bronze and executed with great truth to nature. The meaning of these
figures completely escaped Clari - as it did the other
authors mentioned here; as far as the French nobleman was
concerned they were dolls, which had formerly been magically
charmed into playing and moving, but which could now no
longer be made to move. 108
In 1204 all this was destroyed; Nicetas Choniates
describes how many bronze statues disappeared into the
melting-furnace. 109
In the middle ages chariot racing and animal fighting
no longer formed the only entertainment provided for the
people of Constantinople. 110 While Harawi still describes
a chariot race between two four-in-hands, in Sigurd the programme is made up of quite different items, such as acrobatics, fireworks, songs, and music on all sorts of instruments.
Benjamin of Tudela, too, who attended the games at Christmas
in about 1161, speaks about a performance by acrobats but
also about fights between exotic wild animals. 111 This sort
of programme was very different from the chariot races between the four factiones, known from the early Byzantine
period. The fierce competition between the emperor's team
and that of the empress, mentioned by Sigurd and Clari, still
recalls the rivalry of the factiones. 112
During the Latin Empire the Hippodrome was used for
knightly tournaments, and later, too, it was apparently used
for all sorts of purposes. Both Clavijo and Buondelmonti
speak about tournaments and competitions, and Bertrandon
watched a shooting match by horsemen who tried to hit the
target with their arrows while riding at full gallop.
Not only the figures on the spina fell prey to the
Crusaders in 1204; the bronze quadriga above the carceres
was also destroyed. The doge appropriated to himself the
four bronze horses, and had them taken to Venice where since
the middle of the thirteenth century they have continued to
grace the gable of San Marco. 113 Perhaps Harun-ibn-Yahya and
Harawi are also referring to this group of statues when they
HIPPODROME
269
speak of three bronze horses at the entrance to the imperial

palace. 114
A few hundred years later Buondelmonti and Bertrandon de la
Broquiere believed they saw the bases of the Venetian horse
statues near the column of Constantine and the Column of the
Augusteion respectively. A passage by Nicetas Choniates makes
it clear, however, that they were to be found at the Hippodrome, and not elsewhere in the city. 115
Much attention was attracted in the middle ages by a
monument part of which can still be seen on the site of the
old Hippodrome: the snake-pillar of Delphi, erected in memory of the battle of Plataeae in 479 B.C., and originally
intended as a base for the golden tripod, dedicated to
Apollo. 116 This monument was probably already transported to
Constantinople in the fourth century A.D., but it is not
known where it was then erected. 117 It is remarkable that it
is not until the fourteenth century that the snake monument
appears in descriptions of the Hippodrome. Apart from a brief
mention by Nicetas Choniates 118 (circa 1204) nothing is said
about this remarkable monument before 1350. 119 For this reason I doubt whether the snake pillar was already on the spina
in the Hippodrome in the ninth century, as Mtiller-Wiener
states in the Bildlexikon. 120 On the grounds of the references in the travel descriptions I consider it probably to
have been placed there in the early Palaeologian period. The
question as to how the snake monument escaped devastation at
the hands of the Franks is a difficult one, but it is not
impossible that the magic powers that were attributed to
this remarkable bronze object -driving snakes out of the city,
curing snakes' bites and giving immunity to poison - were
responsible for it being preserved. From about 1350 onward
the monument is mentioned in almost every description. 121
The tripod had already dis~ppeared long before, but all the
heads were then still intact. Its function as an amulet
against snake poison is mentioned by several authors. 122 One
can also get some impression of a number of legends that
were associated with this monument; the anonymous Russian
writer tells how the snakes were believed to twist themselves
round three times a year; on feast days, according to Buon123
delmonti, water, wine and milk flowed from the three heads.
Whether this indicates that it was used as a fountain and
connected up to a water supply is not clear.
Pero Tafur mentions only two snakes, but he was probably
mistaken, for there are no indications that the monument was
270
CONSTANTINOPLE
damaged before the Turkish period. 124 In the sixteenth century it was no longer complete, and by the eighteenth century
all the heads with the upper part of the column had disappeared.
One of the heads was found near the pillar during excavations
in 1848, and is now in the archaeological museum. 125
As well as the snake pillar two obelisks still
stand in the Hippodrome: the obelisk of Thoutmosis Ill (14901436) from Karnak, which was erected on the spina by the city
prefect Proclus in 390, on the orders of Theodosius I; and one
made towards the end of the fourth century A.D., which in the
middle of the tenth century was covered with gilded bronze
plates by Constantinus VII Porphyrogenitus. 126 The bronze
obelisk is mentioned several times by travellers: Harawi
speaks of it, and Ignatius of Smolensk apparently also saw
this monument while it was still intact. At the time of
Buondelmonti's visit, however, the covering had already disappeared; he mentions an obelisk about 58 ells high, made up
of many stones.
A more detailed description is given to the almost
twenty-foot-high obelisk put up by Theodosius. The fact that
this enormous block of stone rested on its base on only four
small copper supports aroused much admiration. 127 The story
about the sixteen figures with brooms which the anonymous
Russian says surrounded the obelisk is quite incomprehensible
to me. They were said to have been responsible for keeping
the city clean at the time of Leo the Wise! Harawi notes the
story that the stone pillar swayed with the wind. Zosimus
only mentions the pedestal, about five metres high, and estimates the height of the obelisk as about 60 sagenes. Clavijo
speaks of a height of six lances, while Buondelmonti mentions
a height of 44 ells, and also notes the Latin inscription on
the base. He is the only author who pays any attention to
this, for several years before him Clavijo saw the other,
Greek inscription 128 on the base, but because it was already
late his companions would not wait while somebody translated
the text for him! It is said, Clavijo remarks, that the
obelisk was erected in commemoration of some important event,
but he does not go into the question of what it was. He did
wonder, however, how it had been possible to erect an obelisk
of this sort. The fact that the answer is shown in relief on
its base apparently escaped his notice. 129
Pero Tafur draws a comparison between the obelisk in
Rome, 130 erected by Caesar, and the one in the Hippodrome.
The purpose of the monument was not clear to him; he notes
THE STATUE OF JUSTINIAN I
271
the tradition that Constantine was buried in its base.

Pero Tafur also records, in the vicinity of the Hippodrome,
several typically medieval stories. A statue of which one
hand was missing led to a story about the ''just judge' who
passed judgment in commercial transactions. The story about
the bath-house near the Hippodrome (perhaps in the remains
of the Thermae of Zeuxippus, 131 which were already in a
state of delapidation in the tenth century) in which women
underwent a sort of chastity test, shows a great resemblance
to a story by the anonymous Russian writer about two statues
at the entrance to the Hippodrome, which barred the entry of
women who were guilty of adultery.
Although Pero Tafur records these stories, it must be
said in his favour that he had little faith in them being
true.
5. The statue of Justinian I on horseback

From the Augusteion, a square 132 to the south of the
Hagia Sophia, rose an immense column, topped by a bronze
statue of a man on horseback. Because of its great size this
statue attracted the attention of countless visitors; in the
various travel descriptions it is the most mentioned item
after the Hagia Sophia, and sometimes it even takes first
place in descriptions of the monuments of Constantinople. 133
The Greek inhabitants included this column among the Seven
Wonders of the World, 134 and it was also regarded as a
wonder by western Europeans, Russians and Arabs. The column
was visible from a great distance outside the city; Harawi
states that the monument could already be seen from the sea
a day's voyage away, and al-Wardi adds that when travellers
overland came within a half-day's journey of the city they
could already see the figure of the horseman looming up
ahead. 135 The height of the column was about 35 metres, and
it was so thick that it took three grown men with outstretched arms to encircle it. 136 According to Clavijo the horse
and rider were about three to four times life-size, 137 but
because they were so high up this was hardly noticeable.
Bertrandon de la Broquiere's remark is perhaps significant
with regard to the immense size of the statue: he says that
he does not understand how people ever got the horseman up
on the top of the column. The great amount of evidence by
Byzantine 138 and other authors makes it possible to reconstruct a reasonably reliable picture of this statue, although
it has already been gone for some five centuries. Procopius'
272
CONSTANTINOPLE
description dates from the period when the monument was put
up by Justinian I (about 543). Procopius gives a fairly detailed description, and also explains what the official
meaning of this equestrian statue was. 139 It was an emperor,
facing towards the east with an orb in his hand, bidding
the Persians to stay outside the Byzantine Empire and not to
attack it. His description is followed by a short passage in
the work of Constantinus Rhodius about the Church of the
Hagii Apostoli (lOth century). 140 The texts of two fourteenth-century Byzantine authors, Pachymeres and Nicephorus
Gregoras, are more detailed. 141 The work of the latter is
particularly interesting, because in 1325, while restoration
work was being carried out on the monument, he had an opportunity to climb to the top of the column and to examine the
figure of the horseman from nearby.
The Augusteion monument is not only known from the descriptions by Byzantine authors, but also from a fifteenth-century
drawing. In a manuscript which originated in the Serail in
Constantinople, but which has been in the university library
in Budapest since 1877, 142 there is a drawing of a man on a
horse which is generally identified with the equestrian
statue of Justinian in the Augusteion. The theory published
in 1959 by Phyllis Williams Lehmann, that this drawing was
not made from the statue of Justinian on the column, but
from a medallion, now lost, of Theodosius I is one that I
am unable to accept, because her argument depends too much
upon hypotheses. In my opinion Mango 143 has shown the absurdity of many of Williams Lehmann's claims. I would just like
to add to his arguments one drawn from the many travellers'
tales. From what is said by travellers from all parts of the
then inhabited world it appears that it was precisely the
statue of Justinian I that attracted attention and admiration.
When in a manuscript drawn up in Constantinople a drawing
appears of an emperor on horseback a connection with this
equestrian statue seems likely, particularly if no strong
arguments can be found against this being so. The fact that
the drawing and the descriptions do not completely fit in
with each other is due partly to the vagueness of the descriptions and partly to the fact that what we are dealing
with is a fifteenth century drawing, and not a photograph.
An analysis of what the various travellers recorded about
this column places us half way between truth and fable. Whereas in describing the monument people do tend to keep to what
they saw, in interpreting it they frequently give their
273
imagination free rein. The descriptions are mostly superficial, since details could hardly be seen, or not at all,
because of the great distance. Moreover, it has to be taken
into account that in a number of cases what we have are simply copies of older descriptions. 144
The column was solid, and consisted of blocks of marble
carefully fixed together with metal clamps. The monument
stood on a pedestal consisting of seven steps which were
originally covered with copper plates. 145 On the top there
was a stone slab, or a series of slabs, several square
metres in area, on which stood the gilded bronze statue. 146
Three of the horse's feet were fixed to the stone slab, but
the right forefoot was raised, according to Harawi and
Clavijo, as if the animal was stepping forward. The horse
was fastened to the stone slab with chains; the gradual impoverishment of Constantinople can be gathered from (amongst
other things) the fact that Harun-ibn-Yahya speaks of silver
chains, while Clavijo says that the horse was fastened down
all round with iron chains. It is probable that during one
of the works of restoration, perhaps that of 1325, the silver
chains were replaced by others of less noble metal.
The horseman was dressed in the garments of an emperor
and wore a special head-dress. Harun speaks of a golden crown,
set with pearls and rubies; Boldensele calls it an imperial
diadem. Clavijo's description is probably the closest to
reality: he points to the plume on the head, and this bears
out what could already be deduced from other sources,
especially the drawing, that the head-dress of the emperor
was the toupha, the special head-gear, set with plumes,
147
which was worn on occasions of imperial triumphs.
The figure of the horseman was turned towards the east, 148
and was holding up its hand in that direction. The palm was
open, and the fingers slightly spread. In the other hand the
rider held a golden globe or apple with a cross on top of it.
It is not clear whether the horseman was also controlling
the horse with this left hand; C1avijo says that he was holding the reins, but none of the other descriptions mentions
this.
Procopius' description brings out the meaning attached
to the figure of the horseman when the statue was erected:
the orb in the hand of the emperor indicated that all lands
and seas were under his command. 149 The cross identified the
person holding it as a Christian emperor. The right hand extended towards the sun, with the fingers outstretched, meant,
274
CONSTANTINOPLE
according to Procopius, that the foreign peoples over there

in the east were commanded to stay in their own territory and
not to make any move in the direction of the Byzantine
empire. 150 This statue of the man on horseback can thus be
seen as a symbol of the power of this Christian emperor, as
propaganda for his activities in the interests of his people,
and as a permanent commemoration of the triumphs scored
against the Persians. 151
In the later authors of travel descriptions the original
meaning is hardly to be found. Harun-ibn-Yahya saw in the
gesture of the hand an invitation to people to come to
Constantinople. In this view he is alone, however, since most
of the writers see the raised hand as a threat against enemies, rebels and heathens. 152 The position, turned towards
the east, pointed, according to them, in the direction of
Islam, which had been encroaching steadily ever since the
seventh century; and thus the original relationship with the
Persians was completely forgotten. Both Christians and Moslems came to regard the statue as a talisman, on which the
protection of Constantinople depended.
Clari says that the hand was directed against the heathens and that there was an inscription on the statue containing the oath that the Saracens would never be permitted to
undertake any action against the city.
Some authors relate the figure on the column to other
smaller columns and statues in the immediate vicinity.
Buondelmonti mentions a row of six columns next to the statue;
Bertrandon speaks of three columns, and Clavijo, a few years
previously, still saw nine of them. 153 I believe that the
columns with statues of three heathen kings (mentioned by
Stephanus o.f Novgorod, the anonymous Russian and Zosimus) who
were kneeling down and bowing to the emperor with tribute in
their hand, probably also had a place among the buildings and
decorations of the square. The possibility that a number of
figures of subject peoples or rulers may have formed a part
of the scene of triumph around the column from the very beginning cannot be proved; but it is not inconceivable, for
the fact that the smaller statues are not mentioned by travellers earlier than the fourteenth and fifteenth century, in no
way proves that they did not stand in the Augusteion in previous centuries. One may also think in terms of restoration
of the area surrounding the column after the devastation resulting from the Fourth Crusade and the Latin Empire. This
can be no more than a suggestion, since with all eyes firmly
275
fixed on the central column descriptions of the surrounding

area are hardly to be expected,
For Moslems too, the column was an important monument,
and they were only too conscious of the threat that it expressed, Harawi interpreted the figure as follows: both
Christians and Islamites were to refrain from invading each
other's territory. The orb, moreover, was said to bear an
inscription which stressed the transitoriness of human power:
the emperor had possessed the whole world, and yet in the
end had not been able to take anything away with him,
The apple or orb plays an extraordinary part in various
stories. Mandeville says that the apple had fallen long before then, and that this showed that the power of the emperor
was to a large extent lost, and that the once-extensive
Byzantine Empire was now reduced to only the Greek area,
What Mandeville refers to must be what happened in 1316,
when during a severe gale the apple was blown out of the hand,
But during the work of restoration in 1325 the globe was put
back in place, 154 so that Mandeville's claim that all attempts
to do this were unsuccessful may be dismissed to the realms
of fable, The .globe did not remain in place for long, however,
for during Schiltberger's visit, at the beginning of the fifteenth century, the hand was again empty, He concludes from
this that along with the globe the power of the emperor had
also been lost. Pero Tafur also speaks of a fallen globe,
which was estimated to have a capacity of sixty litres, but
which nevertheless appeared, when high up in the air, to be
only as big as an orange. He also mentions the sum of money
involved in restoring the globe and in fixing the horse more
firmly: 8,000 ducats were said to have been used for this
purpose. From this we may conclude that in about 1430 - 1435
yet another attempt at restoration was undertaken, 155
In this context I would like just to refer to the Prophecy of the Apple, which played an important part in the
Turkish literature and folk tales of the fifteenth century
and later. 156 One may ask whether any connection can be made,
and if so to what extent, between the fact that Constantinople, which was coveted by the Turks, was sometimes compared
to a red apple, and the presence of a gilded apple in the
hand of the talisman of the city. The notion that the apple
held by the horseman may have served as pars pro toto for
the whole city cannot be proved, but I do not wish to rule
out the possibility that there may have been some connection,
It is extremely probable that the function of the statue of
276
CONSTANTINOPLE
Justinian as a talisman was the deciding factor in the fate

of the statue after the conquest in 1453. Some scholars have
emphasized the cultural aspirations of Sultan Mehmed II, and
pointed to his frequent contacts with Italian humanists. 157
On this they base their arguments for their belief that the
statue was spared, A passage in the work of the Italian Giovanni Maria Angiolello, however, leads one to suspect the
opposite. 158 He describes how after the fall of the city a
statue of Santa Agostino
(a distortion of Augusteion, the
name of the square and also of the statue in that square, 159 )
was immediately taken down on the orders of the sultan. 160
This evidence is all the more likely to be true when one
considers the anti-Turkish magical power that was unanimously
believed to be exerted by the statue. The mere fact that in
the Nuremberg Chronicle of Hartmann Schedel 161 of 1490 the
statue is depicted as standing on the column is no proof
that the statue was then still in existence. After all, it
is not certain to what extent Schedel's drawings were based
upon personal observation. Considering that throughout the
fifteenth century Buondelmonti's city plans were extremely
well-known, and that in them the column is shown with the
equestrian statue on top, the likelihood that Schedel simply
copied this traditional information is great. 162
After the horseman had been removed the column remained
in place for a number of years; in about 1515-1520 a gale
finally put an end to it. By then hardly anything remained
of the surrounding galleries of pillars in the square; the
Frenchman Pierre Gilles observed only seven columns. 163 When
the statue of the horseman was taken down by Mehmed II, it
was probably not completely destroyed; 164 the fear that its destruction might cause some great disaster may have had something to do with this. There are indications that the statue
was taken to the Topkapi Seraglio, 165 and it was there, in
1544, that Pierre Gilles saw parts of precisely this immense
statue disappear into the melting ovens of the canon foundry. 166
The question of which emperor it was on horseback on the
column high above the city does not receive quite the same
answer in the various versions. Most of the authors state
that it was Justinian I, 167 but three others are also named:
Constantine, Heraclius and Theodosius. The identification
with the founder of the city, Constantine, is found in several Arab writers, and in two western writers from round about
1430. 168 The fact that the Arab writers were not particularly
familiar with the history of Byzantium and so show a tendency
277
simply to associate all old monuments with the well-known

name of Constantine is quite understandable. It is more
difficult to see why in about 1430 both Pero Tafur and Bertrandon de la Broquiere also name Constantine as the horseman on the column. We can only suppose that at that time a
secondary tradition was still alive about the identity of
the horseman, and that even in Constantinople it was no
longer known generally who it was who had put up this imposing statue.
Clari's belief that it was the emperor Heraclius can be
dismissed immediately as an invention of his own. What may
have been partly behind it was the fact that shortly before
his time a literary work had appeared in France about this
celebrated emperor, who had defeated the Persians and won
back the true Cross. 169
The name of Theodosius is only found in some of the
manuscripts of Buondelmonti; this emperor is also mentioned
in the inscription belonging with the drawing in Budapest.
The text of the drawing reads: FON GLORIAE PERENNIS THEODOSI,
and although this text is certainly corrupt 170 the word
Theodosius is undeniably present. In the passage which occurs
in three manuscripts of Buondelmonti's Liber insularum 171 it
is said 'to this very day' people believed the horseman to be
Justinian, but that now, with the possibility of going up to
the top of the column, it had appeared that an inscription on
the horse and rider said that it was Theodosius. 172 In two of
these manuscripts the text on the accompanying plans of the
city has been changed to: Theodosius in equo eneo. 173 These
emendations were made between 1420, when Buondelmonti's work
appeared, and 1481. 174 When the Budapest drawing was done
cannot be said for certain. The names of Cyriacus of Ancona
and John Darius, which occur two pages further on in the
same manuscript175 led Williams Lehman to date the drawing
as of 1454, but as Mango has rightly pointed out, the
connection between the names and the drawing is not entirely
certain, and the drawing could just as well have been done
several decennia earlier. 176 It is practically certain that
the artist must have seen the object from near-by, and in that
case there remain, as our knowledge stands at present, two
possibilities: the restoration in the thirties, mentioned by
Pero Tafur, or the time when the horseman was removed, shortly after 1453. In any case the discovery of the name of
Theodosius on the horse can explain the incorrect identification of the rider. The inscription 'Theodosius' that appears
278
CONSTANTINOPLE
to have been written on horse and rider, can point in only

one direction: that Justinian used an older statue for his
monument. This procedure, which was sometimes employed in
antiquity, is moreover, confirmed by ancient sources. 177
Only the question of whether the statue originated from
Theodosius I or II cannot be answered with certainty, although attribution to Theodosius II is to be preferred. 178
The descriptions by the travellers have nothing to say
about all these complicating factors; for them the great
monument was a reminder of the time when the city was still
powerful under a celebrated ruler.
6. Monumental columns
As well as the column of Justinian the city of Constantinople had several other monumental columns: of Theodosius I
in the Forum Tauri, of Arcadius in the Forum Arcadii, laid out
by that emperor on the hill of Xerolophos; and Constantine's
in the Forum Constantini. 179 These pillars also rose some 35
metres or more above the city, and formed an accepted part
of the sky-line of Constantinople which loomed up in front
of approaching travellers; 180 yet in the travel accounts
much less is written about them than about the column of the
Augusteion. There was certainly no lack of interest in these
monuments; in Harawi the presence of the many obelisks and
tall columns is especially stressed, and this author also
promises to pay particular attention to these tall columns
in a book specially devoted to Constantinople (which has been
lost). 181 In Stephanus of Novgorod, too, we read that he has
admired at length with great attention and amazement, these
marvellous, high-soaring monuments of copper and stone. Hardly
any idea can be obtained, from the surviving descriptions,
of the impression made on visitors by the other great columns;
there are few references to them, and such information as is
given is not detailed. Why the column of Justinian I occurs
so frequently in the descriptions and the others so infrequently is hard to say. It may be pointed out,however, that
the column in the Augusteion stood in front of the entrance
of the Hagia Sophia, and thus shared in the attraction exerted by that famous church. The fact that there was a figure
on horseback on top of the column may, in my opinion, also
have had something to do with the matter.
The column of Theodosius I and that of his son Arcadius
must have been practicaily identical. 182 Both were covered
from top to bottom with relief work, both could also be
MONUMENTAL COLUMNS
279
183
climbed by a spiral staircase on the inside of the column.

Like the column in the Augusteion these two relief-decorated
columns were also included by the inhabitants among the
marvels of the city. 184
The column of Theodosius was erected in about 386 following a triumph won by this emperor over the Barbarians. 185 In
394 a statue of the emperor was placed on the column, but in
480 it fell off as the result of an earthquake. From the
middle of the sixth century onward there was probably no
statue on the column. 186 The same is true of the column of
Arcadius, which was begun in about the year 400, and dedicated in 421 under Theodosius II. In an earthquake in 740 the
emperor's statue fell to the ground. 187 In the middle ages
their place was taken by the hermits mentioned by Clari, who
opted for a lonely existence high above the bustle of the
city.
The significance of the bands of relief appears to have
sunk into oblivion quite early on. Harawi speaks only of a
column made of white marble and covered with countless reliefs, which was said to act as a talisman of the city. 188
Many centuries later even Buondelmonti has nothing to say
about it beyond the fact that all round it there were 'acta
imperatorum sculpta', while Zosimus contents himself with the
remark that on the column there were inscriptions about everything under the sun.
Even for the Byzantine inhabitants the meaning of the
scenes, triumphs, defeated Barbarians, a solemn entry by the
emperor, battles on horseback, ships, a figure falling overboard, the taking of cities- was no longer clear; 189 people
came to attribute a prophetic character to the reliefs, and
it is this aspect that was taken over by crusaders such as
Villehardouin and Clari. 190 After the capture of the city
the Byzantine Emperor Alexius V Murzuphlus was killed, at the
suggestion of the Doge, by throwing him off the top of the
column of Theodosius.
In this connection Villehardouin remarks that the prophecy
contained in the image on the column - the figure of a falling emperor (?) - was thus true. Clari, who says that the
column was 50 shields high and three armlengths thick, also
emphasizes the providential character of the pictures: he
interprets the ships he saw on the column as the fleet in
which the crusaders had arrived. 191 It has already been described, in the chapters about the fourth crusade and Tiobert
de Clari, how these two columns with their innumerable scenes
280
CONSTANTINOPLE
played a large part in the attempts to justify the expedition

after the event.
After this evidence from the crusaders nothing more remains to be said about the two 'colonnae istoriatae', The
columns continued to defy the ages undamaged, - that of
Theodosius until 1509 or 1517 when an earthquake or hurricane caused it to collapse, and that of Arcadius until the
eighteenth century. This column, which had been damaged by
fires in the seventeenth century and was in a delapidated
state, was only finally pulled down in 1715. 192 After 1204
there is no further mention by travellers of these columns.
Admiring looks were also directed at the porphyry
column of Constantine, which was erected in 328 in the Forum
Constantini. This column, which was over 50 metres high, was
constructed from nine immense porphyry drums, and originally
supported a statue of the emperor as sun god. 193 From 328 to
1106 the founder of the city towered above his capital; then
in heavy weather the statue of the emperor collapsed, together with three of the drums. 194 In the twelfth century
the column was restored, with a large cross replacine the
emperor on the top, The earliest evidence from travellers
about this column dates from the fourteenth century.
Stephanus of Novgorod mentions the ancient but unfounded
tradition that the porphyry blocks came from Rome. 195 On the
top he sees the Cross, and he also mentions the medieval
tradition that pagan and Christian relics were kept in the
column. 196 The anonymous Russian writer speaks of the fifteen iron bands which held the porphyry drums firmly in
place, These bands were put on as early as 418, when part
of one of the lower drums broke off. 197 He also mentions
some relics which were said to be kept in the column,
Zosimus refers to this fact, too; only the contents of the
collection of relics varies somewhat from one author to another.
Buondelmonti connects the four small porphyry columns
in the vicinity of the columna crucis with the four bronze
horses stolen in 1204 by the Venetians. He gives no foundation for this tradition, so that to my mind the belief that
the horses originated from the Hippodrome continues to be
preferable, Perhaps it was the number four that led to this
incorrect belief on Buondelmonti's part.
The most important pagan relic, which according to various Byzantine authors, had been brought by Constantine
from Rome to his new capital, and buried under the column
PALACES
281
he erected there, was the Palladium; this had been rescued

from Troy by Aeneas and later preserved in Rome for centuries
as an object of great veneration. 198 In the travel accounts
this Palladium is never mentioned. Clandestine excavations
in the twentieth century, in which a serious search seems to
have been made for the Palladium and other treasures, yielded as far as we know, nothing but the remains of the necropolis which was filled in and smoothed over in the fourth
century. 199
Only three authors - Buondelmonti, Zosimus and the
anonymous Armenian - refer to a column near the church of
the Holy Apostles in the west of the city. On this, according to them, stood a bronze group consisting of an angel
with a staff in his hand and Constantine, kneeling down,
offering a model of his city to this heavenly protector. In
fact it is a group set up by Michael VIII after the recapture of the city, and represents St. Michael, with Emperor
Michael offering him a model of the city which he has founded anew. 200
?. Palaces
The various palaces of Constantinople made a great impression on visitors because of their size, but even more because of their splendour. In many of the travel accounts
these palaces are mentioned but from an analysis of the
contents of these accounts it appears that only a few of the
travellers actually saw the inside of the palaces. Envoys
and members of the high nobility naturally had little difficulty in obtaining access to the emperor, 201 but most of the
authors had to be content with the stories that were told
about the imperial palaces. 202 The position of Harun-ibnYahya, who claims that as a prisoner he sat down to a meal
in the Great Imperial palace, is not clear. 203
The Great Imperial Palace

The history of the building of the imperial palace,
which was begun by Constantine on the hill in the east of
the city, is still not entirely clear. 204 The complex was
repeatedly altered, enlarged and embellished by his successors, so that the original structure can no longer be traced
with certainty. The first thing that struck visitors was the
extremely high and strong wall round it; in the words of
Stephanus of Novgorod it was like a great city. 205 According
to Harun, who gives a detailed description of the palace,
282
CONSTANTINOPLE
there were three entrances: one at the Hippodrome, one in the

Mangana area, and one near the Sea of Marmara which led directly from the water. The emperor's rooms were reached by
way of great vestibules, where the guards stood, 206 and
where there were four rooms used as a prison. 207 On the subject of the interior Harun says that the great halls were
decorated with slabs of marble, mosaics and paintings. In
the inner courts there were all kinds of elegant fountains, 208
statues and groups of sculptures 209 made of costly materials.
The wealth of the emperors is illustrated by the gold and
silver tableware, that was, moreover, adorned with costly
precious stones. Harun's interest was particularly aroused
by an organ that was played during the meal. Liudprand's
description of the receptions and meals at the Byzantine
court bears this out; he, too, emphasizes the wealth and
splendour, and also the presence there of many technical
marvels. 2 lO The palace chapel visited by Odo of Deuil- the New
Church, or the little chapel of Mary on the Pharos plateau 211
- contained all sorts of rare and costly relics, the place
of honour being occupied by the Holy Cross relic,
The great palace was the imperial residence up to the
eleventh century. With the building of the Blachernae
palace it lost part of its importance, although official
state receptions continued to be held there. 212 It is certain,
however, that some parts of it had already fallen into decay,
or been plundered and broken up by the emperors themselves
in order to use the materials for the construction of new
buildings. 213
In 1204 the crusaders found the palace in a state of
decay; thus Villehardouin and Clari do not mention the
Great Imperial Palace. Michael VIII took up residence there
in 1261 for a short time, but in the Palaeologian time the
palace was never completely restored. Later emperors moved
into the Blachernae palace, and completely gave up the old
residence. 214 This may explain why pilgrims like Ignatius of
Smolensk and the anonymous Russian writer of about 1390
could wander through the buildings on the way to the churches
with relics which were situated there. The anonymous writer
makes special mention of the damage done by the crusaders to
the pieces of sculpture which were still present here and
there. The damaged monument with the animal figures in one
of the courts shows a great resemblance to a fountain described by Harun many centuries earlier, but it is not certain
whether the object described is in fact the same one.
PALACES
283
Buondelmonti found only the delapidated remains of the

old palace. He merely remarks that the palace had been laid
out by Justinian I in former times, together with the Hagia
Sophia and the Hippodrome, and he also mentions the colonnade that led to the Hagia Sophia. 215 He does not show much
interest in the whole complex of buildings, for even the
richly-decorated New church and the great Pharos he dismisses in one short sentence.
Bucoleon Palace
Although the Bucoleon Palace 216 was close to the Great
Palace it is almost certain that it was not originally connected to it. This palace begun in the fifth century and
situated on the Sea of Marmara, was probably only included
in the growing complex of the Imperial Palace in later
centuries. The name Bucoleon is said to be derived from a
piece of sculpture placed near the Little harbour, representing a lion and a bull fighting. This name was not understood
by the Crusaders: they refer to Bocca di leone, Boche de
lion, or even Os leonis.~l 7
When the city was divided up in 1204 the Bucoleon
Palace fell to Bonifatius of Montferrat, who immediately
took possession of the immense treasures in that palace. 218
Clari gives a short description of the Bucoleon complex,
to which parts of the Imperial Palace, such as the New
Church, probably also belonged. He counted, he says, some
five hundred rooms, each covered with gold mosaic, and
thirty chapels, large and small. The Sainte Chapelle (New
Church?) was so rich that even the bolts and chains were
not made of iron or copper, but of silver. Everywhere was
the shine of white marble, porphyry and jasper, and there
were precious stones in unbelievable quantities. To accuse
Robert de Clari of exaggeration would certainly not be
correct; the immense wealth of the Byzantine emperors is a
motif that recurs continually in the period before 1204. 219
After the Bucoleon Palace had been the residence of
western princes during the Latin period it was abandoned by
the Palaeologians. It is not referred to by any travellers
after Clari. A pile of bones in the vicinity of this palace
was the only thing that still attracted attention. According
to Brocardus-Adam these were the remains of the Franks who
had been killed in 1261 by Michael VIII. Buondelmonti also
mentions these bones, and believes them to have belonged to
Franks who - perhaps 50,000 in number! - had been cunningly
284
CONSTANTINOPLE
killed by the Greeks. Bertrandon de la Broquiere connects the

remains with Crusaders who had been killed during the expedition of Godfrey of Bouillon. It is indeed likely that the
pile of bones in the crypt were those of westerners; but on
which occasion they met their death - whether 1097, or 1261,
220
or perhaps in the risings in about 1~70- remains uncertain.
Blachernae Palace
The most visited and described palace in Constantinople
was that of Blachernae, at the north-western extremity of
the city, near the wall of Theodosius. 221 After some imperial
lodgings had first been installed in the buildings adjacent
to the church of Mary of Blachernae, built in the fifth
century, Alexius I (1081-1118) began, between 1081 and 1090,
to build a palace there. This had great advantages: the new
palace was smaller and more efficient than the enormous
complex built by Constantine. Moreover, it was easier to defend, and was favourably situated, on the outskirts of the
city but also close to the harbour in the Golden Horn. 222
The leaders of the first crusade were received there by the
emperor in ~096; Sigurd of Norway followed their example
some years later (1107) and in 1147 Odo of Deuil entered
this palace in the train of his king. It was, he writes,
built up high, surrounded by three walls, and it offered a
magnificent view over the city, the harbour and the countryside beyond the walls. While the exterior already presented
a princely appearance, the inside of the palace exceeded
every expectation: everywhere there were costly materials,
gold, precious stones, marble, mosaic in many different
colours - and all worked with unexcelled artistry.
Several years after Odo, Benjamin of Tudela visited
the palace, and his description confirms that of his predecessor. In the meantime Alexius' grandson Manuel I (114380) had extended the palace, a fact that is mentioned by
Benjamin. The walls, he says, were of gold, and on them were
depicted not only former wars and victories, but also recent
ones. 223 The throne was of gold, and was set with precious
stones, and a crown richly adorned with stones hung on a
golden chain above the emperor's head. Precious stones flashed all around and were said to light the room brightly even
in the dark. 2 24 According to Benjamin there were countless
marvels to be seen in this palace.
The Blachernae Palace, with its enormous wealth, also
fell prey to the crusaders in 1204; it was assigned - so says
PALACES
285
Villehardouin - to Henry of Flanders, who eagerly took

possession of its great treasures. Clari's description gives
a picture of the riches involved: a palace with two hundred
rooms, all decorated with gold and mosaics, with twenty
chapels, and so richly furnished that Clari could find no
words to describe it. In the treasure chamber the crowns of
former emperors could still be seen, and furthermore there
were enormous quantities of jewels, precious stones, and
silver and purple garments. Here, too, there is no reason to
believe that he exaggerates; this goes to show how great was
the disaster and how much was then lost.
As residence of the Latin emperors the Blachernae Palace
fell into disrepair. Under the Palaeologians, however, extensive restoration work was carried out, and the palace became
the offical residence of this dynasty. 225 It was here that
Michael VIII had his victory at the battle of Berat painted
on the walls; 226 in this palace Ibn Battuta was received in
1332. He tells how he entered the palace by way of four
gates, and after being subjected to a thorough search he was
admitted to the audience chamber. There he saw all kinds of
mosaics showing living creatures -probably biblical 227 and
historical scenes, such as the battle of Berat - and also
figurative decorations, of the sort more familiar to a
Moslem, in which no people or animals were depicted. 228 His
description of a fountain and water channel in the audience
chamber poses some problems; it is possible that there real299
ly was such an object there, to keep the reception hall cool,
but it is equally possible that this fountain was only a
picture in mosaic. Ibn Battuta's description is not quite
clear on this point. 230
At the beginning of the fifteenth century the Blachernae
Palace was already in a state of partial disrepair. 231
Clavijo speaks of ravages carried out by an emperor whose
son was imprisoned there; probably he is referring to the
events of 1354 in the struggle between John VI Cantacuzenus and Johnn V Palaeologus.:z. 32 The church of St. 1\Iary,
was still intact, however, round 1400, and was still in
regular use. This, too, was a three-nave basilica, with a
raised central nave. 233 Clavijo speaks of green jasper
columns on bases of white marble; the ceiling was gilded, and
still appeared as new, although here and there in the church
traces of decay could already be seen. The use of jasper on
a large scale is specially mentioned; the altar and ambo were
extremely costly, and the furniture, too, was both valuable
286
CONSTANTINOPLE
and magnificent. The roof of this church was made of lead,

a durable and expensive material that is also mentioned in
several places as covering the Hagia Sophia,
In the fifteenth century the church decayed rapidly:
Bertrandon observes that the church, though not large, was
extremely beautiful; but the roof, he thought, was no longer
in very good condition. A few years later, in 1434, the
church building was struck by lightning and destroyed by
fire. Pero Tafur saw only the ruins of this church, which
'so people say' was built by Helena, Pero Tafur's description
gives a clear picture of what was still left: the palace
which had formerly been so beautiful was in a pitiful state.
Only a small part of the buildings was still habitable, and
in that limited space an attempt was made, in spite of these
straitened circumstances, to keep up the full court ritual.
He does not say anything about the inside of the imperial
appartments; all he mentions is the library in an open loggia
near the entrance,
The splendour of the palaces of Constantinople is also
reflected in several literary works, such as the epic of
Digenis Akritas and the French story about the journey of
Charlemagne to Jerusalem and Constantinople.
In the version that grew up in the twelfth century,
probably under the influence of the Second Crusade, 234 of
the older medieval legend about Charlemagne's visit to
Jerusalem based on the diplomatic contacts between Charlemagne and Calif Harftn-al-Raschid, considerable space is devoted to the palace of King Hugo. All sorts of motifs are
found in the description of this palace; 235 besides
French, Irish and classical Roman motifs one can also distinguish contemporary Greek elements, which undoubtedly go
back to the personal observations of people who took part in
the crusades. In the two statues which sounded the trumpet
in times of storm, one can almost certainly recognize the
statues with trumpets which could be seen on the side of the
Bucoleon Palace facing the sea. The golden objects in the
palace that moved mechanically, such as roaring lions with
waving tails, or golden birds singing in a tree, remind one
of Liudprand's description and seem to me to indicate personal observation on the part of visitors. 236 The emphasis which
the story places on the great wealth of King Hugo may be regarded as a borrowing from the popular fantasy in which
fabulously wealthy fairy-tale castles are quite normal
WATER SUPPLY
287
phenomena; but on the other hand these riches did actually

exist in the palaces of Constantinople, as may be seen from
the accounts of visitors who were permitted to enter these
buildings. The same can be said of the palace on the Euphrates, built by the hero Digenis Akritas; 237 this description,
too, is based both on fairy-tale elements and on the palaces
of Constantinople of that time.
8. Water Supply
For a large city such as Constantinople to be fit to
live in, a good water supply was essential. 238 In most of
the towns and villages from which the foreign visitors came
such provision was completely unknown. The aqueducts,
cisterns, fountains and thermae thus attracted the notice
and admiration of countless visitors to the city.
The most striking part of the water supply system was
a section of the aqueduct of Valens (of 308) carried by
high arches across a depression between two hills in the central area of the city. 239 Harun-ibn-Yahya is one of the
literary sources 240 that mention water from 'Bulgaria', that
was transported over the distance of a twenty day's journey
Whether the water conduits did indeed extend so far north
is something that modern archaeological research has not yet
been able to ascertain, although far into Thrace the remains
of an aqueduct have been discovered. 241 In the city, according to Harfrn, the supply was split up into three parts: one
for the palace, a second for the Muhammedan prison (?) and
a third branch for the patricians. This water, which according to Harfrn and Odo of Deuil had a slightly salt taste, was
also plentifully available to the ordinary inhabitants. Odo
of Deuil speaks of underground channels that took the water
to every part of the city. Large parts of the water channels
are known to have fallen into disrepair in the course of the
twelfth to thirteenth century; they were only repaired and
brought into use again by the Turks. 242 The fact that the
water supply system fell into disuse in this way can also be
seen to some extent from the travel descriptions. Only Clavijo
still mentions the aqueduct of Valens near the Church of the
Hagii Apostoli. From this it may be concluded that in about
1400 this aqueduct was still used for the provision of drinking water and the irrigation of gardens in that part of the
city. The statement by al-Wardi that this aqueduct was one
of the wonders of the world doubtless goes back to a very
early source, and thus has no special significance. The
288
CONSTANTINOPLE
majority of post-twelfth century authors no longer refer to

aqueducts and underground conduits, but only to the great
number of cisterns.
At present we know of seventy-one cisterns, large and
small, in Constantinople, 2 ~ 3 but the possibility cannot be
ruled out that even more may still be discovered in the
future. 2 ~~ Various authors mention cisterns, but
it is not usually possible to locate them and to identify
them. 2 ~ 5 On the grounds of the unanimous evidence of many
travellers I consider it certain that particular spaces in
the cellars and the walls of the Hagia Sophia were used as
water reservoirs. 2 ~ 6 There is a nice note by Antonius of
Novgorod to the effect that these cisterns were used as
coolers in which fruit and vegetables for the emperor and
the patriarch were kept. The patriarch apparently also had
his own bathroom in the Hagia Sophia.
Buondelmonti gives a list of a number of cisterns which
he found either in ruins or still in use in the fifteenth
century. It appears that the majority of the monastery complexes had their own water supply; this not only provided
for the needs of the inhabitants, but also for the watering
of the estates. Buondelmonti also mentions the long rows of
pillars in some of the cisterns, which formed an attractive
sight.
The cistern of Muhammed mentioned by Clavijo and Buondelmonti was probably the Philoxenos cistern near the Hippodrome.2~7 The cistern created by a reconstruction in the
sphendone, which is referred to by Buondelmonti, has already been mentioned in connection with the Hippodrome. 2 ~ 8
Thermal buildings are also referred to several times
in the travellers' descriptions. The anonymous Russian
author speaks at some length about the thermae installed by
Leo the Wise, which were accessible to every citizen free of
charge. Although the story is embellished with charming
fantasies about an eternally-burning lamp, and a bowman with
weapon at the ready, the gist of the matter is certainly
true: the bath-house was intended for the whole population,
and was accessible to everyone without payment. The indication that it was the crusaders who put an end to the use of
these thermae also seems to be credible
Pero Tafur also speaks of an old tale connected with
the baths (Zeuxippus thermae), in which two statues which
stood there play a leading part. 2 ~ 9
Buondelmonti's thermae or hospital near the Hippodrome
OTHER BUILDINGS
289
were perhaps situated in the same building.

There is no reference to the many fountains which undoubtedly served to cool the air at many points in the city.
Only the remarkable fountain in one of the courts of the
Great palace is mentioned by Haran-ibn-Yahya; 250 Buondelmonti
picked up a story that was current about the serpentine
column, that on certain feast days squirted wine, milk and
water from its three heads. 251
9. Other buildings
Concluding this survey of the monuments in Constantinople
there remain a few buildings and objects which were only mentioned by one or two authors.
Harun-ibn-Yahya refers to the horologium, situated near
the Hagia Sophia: this was a small building in which twentyfour windows had been made, and at the end of each hour one
of them automatically opened. This technical marvel was attributed to Bolonious, by which he means Apollonius of Tyana,
the famous miracle worker of antiquity. Harawi refers to this
same building, but mentions only twelve windows , out of
which one figure keeps on appearing. Harawi is also the only
writer to refer to the anemodoulion, the immense weather vane,
which was counted as one of the Seven Wonders of Constantinople.252 He promises to give a detailed description of it
in his special study of the city, which has not survived. For
a reconstruction of the form and decoration of this famous
monument one is thus dependent on Byzantine sources. 253
At one time there had been a planetarium in the palace
of Leo the Wise, according to the anonymous Russian. By the
fourteenth century, however, the great hall with its domed
roof had already long been deserted and had fallen into decay.
The judges' pavilion described by Ibn Battuta and situated in the vicinity of the Hagia Sophia may perhaps 254 be
the building of the patriarchate. The nine columns which
Clavijo saw in front of the church, and on which he believes
a palace to have stood formerly, undoubtedly belong to the
same complex.
Probably as early as the eighth century Constantinople
already possessed a mosque, 255 where Moslems living in the
city could fulfil their religious obligations. Harawi is the
only traveller to mention this building, the exact position
and construction of which are not known. In the Byzantine
Empire there was apparently a certain degree of religious
tolerance, in spite of the political struggle against Islam.
290
CONSTANTINOPLE
It has already been described how in the twelfth century

Latin Christians stormed the mosque in the city, but found
themselves in collision not only with Arab defenders, but
also with Greeks. 256 The fact that in about 1050 a new mosque
was built and furnished by Emperor Constantine IX Monomachus
also points to a good relationship between Greeks and Arabs
at that time. Under Michael VIII (1261-1282) this mosque was
apparently thoroughly renovated, 257 a piece of information
contributed by the Arab Makrisi.
10. GaZata - Pera

The western settlement in Galata dates originally from
after 1267, when the Genoese were allowed to establish themselves in that place, Previously there had been a separate
Jewish quarter in the area north of the Golden Horn. 258 In
spite of the limitations to which Jews were subjected, and in
spite of the bad treatment they often received from the
Greeks 259 they nevertheless lived there in relative prosperity.
The first mention of the Genoese settlement of Pera in
any of the authors 260 dealt with here is the passage in the
work of Brocardus-Adam, who draws a comparison between prosperous, wealthy and thickly-populated Pera and enfeebled
Constantinople. Adam's rather exaggerated praise is almost
immediately reduced to its proper proportions by the downto-earth description of Ibn Battuta, who concedes that the
harbour was one of the busiest in the world, but who cannot
find much to admire, on the other hand, in the dirty streets,
shops and churches. Ibn Battuta also refers to the relationship between the Byzantine emperor and the western trading
colony: officially the inhabitants were subject to the
authority of the emperor, but in practice they were governed
by one of themselves who bore, according to Ibn Battuta, the
title Qums (perhaps a distorted form of comes or consul). The
settlement became increasingly autonomous under the rule of
a Genoese podesta.
With the growth of the settlement, especially in the
fourteenth century, 261 it is mentioned more frequently.
Pera is unanimously referred to as a settlement 262 which is
263
small but well fortified and densely populated, and these
aspects are often mentioned precisely as a contrast to the
thinly populated and enfeebled city on the other side of the
water. 26 ~ Dozens of ships must have anchored in the Golden
Horn, and small boats sailed back and forth between the two
GALATA-PERA
291
shores, as we read in Ibn Battuta and Schiltberger.

From the descriptions - especially those of Bertrandon and
Pero Tafur - I deduce that in the late fourteenth and fifteenth century the main weight of trade was in fact in Pera,
and that the importance of Constantinople was lessening by
leaps and bounds,
No buildings in Pera are described separately, and
monuments from the past were not to be found there, Clavijo
mentions a tower on a hill, by which he probably means the
Galata tower, which was then still in existence. The church
of St. Benedict referred to by Bertrandon, was ~robably not
65
yet at that time particularly large or wealthy.
In the
Turkish period this building came to play an important part
in the religious life of the westerners still living in
Constantinople. There is no information available about this
building, however, in the travellers' accounts previous to
1450.
XVIII. THE WEST COAST OF ASIA MINOR

Geographically speaking the west coast of Asia Minor
cannot be separated from Greece; for that reason many of
those who travelled through Greek territory also visited a
number of towns on the coast of Asia Minor.
It was not usual, however, to go far inland, not only in the
Byzantine period, but also later when the Turks ruled this
region. 1 There are two reasons why people limited themselves
to the coastal area: on the one hand the usual way of travelling, by ship, must have limited the range of most of the
travellers, and on the other hand there was little that was
considered important to be seen inland. Nicea, Patara, Myra
and Tyra, but especially Ephesus, owed the fact that they
were known in medieval Europe to references in the Bible or
in Church history, or to the veneration of certain wellknown saints. The interest in Troy, on the other hand, was
based on knowledge of ancient literature.
1. Tray
In the middle ages up till the twelfth century Troy was
either unknown or merely a name to the vast majority of
people; only for the men of letters did the name have a
familiar ring, for many literary texts, sagas and epics were
associated with Troy. 2 When Troy is mentioned in a medieval
text it is necessary, as in the case of Athens, to make a
distinction between a description of the contemporary situation and what people knew about Troy from literature. One
important difference, however, is that in medieval Athens
there were still several buildings that recalled the past,
whereas of the ancient Troy of Priam nothing in fact was
left. What the various visitors to the region near the entrance to the Dardanelles thought they saw of Troy were sometimes the ruins of the Roman town of Ilium, but most often
the remains of the Hellenistic and Roman Alexandria Troas,
more than thirty kilometres further south, on the coast. The
fact is that most authors refer to a town on the coast on
the plain opposite Tenedos. 3 Only Clavijo makes any distinction: he believes that Troy itself was in the plain, on the
coast, but that at a place called Elion, higher up inland,
there had formerly been a Trojan castle. I believe Walerand
de Wavrin to be the only person who saw the right place:
right at the entrance to the Dardanelles, and a little way
294
WESTCOAST OF ASIA MINOR
from the sea.'+

In antiquity the district of Troas was densely populated;5 in the middle ages there were still large quantities of
ruins in the plain opposite Tenedos, as can be seen from descriptions by different travellers. Saewulf says that
the Greeks in that region assured him that what he could see
were the remains of the ancient and famous city of Troy.
Pero Tafur, several centuries later, had to discover this
for himself, as nobody in the region could tell him anything
about Troy. He had made a special journey to see Troy during
his stay on the island of Chios. After a two-day journey on
horseback from Fogia (Phocaea) he came to the plain opposite
Tenedos, where over a wide area there were lumps of marble
and pieces of stone strewn about in between the villages. He
observes that the Turks in that place spared these remains
and built their own cottages up against them. Ludolf von Sudheim writes that in his day the remains of Troy lay partly in
the sea, but partly visible on land. These were pieces of
marble and stone that were lodged deep in the soil; all the
other material had apparently been shipped off to Venice and
there re-used. 6 Boldensele says that because of their great
age there were hardly any buildings left; but Buondelmonti,
on the other hand says that in the area at the entrance to
the Dardanelles, many antique remains were still to be seen.
Pero Tafur had the same view from Tenedos; having arrived on
that island he even found some Greeks who were able to give
him information.
The desire to see the site of ancient Troy is not
present to the same extent in all the authors. For most of
them one can assume that they looked with interest at the
remains of the city of Troy because they happened to be passing anyway; in the case of Pero Tafur, however, going to see
Troy was a matter of conscious choice, and the same is true
Of the Burgundian admiral Walerand de Wavrin, who, when he
was near the entrance to the Dardanelles, asked to be directed to Troy, and went on land to visit the place. Because of
a battle with the Turks this undertaking came to nothing,
but that in no way detracts from this fact. All the authors,
however, show a certain familiarity with the concept of Troy,
and their manner of presentation indicates that they also
assume some knowledge of what Troy was and what it meant on
the part of their readers.
We may ask what thoughts were in the minds of these
visitors to Troy. Some information on this score can be found
TROY
295
in the accounts of their travels, but for the most part one
has to look to other sources. A knowledge of the history of
the Trojan war is taken for granted in the travel descriptions. Muntaner is the only author to give his own medieval
version of the abduction of Helen (who he calls Arena) by
Paris, and the events resulting from it. But of all the
ancient sagas the story of Troy was comparatively well-known
in western Europe, in limited circles up to the twelfth
century and later even on a wider scale. 7 This knowledge was
8
not drawn from Homer's Iliad and Odyssey, but from Vergil's
Aeneid, which was read in the schools, and from the work of
Dares the Phrygian, and to a less extent that of Dictys the
Cretan. 9 In western Europe Dares' version of the Trojan saga
enjoyed the greatest popularity, Although this work, de
Exidio Troiae, only dates from the sixth century and is an
adapt.ation of a second-century Greek original, Dares was believed to have been an eye-witness of the events, which lent
great authority to his version. Dictys was read more in the
Byzantine-Greek area, perhaps because he adopts a pro-Greek
attitude, by contrast with Dares who, like Vergil takes a
pro-Trojan view.
As well as these classical epics, there appeared
in the twelfth century romances in which the material of the
Tr@jan saga was incorporated. In about 1160 Benoit de Sainte
Maure 1 s Roman de Troie appeared. 10 Benoit based it on Dares'
version, but it is certain that he himself added a great
deal to the story. The influence of the classical authors who
wrote about Troy began to decline from now on; for the period
after 1160 the information about Troy in literary works is
based mainly on the romance versions.
With the appearance of the romances about Troy the
Trojan tales also became increasingly well-known outside
intellectual circles, not only in France, but very soon
further afield as well. In Italy in about ~270 the Historia
destructionis Troiae appeared, by the Sicilian lawyer Guido
da Colonna, 11 a work that soon found imitators. In Germany
the Trojan sagas became extremely popular in the fourteenth
century. 12 The basis of the Trojan romances which then
appeared consists of the works of Da Colonna and those of
the German epic poet Konrad von Wlirzburg. Also, from the
thirteenth century onward new and reasonably reliable translations of the classical authors about Troy appeared. 13
The vast amount that was written about Troy in the
thirteenth century and later suggests that the concept of
296
Troy had become widely known. The testimony of the travellers, who mention Troy even if there was practically nothing
to see there, and who assume that the readers are familiar
with it, bears this out.
The Trojan tales would probably not have continued to
attract so much interest if they had not also had a historical
function. In many of the sagas about the origins of different
races Tray occupies a central position. Franks, Britons,
Scandinavians, Saxons, Paduans and Venetians all claim to be
descended from the Trojans. 14 It also appears from chronicles
that not only the Roman emperors but also the Frankish and
German sovereigns had a family tree that linked them to the
Trojan royal house. 15 But it was not only kings and emperors
who boasted of their Trojan descent; other members of the
nobility also liked to emphasize their ancient descent by
creating fictional genealogies, which often went back to the
Trojans. As Wood has pointed out, for the medieval nobility
a family tree of this sort was an indisputable advantage in
their competition with the rising urban bourgeoisie. 16
It is against this background that we should see the
remark which Robert de Clari, in about 1204, puts into the
mouth of the Frenchman Pierre de Bracheul speaking to the
Balkan sovereign John of Walachia: 'Troie fu a nos ancisseurs'. That was the reason why the Franks had 'rightly'
overrun the Byzantine Empire. In the chapter about Robert de
Clari and the Fourth Crusade I have already spoken of the
way that people sought for some justification, after the
event, for what was in fact scandalous behaviour on the part
of the Crusaders in 1204. In the attempts at self-justification the idea of retribution comes in: Constantinople was
captured in revenge for the injustice done to the Trojans in
times past. 17 Clari is the only author of a travel account
to put into words this background of Trojan descent and retribution. To what extent the sagas about descent and the
ideas of revenge played a part in the accounts of other
travellers is not clear. I believe it can be said that the
predominantly pro-Trojan attitude in western Europe, stemming
from the literature, did influence contact with the Greek
population of their own day for the worse. The topos of the
faithless Greeks (timeo Danaos ... ) became more and more of
a reality in western eyes.
A word must be said about the two noblemen, Pero Tafur
and Walerand de Wavrin, who both consciously set out in the
second half of the fifteenth century to look for Tray.
NICEA
297
Huizinga, in his Waning of the Middle Ages 18 has shown how in

the middle ages the life of a knight was an imitation either
of heroes from the Arthurian cycle, or of heroes from the
ancient world. In the latter category not only Alexander the
Great, Hercules, David, Hannibal, Caesar and Augustus played
an important part, but also Paris, Hector, Priam and Troilus.
These figures were no strangers; people saw them in front of
them, in medieval dress, on tapestries in the palaces. 19 Such
tapestries were produced in great quantities in the fourteenth, but especially in the fifteenth century. The 'Nine
Heroes' and scenes from the Trojan war formed the most important subjects. Although only a few separate items from
these series have survived, many series and separate items
are known from inventories. 20 There is a note in a Burgundian
archive that is also interesting. 21 It refers to the cost of
tapestries for two rooms in a palace belonging to the Dukes
of Burgundy (Philip the Good): Achat de deux chambres de
tapisserie ou seroient les ystoires de Octavien et du Roy
Priam de Tray.
Inspired by these, people sought - in vain - for the
place where these events, so familiar to them, had once,
long ago, been enacted.
2. Nicea
The Council of Nicea, held in 325 under the leadership
of Constantine 22 was an event which the city later looked
back on with pride. In the church of the Koimesis 23 portraits of the three-hundred and eighteen bishops 24 who took
part in it were exhibited on the walls. When this was done
is not entirely certain, as the date of the church itself
is still in dispute. It is in any case certain that the
pilgrim Willibaldus saw the exhibition of the council fathers
early in the eight century. Probably the church had not long
been completed at that time.
Krautheimer dates the building as prior to 726, and considers
the construction to be late seventh century or early eight
century. 25
Representations of this sort, showing councils, were not
unusual in the Byzantine empire in the pre-iconoclastic period.
In Constantinople, at the beginning of the eight century, the
six great ecumenical councils were depicted on the Milion,
the central mile-stone of the city and of the whole empire.
The iconoclastic Emperor Constantine V (741-775) had the
whole cycle removed, and replaced by a representation of
298
chariot races at the Hippodrome. 26

Whether the portraits in Nicea were also destroyed by
iconoclastic hands is not apparent from the available data,
but I do not by any means rule out this possibility. In that
case they were painted on again after the image-breaking
period, for in 1234 the Pope's legation to Emperor John Ill
Vatatzes was conducted to the council church by the inhabitants on arrival, and there saw the Fathers who had participated in the council depicted on the walls.
In his account Willibaldus does not give a description
of the church, but he does remark that it resembles the
Church of the Resurrection on the Mount of Olives, in Jerusalem. This passage is not entirely clear, as he does not
say whether his comparison refers to the inside or the outside of the church. Recent excavations have brought to light
parts of the Imbomon, a shrine erected in 370 by a Roman
matrona, Poemonia, on the site of the Ascension. 27
The two buildings are roughly the same in size (about 20 x
20 m), but the church of Koimesis was a square building with
a central dome, while the Imbomon was a round construction,
the central part of which was either entirely open or was
covered by a dome with a wide opening in it. 28 There are no
indications that the church in Nicea was open to the sky.
~lay be some comparison was possible with regard to the interior, with marble, mosaics and possibly frescos, but it is
impossible to be certain about this; the Imbomon disappeared
centuries ago, while the church of Koimesis was completely
destroyed in the Turkish-Greek war at the beginning of this
century. 29
3. Nicomedia - Bursa
Of the capital city of Nicomedia, which had flourished so greatly under the Tetrarchy, hardly anything was left
in the middle ages. When the Crusaders came to this city in
1147 they found nothing but ruins, all overgrown. Odo of
Deuil saw these ruins as a sign of ancient glory and also
found in them an occasion for accusing the Greeks of his own
time of inertia. 30 In the roughly contemporary description
by Idrisi Nicomedia is referred to as a city of ruins. Buondelmonti, too, found only broken pieces of marble; from the
area covered by these remains he could clearly tell that
Nicomedia had formerly been a large city. In connection with
Nicomedia he tells the story of a coffin in which a body was
found, along with valuable jewels - crown, sceptre and sword.
EPHESUS
299
When the body was touched it immediately crumbled into dust.

Whether this story refers to some real event or to a tale
that had been embellished with the passing of time we cannot
tell. Another Bithynic city, Prusa, present-day Bursa, only
really became important in the Turkish period. In the fourteenth century Bursa was the residence of the Turkish rulers,
31
who embellished the city with mosques and costly sepulchres.
Schiltberger spent some time in Bursa in the train of the
sultan, and he notes that it was a very great and wealthy
city, where Christians, Moslems and Jews lived together in
unity. Pero Tafur made an excursion to Bursa, but neither he
nor Schiltberger says anything about the ancient city of
Prusa.
4. Ephesus
The city of Ephesus was widely known in the middle ages
because of the Epistle of Paul to the Ephesians, but even
more because according to an ancient tradition St. John the
Evangelist lived there for a number of years, and died there
at an advanced age. According to a pious legend, which is repeated by several writers, 32 John is supposed to have retired, living into a cave, and then to have disappeared. Above
this cave a basilica was later built; from near the main
altar one could go down into the cave to venerate the saint.
This grave became an extremely important shrine of pilgrimage
in the early-Christian period and the middle ages. Annually,
on the saint's day (December 27) a miracle was said to take
place: it was said 33 that from the grave flowed some sort of
sand or dust, known as manna, to which the pilgrims attributed healing powers. 34
The cave of the Seven Sleepers may be considered equally
legendary. Willibaldus and Ma9oudi both mention the place,
and Idrisi's description of a cave he visited in 1117 probably
also refers to the cave of the legendary Seven Sleepers. 35
The location of the monuments, ruins and contemporary
buildings in Ephesus must have made a very confusing impression on many travellers, for the precise reason that the
geographical situation in Ephesus changed somewhat over the
centuries. From being a great harbour in antiquity, in the
middle ages it had become an inland city. The continuous
silting process may be considered the main reason for this.
This process was a rapid one: in about 727 Willibaldus
estimates the distance from the sea as one mile, while six
hundred years later it was already said to be four miles.
300
In the middle ages the ancient city of Ephesus was

deserted. Odo of Deuil observes that the ruins still testify
to its former glory, and Idrisi also speaks of ruins which,
in his day, stretched out over the hillsides. Because they
feared Christian counter attacks 36 the Turks moved their
habitations to the hill with the Byzantine fort and the basilica of St. John, which had until then been outside the
inhabited area. This change is described in the accurate
geographical treatise about Ephesus by Ludolf von Sudheim;
the move must have taken place shortly before he made his
journey. 3 7
The greatest point of interest in Ephesus was the basilica of St. John. Both the great size of the church and
its situation, high on a hill, made the basilica, which was
built under Justinian I, a dominating building. But the descriptions of the basilica are relatively late, and the earliest only date from the time when Ephesus was already in
Turkish hands. 38 Although the Turks had destroyed most of
the churches in their territory the basilica in Ephesus was
spared: the building was fitted up as a mosque. The grave of
the saint was still accessible, as long as a 'denarius' was
paid to the Turkish guards as an entrance fee. 39 A good description of the church is found in Boldensele: it was a cruciform basilica, richly decorated with marble and mosaics.
The roof covering of lead seems also to have attracted special
notice, since it is mentioned several times. Ibn Battuta emphasizes the considerable number of large and small domes on
the church; altogether he counted eleven domes.~ 0 Ludolf's
statement that the Turks held a market in the church, where
they traded in corn and wool, seems to me to refer only to
the great square in front of the church.
It is remarkable that a second important church in
Ephesus is mentioned only by a Moslem: Ibn Battuta speaks
of a second building made of large blocks of stone, by which
he probably means the basilica of St. Mary in the old city.
This fourth-century church, built in an old Roman basilica,~ 1
in which a council was held in 431, was the cathedral church
of the city. Much of the structure was changed by restoration and structural alterations, first in about 500 and
again in the seventh to eight century.~ 2 The silence on the
part of most of the sources suggests that for pilgrims the
church had been superseded by the basilica of St. John. The
passage by Ibn Battuta shows, however, that in the fourteenth
century the building was still more or less intact.
OTHER CITIES
301
Medieval travellers did not bother about the origin of

the city and its ancient history. Famous Artemis and her
temple also seem to have been completely forgotten.
Only
Brocardus attributes the founding of the city to the Amazons,
but this piece of information can hardly be considered as
relevant.
5. Other cities
Pergamon
In medieval sources there is only one piece of information about Pergamon: Ibn Battuta noted ruins of the old town
spread over the countryside, and a fort high on a hill above
it. He heard the tradition that the house of a famous inhabitant of the city, whom he calls Plato, was still known at
that time. Either he or his informant must have been mistaken,
however, and have confused Galenus, the doctor from Pergamon,
with the Athenian philosopher, Plato.
Tyra (Thyatira)
Muntaner writes that two miles from the town of Tyra
there was an exceptionally fine church to be seen. This
church, dedicated to St. George, apparently particularly impressed him on account of its architecture and the costly decoration of its interior. It was, he says, one of the most
beautiful churches he had ever seen; 43 and yet this building
is not mentioned by any other author.
Myra and Patara

Myra and Patara in Lycia are mentioned in several descriptions in connection with St. Nicholas. 44 This well-known
saint was said to have been born at Patara, and for a number
of years in the fourth century he was Archbishop of Myra. I
believe that two reasons lie behind the repeated mention of
Myra and Patara. Nicholas was already widely venerated in the
Greek-Orthodox church in the early middle ages, but after
the translatio of the relics to Bari in 1087 the saint soon
became popular in the Roman Catholic west as well. 45 Also,
it must not be forgotten that Nicholas was the patron saint
of seafarers. It is thus only to be expected that the crew
of ships in the vicinity of the Lycian coast should want to
draw attention to the birthplace of 'their saint', and the
place where he worked.
It cannot always be deduced from their reports that the
302
various authors did in fact visit these places. Saewulf says

that he visited the grave of St. Nicholas;~ 6 Boldensele
probably also did so, but Boldensele's text appears to have
been quite simply copied by Ludolf and Mandeville. Schiltberger confuses Myra and Izmira, which also makes one doubt
whether he had actually been there. But the mention of the
saint does indicate that this information was considered to
be important to the readers, which is hardly surprising in
view of Nicholas's popularity.
EPILOGUE
The fact that so few accounts have survived, by medieval
travellers to Constantinople and Greek territory, about the
ruins and antiquities, is not simply an unconnected phenomenon, There is no suggestion that this scarcity of material
has to do with the objects being on Greek soil, for the very
numerous objects and buildings in Italy which recalled antiquity are hardly ever mentioned either by travellers in that
area. Medieval accounts about Rome are extremely rare, and
about other places in Italy where ancient remains were to be
seen there is practically no information available at all.
Equally, there is no reason to assume that it was precisely travellers and chance visitors who, for some reason
or other, did not react to being confronted with relics of
antiquity. The autochthonous inhabitants both of Italy and
of the Greek area were usually equally uncommunicative about
the monuments and objects they lived in the midst of.
In this epilogue I want to place the evidence of the
travellers in Greek territory in a wider context by first
giving some thought to the attitude towards ancient monuments
in Italy in the middle ages. Closely connected with this is
the question to what extent the rise of the Renaissance and
Humanism in the fourteenth century influenced the development
of classical archaeology, It will be necessary to make some
observations about the relationships between the activities
of humanist scholars and the study of classical monuments on
Greek soil. The influence of the Renaissance on the culture
of Italy, and later the whole of Europe, is an extremely
complex subject, and one which has been dealt with in innumerable studies, from many different angles. I wish here
only to touch upon a few aspects which have to do with journeys to Greece and attitudes to ancient monuments. After that
I shall discuss the way in which Greeks, Turks, and the Latin
section of the population on Greek soil regarded the remains
of ancient culture that they saw around them,
1. The antique monuments in Italy and the influence of the

Renaissance on archaeological activities
Robert Weiss, in the first chapter of his The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity, 1 has outlined how
people in the middle ages regarded antiquity. In his work
testimonies about Italy, and especially Rome, occupy the most
304
EPILOGUE
important place, but the conclusions he draws from this

material tally with what has emerged from this study about
the situation in Greece.
In spite of the state of deep decay into which it had
fallen, Italy, and especially Rome, nevertheless enjoyed
great prestige in western Europe. The famous hymn, '0 Roma
nobilis, orbis et domina, cunctarum urbium excellentissima'
was apparently raised by countless pilgrims as they set
eyes upon the eternal city. 2 Among the great numbers of
visitors only few can be found who took the step from merely
seeing so telling what they had seen. The accounts by Archbishop Hildebert of Tours (1056-1134), and the Englishman
known as Magister Gregorius (12th - 13th century) are documents which are just as unique as the writings of, for example, Hariln-ibn-Yahya, Niccolo da Hartoni or Cristoforo
Buondelmonti.
Hildebert de Lavardin 3 visited Rome in the early years
of the twelfth century, and in two Latin elegiac poems he
put into words the impression the antiquities of that city
had made on him. What is quite unusual - and for a clergyman even highly peculiar - is his preference for pagan
statues of gods and goddesses. 4 In his work the idea of
'vanitas' is clearly to the fore, a feeling that was undoubtedly evoked by the desolate appearance of large parts
of the city. Hildebert visited Rome shortly after it had
been plundered by the Normans, 5 but even without the devastation that was carried out at that time the city, with its
innumerable monuments, was already in a grave state of decay.
An anonymous poem from before 1000 expresses this eloquently. 6 .
The process of decay had already begun soon after 800, for
there are indications that in the time of Charlemagne the
majority of antique monuments was still reasonably intact. 7
Yet in spite of this devastation, Hildebert did have an eye
for both the historical and the artistic importance of the
ancient remains. His poems opens with the impressive lines:
Par tibi Roma nihil, cum sis prope tota ruina;
Quam magna fueris integra fracta doces. 8
Hildebert's poem enjoyed great popularity in the middle ages,
and so undoubtedly contributed to the view of Rome that was
widely held.
Magister Gregorius's Narracio de Mirabilibus Urbis
9
Romae,
has several things in common with the many mirabilia
tales about the antiquities of Rome which were collected in
THE ANTIQUE MONUMENTS IN ITALY
305
the course of the twelfth century in a sort of guide for

pilgrims and other visitors. 10 Legend and historical fact
are intermingled, and the historical value of the work is
fairly small; its influence, however, was very great, for
until well into the fourteenth century the mirabilia stories
continued to be the most read accounts of the topography and
the antiquities of Rome. 11 The work of Magister Gregorius
belongs in the same category, but diverges from other Mirabilia Urbis Romae at several points: it is not entirely anonymous, and the author also appears to be not entirely devoid of critical faculties. 12 Magister Gregorius describes
a number of monuments, and he, too, shows a definite interest in free-standing pieces of sculpture; in a number of
chapters he deals with different statues which he had seen
in the city. 13 In his work we find, for example, the earliest
reference to the Spinario, the celebrated Thorn Boy in the
Capitol museum. 14 Gregorius' list of statues is all the more
remarkable when one considers that the number of statues and
sculpted groups in Rome - as well as elsewhere - was very
small in the period previous to 1450, The best-known pieces
only came to light in excavations after that date. 15 An
illustration of Gregorius'
interest in ancient statues is
found in the twelfth chapter of his work, in which he says
that he has seen a statue of the goddess Venus so perfectly
carved from Parian marble that it appeared to him to be real
Led by an indefinable urge, he says, he went back three times
to have another look at this statue, even though it was two
stadia away from where he was staying. 16 This same preference
for statues can be seen in a number of travellers on Greek
soil; in the work of HarOn-ibn-Yahya, al-Harawi, Robert de
Clari and the anonymous Russian writer, in Buondelmonti's
Liber Insularum Archipelagi and in Pero Tafur's description
of his travels there is something - sometimes a good deal about statues of marble and bronze seen on the journey.
There is an obvious resemblance between the Mirabilia
Urbis Romae and the writing of Magister Gregorius on the one
hand, and on the other hand the Patria Constantinopoleos and
the stories told in Athens and other places in connection
with ancient relics. Robert de Clari's description of
Constantinople also fits in entirely, both in style and
content, with this group of literary works, The absence of
any proper sequence or any order based on geographical situation, the exaggeration of the measurements of certain
monuments or objects, and the particular attention given to
306
EPILOGUE
anything of an extraordinary nature, - these, along with all

sorts of magic and enchantment, are to be found in all these
works. Clari's description of the Hippodrome can be directly
compared with the passage about the Circus Maximus in the
Mirabilia. 17 His interest in the life-like statues in the
spina of the Hippodrome can be compared to the special interest of such people as Hildebert and Magister Gregorius. Not
18
only in Athens was there an everlastingly burning lamp;
in
Rome, too, it was claimed that there was a lamp made of as19
bestos that could never be extinguished,
Both in Italy and in Greece all sorts of sagas were
connected with the ruins of temples and other buildings, with
20
graves and statues, sarcophagi and obelisks.
Temples were
believed to be the palaces of kings of earlier times, or the
houses of famous people; gates and triumphal arches were
thought to be entrances to palaces; other buildings or ruins
were called 'schola' and were associated with famous people
from ancient history. 21 Columns were often believed to be
possessed of spirits and in a number of cases fear of the
demon or saint in question led to such objects being preserved. Pieces of sculpture, too, were regarded as talismans,
imbued with miraculous powers; sometimes they were believed
22
to be living creatures that had been turned into stone.
Ideas of this sort were rife in the middle ages among both
western Europeans and Greeks; they are expressed not only in
the writings about the antiquities of Rome, but also in the
descriptions of ancient monuments in the Greek world. Both
in the tales recorded by the Greeks themselves, and in the
writings of foreigners who heard of Greek traditions and recorded them, the medieval view of the relics of previous
phases of culture can be seen.
The revival of interest in antiquity during the Renaissance
did not immediately have any demonstrable results with regard
to the ancient ruins. After all, the emphasis of Humanism was
very strongly on literary activities: manuscripts, and to an
important extent inscriptions as well, were diligently studied,
but there was little or no interest in the other tangible remains of ancient civilization. 22 a The picture of Antiquity
that people tried to build up in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, under the influence of the Renaissance, was almost
entirely determined by literature, and not by the surviving
monuments and objects. Dante made regular use of characters from
antiquity in his works, from which we may conclude that they
were also more or less familiar to his readers, but antique
307
remains are not mentioned there. 23 From Boccaccio's work

(1313-1375) it can be deduced that he certainly had some
interest in archaeological material and in topographical
data. 24 He sometimes tried to connect places and monuments
that he came across in classical texts with what he had
seen. Sometimes he succeeds in this, and so it is
that an account of his travels in the vicinity of Naples
(Baiae, the cave of the Sibylle of Cumae) and in Northern
Italy (Fiesole, Padua) can sometimes be recognized in his
works. 25 His knowledge of Rome, however, appears to be extremely scanty; he certainly cannot have spent long in that
city, and the impression made on him by the ancient monuments
can only be guessed at. 26
Petrarch, the first person to be aware that antiquity
was a period of time already long closed, and that the
structure of his own time was in some ways entirely
different, 27 was particularly impressed by the ruins in
Rome. 28 He had an eye for the beauty of classical works of
art; his appreciation of the four horses of San Marco in
Venice, for example, is well known. 29 He certainly did not
neglect ancient inscriptions, and he also had a very great
and profound interest in ancient coins. 30 Yet he, too, was
most active in the field of textual criticism of Latin
writers. In his attitude to ancient monuments Petrarch is
certainly important, because his enthusiasm for the relics
of ancient Rome was not aroused by an interest in their
magic powers of by utilitarian considerations, but by the
fact that the remains were oZd and Roman. 31 This approach
to antiquity, which by comparison with the medieval view
is an entirely new one, only penetrated extremely slowly
however; the idea continued to exist only among a small
circle of scholars. Petrarch's view of antique remains is
limited to the strictly historical: he wandered among the
ruins of Rome, and in his mind he associated the texts of
Vergil and Livy,
in particular, about the great events in
the history of Rome, with the tangible remains of that past.
What particularly struck Petrarch was the fact that the inhabitants of the city apparently neither knew nor cared in
the least about these antiquities. His idea that Rome would
rise again from the ruins 'if only it would begin to know
itself' found no favour with the Romans. 32 This idea of renewal was also limited to a small circle of scholars and
those inspired by Humanism. The ordinary people of Rome
lived in pitiful circumstances, and precisely the seventy
308
EPILOGUE
years of the 'Babylonian Exile' of the Popes at Avignon

(1309 - 1377) are known as one of the lowest points in the
history of the city. An epigram originating in the first
half of the fifteenth century, in a work by Aeneas Silvius
Piccolomini 33 makes it clear that among the Roman population
as a whole there was still little evidence of any interest
in the remains of the past. Pero Tafur's remark about the
attitude of the Romans to their own antiquities also provides a good illustration: his questions met with profound
silence: These Romans were no different, in this respect,
from the inhabitants whom Pero Tafur found in the midst of
the ruins of the place in Asia Minor in which he believed he
recognized Troy.
Although the Renaissance and Humanism were chiefly
literary in character, it was unavoidable that as a result
of the growing interest in classical antiquity the tangible
remains of that period should gradually attract more interest. This process of re-discovery began in the first half of
the fifteenth century, but just as in the literary field the
emphasis fell on works by Latin authors, so the first activities in the archaeological field also took place in Italy. 34
Yet in several of the accounts discussed in this book some
evidence of the Renaissance can also be demonstrated. I
have already referred to the relationship between the person
of Niccolo da Martoni, notary from Carinola near Capua and
author of the earliest description of the antiquities in
Athens, and the humanist activities which developed in the
twelfth to fourteenth centuries in the vicinity of Naples,
precisely among lawyers and notaries. 35 The statement of
King Pedro el Ceremonioso of Aragon, too, about the Acropolis
of Athens, cannot be separated from the humanism that was
growing up in Spain towards the end of the fourteenth century.
The most clear influence of all can be seen in the case of
the Florentine geographer Cristoforo Buondelmonti, who some
ten years after the teaching of Manuel Chrysoloras in Florence
and the completion of his translation of Ptolemy's Geographica
set off to wander about the Greek archipelago with a copy of
that same book in his pocket. The purpose of his journeys was
not to study antiquities, but to carry out topographical and
geographical research. In thjs he differs from Cyriacus of
Ancona, who travelled around in Greek territory twenty years
after him. For the latter the ancient remains were of primary
importance, and for him there was no distinction between antiquities in Italy and those in Greece, In both places Cyria-
309
cus searched passionately for manuscripts; he drew buildings

and the remains of buildings, statues and fragments of sculpture, coins and gems: he copied down innumerable inscriptions
and attempted to assemble as many relics of antiquity as
possible. In him renewed interest in antiquity goes far
beyond the literary framework; he searched for antiquity, and
found it, not primarily in literary texts, but in its actual
concrete remains. 36
The political situation, which underwent a radical
change in the middle of the fifteenth century as a result of
the conquest of Constantinople, was one of the reasons why
Cyriacus' example was so little followed. As has already been
indicated in the chapter about students and scholars, the
first half ot the fifteenth century was precisely the time
that a hesitant start was made by western Europeans at studying in the Palaeologian Empire. The Florentine Jacopo Angeli
da Scarperia had set an example, with his journey to Constantinople in 1396. This activity came to an abrupt end,
however, in 1453.
In the early years of the present century a romantic
picture was built up by some scholars of the humanist interests of Sultan Muhammed II. 37 In this context, Cyriacus was
supposed to have played an important role as scribe at the
court of the sultan; he was supposed to have read to Muhammed
from the work of Thucydides. The facts are rather different:
Cyriacus does not appear ever to have stayed at the court of
MUhammed in Constantinople, which is far more in keeping with
the fact that he is known to have strongly endeavoured to
raise a Crusade to put a stop to the Turkish advance. 38 There
were, it is true, a small number of Levantines and Italians
at the sultan's court after the capture of Constantinople,
but their influence was very small. Moreover, the question
arises as to whether their presence was not dictated by political expediency rather than by humanist interest. After all,
Mohammed is known to have toyed with the idea, after conquering the Palaeologian Empire, of embarking upon an invasion of Italy. 39
From the second half of the fifteenth century only two
anonymous writings about the Greek antiquities have survived;
both date from the early years of Turkish domination. The
first, entitled -ra 58a-rpa xa'l. 6L6aoxaA.Eta is better
known as the Viennese anonymous, and dates from about 1458. 40
The author of this short fragment does his best to identify
as many as possible of the ancient remains in Athens as
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EPILOGUE
palaces, scholae or theatres. The problem about this document

is to make out how much the author has borrowed from a study
of literature, how much from local tradition and how much
from his own imagination. 41 The second document was written
by a Venetian, who wandered through central Greece in about
1470, and also paid a visit to Constantinople. 42 Just like
Cyriacus, he showed a great interest in all sorts of ancient
remains, and his attempts to connect these with various
people and facts from antiquity clearly betray the influence
of classical literature.
With the journey of this Venetian in 1470, wanderings
in Greece came to an end for about a century. Turkish dominance in the area was undoubtedly a factor in putting an end
to travel over land. Travel by sea still continued, for it
should not be forgotten that many of the places and islands
that were important from the point of view of travel - Koran
and Modon, Cythera, Crete, Rhodes and Chios, and various
other forts and islands still continued for a long time in
Christian hands. Pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the Holy Land
also continued; the Venetian pilgrim service only came to an
end in about 1570, when Cyprus also fell into Turkish hands;
the most important reason for stopping the annual excursions
was,however, that interest in pilgrimages had greatly diminished so that the organization barely paid off. Hindrance
from the Turks was a matter of secondary importance. The sea
voyage, however, offered little opportunity for becoming
acquainted with the country or its people.
In spite of the fact that possibilities for travel did
continue to exist, there is practically no data about the
antiquities in Constantinople and Greece from the first
century of Turkish rule. I believe Robert Weiss to be right
when he gives as the reason for this an 'apathy among
scholars rather than impossibility of access to the remains
of ancient Greece', and he explains such apathy as being
'not altogether surprising, when we recall that despite its
Greek veneer, the Humanism of the Renaissance was essentially
Latin' . 43
2. The attitude of the Greeks with regard to their antiquities

It is striking how little interest was shown by the inhabitants of the Byzantine Empire including the Palaeologian
Empire (1261-1453), in the relics of classical antiquity
that were still to be found in the region where they lived.
The number of Greek literary texts from the period circa 500-
THE GREEKS WITH REGARD TO THEIR ANTIQUITIES
311
1450 in which monuments and objects from the Greek and Roman
time are mentioned is extremely small, and descriptions of
monuments which were erected under the Byzantine emperors
have also only seldom come down to posterity. The work of
Paulus Silentiarius about the Hagia Sophia, that of Pachymeres about the statue of Justinian I, Constantinus Rhodius's
about the Church of the Apostles, and the passages in Nicetas
Choniates about the many antique statues in the Hippodrome of
Constantinople - these are the most detailed and the best
known; 44 apart from these an occasional important passage can
be found in Byzantine authors, such as the ecphrasis of
Constantinus Manasses (circa 1150) about a relief depicting
the story of Odysseus and Polyphemus. 45
Generalizing somewhat, one could say with C.P. Bracken:
'Over all these centuries earthquake and flood, wind and rain
threw down, buried or eroded the Greek temples and sculptures;
men utilised the debris to build themselves houses, burnt the
marbles to make lime for mortar, and melted the bronze to
make cooking utenstls. The rare visitors recorded something
of what was left. 46
I believe that several different factors lie at the
root of this alienation of the Greeks from their own early
cultural phases. Firstly it must be remembered that in the
Byzantine Empire people thought of themselves as primarily
Romans. 47 The title used by Liudprand, imperator graecorum,
was regarded as a great insult. People did have some vague
notion of ancient history, of a time when Greece had flourished greatly; but a clear picture of that long-lost time was
lacking, not only among the great mass of people, but even
among Byzantine historians. What still remained were the
names of a number of famous personalities, such as Minas,
Aristotle, Hippocrates and Alexander the Great.
A second important factor was that the capital founded
by Constantine was situated on the outskirts of what was, in
the period of classical antiquity, the most important part of
Greece. In the Byzantine period interest was directed mainly
at what was going on in the capital and its immediate surroundings, with the result that the provinces of Hellas and
Peloponnesus receded into the background, After all, in the
early years of the Byzantine period the centre of the empire
lay mainly in the area of the Bosporus-Dardanelles and in
Asia Minor. 48 Byzantine chroniclers devote extraordinarily
little attention to the western provinces, with the result
that there is hardly any data available about the social,
312
EPILOGUE
49
economic, intellectual and artistic life of those regions.

The founding of the new capital and its somewhat excentric
geographical position in relation to ancient Greece demonstrably influenced the way in which monuments from the past
were regarded in Byzantine society. The Greek mainland, the
Peloponnesus and the islands, where numerous traces of the
ancient cultures were still to be found, were outposts which
were hardly ever visited; such ancient relics as still remained faded into oblivion. The same fate befell the places
along the west and south coast of Asia Minor. Yet the founding of Constantinople did also have a positive side. We know
that for its embellishment Constantine and his successors
had statues and sculptures of bronze and marble brought there
from all over the empire. A number of these objects survived
in their new surroundings for many centuries. In contrast to
this positive aspect, however, is the fact that these pieces
were removed from their original places, and that their real
significance was thus lost, for the Byzantines. The snake
column of Plataeae, for example, was significant in Delphi
as a libation; in Constantinople it became merely a remarkable object, its origin and meaning forgotten.
Earthquakes and fires put an end to many buildings and
monuments, both in Constantinople and elsewhere. The violence
of war, however, left the capital almost unscathed; the city
was captured only twice in over a thousand years, whereas
both Greece and Asia Minor were exposed with great regularity
to wars and invasions. Much was lost as a result, not only in
the way of buildings and objects, but also the traditions
connected with these ancient remains. For the Slav invaders
the Avars and Bulgarians, accustomed to a nomadic existence, the remains of classical antiquity meant nothing; only
in the course of a very gradual process of Hellenization did
they become familiar with them. The Moslems will be considered separately.
Another important factor in this alienation can be found
in the changed attitude to art, as seen in the art of the
Byzantine empire. 50 Byzantine art differs from classical art
in many respects. I will mention just a few of the striking
differences. In architecture, the form of building based on
the longitudinal axis of the classical Greek temple with colonnade, and also the Roman basilica with central apse and three
naves was no longer current. The preference was now for
centrally-planned buildings, in which the dome formed an
integral part. 51 The Hagia Sophia combines both these build-
313
ing forms, the longitudinal axis and a central plan. The

changes in the field of the plastic arts were more radical:
free-standing sculptures were not produced any more after
the sixth century A.D. but only decorated capitals, sarcofagi, marble plates, etc. The creativity of the Byzantine
artists was expressed chiefly in mosaic work, frescos and
panel painting; in enamel work, too, and the richly decorated bronze doors and panels the Byzantine artists displayed great skill.
As the approach of the Byzantine population to ancient
architectural remains was not the same as their attitude to
sculpture, these two categories will be examined separately.
Architecture
The main reason why ancient buildings were preserved
was a functional one; aesthetic qualities played no part in
this. By this I do not wish to assert that the Byzantine
population was entirely devoid of admiration for ancient
buildings; but from the sources that have survived there is
nothing to say whether people considered a particular building beautiful or ugly. There were two areas in which the
constructions of antiquity could still be put to very good
use: in the field of military strategy and in the religious
field. Antique fortifications and lines of defence were
adapted to the requirements of the time. Here one thinks
of the fortifications on the Acropolis in Athens, the Acrocorinth at Corinth, the Cadmeia of Thebes and the wall across
the Isthmus. The old watchtower at Kyparissia on the coast
of Arcadia also belongs to this group.
Ancient temple buildings were sometimes adapted and used
as churches. The best-known examples of this Christianizing
are the Parthenon and the Theseion in Athens, but this change
of cultual function took place in many towns in the Greek
area.
The Parthenon appears to have enjoyed great fame even
in the Byzantine period. As has already been said, although
in the middle ages Athens was in a state of serious political
and economic decay, the city continued to be important from
a religious point of view. 52 I believe that the fact that it
was precisely in the cathedral of Athens that Emperor Basil
II celebrated his victory over the Bulgarians in 1019, can be
seen as an indirect proof of his admiration for this classical temple turned into a Christian church. He travelled from
Ochrid past Thessalonica and the provincial capital Thebes,
314
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to get to Athens. Apparently it was only there that the

victory could be provisionally celebrated in a suitable
manner; the proper celebration was to follow later in the
churches and palaces of Constantinople.
About the fate of smaller ancient buildings little or
nothing is known. Private houses did not usually survive
the centuries, as they were mostly built of wood or other
not very durable materials. Only the larger, usually public
buildings of stone or marble were so strongly built that
they continued in use for centuries, with or without renovation. Evidence in travel accounts shows that in the middle
ages ancient buildings were indeed sometimes used as houses,
stables or storage rooms. 53 Such buildings as did not acquire
a new function - and because of the great fall in population
there were many of these - were irretrievably lost. Many
towns fell into total ruin: Olympia and Delphi disappeared
from the scene; Odo of Deuil refers to the field of ruins at
Nicea, Manuel Palaeologus writes to Demetrius Cydones about
the many uninhabited and completely ruined cities of Asia
Minor, 54 and in Buondelmonti's description of Crete there
are regular references to heaps of rubble as all that remains
of former settlements.
The custom of using old building materials, that were
almost universally available, for new constructions, sometimes
resulted in acts of destruction. Both Greeks and western
Europeans were guilty of this. 55 Sometimes there was a real
emergency, such as in 1390 when in Constantinople at the
command of emperor John V Palaeologus three famous old
churches were demolished to be used for the fortification of
the walls. Even the Mocius church, built by Constantine, was
demolished at that time; 56 and in retrospect to no avail,
for after an ultimatum by sultan Bajazet I the hastily
constructed fortifications were pulled down again. 57 In the
case of the wall across the Isthmus, too, a great deal of
ancient material from Corinth and its surroundings was used
in the hasty repairs carried out at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Mostly, however, the mere fact that the remains of ancient buildings were of good quality,cost little
and were plentifully available was sufficient reason for
choosing precisely these materials.
In spite of all these negative factors some awareness
of antiquity did continue to exist. In the traveller's tales
we hear of a house of Hippocrates, a schola of Homer, a well
from which the Athenian philosophers drank, a grave of Zeus
315
or of Caiaphas. We hear that in Crete people still indicated

a place where the Labyrinth was supposed to have been situated; there is a temple where Paris was said to have met Helen,
a tomb where Polydorus was buried. One can only be amazed at
the vitality of such traditions, which lived on for centuries
under the most unfavourable conditions. They are traditions
in which the old architectural remains occupy a central position, and from which it is apparent that the memory of the
distant but glorious past never entirely disappeared.
Sculpture
Some years ago Cyril Mango went into the question of how
the Greek population of Constantinople reacted to the ancient
statues in that city. 58 He states that the many hundreds of
statues imported in the course of the fourth and fifth centuries and in the first half of the sixth century 59 were soon
lost, not wilfully, but as the result of natural disasters.
Earthquakes and fires reduced the number of marble and bronze
statues to about a hundred in the Middle Byzantine period. 60
The majority of these were lost in fires and looting by the
Crusaders in 1204. Mango points out that the influence of
these ancient works of art on literature was extremely small.
From the period between Justinian I and about 1150 apart from
the writing of Constantinus Rhodius no descriptions of
ancient works of art appeared. 61 Nor does it appear from any
of the accounts that Greek and Roman antiquities were still
being collected in the Byzantine empire after the fifth
century. There is no question of any clear influence of classical statues on Byzantine art; one may point to the fact that in
Byzantium no free-standing sculpture was produced, but
more important is that there was even a total lack of interest
in this art form, so successfully practised by the ancient
Greeks.
The statues spread all over the city did, however,
acquire legendary significance in the popular imagination;
they became the subject of all sorts of popular stories. To
a number of statues was attributed the function of a talisman, that guaranteed the safety of the city. 62 The statues
were believed to be possessed of spirits, sometimes good,
but usually evil ones, even though the theologians taught
that they were lifeless. 63 A number of these stories survive
in the ~Oas~s oUVLO~~ XPOV~~L (short historical explanation), a sort of tourists' handbook about the sights of
Constantinople, dating partly from the middle of the eighth
316
EPILOGUE
century. 64 A new version of these Patria Constantinopoleos

appeared towards the end of the tenth century, and survives
under the name of pseudo- Codinus; 65 some stories are also
known from the twelfth century. 66 The second source for these
stories is the description by medieval travellers, who
occasionally noted down a tale.
The ancient miracle worker, Apollonius of Tyana, plays
an important part in many of these stories. Especially in
descriptions by Arabs his name regularly appears, but other
writers also appear to be not unacquainted with him. 67
Diehl has pointed particularly to the fact that the
population of Constantinople, by contrast to that of Rome,
where people believed in a 'Roma aeterna', was conscious
of the finiteness of the city. Although they possessed the
Palladium, the power of repelling the enemy which emanated
from the statue of Justinian, and the divine protection of
St. Michael, who was believed to protect the walls of the
city on horseback, yet they believed that the mysterious
inscriptions on statues and the bas-reliefs on the great
columns of Arcadius and Theodosius both foretold and illustrated the end of the city. This was the interpretation
given by oracle readers; the masses believed firmly in these
stories, but among educated people, too, and even at the
imperial court there appears to have been little doubt as
to their truth. 68
Some of these stories are known to us from western
sources: the chroniclers of the fourth crusade, Villehardouin
and Clari, describe in their work how in the search of justification the reliefs on the columns of Arcadius and Theodosius played an important part. Even though it should be borne
in mind that this providential aspect is particularly emphasized by the French historians, the essence of their stories
was nevertheless formed by what the Greeks themselves thought
about these monuments.
Pero Tafur, too, recorded a number of such stories about
statues that were in circulation: he refers to 'el Justo' and
to the statue of a goddess near the Zeuxippus thermae. In his
case, however, there is already some evidence of a critical,
commonsense approach; his belief in what he was told is no
longer very great.
It seems to me that there is some difference between the
traditions associated with old architectural remains and the
stories that are connected with sculptured groups and statues.
I believe that the reason for this is that statues, unlike
317
houses and land, could be moved, and in many cases actually

were. As has already been indicated, the fact that so many
statues were moved to Constantinople did guarantee these objects a longer existence, but on the other hand it caused
them to be detached from their original surroundings. In their
new surroundings the popular imagination invested them with a
new meaning, on the basis of criteria usually impossible for
us to trace, based upon superstition and a belief in magic
powers; as a result their historical and aesthetic qualities
disappeared. The majority of these stories clearly originated
in the Early and Middle Byzantine period. Such few statues as
there were outside Constantinople undoubtedly also had stories
connected with them. Nothing can be said about these, however, since neither in Byzantine nor in western sources can
any information be found about them.
In a number of cases the traditions connected with buildings and with land appear to be considerably older, or at
least to have a very old kernel. Some undoubtedly go back to
late antiquity, or indeed even further. Especially in remote,
little-visited regions, such as the islands of Cythera, Crete,
Cos and Chios, but also in cities which were continuously inhabited, such as Athens, Corinth, Patra~ and to some extent
the much younger Constantinople, traditions connected with
particular buildings or architectural remains were handed
down from generation to generation. People were aware that
these monuments were extremely old, and at an early stage
people already began to connect them with famous names from
the past. The inhabitants had very little factual information
either about people from the past, who were to them only
names, or about the age and the unusual nature of the monuments. The letter by Michael Choniates is very revealing, in
which he describes how his speech about the glory and greatness of ancient Athens called forth no response whatever
from his Athenian audience. 69 No doubt legendary elements
have crept into the surviving traditions, and have perhaps
even come to occupy the most important place in them; but
the important thing is that the old kernel has not been lost.
Not until the thirteenth century can one trace in a few
people in Byzantine society the beginnings of an interest in
their own past. The presence of western knights in the Greek
capital during the Latin empire activated Greek self-awareness, and particularly at the court of the Lascarides in
Nicea, where a number of scholars gathered, people began
70
to be aware of the importance of the classical Greek period.
318
EPILOGUE
In these court circles an encomium (hymn of praise) came into

being, in which the importance of Nicea was weighed
against that of Athens. The reference, however, was not to
the decayed provincial town of their own day, with its Burgundian overlords, but to the famous 'EAAOBo~ nULOEU~~ of
Thucydides. 71
In the fourteenth century the threat of the advancing
Turks stimulated this re-discovery of the Greeks' own early
history. Politically enfeebled, and from a military point of
view barely a match for the Turks, people looked for solace
to the glorious past. Interest in pagan classical culture increased; the pagan elements were christianized, of course,
and the ancient philosophers transformed into saints. 72
It must be remembered, however, that this development
was limited to a very small circle of intellectuals, and that
it was primarily literary in character. 73 All this had very
little significance with regard to the antique monuments.
Some of the letters of Maximus Planudes, in which he mentions,
amongst other things, the Temple of Hadrianus in Cyzicus or
the ancient citadel of Priene, 74 are interesting but still
offer little in the way of information. The interest of
Emperor Manuel Palaeologus (1391-1425) in archaeological
objects was also undoubtedly real. He was genuinely grieved
that so many places in Asia Minor lay in ruins, and that
people could no longer even find out the names of them. But
Planudes and Manuel were exceptions; the great mass of people
were quite unaware of such feelings, and would only have been
astonished at them. This is apparent, for example, in the
work of Buondelmonti, whose wanderings in Crete were not
understood by the local population, and were regarded with
amazement. There is no evidence that visitors were deliberately hindered or were denied access to monuments, as was
later frequently the case under Turkish rule. On the other
hand neither is any form of co-operation between visitors
and the local population in finding, studying and perhaps
measuring or drawing the antique monuments to be found in
the medieval sources.
To sum up, I would like to suggest that in a number of
cases the local Greek population did possess a vague knowledge of or at least some familiarity with the antique remains. With the exception of a few individuals in the thirteenth and fourteenth century, however, there is no question
of any clear interest in these objects as documents of one's
own history. The attitude of the Greeks to their monuments
THE ATTITUDE OF THE TURKS TO THE CLASSICAL MONUMENTS
319
was partly one of conservation; 75 they kept up a number of

traditions which stemmed from antiquity, and passed them on
in their own orbit. As well as this, in the Early and Middle
Byzantine period antique objects - especially statues - gave
rise to the creation of new stories. Written references to
antiquities and traditions are practically non-existent, however, among the Greeks.
3,
The attitude of the Turks to the classical monuments
From the thirteenth century onward the power of Islam

spread westward into Asia Minor, and more and more originally Greek territories fell into Turkish hands. In 1354 the
Turks finally obtained a firm footing on European soil, and
in the centuries that followed they succeeded in gaining
control of the remains of the Byzantine empire and the Latin
territorie. The capital, Constantinople, fell to them in
1453, and in the fourteen-fifties the last Greek and Latin
points of support on the Peloponnesus also came into Moslem
possession. Only Crete, Rhodes, a couple of islands in the
Archipelago and a few isolated Venetian forts still remained
in Christian hands.
The Turkish attitude to the ancient monuments in Greek
territory shows some resemblance to the attitude of the
Greeks, which has just been described. Yet some fundamental
differences in approach can be seen. One important factor is
not so much the difference in religion as in religious experience. It should also be remembered that although in the
Islamic culture representations of people and animals are
not explicitly forbidden, almost everywhere calligraphy was
preferred as a form of decoration. 76 Most Greek churches were
not suitable for use as mosques; even by means of structural
alterations they could not usually be adapted to Islamic requirements. Innumerable churches were thus demolished, or
left unused, in which case they soon fell into disrepair. The
confiscation of church property soon resulted in there being
no money for the necessary maintenance work. This was one of
the reasons that led to the disappearance of many church
buildings. The use of spolia is not unheard of among the
Turks, either. Only a few churches escaped because of their
great size or fame. Ludolf von Sudheim says how the great
basilica of St. John at Ephesus was spared, whereas the
majority of churches in the area were demolished. Yet I believe that here, too, it was not aesthetic admiration for
this magnificent edifice that was responsible for this, but
320
EPILOGUE
rather the fact that such a large and well preserved building
was considered usable. The fact that the apostle and evangelist St. John was buried there may have been regarded by the
Moslems as an advantage. 77 A century later the Parthenon and
the Hagia Sophia were also spared; these great churches were
transformed into mosques.
In the case of non-religious buildings they applied the
same criteria as the Greeks: public buildings and defence
works, in sofar as they were functional, remained in use;
what was not needed was left to fall irrevocably into rack
and ruin, and later, as a result, to be plundered. The
Turkish agas in Thessalonica in the fifteenth and sixteenth
century are known to have inhabited the old palace of the
Tetrarchs; in Athens, too, they installed themselves in the
Propylaea palace and on the Acropolis.
Nowhere is there any sign of interest on the part
of the Turks for remains stemming from an entirely different
cultural pattern. Complaints of being actively hindered by
the Turks, or of only people who were on good terms with the
sultan being able to get anywhere, are not yet found, however, in the authors of the fifteenth and sixteenth century.
They often show great admiration for the Turks - greater
than for the Greeks, whom they consider inferior by comparison. 78 They appear to have travelled about undisturbed, and
it was no concern of the sultan's if they were interested in
antiquities and in ruins. Permission to travel was granted
them; help and co-operation, however, they could not expect.
The Turkish attitude to statues and sculpture also resembles that of the Greeks towards these objects. The Turks
also believed that the statues were possessed by demons, and
endued with magic powers. Their reaction to them was determined not only by fear but by disgust. Disgust was felt for
the statues of people and animals, fear for the demons that
could punish them if they damaged or destroyed these statues.
This was why the statue of Justinian was removed from its
high column immediately after the capture of the city in
1453; this anti-Turkish talisman had to go, but the statue
of the man on horseback was not destroyed until the following
century. 79 The same is true of the snake monument in the
Hippodrome: the heads were broken off, to destroy its influence, but the monument itself was left standing, saved by
the magic powers attributed to it.
From all this one can only conclude that the process of
decline of the ancient monuments, that was already well under
THE ATTITUDE OF THE LATINS TO THE CLASSICAL MONUMENTS
321
way in the centuries before 1453, was merely accelerated

under the Turks. Destruction was not usually carried out deliberately, except in the religious field. Total strangeness
with regard to the remains of the Greek, Roman and Byzantine
culture, and an absence of interest in anything outside their
own cultural pattern were responsible for the decline of innumerable monuments and objects. This process of decline and
decay lasted many centuries, and in some regions it even continues unchecked at the present time. Among certain groups
of the Greek population there is still very little enthusiasm for archaeological research and for the importance of
their own ancient monuments. In many places on the west
coast of Asia Minor the same mentality still continues to
exist, even though the Greek and the Turkish governments,
experts on antique remains and intellectuals are highly
conscious of the importance of the antique remains in their
country for their own history, and every effort is made to
save and conserve as much as possible.
4. The attitude of the Latin population group to the monuments

The reactions to the ancient monuments of the western
elements of the population who had settled in Greek territory as a result of the fourth Crusade are even more difficult to define than those of the Greeks and Turks. Looking
only at the data found in the literary sources from among
their own circles, it would only be possible to conclude that
the remains of earlier cultures with which they were confronted in their new home left them completely unmoved. Yet we
should not be misled by this total absence of literary evidence, for I believe that as I have indicated in this
study there is evidence of some involvement, on the part of
certain individuals or groups in the western section of the
population, with the ancient monuments of their new fatherland. This was, of course, a gradual process, and it was
closely connected with the slow integration of Greeks and
Latins. The Knights of the fourth crusade still had little
knowledge of and interest in the history of the region in
which they operated. Yet Robert de Clari already has in his
mind the idea of retribution for the devastation of Tray. The
little that educated people found about Greece and Greek
history in Latin literature probably did fill them with some
sort of pride. It was, I imagine, the same pride felt by the
chancellor of the Staufen emperor, Henry VI, and governor of
Naples and Sicily, when he travelled through the region under
322
EPILOGUE
his jurisdiction. In 1194 Konrad von Querfurth described his

journey through Italy 80 in a letter to his friend, the Abbot
of Hildesheim. In it he speaks of the Rubicon, the thermae of
Vergil in Baiae, Scylla and Charybdis, and the theatre of
Taormina, which he identifies as the Labyrinth. He believes
Parnassus, Olympus and the spring of Hippocrene to be situated
in southern Italy, and is very proud of the fact, because
these famous places that he had learned about at school now
belonged (or so he thought) to the territory of his emperor.
The same feeling of pride can be traced in the Aragonian
King Pedro IV in connection with the Acropolis of Athens. He
is full of praise for this Acropolis, which had come by chance
to form part of his dominions. 81 Even if he was not prepared
to spend any money on the defence of this far outpost of his
territory, its cultural value did not escape him.
Travellers' stories provide the opportunity of tracing
something of the attitude of the western section of the population to antique remains. After all, we regularly hear how
travellers sought lodgings with fellow countrymen, fellowcitizens, or at least fellow-believers. The old traditions
included in the travel descriptions - passed on orally by the
Greeks from generation to generation - must have been transmitted via the western section of the population, since
direct contact between travellers and Greeks can be practically ruled out. The transmission of local Greek tales was the
first contribution of the Latin part of the population, but
not their only one.
I have already mentioned the Venieri on Cythera, who,
on this island with its famous temple of Venus (of which a
considerable part must still have been standing) made up a
family tree which traced their descent back precisely to this
goddess Venus. The involvement of the Knights of St. John in
the distortion of the local legend about Hippocrates on Cos
is also probable; as a result we now have the story of Hippocrates' daughter. The Venetian excursions to the quarry near
Gortyn on the island of Crete indicate admiration and pride
in the fact that the famous labyrinth lay within their
reach. Nicolas Cornaro laid out an 'Antikengarten' in Crete,
long before this became the custom in western Europe. The
Archbishop of Patras had a painting on the walls of his
palace showing the capture and sack of Troy, and the
chancellor of Achaea, Leonardi da Veroli, included in his
small library a Greek manuscript. It is a matter of individual
personalities, not large groups of people; but the fact that
THE ATTITUDE OF THE LATINS TO THE CLASSICAL MONUMENTS
again and again the activities of such individuals

traced seems to me to indicate that within a small
there was a lively appreciation of and interest in
The parallel with the travellers discussed in this
evident!
323
can be
circle
Antiquity.
study is
CONCLUSION
Travel accounts occupy only a small place in medieval
literature, and accounts of travels in Greece and Asia Minor
form only a fraction of them. When one concentrates upon
accounts which contain evidence about ancient monuments the
number becomes even smaller.
It has been said in several places that in the middle
ages travel was not a tourist activity, and that it was
accompanied by great risks and dangers. Most journeys were
business trips, their destination sometimes inside, but more
often outside Greek territory. In the first part of this
study the different motives for which people went to Greek
territory were examined at length. It also became clear why
it was that there was particular interest in Constantinople
and in various coastal towns and islands.
It has been seen that the majority of travellers strove
to reach their destination as quickly as possible; that in
doing so they paid little attention to the scenery, the inhabitants, ancient traditions and monuments or ruins was unavoidable. The object of travel in the twentieth century,
namely to make contact with unfamiliar races and different
kinds of culture, can only be found in the middle ages in
the works of a few Arab authors. The Spaniard Pero Tafur, in
the first half of the fifteenth century, also seems to have
had some similar sort of motive in undertaking his journeys,
but he is an exception in that period. It is not until after
1600 that the nature of travel changes in Europe, and that
travellers became more alive to its positive aspects. 1 Only
then, too, is there an increase in the number of descriptions
which contain personal observations about all kinds of subjects.2 In the preceding period there are only a few individuals whose account is any more than a dull list. For our
information about travel in the middle ages we are almost
entirely dependent upon written sources. Yet it should be
remembered that the fact that people acquired certain experiences abroad did not at all necessarily mean that they also
wrote these experiences down. In the middle ages this was
certainly not particularly usual; we know that at that time
communication between people was usually oral and that written
publications were mainly limited to affairs of government. 3
On returning from their undertaking many travellers undoubtedly spoke about their experiences on their journeys within their
own circle; this information, however, has been almost entirely
326
CONCLUSION
lost. Only in a few cases can traces of this oral tradition

be found in written sources, as in the chronicles of Guibert
of Nogent and Robert of Rheims, and in passages in Arab
authors. All that is available to us is what a few individuals wrote down on paper. Their interest in events and objects
outside their own sphere of life, their education, and above
all their personal attitudes, which diverged from those of
the masses, form the basis of such accounts. The influence
of such travel accounts has often been very limited; it has
been pointed out that many of these travel books have often
survived in one manuscript. Probably the author himself did
not aim at a wide circulation; he simply felt the need to
write his experiences down. It was seldom his intention that
his work should be used as a travel guide for others travelling to the same destination.
Two elements are of the greatest importance for the
western view of the antiquities in Greek territory. The Bible
and ancient Latin authors were constantly used as a frame of
reference, both by those who travelled and by those who
settled down permanently on Greek soil. It was against this
background that people placed what they saw and one may
imagine that it also helped to decide what they wanted to
see. The emphasis in the travel accounts is on all sorts of
elements connected with saints and with places referred to in
the Bible. Ancient Latin authors also influenced the thoughts
of many of the travellers. The stories about Troy were widely
known: Vergil was read at school. When one looks at the things
from antiquity in which some interest is occasionally shown,
they are often objects that are referred to in Latin literature. Perhaps this is why Bertrandon de la Broquiere mentions
the tumulus of Polydorus in Thrace, which is familiar from
Vergil, but not a single traveller mentions any of the other
tumuli, such as those of the Spartans at Thermopylae. The
influence of the Bible and of ancient authors on the way the
travellers looked at things should not be underestimated, it
seems to me: one may even wonder to what extent travellers'
notes were inspired by the ancient texts, and whether their
observations should thus be regarded as a confirmation of
what they actually already knew. The importance of the travellers, however, is still that their descriptions were mostly
based upon personal observation ; for this reason they have
more value than the evidence based only upon literary sources.
It is difficult to find an answer to the question of
why so little attention is paid in the surviving descriptions
CONCLUSION
327
of Greek territory to the ancient ruins, monuments and traditions then still in existence.
Heckscher 4 looked for an explanation in the pessimism
which was found on such a large scale in the middle ages, and
the emphasis which was laid at that time upon the theme of
vanitas: 'The ancient sites, monuments and statues, fallen
to pieces and deprived of their former decorations could only
be regarded as specimens of "vanity" - signal examples of
divine chastisement' . 5 In the medieval view of the world only
what was whole and complete was good. In the static universe,
in which everything had received a complete form according
to the divine plan there was no room for ruins, for phases
of destruction. Heckscher takes his arguments for this view
both from 'medieval representations of architectural destruction' and from literary texts, such as a quotation from St.
Thomas Aquinas. 6 These observations are correct as far as
they go, but in my opinion they do not solve the problem, for
they give rise to another question: why is there no mention
in medieval literature of those ancient edifices that were
kept up for functional reasons? There is no known description
of the Parthenon prior to 1395; the Hagia Sophia is only
briefly described by Arculf and about 700 years later by an
anonymous Armenian writer. Thus I do not believe that a mere
lack of interest in ruins or in damaged and incomplete statues was the main reason why silence was preserved about them.
The reason should rather be sought in the mentality of medieval man, who hardly ever appears able to step outside his
own familiar world-picture. This is seen not only with respect to the material remains of Antiquity, but also in the
sphere of the immaterial. The picture of the knowledge of the
Greek language in western Europe that was sketched at the
end of the first part of this book shows striking similarities with what has been said in this study about the attitude
of non-Greeks with regard to ancient monuments in Greece. In
neither case is there much sign of any direct interest;
even a reasonable degree of factual knowledge is almost
entirely absent, and the few main characters who do stand
out of the great amorphous mass are never any more than
separate individuals. All that can be concluded from this is
that it is not only the Greek language nor only the ancient
monuments that lay outside the field of interest of medieval
man, but that the entire Greek world, its language, religion,
history and customs, left visitors from elsewhere almost
entirely unmoved. All the more valuable, then, is the evi-
328
CONCLUSION
dence of the few authors described in this book. What makes

the contribution of these travellers from various parts of
Europe and also, to a smaller extent, from the Arab world,
so important is that hardly anything was written in that
period by the Greeks themselves, and among the Latin inhabitants, too, there is very little in the way of written
evidence. In the travellers' tales one finds a combination
of the personal observations of non-Greek travellers and,
via the western section of the population, information about
local Greek traditions and monuments. We have here the
strange phenomenon that the picture, as we have it, of the
state of the buildings and other antiquities in medieval
Greece was largely shaped by non-Greeks.
The travel books discussed in this study contain information of many different sorts: they provide some data however incomplete - about the political situation and about
living conditions in medieval Greece. Specifically with
regard to Antiquity they contain information about three
aspects: first of all one can discover from them the state
of a number of monuments and ruins, and the existence of a
number of old traditions; at the same time one finds a
little information about the way in which the Greeks themselves regarded the relics of their earliest history; and
finally one can read in them how strangers reacted when confronted with the centuries-old remains of ancient culture.
UITGA YEN VAN HET

NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAEOLOGISCH INSTITUUT TE ISTANBUL
Publications de l'Institut historique-archeologique neerlandais de Stamboul
sous la direction de
E. van DONZEL, Machteld J. MELLINK, C. NIJLAND et
J.J. ROODENBERG
XLIX
TRAVELLERS TO GREECE AND CONSTANTINOPLE

Volume 11
TRAYELLERS TO GREECE AND

CONSTANTINOPLE
Volume II
by
J .P.A. V AN DER VIN
NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAEOLOGISCH INSTITUUT

TE ISTANBUL
1980
Copyright 1980 by
Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten
Noordeindsplein 4a-6a,
2311 AH Leiden, Nederland
All rights reserved, including the right to translate or

to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form
ISBN 90 6258 049 1

Printed in Belgium
P AR T
NOTES
Introduction
1
Liudprandi ReZatio de Legatione ConstantinopoZitana~ in:

Liudprandi episcopi Cremonensis opera omnia~ G.H. Pertz
(ed.), Hannover, 1839, caput 58: 'asinando, ambulando,
equitando, ieiunando, sitiendo, suspirando, flendo, gemendo Naupactum veni'. The order in which Liudprand lists
his means of transport reveals his indignation; he considered it most unsuitable for an ambassador of the
German emperor to have to travel on a donkey. The verb
'asinare' does not occur elsewhere in medieval Latin,
and thus was specially coined by Liudprand for this
occasion!
Leafing through the advertisements of travel bureaux one

finds these arguments again and again; they are intended
to persuade people to choose Greece - and also Turkey
(the western part) - as a holiday destination.
Travel bureaux such as the Netherlands Organization for

Study Tours of the Ancient World, which are geared to
introducing clients to culture and historical monuments,
concentrate entirely upon the ancient monuments. Other
organizations, such as the Dutch Classical Society,
organize study tours to bring members and other interested
persons into contact with the material remains of the
ancient culture.
R. Weiss,
Lettere
5
'Un umanista antiquario: Cristoforo Buondelmonti',

16 (1964), p. 111.
itaZiane~
Journal d'Antoine GaZZand pendant son sejour a Constanti~

nopZe (1672-1673), Ch. Schefer (ed.), Paris, 1881, p. 39.
G. Steinhausen, 'Beitrage zur Geschichte des Reisens',
AusZand~ 66 (1893), p. 206 and pp. 218-9 puts the
date of the beginning of the journeys for the sake of
cultural education at the beginning of the sixteenth
century. It was in the seventeenth century that well-todo young men used to go on the Grand Tour through Europe;
Italy, England and The Netherlands all formed a regular
part of the programme.
Das
NOTES TO PP. 3 - 4
330
See also J. Berg, Aeltere deutsche Reisebeschreibungen~

Giessen, 1912, p.l. Berg takes as the end of his study
the year 1600, because at about that time he sees a new
form of travel account coming into being.
2
7
Cf. J.N.L. Baker, Medieval Trade Routes~ London , 1954.
8
H. Jedin,
Die deutsche Romfahrt von" Bonifatius bis
Winckelmann~
9
10
11
Krefeld, n.d. p. 22.
D. Meehan (ed.), Adamnan's de locis sanctis~ Dublin,

1958. For the date: Meehan, op.cit, pp. 9-11.
Cf. Ph. Grierson, review of A.R. Lewis, 'The Northern
Seas' in English Historical Review~ 76 (1961), pp. 31115. It should, however, be borne in mind that in the
early middle ages in many parts of Europe there was,
not only a money economy but also widespread barter.
For this see e.g. J.N.L. Baker, op.cit.; F. Vercauteren,
Etude sur les civitates de la Belgique seconde~ Brussels,

1934, pp. 445 ss; R.S. Lopez, 'Silk Industry in the
Byzantine Empire', Speculum~ 20 (1945), pp. 1-42.
With some hesitation I also mention here A.R. Lewis,
The
Northern Seas. Shipping and Commerce in Northern Europe~
A.D. 300- 1100, Princeton, 1958. This work contains a
great deal of material, but is so carelessly written
that its data can hardly be used without first being
checked. See the review by Grierson mentioned in note 10.
12
Lewis,
13
R.S. Lopez, 'Le probleme des relations anglo-byzantines

du septieme au dixieme siecle', Byzantion~ 18 (1948),
p. l42.
14
L. Brehier, 'Les colonies d' orientaux en Occident au

commencement du moyen-age', Byzantinische Zeitschrift~
l2 (1903), pp. 1-39.
J. Ebersolt, Orient et Occident. Recherches sur les
Northern Seas~ p. 455.
influences byzantines et orientales en France avant les

Croisades~ Paris-Bruxelles-, 1928.
M.J. de Goeje, 'Internationaal handelsverkeer in de
Middeleeuwen', Verslagen en mededeelingen der koninklijke
Akademie van Wetenschappen (afd. letterkundel~ 4e serie,
9 (1909), pp. 245-69.
P. Lambrechts, 'le Commerce des "Syriens" en Gaule du
Haut Empire a l'epoque merovingienne', l'Antiquite
NOTES TO PP. 5 - 9
331
classique~
6 (1937), pp. 35-61.

It is still strange that Byzantium, that possessed a
practically invincible fleet of warships (Greek fire!)
was so little involved in trade and shipping.
1 5
Brehier, op. cit., pp. 11-6.
16
Vercauteren, op.cit., pp. 445-56.
17
Brehier, op. cit., p. 37.
18
Lewis, Northern Seas~ Maps: 1, circa A.D. 300 (p. 33);

2. circa A.D. 650 (p. 148); 3. circa A.D. 820 (p. 205);
4. circa A.D. 985 (p. 369); 5. circa A.D. 1100 (p. 475).
1 9
See note 1 for the blocked land route Legatio~ caput 46.
Ch.
'
T. Wood,
1000 -
The Age of Chivalry~ Manners and Morals
1450~
London, 1970, specially the Prologue: The

Formation of Medieval Europe, pp. 9-30.
21
G. Schlumberger,
Nicephore
Un empereur byzantin au dixieme siecle:
Phocas~
Paris, 1890, pp. 44-96. (siege of

Kandak in 961). Also A.R. Lewis, Naval Power and Trade
in the Mediterranean~ A.D. 500 - 1100~ Princeton, 1951,
pp. 184-6 and for earlier Byzantine attempts at re-conquest, idem, pp. 141-2.
22
Wood, op.cit., chapter 6: The upper Orders and the

Crusading Ideal, pp. 94-107.
23
In Byzantium Bertha had the name Irene (died 1159); Maria

bore the Byzantine name Xena. Cf. Robert de Clari, eh.
52-54 (ed. Lauer, pp. 81-90).
24
Ventura: Memoriale Guilielmi Venturae civis Astensis de

gestis civium astensium~ et plurium illorum~ Rerum Italicarum Scriptores~ ed. L.A. Muratori, Vol. XI, Milano
1727, cols. 191-192.
caput XXVI: Mirandum est, quot passim ibant viri et
mulieres, qui anno illo Romae fuerunt; ... Exiens de Roma
in vigilia Nativitatis Christi vidi turbam magnam, quam
dinumerare nemo poterat; et fama erat inter Romanos, quod
ibi fuerunt plusquam viginti centum millia virorum et
mulierum.
25
Villani: Historie fiorentine di Giovanni Villani~ cittadino fiorentino~ fino all' Anno MCCCXLVIII. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores~ ed. L.A. Muratori, vol. XIII, Milano,
1728, col. 367.
332
NOTES TO PP. 9 - 10
liber VIII, caput XXXVI: (l'anno del Giubileo). Per la

qual cosa gran parte de' Christiani, che allhora viveano,
feciono il detto pellegrinaggio, cosi femine come huomini, di lontani et diversi paesi, et di lungi et d'apresso;
et fu la piu mirabile cosa, che mai si vedesse, che al
continuo in tutto l'anno havea in Roma 200. mila di pellegrini, senza quelli ch'erano per li camini, andando et
tornando, et tutti erano forniti et contenti di vettuaglia giustamente, cosi i cavalli comme le persone.
26
Cf. Fr. Rapp, 'Les pelerinages dans la vie religieuse de

l'occident medieval aux XIVe et xve siecles, in: Les
pe-
lerinages de l'antiquite biblique et classique a

l'occident medieval~ Paris, 1973, pp. 119-60. G.B. Parks,
The English Traveler to Italy~ I. The Middle Ages (to
1525)~ Roma, 1954, pp. 354-6, and M. Romani, Pellegrini
e viaggiatori nell' economia di Roma dal XIV al XVII
secolo~ Milano, 1958, p. 12 ff.
Ventura's figure of 2 million visitors can be compared
with the 7 million visitors to the city of Rome in the
holy year of 1975.
27
Dante, Divina Comedia~ Inferno, XVIII, 28-33:

come i Roman per l'essercito molto (essercito =processione)
l'anno del giubileo, super lo ponte
hanno a passar la gente modo colto,
che dall' un lato tutti hanno la fronte
verso '1 castello e vanno a Santo Pietro;
dall' altra sponda vanno verso il monte (= Monte Giordano
on the left bank)
2
(edition N. Sapegno, Firenze , 1968.
28
Parks, op.cit., p. 356. Other figures for English

travellers to Rome are given by Parks on pages 373-4; in
the period up to 1525 the number of English visitors to
Rome was probably usually less than 100 a year, and in
some years even less than 25 a year.
29
Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem~
30
G. Constable, 'The Second Crusade as seen by Contemporaries' ,Traditio~ 9, (1953), pp. 215-7.
M. Margaret Newett (ed.), Manchester, 1907, pp. 36-9. In the

Venetian Archives: Misti del Senato~ XXXVII, 48-102b
(anno 1381, more veneto)
333
NOTES TO PP. 10 - 13
31
For an assessment of the positive and negative factors

e.g. J. Berg (note 6), pp. 1-51 and E.S. Bates, Touring
in 1600. A Study in the Development of Travel as a Means

of Education> London, 1912, pp. 153-4.
32
See the chapter on knowledge of language and linguistic

problems.
33
Niccolo da Martoni kept a record of his experiences from

day to day!
34
Stephanus of Novgorod, in: Itineraires russes

B. de Khitrowo (ed.), Geneva, 1889, p. 125.
35
Bates, op. cit., pp. 153-4; also J. Beckmann, Litteratur

der aelteren Reisebeschreibungen> I, Gottingen, 1807,
en Orient>
pp. 168-9.
36
C. Jenkins in: Travel and Travellers of the Middle Ages>

A.P. Newton (ed.), New York, 1926, chapter III, p. 40.
Also N. Jorga, Les voyageurs franqais dans l'Orient
europeen> Paris, n.d., pp. 5-6.
37
E.g. the equestrian statue of Justinian at Constantinople,

described by Wilhelm von Boldensele.
38
A description of the exterior of the Hagia Sophia at

Constantinople is found in practically none of the descriptions; quite a lot is said about the interior.
39
This tendency is found to a most striking degree in the

work of Robert de Clari.
Chapter I
Some modern studies on the subject of pilgrimages:

Fr. Raphael, Le pelerinage. Approche sociologique, in:
les pelerinages de l'antiquite biblique et classique a

l'occident medieval> Paris, 1973, pp. 10-30; J. Sumption,
Pilgrimage> an Image of Mediaeval Religion> London, 1975.
Also: A. Fliche et V. Martin (ed.), Histoire de l'eglise>
XIV, Paris, 1962-4: E. Delaruelle, E.-R. Labande et P.
Ourliac, l'eglise au temps du Grand Schisme et de la
Grise conciliaire (13?8-1449)> pp. 573-600: "Pelerinages en
Terre Sainte, Croisades et Missions," and pp. 787-820:
"Culte des Saints, Reliques, Pelerinages, Indulgences".
A key work is still B. Kotting, Peregrinatio religiosa.
Wallfahrten in der Antike und das Pilgerwesen in der

alten Kirche> MUnster, 1950.
334
Itinera Hierosolymitana et descriptiones terrae sanctae

bellis sacris anteriora et latina lingua exarata~ I, A.
Molinier- T. Tobler (ed.), Geneva, 1879, pp. 1-25; A.P.
Newton (ed.), Travel and Travellers of the Middle Ages~
New York, 1926, p. 31.
J. Jiri9ek, Die Heerstrasse von Belgrad nach Constantinopel und die Bal~anpasse. Eine historisch-geographische
Studie~
Amsterdam , 1967, pp. 69-112.
P. Mickley (ed.), Arculf. Eines Pilgers Reise nach dem

heiligen Lande (um 6?0)~ Leipzig, 1917. Also D. Meehan,
Adamnan's de locis sanctis~ Dublin, 1958.
Beda, De locis sanctis, in: Itinera Hierosolymitana (note

2), pp. 213-34; the passage about Constantinople, pp.232-3.
The text of Bede was mistakenly added to the work of
Bernardus Sapiens, a 9th century pilgrim, cf. Recueil de
Voyages et de Memoires publie par la Societe de
geographie~
IV, Paris, 1839, M. d'Avezac (ed.), pp. 781-815.

6
Beda, op. cit., p. 233: 'sed cum patriam revisere vellet,

navis qua vehebatur, post multos anfractus vento contrario ad nostram, id est Britonum insulam perlata est'.
Vita Willebaldi episcopi Eichstetensis, in: MGH.SS. XV,

pp. 80-106; also Itinera (note 2), pp.241-81; the stay in
Constantinople and the journey to Nicea, pp. 27~-2.
See R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine

1965, pp. 50-1. Further details in part II,
the west coast of Asia Minor.
Architecture~
9
E.R. Labande, 'Recherches sur les pelerins dans l'Europe

des XIe et XIIe siecles', Cahiers de Civilisation medievale~ Xe-XIIe siecles~ 1 (1958), pp. 159-69 and 339-47.
10
In the 13th century a form of co-operation grew up

between the Venetian capta1ns, the Franciscans in Jerusalem who recieved the pilgrims and showed them round,
and the Moslem officials who collected tolls and entrance
money,
11
A description of the arrival and of the programme followed

in the Holy Land, the climax of which were a visit to the
Holy Sepulchre and a trip to the Jordan near Jericho,
can be found in : R. Rohricht and H. JHeisner, Deutsche
Pilgerreisen nach dem heiligen Lande~ Berlin, 1880, pp.
24-33.
12
13
335
Anonymous description of the route via the Balkans and

Constantinople: Descriptio Itineris in Terram Sanctam, in:
Eccardus~ corpus historicum medii aevi~ II, Leipzig, 1723,
col. 1345.
Treaty of Nymphaeum: K.l\L Setton, The Papacy and the
(1204-15?1)~ I, Philadelphia, 1976, p. 91.
Levant~
14
Rohricht-Meisner, op. cit., p. 103; and F. BonnardotA. Longnon (ed.), le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem du
Seigneur d'Anglure~ Paris, 1878, p. 99. The loss of Cyprus to the Turks in 1571 made Venetian shipping in the
eastern basin of the Mediterranean Sea a dangerous and
costly undertaking. Moreover, probably under the influence of the Reformation, interest in indulgences and
thus also in pilgrimage, was greatly reduced. Cf. E.S.
Bates, Touring in 1600. A Study in the .Development of
Travel as a Means of Education~ London, 1912, p. 208.
15
The time of departure was chosen so that advantage could

be taken of the north-west winds which prevailed in that
region from June to September.
16
The German pilgrim Jacob Breuning describes how in about

1580 he could find no way of travelling from Venice
direct to Palestine. Cf. J. Beckmann, Litteratur der
alteren Reisebeschreihungen~ II, Gottingen, 1809, p. 273.
17
Stipulations about the duties of the captain can be

found in: Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem~
M. Margaret Newett (ed.), Manchester, 1907, p. 25. Information about the contract with the captain in: Fratris
Felicis Fahri Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae~ Arahiae et

Egypti Peregrinationem~ C.D. Hassler (ed.), Stuttgart,
1843-1849, I, pp. 89-92.
18
A.S. Atiya, The Crusade

1938, pp. 101-3.
19
E.g. the amphitheatre of Pola, of which very little is

said; it is mentioned by: Anglure (1395), c.21 (note 14)
and Niccolo da Poggibonsi, A. Bacchi della Lega (ed.), pp.
12-3.
in the Later Middle Ages~ London,
Cf.
21
Pierre de Cluny, Epistulae,II, 40 in Migne, PL. 189,

col. 262, who wanted to visit Constantinople, not to see
the 'aedificia vel ornatus', but only the numerous relics.
C.H. Haskins, 'A Canterbury Monk at Constantinople, c.

1090', English Historical Review~ 25 (1910), pp. 293-5.
NOTES TO P. 19
336
22
No inventory has ever been made of all the relics in

Constantinople, but from many sources it appears that
there were thousands of them, all to do with the life,
passion and death of Christ, or with Mary, the apostles,
martyrs and other saints. In venerating these relics,
their authenticity was taken for granted, although their
origin was frequently extremely doubtful; this typically
medieval religious practice is something which is hardly
comprehensible in our day. In the Hagii Apostoli church
the scourging post was displayed; the Pantocrator
monastery claimed to possess the stone from the Holy
Sepulchre and in the monastery of St. John at Petra
Christ's clothes, the crown of thorns and the spear with
the sponge could be seen. The treasures of Hagia Sophia
included a portrait of the Virgin painted by St. Luke,
and also the grid on which St. Lawrence was martyred. A
long list of relics in Constantinople is found in an
anonymous document, published by S.G. Mercati, 'Santuari
e reliquie Costantinopolitane secondo il codice Ottoboniano latino 169 prima della conquista latina (1204)',
Rendiconto deZZa pontificia Accademia Romana di ArcheoZogia~
12 (1936), pp. 133-56. Also in K.N. Ciggaar,

Z'AngZeterre~ Leiden, 1976, chapter 2.
Byzance et
23
P. Riant, 'Des depouilles religieuses enlevees a

Constantinople au XIIIe siecle et des documents historiques nes de leur transport en occident', Memoires de
Za societe nationaZe des Antiquaires de France~ IVme
serie, 6 (1875), p. 7 and p. 10.
24
Riant, op. cit., pp. 11-72, gives a detailed description

of the events of 1204, the division of the loot and its
transport to western Europe.
25
Itineraires russes en Orient traduits pour Za Societe de

Z'Orient Zatin~ par Madame B. de KhitrohlO~ Geneva, 1889.
Although the information given in this book is not always
reliable, there is hardly any literature about Russian
pilgrims outside the Russian-speaking area.
26
P. Riant, Expeditions et peZerinages des Scandinaves en

Terre Sainte au Temps des Croisades~ Paris, 1865.
27
From an ecclesiastical point of view the Patriarch of

Constantinople can, in a way, be compared to the Pope in
Rome. The great difference between them is that the Pope
had also great influence in secular affairs, particularly
337
as in Rome there was no other king or emperor apart from

himself. In principle the Patriarch had little political
influence; this was partly the reason why the patriarch
was able to keep his position under Turkish rule, and
remained the central figure in the Greek Orthodox church.
28 See Ignatius of Smolensk,
29
chapter on envoys.
Rohricht-Meisner, op. cit., p. 3; J. de Saint-Genois,
Histoire des Voyageurs
belges~ I~
13me au l?me
siecle~
Brussels, 1846, pp. 14-5.

30
J. Sumption, Pilgrimage~ pp. 98-113; J.G. Endhoven,

straf~ Leiden,1978 and idem, Leidsch Jaarboekje~ 1978, pp. 33-68.
Bedevaart als
31
Thomas a Kempis, The Imigation of Christ~ B.I. Knott (ed.),

Fontana Books Birmingham, 1973, p. 216 (Book IV, 1,4).
32
The book by Santo Brasca (1480) gives a number of

practical tips for pilgrims. The development he mentions
was certainly not limited to his time. Cf. Casola (note
17)' p. 10.
33
Annales Stadenses, in MGH.SS. XVI, 333:

immo numquam, qui redirent meliores'.
34
Jacques de Vitry, Historia Hierosolymitana~ c. 82, in:

J. de Bongars, Gesta Dei per Francos~ Hanoviae, 1611, pp.
1096-7. Objections to the curiosity of pilgrims, idem,
p. 1097: "Nonnuli autem ex his quos animi vanitas et inconstantiae levitas impellebant, non tam causa devotionis
loca sancta visitaturi procedebant quam causa curiositatis et novitatis ad partes sibi incognitas transmigrabant, ut mira et inexpertis stupenda, quae de partibus
Orientis audierant, non sine magno labore probarent".
35
Casola, op. cit., p. 145.
36
Casola, op. cit., p. 266.
37
C.R. Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography~ II, LondonOxford, 1901, p. 184 and pp. 203-7.
38
en Palestine de l'abbesse Euphrosine princesse

de Polotsk (1173)', B. de Khitrowo (ed.), Revue de
l'Orient latin~ 3 (1895), p. 32.
39
For a good idea of the form and contents of 11th-13th

century travel descriptions:H. Michelant et G. Raynaud,
'vix aliquos vidi,
"-
'P~lerinage
338
Itineraires a Jerusalem et Descriptions de la Terre

rediges en franqais aux XIme~ XIIme et XIIIme
Sainte~
siecles~
4 0
41
42
Geneva, 1882.
S. Brock, 'A Medieval Armenian Pilgrim's Description of

Constantinople', Revue des etudes armeniennes~ N.S. 4
(1967), pp. 81-102.
G. Steinhausen,
'Beitrage zur Geschichte des Reisens ',
Das Ausland~ 66 (1893), p. 220.

Itinerarium Egeriae (Peregrinatio
Aetheriae)~ 0. Prinz
(ed.), Heidelberg, 1960. Prinz gives the probable date
of this journey as 380 to about 420.
43
R. Rohricht- H. Meisner (note 11), p. 6; for nuns

'spiritual pilgrimages' were recommended.
44
F. Sierksma,
de westerse
45
Een en ander over de moslimse bijdrage aan

beschaving~
Leiden, 1974, pp. 3-4.
The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela~ translated

and edited by A. Asher, London-Berlin, 1840 (2 vols).
Also E. Adler, Jewish Travellers~ London, 1930. For biographical information, Asher, op. cit., VI-XIV.
46
The exilarch (Prince of the captivity) was the secular

head of the autonomous Jewish community between the
Tigris and the Euphrates (c. 2th-llth century A.D.).
Cf. J. Soetendorp, Ontmoetingen in ballingschap~ I, 1351250, Zeist-Arnhem, 1964, pp. 127-9.
47
During the 18th century doubt arose as to the authenticity of Benjamin's work, partly because a number of place
names were no longer to be found. The fact that over the
centuries these names have changed by an evolutionary
process has been shown for the Greek names by J. Lelewel,
Geographie du Moyen-Age~ Brussels, 1852, part IV, pp. 3946. Such doubts have again been expressed in the present
century by R. de Tucci, 'Benjamino di Tudela e il suo
viaggio', Bolletino della Reale Societa Geografico Italiano~ VII, 6 (1941), pp. 496-517, who does not believe
that Benjamin went on a journey at all. I see no reason,
however, to doubt the authenticity of Benjamin's account.
48
A.M. Andreades, 'Sur Benjamin de Tudele', BZ. 30 (1930),pp.

457-60: Leucas suggested instead of Arta in Epirus.
49
Asher (note 45), II, p. 48, believes Benjamin to have been
339
present on December 25 1161 at the festivities on the

occasion of the weddi~g of Emperor Manuel I and Mary of
Poitiers, a sister of the Prince of Antioch.
50
In the text Aulon is mentioned; probably the small

harbour of Noli near Savona, to the west of Genoa, is
intended, Cf. K. Kretschmer, Die italienischen Portalane des Mittelalters~ Berlin, 1909, p. 594.
51
Heinrich von Herford, in: Liber de rebus memorabilioribus~

sive Chronicon ... ~ A. Potthast (ed.), Gottingen, 1859,
p. 250.
52
Chronicon Mindense~ in: Rerum et antiquitatum germanicarum syntagma~ varios annales~ chronica et dissertationes
comprendens~
C.F. Paullinus (ed.), Frankfurt/Main, 1698,

p. 31 or the edition by K. Loffler, in: Mindener GeschichtsqueZZen~ I, Mlinster, 1917, p. 71. See also the
edition by E.L. Grotefend, 'Die Edelherren von Boldensele oder Boldensen', Zeitschrift des historischen
Vereins fur Niedersachsen~ 1852 (~855), pp. 227-8.
A modern discussion of Wilhelm von Boldensele is found
in: G. Schnath, 'Drei niedersachsische Sinaipilger um
1330: Herzog Heinrich von Braunschweig-Grubenhagen,
Wilhelm von Boldensele, Ludolf von Sudheim', Festschrift
Percy Ernst Schramm~ Wiesbaden, 1964, pp. 464-7~.
The text of the Minden Chronicle is as follows:
"Per idem tempus Otto de Nyenhusen de conventu
Mindensi recedens nomenque suum mutans Wilh.elmum de
Boldensele se nominavit: ex parte enim matris quae erat
de genere illorum de Boldensele nobilis erat. Accessit
~d curiam Romanam et absolutione pro apostasia accepta
ad terram sanctam perrexit quam ad instantiam unius cardinalium gratiose, sicut legenti patet, descripsit. Hie
postea in sua reversione ad ordinem redire disponens
Coloniae apud fratres Praedicatores defunctus est".
53
Heinrich von Herford, ed. A. Potthast, (note 5l),

Gottingen, 1859, 250: "Item hoc anno (1332) dominus
Wilhelmus de Boldensele, vir in cursibus suis et fortuniis multum singularis, fecit librum de partibus ultramarints gratiosum. Hie in veritate fuit apostata de
ordine Praedicatorum de conventu Mindensi provinciae
Saxoniae, dictus Otto de Nyenhusen, sed recedens ab ordine nomen suum mutavit, ne nosceretur et singularia
multa mirabiliter gessit".
340
54
For the genealogy of the Boldensele family: Grotefend,

op. cit., p. 209 ff. The Nyenhusen family probably also
came from Lower Saxony; for Boldensele's father who may
have been chamberlain to Archbishop Giselbert of Bremen,
Schnath, op. cit., 466-7.
55
The Pope was resident at Avignon at this time, and we may

assume that the Cu:nia was also there. Thus the term curia
romana has nothing to do with place.
56
Boldensele, chap. 7, Grotefend, op. cit., p. 267, Schnath,

op. cit., p. 470, doubts his membership of the Order of
the Knights of St. John, and quotes this passage about
the Knights of the Holy Sepulchre; he also doubts that
Boldensele was an ordained priest, Schnath, op. cit.,
p. 470 note 38.
57
For the person of Cardinal Talleyrand: Grotefend, op. cit.,

p. 234 note 1.
58
Boldensele, Foreword; Grotefend, op. cit., p. 233: terram

sanctam a pueritia visitare desideravi.
59
A.S. Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages~ London,

1938, p. 113. See also the chapter about plans for
Crusaders in the 14th and 15th centuries.
60
Epistula Guilielmi de Boldensele ad Petrum abbatem Aulae

Regiae, dated: Datum Avinione anno Domini MCCCXXXVII in
dieS. Michaelis (September 29). This establishes that
Boldensele was present in Avignon by September 1337.
See further: Grotefend, op. cit., pp. 236-7 and Schnath,
op. cit., pp. 466-7.
61
Grotefend, op. cit., p. 231.
62
C.R. Beazley, The Dawn

1897, p. 394 note 3.
63
The term 'perlustrare litora', in the sense of 'visiting

various places along the coast of ... ' is also used in the
travel description of the Italian pilgrim Jacopo da
Verona: ' .... Clarenzam, Cephaloniam et plures civitates
principis Armoree (Morea) perlustravimus: Modon et Coron
in Romaniae regione'. Cf. U. Monneret de Villard (ed.),
Liber peregrinationis di Jacopo da Verona~ Roma, 1950,
p. 15. Beazley's translation: 'He passed through ... and
went by .... ' I do not consider correct (note 62).
of Modern Geography~ I, London,
341
64
See part II, Constantinople, statue of Justinian I on

horseback.
65
Grotefend, op. cit., p. 239 note 1.
66
Boldensele, chapter 7. Grotefend, op. cit., pp. 268-9:

'et simplices dicunt ... , quod verum non est, quia ubi
natura sufficit non est ad miracula recurrendum'. It
should be mentioned that in the edition of J. Basnage,
Thesaurus monumentorum ~Amsterdam, 1725, p. 350, the
quotation is included, but the words 'ut ait Aristoteles'
are left out.
67
Boldensele, chapter 1, Grotefend, op. cit., p. 239.
68
idem, p. 240.
69
idem, p. 240.
70
idem, p. 250-2.
71
E. Ziebarth, 'Cyriacus von Ancona als Begrlinder der

Inschriftenforschung', Neue Jahrbucher f.d. KZass.
AZtertum~ V, Bd. 9 (1902), pp. 214-26; also, by the
same author: 'Die Nachfolger des Cyriacus von Ancona',
in: idem VI, Bd.11 (1903), pp. 480-93.
72
Beazley (note 62), p. 394 note 4.
73
Schnath, (note 52), p. 470. There is so far no clear

survey of the different manuscripts and their variants.
74
Long John of Ypres, who was also the author of the

Chronica monasterii sancti Bertini. The fact that there
was a vernacular edition gave the work a wider circulation, since in the middle ages Latin was not, in fact,
very widely known.
75
LudoZphi Rectoris eccZesiae parochiaZis in Suchem De

Itinere Terrae Sanctae Liber~ F. Deycks (ed.), Stuttgart,
1851, preface.
76
ibidem.
77
For Jean de Mandeville see the chapter Other travel

accounts.
78
G.A. Neumann, 'Ludolphus de Sudheim, De Itinere Terre

Sancte', Archives de Z'Orient Zatin~ 2 (1882), documents,
pp. 321-2. Also Schnath, (note 52), p. 470.
342
79
'Ludolf von Suthem', Zeitschrift fur vaterlandische

(westfalische) Geschichte und Alterthumskunde~ N.F., 10
Evelt,
(1859), pp. 1-22 assumes that the 'c' and 't' which frequently look alike in 14th and 15th century manuscripts,
have been changed round. What the manuscripts call Suchen
thus becomes Suthen/Suthem, a place name which occurs
several times in northern Germany. See also Allgemeine
Deutsche Biographie~ s.v. Ludolf von Suchen, Bd. XIX,
Leipzig, 1884, pp. 388-90.
8
For
the two versions: Schnath, op. cit., p. 468, with

notes 31 and 32. The first version is said to have been
written for the Bishop of Osnabrlick, Gottfried (1321-49);
the second was presented to Baldewin von Steinfurth,
Bishop of Paderborn (1341-61) and is thought to date from
1350-61. .. Cf. c. Eubel, Hierarchia Catho Zica Medii Aevi ~
I, editio altera, Monasterii, 1913, p. 385: Balduinus
resignavit et obiit 1361 (in March-April).
81
All the Latin MSS are unanimous that the journey began
in 1336; the year of his return is given in some M:SS as
1350; there is probably some confusion between the date
of his return and that of the appearance of the Paderborner version. In connection with the reference to the
persecutions of the Jews in Germany (1348-9) this version
should be dated as in any case 1350 or a little later,
since Ludolf says that they had happened recently.
82
The Franciscan Master of Theology Elias de Nabinallis

was Archbishop of Nicosia from 1332-42, cf. Eubel, op.
cit., p. 365; for the person of Elias, see also G.
Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica~ Ill, FirenzeQuaracchi, 1919, pp. 395-404.
83
F. Deycks, de itinere~ p. 16. For the difference between

nave (sailing ship), galeida (ship with oars),tarida (a
mixture of the two): R.S. Lopez and I.W. Raymond, Medieval
Trade in the Mediterranean World~ New York, 1955, p. 128
and note 88.
84
J. Morton Paton,
Chapters on Mediaeval and Renaissance
Visitors to Greek
Lands~
85
Ludolf, chapter XIII.
86
Deycks, op. cit., p. 3.
87
I. von Stapelmohr,
Princeton, 1951, p. 28.
Ludolfs von Sudheim Reise ins Heilige
343
Land~
Lund/Kopenhagen, 1937, p. 14 places the two texts

side by side to demonstrate their interdependence.
88
Ludolf, Ch. XIII; Deycks,
89
Neumann,
90
See Part II, west coast of Asia Minor: Troy.
91
Ludolf, Ch. XVII, Deycks,
92
Cf. A. Ru~i6 y Lluch, La poblaci6 de la Grecia catalana

en el xiven segle~ Barcelona, 1933, p. 17; by way of
comparison Rubi6 y Lluch mentions the plundering of
Majorca by the inhabitants of Pisa.
93
The passages about the Greek islands are indubitably

borrowed from Boldensele.
itinere~ p. 17.
(note 78), p. 331 note 50.
~ Ludolf, Ch. XXII, Deycks,
95
de
de
de
itinere~ p. 23.
itinere~ p. 33.
B. van de Walle, 'A propos du graffite latin de la grande

pyramide (C.I.L. III/I, no 21)', Chronique d'Egypte~
38 (1963), pp. 156-60. Van de Walle shows that the description of this inscribed text by Jean Adornes, a
citizen of Bruges who in 1470 went on a journey to the
Levant, is not based upon a personal examination, but is
based entirely on Boldensele's text. On the evidence of
this inscription Adornes describes the piramid as the
grave of an important Roman. See also C. Goyon, Les in-
scriptions et graffiti des voyageurs sur la grande pyramide~
Cairo, 1944.
The description of the travels of Felix Faber, dating from
the 1480s also includes the pyramid text. The passage is
undoubtedly borrowed either from Boldensele or from Ludolf
von Sudheim. For this see also H. Feilke, Felix Fabris
Evagatorium uber seine Reise in das Heilige Land~ Bern,
1976, pp. 88-9.
96
In some MSS Chaldaice is found, in others the word is

left out; Ludolf cannot be expected to have seen any
difference between Hebrew and Chaldean; a hieroglyphic
text is a likely possibility, as that would be something
completely strange to him.
97
Ludolf, eh. XXXI, Deycks,
98
Stapelmohr (note 87), p. 131.
99
Cf. E. Bernard,
de itinere~ p. 55.
Inscriptions metriques de l'Egypte greco-
344
romaine~
Paris, 1969, p. 509; also Van de Walle, op. cit.,
p. 156.
100
A number of small textual variants are mentioned by Deycks,

op. cit., p. 55; for a different version: Grotefend, op.
cit., p. 251 note 1. The declination of the word 'pyramid'
which does not exist in Latin, is responsible for some of
the minor variants.
101
The 14th-century MS of Boldensele's work at Wolffenblittel

(cod. Guelferb. Weissenb. 40) is the only one where the
name is written as Cetiannus.
102
Cf. C.I.G. III, no. 4701. Flavius Titianus, praefectus

Aegypti in the sixth year of the reign of Marcus Aurelius
and Lucius Verus (166 A.D.).
103
Deycks,
104
de itinere~ p. 55 note 11.

Boeckh, C.I.L. III/1, no. 21 suggests: lustra sex intra
cens(eba)s consul is esse(t), but this does certainly
not solve the problem.
105
Cf. F. Deycks, Ueber altere

MUnster, 1848, p. 57.
106
See part II, Archipelago.
107
This work of Johann von Hildesheim, which contains. the

legend of the Three Kings, dates from Ludolf's own time,
on may have been written slightly later. Ludolf himself
mentions a history of the Sainted Three Kings, which has
not survived. Probably both authors used the now-lost
work of an anonymous author from the Cologne area as a
basis for their story. See A.D. von den Brincken, Die
Pilgerfahrten nach Jerusalem~
'Nationes Christianorum orientalium' im Verstandnis der

lateinischen Historiogra:phie~ Cologne-Vienna, 1973,
p, 71. The material of the anonymous writer itself goes
back to a very considerable extent to the Armenian
Haithon.
108
Deycks,
109
A. Magnaguti,
di
110
de itinere~ p. 85.
'Il Petrarca numismatico',
20 (1907), pp. 155-7.
Rivista Italiana
Numismatica~
In the text of the MS in Paris (Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fonds

latin, 6521, fols. 67-103) Niccolo's home is given as
Marthono. The most likely candidate is the very small
place of Martoni, near Carinola. See L. le Grand, 'Rela-
345
tion du Pelerinage de Nicolas de Martoni, notaire italien

(1394-1395)', Revue de Z'Orient Zatin~ 3 (1895), p. 577
note 1.
111 Niccolo spells the name of his region in various differ-
ent ways: Calenum, Calinola or civitas Calin(ensis).

For the very reason that the MS was copied in 1397 in
Rocco di Mondragone, a hamlet near the gates of Carinola,
identification with this place is likely to be correct.
Moreover, Carinola lies at the foot of the Mons Marsicus
(Monte Massico) which is regularly referred to when
comparisons are drawn in the narrative. See Le Grand,
op. cit., 577, note 2.
112
Cf. R. Weiss, The Dawn of Humanism in Italy~ London, 1947,

pp. 4-5 and idem, 'The Greek Culture of South Italy in
the Later Middle Ages', Proceedings of the British Academy~
37 (1951), pp. 23-50, particularly, p. 31.
See also the chapter about language and linguistic problems.
11 3
Niccolo appears to have had a calendar with him on his

travels, so that he was able to note the dates of his
visits to particular places. Cf. in connection with his
stay on the island of Thermia: 'Predicto die martis carnisprivii custodivimus vigiliam sancti Mathie Apostoli,
quia sic inveni in caZendario mea~ et fecimus carnisprivium nostrum in litore maris ... ' (Le Grand, op. cit.,
p. 649).
114
Le Grand, chapter I, p. 577.
115
Indiction. In the middle ages time is very often calculated according to indictions. This system was prescribed by Justinianus (novella 47). It was based on a
cycle of 15 years, counting from 3 B.C. (counting back).
The number of cycles which have already passed is hardly
ever given, only the number of the year within an indiction. There were various different systems; Niccolo calculated according to the indictio greca, or Constantinopolitana, which changed its number on September 1, See
H. Grotefend, Taschenbuch der Zeitrechnung des deutschen
MitteZaZters und der Neuzeit~ Hannover, 1941, p. 8ff and
Tabelle VIII on p. 134.
116
The calculation of time according to the Church calendar

was more usual in the middle ages than counting by the
days of the month. See J. Beckmann, Litteratur der aZteren Reisebeschreibungen~ I, Gottingen, 1807, pp. 171-2.
346
117
11 8
Le Grand, op. cit., p. 634. The monastery of the Holy

Cross was also visited in the same year by Jacopo da
Verona; see the edition by U. Monneret the Villard, Roma,
1950, p. 19.
S.B. Luce,
'Modon, a Venetian station in Mediaeval Greece',
Classical and mediaeval Studies in Honour of E.K.
Rand~
L. Webber Jones (ed.), New York, 1938, pp. 195-208.

11 9
Le Grand, op. cit., p. 579.
12 0
121
122
A.M. Woodward, 'The Gortyn 'Labyrinth' and its Visitors

in the Fifteenth Century', BSA. 44 (1949), pp. 324-5.
See also part II, Crete.
123
Le Grand, op. cit., pp. 585-6.
124
See part II, Archipelago, Rhodes.
125
126
For a picture of the troubles and dangers in Greece in

the second half of the 14th century: A.E. Vacalopoulos,
Origins of the Greek

1461~
Nation~
The Byzantine
Period~
1204-
New Brunswick, 1970, pp. 78-9.
127
128
For this see part II, Archipelago, Cos.
129
The Venetians' entry into the city is thus established as

having taken place at the end of 1394, and not at the
beginning of 1395 as was originally believed. Cf. W.
Judeich, 'Athen im Jahre 1395 nach der Beschreibung des
Niccolo da Martoni, AM. 22 (1897), p. 433.
For the problems surrounding ~he succession of Nerio I
Acciajuoli, see K.M. Setton, The Catalan Domination of
Athens~ Cambridge (Mass.), 1948, chapter 10: 'Athens
under the Florentines and Venetians and contemporary
Affairs in Greece', pp. 174-215.
13 0
Judeich, op. cit., p. 431, and note 2, hesitates between

the roads of Lagonisi (which had no harbour) and the
harbour of Porto Raphti, both places being about 35 km.
from Athens. Paton (note 84) definitely chooses Porto
Raphti as landing place. This seems to me to be the
right solution, especially in view of the statues which
347
NOTES TO PP. 4l - 43
Niccolo saw at the harbour. Niccolo reckons in Italian

miles of 1480 metres, a measurement which was used frequently in the late middle ages, and which was virtually
the same as the Roman mile.
131
Judeich's hypothesis has several great attractions. Identification of the remaining one of the two idols with the
statue, still in existence, at Porta Raphti seems to me
very probable. See also part II, Central Greece.
132
133
The inscription, which is still there, reads as follows:

A8fivat. enaEC.Us
TIP t V TIOA l. s on the side
nearest the town, and on the outer side are the words:
aGo' E: [a
a(oE:Ga'Aopt.avou xat 6uxt enaEC.Us TIOAl.s.

134
The Heruli invasion under Gallienus (253-68) led to

great devastation in Athens. See e.g. J. Day, An Economic
History of Athens under Roman Domination~ New York, 1942,
p. 238 ff.
135
It is likely that Niccolo put his request to the Italian

inhabitants of the city. With them he need not expect any
language problems. The most likely candidates for guides
would be members of the court of the Florentine Dukes,
who had come to know something about the local traditions.
The Venetians only remained in the city for a few months.
136
On this question Judeich, op. cit., p. 434, and note 2,

p. 435, and note 1.
137
For the meaning of Peripatetic: Liddell-Scott-Jones,

Lexicon~ n:Ep l. n:a-rC:c.u (2): 'walk about
while teaching, discourse! For Aristotle's teaching
methods:F. Sassen, Geschiedenis van de wijsbegeerte der
Grieken en Romeinen~ Hilversum-Amsterdam, 1966, p. 76.
A Greek-English
138
139
14 0
Paton, (note 84), p. 32 note 13.

Not until the description by J. Transfeldt in l673 is the
building correctly identified. Cf. Ad. Michaelis, 'J.G.
Transfeldts Examen reliquarum antiquitatum Atheniensium',
AM. 1 (1876), chapter 4, pp. 109-12.
Bi ldlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen~
J. Travlos
(ed.), Tlibingen, 1971, p. 403.

141
The palm is 25-30 cm. The height of the pillars is thus,

according to Niccolo's estimate, about 20 metres; in fact
348
the height is 16m and the thickness at the foot 2 1 42 m.

1~2
Le Grand, op. cit., p. 650. The arch of Frederick II in

Capua was a famous construction, built between 1233 and
1240; cf. C. Shearer, The Renaissance of Architecture in
Southern Italy~ A Study of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen

and the Capua Triumphator Archway and Towers~ Cambridge,
1935.
1~3
1~~

Judeich, op. cit., p. 436. The division 6+7 also suggested by Paton, op. cit., p. 33 note 16,: 'the large hall
must be the great western hall, with the six Ionic and
seven of the exterior columns, the others being already
walled up', but Paton does not explain how he gets at
the seven outer columns.
~ 5 For the height and thickness of the columns: W. Judeich,

Topographie von Athen~ Mlinchen, 1931, p. 251. The height
is 10.40m. the thickness 1.905 m. The thickness of the
columns was thus somewhat exaggerated!
~ 6 A. Michaelis, Der Parthenon~ Leipzig, 1871, p. 46; see

also K.M. Setton, 'Athens in the Later Twelfth Century',
Speculum~ 19 (1944), pp. 179-207 with on page 199 the
ground plan of the Parthenon as a church, copied from the
book by Michaelis.
1~7
Under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite (cf. Acts of

the Apostles~ chapter 17, verse 34) four longer theological treatises survive from late Antiquity (5th century),
all of them addressed to the pupil Timotheus; 11 short
letters also survive. The identification with St. Dionysius of Paris (see next note) is found from the beginning
of the 9th century. This was stimulated by Abbot Hilduin
of St. Denis (d.844). The first doubts as to the correctness of this identification were expressed by Lorenzo
Valla, but it was not until the 19th century that it was
convincingly demonstrated to be wrong. See B. Altaner and
A. Stuiber, Patrologie~ Freiburg, 1966, pp. 50lff. Also
R. Loenertz, 'La legende parisienne deS. Denys l'Areopagite', Analecta Bollandiana~ 69 (l951), pp. 217ff.
The ruins on the Areopagus of the Church of St. Dionysius
the Areopagite go back no further than the 16th century;
see J. Travlos and A. Frantz, 'The Church of St. Dionysios the Areopagite and the Palace of the Archbishop of
349
Athens in the 16th century', Hesperia 36 (1967), p. 164

and p. 192, but an older building is not impossible.
148 A Bishop Dionysius was martyred in Paris in 258 A.D.
(Mons Martyrum =Montmartre). He became the patron

saint of France, whose feast falls on October 9. According to a 6th-century legend he came as a missionary to
Gaul, where a few years later he was beheaded.
149 A canna is 2.10-2.60m.
long It is an Italian clothing

measurement, but can only be given approximately. See
Fl. Edler, Glossary of Mediaeval Terms of Business~
Italian Series, 1200-1600, Cambridge (Mass.), 1934. The
width and height of the door are about 10 and 12 m.
150
See note 146.
151
In later texts the material used for the columns is not

given as jasper but as porphyry. There appear to have
been columns of jasper flanking the apse. See J. Spon
and G. Wheeler, Voyage d'Italie~ de Dalmatie~ de Grece~
et du Levant~ fait aux annees 1675 et 1676~ Amsterdam,
1679, p. 1~9.
152
For the tradition about the icons of Mary painted by St.

Luke the Evangelist, see R.L. Wolff, 'Footnote to an
incident of the Latin occupation of Constantinople: The
Church and the Icon of the Hodegetria', Traditio~ 6
(1948), pp. 319-28 (with bibliography); also G. Wellen,
Theotokos~ Utrecht-Antwerpen, 1960, pp. 214-5.
153
See part II, Central Greece, Athens.
154
The Greek MSS of Niccolo's time were almost all written

in the miniscule cursive script which had been usual
since the 9th century. My opinion, however, is that what
Niccolo saw was a luxurious early-Byzantine copy of the
Bible in uncia! script, obviously one of the showpieces
from among the treasures of the Parthenon church. Cf.
for changes in kinds of script B.A. van Groningen, Greek
Palaeography~ Leyden, 1963, pp. 32ff.
155
156
157
Pausanias, I, 21,3 and V, 12,4. Also mentioned in e.g.

Cyriacus of Ancona, The Viennese and Paris anonyms.
M. Collignon, 'Documents du XVIIe siecle relatifs aux
Antiquites d'Athenes', CRAI. 4e S,25 (1897), p. 65 note~.
Nerio Acciajuoli, the Duke of Athens who died in 1394,
350
had three illegitimate children, one son and two daughters. One of the daughters (Bartolomea) married Theodorus
Palaeologus, the late born son of Emperor John V Palaeologus, and Despot of Mistra; the other daughter
(Francesca) married Carlo Tocco, Count of Cefalonia.
These two quarrelled about the inheritance of their
father-in-law. See Setton (note 129).
158
Sykaminon, a small place on the east coast of Attica,

about 3 miles from the sea and 18 miles from Negroponte.
The present Sikaminon is about 5 km. from Oropos. See
Hachette World Guides~ Athens and Environs~ Paris, 1962,
Map. Cf. Le Grand, op. cit., p. 653 and 655.
159
The calculation of the perimeter of the island of Euboea

as 300 miles is about right; the length of the island is
about 180 km, while the width varies between 10 and 15
km. Near the town of Chalcis the distance between the
island of Negroponte and the mainland is very small (only
a few dozen metres). Cf. Procopius, de Aedificiis~ IV, 3.
160
The current in the sea strait between the two sides of

the Gulf of Euboea is exceptionally fast (4,3 m per
second). The direction of the current changes every
couple of hours, for reasons which have not yet been
explained. Cf. H. Scholte, Vakantiegids voor Griekenland~
Amsterdam, n.d., p. 84.
1 61
162
Hachette World Guides~ Athens and Environs~ Paris, 1962,

p. 334, Eleusis.
163
The connection Niccolo constantly makes between Corinth

and the Macedonian king probably goes back to local
tradition. This is a memory which has survived from the
events of the years 338-336 B.C., when first Phi1ip II
and later his son Alexander the Great were elected as
leader of the united Greek states in the war against
Persia. The Roman siege was that of Mummius in 146 B.C.,
during which a large part of the city went up in flames.
See J.B. Bury, History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great~ London3, 1956, pp. 732ff.
164
The little place of Examilia, about 5 km south of

Corinth, still recalls this name.
165
Suetonius, Nero, chapter 37.
351
166
See part II, Central Greece, Corinth-Isthmus.
167
The exact position of this little church cannot be determined. The place can still be seen, however, where the
apostle Paul had to defend himself and his faith before
the Roman governor Gallio (Acts of the Apostles 18, 1217): on the Bema, the rostrum of the lower Agora, where
the Roman proconsul normally sat in judgement.
168
Le Grand, op. cit, p. 661.
169
For the importance of these passages see part II, Central

Greece, Patras.
170
The MS was originally in the library of the Colegio mayor

de S. Bartolome de Cuenca in Salamanca, then (in 1926) in
the Biblioteca Patrimonial (Sala 2a J. Pl .. 4). The date
is given as early 18th century.
171
Andanqas e viajes de Pero Tafur por diversas partes del

mundo avidos (1435-1439)~ Madrid, 1874 (2 vols.) in:
Coleccion de libros espanoles raros 6 curiosos~ VIII,
M. Jimenez de la Espada (ed.).
172
Pero
173
J. Vives, 'Andan9as e Viajes de un hidalgo espanol (14361439), con una descripci6n de Roma', Gesammelte Aufsatze
zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens~ 7 (1938), pp. 127-206.
Vives, by contrast with Jimenez and Letts, dates the
departure of Pero Tafur in 1436. See also 0. Castellieri,
'Peter Tafur, ein spanischer Weltreisender des 15. Jahrhunderts', Festschrift Alexander Castellieri~ Weimar,
1927, pp. 1-47.
174
Jimenez, p. 2; Letts, pp. 19-20.
175
Here Pero Tafur gives his own version of the Genoese

tradition that the city was founded in the time of
Abraham by a certain Janus, king of Italy and great-grandson of Noah. An inscription in Gothic script in the
cathedral states: 'Janus rex Italiae de progenie gigantium qui fundavit januam tempore abrae'. Cf. G. Banchero,
Il Duomo di Genova~ Genova, 1855, p. 155 and p. 322 (Iscrizioni No. 22). Janus was said to have settled down
Tafur~ Travels and Adventures 1435-1439~ M. Letts

(ed.), London 1926. This translation is generally reliable; for a detailed study of the text of Pero Tafur,
however, the Spanish edition is indispensable, as in
Letts' translation some short passages are left out.
352
NOTES TO P. 53
in the city later, after wandering over the sea in search

of a safe place to live. He brought Genoa into its heyday. Cf. R.W. Carden, The City of Genoa~ London, 1908,
p. 1.
For the preference shown by many cities and peoples for
being descended from the Trojans, see part II, West coast
of Asia Minor, Troy,
176
d7
Jimenez, p. 35, Letts p. 43.

contrast his conviction that
able to list for him all the
odour. For the visit to Rome
op. cit., pp. 190-206.
Pero expresses by way of

the Romans would have been
inns and places of bad
see especially Vives,
The old church of St. Peter: Jimenez pp. 24-6, Letts,

pp. 36-7. The obelisk and the mistaken interpretation
of the inscription on it: Jimenez, p. 26. Letts, p. 37
and p. 236 note 3.
178
The equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, see G.M.A.

Hanfmann, Meesterwerken der Romeinse kunst~ AmsterdamBrussels, 1966, p. 40, plate III: the philosopher as
emperor. A detailed description of this statue and its
role in the middle ages: E. Rodocanachi, Le Capitole
Romain antique et moderne~ Paris, 1904, pp. 70-7.
On the interpretation of the equestrian statue of the
Capitol: G.McN. Rushforth, 'Magister Gregorius de Mirabilibus Urbis Romae; a new Description of Rome in the
Twelfth Century', JRS. 9 (1919), pp. 14-58 and especially p. 21 (4): 'ante palatium domini pape'. Also H.S.
Versnel, 'Wie was Marcus? Een hoofdstuk uit de Narracio
de mirabilibus Urbis Romae van Magister Gregorius',
Her.meneus,45 (1973-1974), pp. 130-42.
179
Letts, op. cit., pp. 34, 36 and 42. According to Jimenez,

op. cit., pp. 503-6, the reference is to Pope Gregory I
the Great. For an account of his pontificate: F.X. Seppelt
and K. Loffler, De geschiedenis der pausen~ Maastricht,
1939, pp. 75-81.
According to E. Rodocanachi, Les monuments de Rome apres
la chute de l'empire~ Paris, 1914, p. 164 the monuments
destroyed by this pope included the great Helios statue
of Nero, next to the Colosseum. In the Mirabilia Urbis
Romae of Magister Gregorius Pope Gregory is three times
referred to as the destroyer of antique monuments, see
Rushforth, op. cit., p. 18 note 1 (in the chapters 4, 6
353
and 12). Cf. T. Buddensieg, 'Gregory the Great, the

Destroyer of Pagan Idols', Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes~ 28 (1965), pp. 44-65. Other Popes
(Sylvester and Boniface III) are also said to have taken
similar action against ancient remains, cf. Rodocanachi,
op. cit., p. 165 note 1. For a more favourable judgment
of Gregory: Bede, Historia ecclesiastica~ I, 30; see also
Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie~ s.v. Gregorius I.
180
Letts, op. cit., p. 43 and p. 236 note 1. Also F. Gregorovius, Geschichte de2 Stadt Rom im Mittelalter~ Band VI,
Buch XII, Stuttgart , 1871, p. 607 note 2. In 1411 five
wolves were killed in the gardens of the Vatican.
181
See note 17.
182
Letts, op. cit., p. 49. See also part II, Central Greece,
Corinth- Isthmus.
183
R. Matton, La Crete au cours des siecles~ Athens, 1957,

p. 114. Also R. Pashley, Travels in Crete~ I, London,
1837, pp. 175-6. See also part II, Crete.
18
~ Jimenez, p. 47.
185
See part II , Cre t e.
186
Matton, op. cit., p. 104.
187
Jimenez, pp. 48-9; also part II, Archipelago, Rhodes.
188
Jimenez, p. 63; Letts, pp. 61-2. The Irish pilgrim-monk

Symon Semeonis (1334) already speaks a century earlier
about the refusal to admit Christians into the Omar
Mosque: M. Esposito (ed.), Itinerarium Symonis Semeonis
ab Hybernia ad Terram Sanctam~ Dublin, 1960, p. 110:
'Ubi nunc est ecclesia Sarracenorum, qui est spherice
figure, ad quam nullum Christianum permittunt accedere'.
189
W. Heyd, 'Der Reisende Nicolo de' Conti', Das Ausland~

20 Juni 1881, pp. 481-3 and Letts, op. cit., p. 241
note 2.
190
Another author who noted the stories of Niccolo de' Conti

is the papal secretary Poggio Bracciolini, in: Historiae
de varietate fortunae~ IV, Paris, 1723, pp. 126-48. This
text appeared in English in: India in the 15th Century~
R.H. Major (ed.), London, 1857. The accounts of Pero
Tafur and Poggio Bracciolini in fact contain entirely
different stories.
354
1 91
In all medieval stories about the Far East Prester John

plays an important part. See F. Zarncke, Der Priester
Johannes~ Leipzig, 1876-1879; also: Lexikon fur Theologie
und Kirche~ Bd. 5, col. 1072.
192
Jimemez, pp. 127-9; Letts, pp. 107-9 and p. 242 notes

4 and 5.
193
Jimmez, p. 134; Letts, p. 113.
194
Jimmez, p. 137; Letts, p. 115.
195
Jimenez, pp. 139ff; Letts, pp. 117ff. For a more detailed

account of the complicated family relationships: Jimenez,
pp. 480ff.
196
Jimenez, pp. 151-2; Letts, pp. 124-5.
197
Jimenez, pp. 159ff; Letts, pp. 131ff and p. 244 notes

1 and 2.
198
Jimenez, p. 160; Letts, pp. 131-2 and especially p. 139.
199
This bulla: Letts, p. 133.
200
Jimenez, p. 146; Letts, p. 122.
201
Pero's statement is incorrect, for the last two columns

had already been erected in the square near the Doges'
palace in 1172; they came originally from Syria. The
origin of the bronze winged lion is not clear; even China
has been suggested. St. Theodore is actually fighting a
crocodile. See M. Brion, Venice~ The Masque of Italy~
2
London , 1967, p. 216 note 14. For the bronze horses:
part II, Constantinople, Hippodrome.
202
203
Despot Dragas became the last Emperor of Constantinople,

Constantine XI Palaeologus (1449-1453); he was the son of
Manuel II and Irene Dragases, and was born in 1403. Before
he became emperor he spent a number of years living as
Despot of the Morea at Mistra. For a detailed biography:
Jimenez, 420-2.
204
In his short version of the Liber Insularum Archipelagi

Buondelmonti mentions 800, in the longer version 900.
205
The reference is to the Pantocrator (i.e. Christ) in the

dome.
355
206
Cf. Clavijo, Embassy to Tamerlane~ 1403-1406~ G. le

Strange (ed.), p. 76, who claims that a hundred galleys
could have sailed in this cistern. See also Part II,
Constantinople, water supply.
207
See Part II, Constantinople, statue of Justinian I.
208
Clavijo, op. cit., p. 84 calls this church the Santa

Maria de la Vessetria (i.e. Hodegetria). He does not,
in contrast to Pero Tafur, mention the Passion on the
reverse side of the icon. The icon is said to have disappeared during the invasion of the city. After 1453
there is no further mention of it. See also Part II,
Constantinople, churches and monasteries, and G.A.
Wellen, Theotokos~ Utrecht-Antwerpen, 1960, pp. 213-5.
209
See Part II, Constantinople, palaces.
21 0
Jimenez, p. 176; Letts, p. 142. See A. Vasiliev, 'Pero

Tafur. A Spanish Traveller of the fifteenth century and
his visit to Constantinople, Trebizond and Italy,'
Byzantion~ 7 (1932), p. 107 note 6. For more details
Part II, Constantinople, churches and monasteries.
211
For the use of the serpentine column as a fountain:

Reports~ London, 1928, p. 14.
Preliminary
212
See Part II, Cons t an t1nop 1 e, H"1ppo d rome.
213
Jimenez, pp. 177-8; Letts, p. 143.
214
The great problem in searching for the background of

these stories is that they often sprang up suddenly, and
just as suddenly disappeared again. In most cases there
is thus no conscious continuous tradition. The stories
in the Patria~ a work which was wrongly attributed to
Codinus (15th Century), which in fact goes back mainly
to the lOth century, can be found in: Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanarum~ Th. Preger (ed.), Part 2,
New York2 , 1975. Also Ch. Diehl, 'De quelques croyances
byzantines sur la fin de Constantinople', BZ. 30 (1930),
192-6.
215
216
Ch. Diehl, 'Un voyageur espagnol a Constantinople au

XVe siecle', Melanges Gustave Glotz~ I, Paris, 1932,
p. 326.
NOTES TO PP. 59 -
356
6~
217
Jimenez, p. 178; Letts, p. 144. The connection with the

thermae of Zeuxippus is not entirely certain. Vasiliev,
op. cit., p. 109 note 29 says 'perhaps', Letts p. 245
note 8 says 'possibly'. This identification is, however,
quite probable, considering the Thermae of Zeuxippus
were situated near the Hippodrome. The statue of Aphrodite
referred to in the Patria stories stood on the Zeugma.
218
219
Jimenez, pp. 179-80; Letts, pp. 144-5; Diehl, Voyageur,

pp. 324-5. This legend is also found in the Patria.
220
This passage (and several others of the same sort) show

that Pero Tafur wrote his book some years after his
journey, when he was back home in Spain, probably working
from notes made en route.
221
Jimenez, pp. 180-1; Letts, p. ~45.
222
Jimenez, p.
223
Jimenez, p. 590 says that there is disagreement among

writers of Byzantine history about the whereabouts of
the library in the imperial palace.
224
Jimenez, p. 149 and pp. 181-2; Letts, p. 123 and 146-7.
225
226
Jimenez, p. 183; Letts, p.
227
Diehl (note 216), pp. 323.
228
Cf. Vasiliev, (note 210), pp. 115-6; Letts, p. 245 note

11 (mistakenly in my view) associates this Turkish advance
with an unsuccessful attempt to besiege the city in JuneAugust 1422.
229
Jimenez, p. ~86; Letts, p. ~49. Pero had already mentioned this harbour earlier (see Letts p. 115) as one of the
best in the world, suitable for ships of every draught.
230
Jimenez, pp. 186-7; Letts, p. 150.
231
Letts translation, p. 151, 'very lofty island' is wrong.

The Spanish 'escullo' (Jimenez p. 188) means simply 'rock'
and is etymologically related to the Greek 'skopelos'.
Pero uses the word here to refer to the peninsula of the
Athos.Cf Vasiliev, op. cit. p. 118 note 1.
~81;
Letts, p.
~45.
~47.
357
232
Jimenez, p. 590; later on the five arches of the old

bridge a new one has been built.
233
Jimenez, p. 200; Letts, p. 159. Jimenez, p. 593 gives a

short summary of the valuable stones in the magnificent
altar retable of San Marco, the Pala d'Oro. A modern
publication about this famous work of art, in which many
details are illustrated separately, G. Lorenzoni, La
Pala d'oro di San Marco~ Florence, 1965.
23
~ The concilium of Basel, which opened on July 23 1431,

was declared closed by Pope Eugenius (1431-47) on December 18 of that year. It continued to meet, however, and
on December 15 1433 the Pope declared it legalized. In
January 1438 the Pope convened a new concilium in Ferrara
about union with the Eastern church. In 1439 this meeting
moved to Florence. The church union which was at last
decided upon was rejected almost unanimously, however,
by the Greeks, which meant that the emperor had to do
without that western support which he so badly needed.
For this see J. Gill, The Council of Florence~ Cambridge,
1959 and the rather outdated but still useful work of
J. Zhisman, Die Unionsverhandlungen zwischen den orientalischen und romischen Kirchen~ Wien, 1858. Also Cambridge
Medieval History~ IV, 2 pp. 621ff, H. Jedin, Kleine
Konziliengeschichte~ Freiburg (im Br.), 1959, pp. 72ff.
and J. Gill, Personalities of the Council of Florence~
Oxford, 1964.
235
For the journey through Germany and the Burgundian

Netherlands: K. Habler, 'Peter Tafurs Reisen im Deutschen
Reiche in den Jahren 1438-1439', Zeitschrift fur allgemeine Geschichte~ 4 (1887), pp. 503-29.
236
Pero Tafur's narrative breaks off when the ship reaches

Sardinia. Letts assumes, on good grounds, that only the
last page of the MS is missing; the MS must have been
used as an example for the surviving MS in Salamanca.
Letts, p. 1.
237
Thl."s s1.gna
t ure l.s repro d uce d 1.n

L e tt s, p. 20 .
238
E.g. in Jimenez, pp. 179-80; Letts, p. 145.

Chapter II
An account of the history of the Crusades with an extensive

bibliography in S. Runciman, History of the Crusades~
358
3 vols.,Cambridge, 1951-1955 (in paperback, Peregrine,

edition, 1965); K.M. Setton, (ed.) A History of the
Crusades~ Philadelphia, 1962.
2
G. Constable, 'The Second Crusade as seen by Contemporaries', Traditio~ 9 (1953), p. 225.
H. Prutz,
p. 17.
Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzuge~ Berlin,1883,
~ P. Charanis,
'Aims of the Medieval Crusades and how they

were viewed by Byzantium', Church History, 21 (1952), pp.
123-4. (based on the Byzantine chronicle of Theodorus
Skutariotes).
H. Prutz, op. cit., p. 456.
For the various motives: Charanis, Aims (note 4), pp.

123-34. Also: P. Charanis, 'Byzantium, the West and
the Origin of the First Crusade', Byzantion~ 19 (1949),
pp. 17-36.
B. Ebels-Hoving, Byzantium in Westerse Ogen~ 1096-1204~

Assen, 1971, pp. 48-92 with a summary on pages 91-2. I
have made regular use of this work for the period up to
1204.
Guibert of Nogent, Gesta Dei per Francos~ 1,4; in Recueil

des historiens des Croisades~ publie par les soins de
l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles lettres~ Historiens
occidentaux~
5 vols., Paris, 1841 -- (further referred to

as Recueil), IV, Paris, 1879, p. 132.
Robert of Rheims, Historia Iherosolimitana~ II, 20; in

III, Paris, 1866, pp. 750-1.
Recueil~
10
Robert of Rheims, l,c_ 'ideo talis est effecta urbs regia

Constantinopolis ut sanctarum reliquiarum foret tutissima
regia.'
11
Foucher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana~ I. 9,

H. Hagenmeyer, (ed.), Heidelberg, 1913, pp. 176 ff.
12
For the Byzantine silk monopoly, R.S. Lopez, 'Silk

Industry in the Byzantine Empire', Speculum~ 20 (1945),
pp. 1-42.
13
Bartolf of Nangis, Gesta Francorum expugnantium Iherusalem~

caput V, in Recueil~ III, Paris, 1866, p. 494.
1~
Ebels-Hoving, op. cit., p. 77.
359
15
Both Guibert of Nogent and Robert of Rheims should be

seen as followers of the anonymous author of the Gesta
Francorum et aliorum Hierosolimitanorum. See EbelsHoving, op. cit., p. 48 (plan). For the Gesta: Histoire
anonyme de la premiere croisade~ L. Brehier (ed.), Paris,
1924. A description of Constantinople is not found in
this work, however, so Guibert and Robert must have got
these passages from other eye-witnesses.
16
J.K. Wright, Geographical Lore of the Time of the

Crusades,New York, 1925, p. 293.
17
Cf. Lupus Protospatharius, Chronicon~ in Rerum italicaScriptores~ L. Muratori (ed.), V. ad annum 1096, p.
47. Also Frutolf of Michelsberg, Ekkehardi Uraugensis
Chnonica~ G. Waitz (ed.), in MGH.SS. ad annum 1097, p.
208.
rum
18
Constable, (note 2), pp. 213ff, Ebels-Hoving, op. cit.,

pp. 124-44.
19
Odo of Deuil, De Profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem~

M. Guizot (ed.), Paris, 1825, p. 322 (French translation);
V. Berry (ed.), New York, 1948, p. 64 (Latin text with
English translation). 'ipsa quidem sordida est et fetida
multisque in locis perpetua nocte damnata'.
2 0
Odo, op. cit., p. 86 (ed. Berry).
21
Odo, idem. 'si autem careret his vitiis, aere temperato et

salubri fertilitate soli et transitu facili ad fidem
propagandam posset locis omnibus anteferri'.
22
Ebels-Hoving, op. cit., pp. 142-4 and 164-5. Also A.

Frolow, 'La deviation de la IVe croisade vers Constantinople', Revue de l'histoire des religions~ 146 (1954),
pp. 68-9.
23
Die Eroberung van Konstantinopel als

politische Forderung des Westens im Hochmittelalter.
Studien zur Entwicklung der Idee eines Zateinischen
Kaiserreichs in Byzanz~ Zurich, 1969, pp. 138-45. Also
S. Kindlimann,
R.L. Wolff, 'Romania, the Latin Empire of Constantinople',

23 (1948), p. 30 note 145. A different view is
taken by Ebels-Hoving, op. cit., pp. 121-3, who rejects
the direct relationship with the second Crusade; her
arguments for doing so do not seem to me to be convincing.
Edition: Karls des Grossen Reise nach Jerusalem und
Speculum~
360
Constantinope~
E. Koschwitz (ed.), Heilbronn, 1883.
24
In the work of the monk Benedictus in the monastery of

St. Andrew on Mount Soracte, see MGH.SS. III, pp. 692ff.
25
For the influence of the relics: R. Folz,
la legende de
dieval~
Charlemagne~
le Souvenir et
dans l'empire germanique me-
Paris, 1950, pp. 179-81.
26
For the evolution of the legend: G. Paris, Histoire

poetique de Charlemagne~ Paris 2 , 1905, pp. 337-44.
27
J. Petersohn, 'Saint Denis- Westminster- Aachen. Die

Karls-Translatio von 1165 und ihre Vorbilder', Deutsches
Archiv f. Erforschung des Mittelalters~ 31 (1975), pp.
420-4.
28
The misdeeds of the crusaders on their journey through

the Balkans led to increasingly fierce opposition by the
local population. B. Primov, 'Manifestations of Common
Features and Unity of the Balkan Peoples in the Middle
Ages until the 14th Century', Actes Ie Congres intern.
des etudes balcaniques et sud-est europeennes~ III, Sofia,
1969, pp. 263-4.
29
For the reasons which led Barbarossa to decide not to

attack Constantinople, Ebels-Hoving, op. cit., pp. 24-5
with notes 73-9, where the old and the new approaches
to this question are compared. For the letter of Frederick
I to his son Henry VI written at Philippopolis: R. Folz,
30
le souvenir et la legende de Charlemagne dans l'empire

germanique medieval~ Paris, 1950 264-5.
Robert in Recueil, III, p. 732: Foucher in Recueil, III,
p. 331.
31
Some recent studies about the fourth Crusade: A-Frolow,
Recherches sur la deviation de la IVe Oroisade vers

Constantinople~
Paris, 1955. D.E. Queller en S.J.

Stratton, 'A Century of Controversy on the Fourth
Crusade', Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History~
VI, (1969), pp. 233-77; and S. Kindlimann, op. cit.
All the theories relating to the fourth Crusade are
collected in: A.A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine
Empire~ Madison2, 1952, pp. 456ff.
32
For the size of the fleet: D.E. Queller, 'A Note on the
Reorganisation of the Venetian Coinage by Doge Enrico
Dandolo', 'Rivista italiana di numismatica~ 23 (1975),
361
pp. 167-72. (about 200 ships for 33,500 soldiers and

4,500 horses).
33
For a rejection of this view of the fourth Crusade:

Ebels-Hoving, op. cit., pp. 35-9, where a number of old
and modern publications on this subject are critically
considered.
34
W. Norden,
35
P. Riant, Exuviae sacrae ConstantinopoZitanae~ !,Geneva,

1877, p. XL, Idem, Des depouiZZes reZigieuses~ p. 14.
35
B. Hendrickx, 'Wat vonden de kruisvaarders in 1203/4 in

Constantinopel en wat dachten zij over de Griekse
schatten en het Griekse verleden?',Hermeneus~ 41 (19691970), p. 76.
37
Nicetae Choniatae
Der vierte Kreuzzug im Rahmen der Beziehungen

des AbendZandes zu Byzanz~ Berlin, 1898, p. 71.
Historia~ de Signis, ed. Bekker,
(Bonn),
1835, pp. 859-60.

38
When Alexius I seized the throne by force he conquered

Constantinople (1081); the city was then plundered by his
troops for three days. See William of Apulia, Gesta
Roberti Wiscardi, IV, 150, in MGH.SS. IX, p. 282.
39
K.M. Setton,
1976, p. 12.
40
An eye-witness account of the plundering of the Hagia

Sophia can be found in the chronicle of Novgorod; it was
written by a Russian who was in the Byzantine capital at
the time, in transit. For this see R. Pernoud, Die Kreuzzuge in Augenzeugenberichten~ Dlisseldorf 2 , 1962, pp. 2634. A Latin version of this chronicle is found in:
Chroniques greco-romanes~ inedites ou peu connues~ Ch.
Hopf (ed.), Berlin, 1873.
41
P. Riant, 'Des depouilles religieuses enlevees a Constantinople au XIIIe siecle, et des documents historiques
nes de leur transport en accident,' Memoires de Za Soc .
Nat. des Antiquaires de France~ IVe Serie, tome VI (1875),
pp. 1-214.
42
Nicetae Choniatae Historia~ 858 ss. (Bonn). See C. Mango,

'Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder', DOP. 17
The Papacy and the Levant~ I, Philadelphia,
(1963), pp. 55-75.

43
Villehardouin, eh. xxvi.
362
44
Clari, eh. 82 (Bucoleon palace) and eh. 83 (Blachernae

palace).
45
Clari, eh. 84.
46
Hendrickx, op. cit., p. 75.
47
A.M. Nada Patrone, La conquista

1216)~ Genova, 1972, pp. 36-8.
48
Historiens et chroniqueurs du Moyen-Age~ A. Pauphilet
di Constantinopoli (1198-
(ed.), Paris, 1938, p. 73.

49 Robert de Clari, La conquete de Constantinople~ Ph. Lauer
(ed.), Paris, 1924, pp. iii-x.
50
The place of Clari's work in the literature of his area

and his time is discussed in detail by Nada Patrone,
op. cit., pp. 3-38.
51
For the chain: A. van Millingen, Byzantine Constantinople~

London, 1899, pp. 228-9; Clari, chapters 43-4, pp. 29-30.
52
The altar had an altar retable comparable to the Pala

d'Oro in Venice.
53
Nada Patrone, op. cit., p. 220 note 22.
54
Cf. P.E. Schramm, Sphaira~ Globus~ Reichsapfel~ Stuttgart,

1958, pp. 14-5 and pp. 24-8.
55
Gautier d'Arras, Eracle, published in 1164. Editions: L.

Loseth, Oeuvres de Gautier d'Arras~ I: Eracle~ Paris,
1890 and G.A. de Lage, Eracle~ Paris, 1976.
56
Cf. mosaic with circus in the villa at Piazza Armerina:

G.V. Gentili, La villa Eraulia di Piazza Armerina. I
mosaici figurati~ Roma, n.d., plates VII-XIII; the
decorated spina in Plate IX.
57
For the automata: E. Faral,
58
Nicetas Choniates, Historia~ ed. Bekker (Bonn), 1835,

p. 739.
59
Ch. Diehl, 'De quelques croyances byzantines sur la fin

de Constantinople', BZ. 30 (1930), pp. 192-6. Diehl shows
that even before 1204 there was already some pess~m~sm
in Constantinople about the future. The inhabitants be-
Recherches sur les sources

latins des contes et romans courtois du Moyen-Age~ Paris,
1913, pp. 328-35 and L. Olschki, Storia letteraria delle
scoperte geografiche~ Florence, 1937, pp. 96-100.
363
lieved that in many inscriptions and pictures they could

see: ~as oxa~as to~opCas ~ns TIOAEWs Mat ~aG
aAWOELs.
6
'
For the various ways in which historiographers looked

for excuses: Ebels-Hoving (note 7), pp. 218-45.
61
The two female figures: Clari, eh. 91; the column: Clari,
eh. 92, Villehardouin, eh. 118.
62
Emphasis on the providential character in the work of

Gunther of Pairis, Historia captae Constantinopoleos~
in: Migne, PL. ccxii, cols. 221ff. (dated about 1207-8);
particularly in columns 237-8 the divini honitatis
consilium occupied a central place; see also col. 249:
hanc sculpturam Graeci usque ad hoc tempus contempserant.
63
Clari, eh. 106.
64
For a detailed discussion: Part II, west coast of Asia

Minor, Troy.
65
Olschki, op. cit., pp. 123-31.
66
The beginning of the history of the Latin empire of

Constantinople is excellently described by Ernst Gerland,
Geschichte des lateinischen Kaiserreiches von Konstantinopel~ I, Geschichte der Kaiser Balduin I. und Heinrich~
1204- 1216~ Darmstadt 2 , 1966. The proposed second part
never appeared because of the death of the author. Still
valuable is W. Miller, The Latins in the Levant. A
History of Frankish Greece (1204-1566)~ London, 1908
(with little annotation). Recently appeared, with a
wealth of documentation the work by K.M. Setton, The
Papacy and the Levant~ (1204-1571), 3 vols. Philadelphia,
1976.
67
The empire of Trebizond: W. Miller, Trehizond~
Greek Empire~ Amsterdam2 , 1968.
The last
68
Gerland, op. cit., pp. 25-6.
69
Gerland, op. cit., passim; Miller, op. cit., passim.
70
To celebrate this re-conquest of Constantinople new gold

pieces were struck by Michael VIII; for this see my 'Een
goudstuk van Michael VIII Palaeologus', De Geuzenpenning~
23 (1973), pp. 7-8.
71
The Chronicle of Morea~ J. Schmitt, ~ed.), London, 1904,

pp. lii-liii.
364
72
73
For Turkish conquests in the Archipelago in 1566: Fustel

de Coulanges, 'Memoire sur l'ile de Chio', in: Questions
historiques~ C. Jullian (ed.), Paris, 1893, pp. 341ff,
especially pp. 363-4.
For the conquest of Crete in 1669: R. Matton, La Crete
siecles~ Athens, 1957, p. 168. An interesting, more or less contemporary account of the siege and
capture of Candia is in: Olfert Dapper, Nauwkeurige be-
au cours des
schrijving der eilanden in de Archipel der Middellantsche

Zee etc.~ Amsterdam, 1688, pp. 238-46.
74
Setton, p apacy~
75
Relatively speaking the Venetians were not so badly

affected in 1182, in view of the fact that after the
events of 1171 (confiscations etc.) they were not very
numerous in Constantinople. It was particularly the
Genoese and Pisans who were the chief object of popular
rage. See Eustathius, Opuscula~ ed. Tafel, p. 275.
76
The reaction of Michael Choniates, metropolitan of Athens,

is interesting, see Epistulae~ 100, pp. 29-31, S. Lampros
(ed.), II, pp. 169-70.
I, pp. 5-6.
77
~
J. Ferluga, 'l'Aristocratie byzantine en Moro::e
au temps
de la conquete latine', Byzantinische Forschungen, 4
(1972), pp. 78ff.
78
Acropolites, Chron~ 16-7, ed. Bonn, pp. 31-3; Opera I,

28, ed. Heisenberg, Leipzig, 1903.
79
Miller, (note 66), p. 66 and p. 92.
80
Miller, op. cit., p. 121 and p. 148.
81
Some details about this can be found in Chronique de

Moree (1204-1305)~ Livre de la conqueste de la princee
de l'Amoree~ J. Longnon (ed.), Paris, 1911. The position
of the Greek population during the rule of the Catalan
company in Greece (1311-89) is given special attention by
the Spanish scholar Antonio Rubi6 y Lluch. For his study
of this period he was able to draw upon the archives ,of
the Kings of Aragon, in Barcelona.
82
Greece: some assimilation undoubtedly took place,

especially in later generations who had been born in that
country. The best integration took place among the (high)
nobility; in those circles, too, there was the highest
365
number of mixed marriages. William of Achaea was born on

Greek soil and grew up as a Greek.
Setton, Papacy~ I, p. 68; Miller, Latins~ p. 148.
See also the chapter on language and linguistic problems.
Palestine: one person in whom the assimilation of French
and Eastern culture in crusaders in Palestine is clearly
seen is William of Tyre, cf. R.H.C. Davis, 'William of
Tyre', in: Relations between East and West in the Middle
Ages~ D. Baker (ed.), Edinburg, 1973, pp. 64-76.
83
About the Latin States in Palestine there is an extensive

literature. Very important is R. Grousset, Histoire des
Croisades et du Royaume franc de Jerusalem~ Paris, 3 vols.,
1935-6; also J.L. la Monte, Feudal Monarchy in the Latin
Kingdom of Jerusalem~ 1100 to 1291, Cambriuge (Mass.),
1932 and the modern study by J. Prawer, The Latin King-
dom of
Jerusalem~
European Colonialism in the Middle
Ages~
London, 1972.
A short summary of the importance of the crusaders'
states for western Europa: J.L. La Monte, 'The Significance
of the Crusaders' States in Medieval History', Byzantion~
15 (1940-41), pp. 300-15.
84
K. Weitzmann, 'Icon painting in the Crusader Kingdom',

20 (1966), pp. 49-83,
DOP.
85
E. Kitzinger, 'The Byzantine Contribution to Western Art

of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries', DOP. 20 (1966),
pp. 25-48; K. Weitzmann, 'Zur byzantinischen Quelle des
Wolffenblittler Musterbuches', Festschrift Hans R. Hahnloser~ Basel, 1961, pp. 223-30.
86
The chronicle of the Morea contains mainly political

information. Apart from the works by Rubi6 y Lluch
already mentioned I know of no other details about the
country and people under Catalan domination in the 14th
century (cf. note 81). In A. Bon, Za Moree franque;
Recherches historiques~ topographiques et archeologiques

sur la principaute d'Achaie (1205-1430), Paris, 1969,
the remains of classical antiquity are also barely
mentioned.
87
For the archbishopric of Patras a number of details have

been collected by Ernst Gerland in: Neue Quellen zur
Geschichte des lateinischen Erzbistums Patras~ Leipzig,
1903.
366
It is certain that in the archives in Venice there is

still much material about the economic situation in
Latin Greece, waiting to be dealt with. The same is true
of the Vatican archives concerned with religious life in
those areas.
88
Riant,
89
Hefele-Leclerq, Histoire des conciZes~ V,2, Paris, 19041905, pp. 1381ff. canon 62.
9 0
Very many of the treasures in the treasure chambers of

S. Marco in Venice date from after the fire in 1231 in
which a large number of valuables was lost. Cf. Riant
(note 41), p. 52.
91
See Part II, southern Greece.
92
E.H. Swift, 'The Latins at Hagia Sophia',

pp. 458-74.
93
Nicephorus Gregoras, IV, 6.
94
R. Rohricht-H. Meisner, Deutsche PiZgerreisen

heiZigen Lande~ Berlin, 1880, pp. 3-4.
95
A.S. Atiya, The

1938, passim.
96
Directorium: editions: RHC.Arm. II, pp. 365-517 and C.R.

Beazley, in: American Historical Review~ 12 (1906-~907),
pp. 810-57 and 13 (1907-1908), pp. 66-115. About the date
of the document the MSS do not agree; the Paris MS (B.N.
MS. 5138 Lat.) gives the date as 1330, the one in Oxford
(Magdalens College MS. No. 43), says 1332.
97
Beazley, op. cit., 12 (1906-1907), pp. 812-4: 'editum per

quendam fratrem ordinis Praedicatorum, scribentem experta
et visa potius quam audita' and 'in quo quidem directorio
non tam aliorum relatione audita quam ea quae per XXIII!
annos et amplius quibus fui in terris infidelium commoratus causa fidei praedicandae visa refero et experta'.
98
Ch. Kohler,
(note 41), pp. 1-81.
nach dem
Crusade in the Zater MiddZe Ages~ London,
'Quel est l'auteur du Directorium?', Revue

12 (1911), pp. 104-11. Atiya, op. cit.,
p. 97 still hesitated to regard the Brocardus-Adam identification as definite; but Golubovich, BibZioteca bio-bibZiografica~ III, pp. 404-5 rejects the identification.
de Z'Orient
99
AJA. 39 (1935),
Zatin~
Cf. A.D. von den Bricken,
Die 'Nationes christianorum
367
orientaZium' im Verstandnis der Zateinischen Historiographie~
Cologne-Vienna, 1973, p. 64.
100
Atiya, op. cit., pp. 65-7.
101
The stay in Pera: 'haec quae narro cum in Constantinopolim sive Pera quod idem est, degerem contigerunt',
Beazley, op. cit., p. 80.
102
The route across the Adriatic Sea, the one across the
Balkans and the one from Southern Italy; also a route
along the coast of N. Africa and the crossing direct
from Marseilles to Palestine.
103
Beazley, op. cit., pp. 84-7.
lOLf
idem, p. 856; see Part II, Constantinople, palaces.
1 05
idem, p. 88 (Thessalonica).
1 06
idem, p. 111 (Athens) and p. 114 (Ephesus).
107
D. Jacoby,
de
La feodaZite en Grece medievaZe~ Les 'Assises

sources~ application et diffusion~ Paris-
Romanie'~
The Hague, 1971, pp. 271-3 and p. 347.

The Duchy of the Archipelago was founded in 1207 by
Marco I Sanudo; it remained independent until 1566.
1 08
Von den Bricken, (note 99), pp. 66-7; Atiya, (note 95),
pp. 114-27. The Secreta fideZium crucis is also known as
Condiciones Terrae Sanctae~ J. Bongars (ed.), Hanoviae,
1611.
109
It is not inconceivable that Boldensele studied at the

University of Paris; his acquaintance with Aristotle,
who was intensively studied there, may point in this
direction.
11 0
The squadron was to have been composed of ships from

Venice (10),Cyprus (6), Rhodes (10), and the Pope and
France together (8); the Emperor of Constantinople was
under pressure from the Venetians to provide six ships
as well; if this did not happen Genoa and Pisa were
counted on for their support; see Atiya, Crusade~ p. 112
and note 1.
111
112
idem, p. 113.
113
A History of the Ottoman Empire to 1?30~ M.A. Cook (ed.),

Cambridge, 1976, pp. 21-2.
368
114
11 5
Setton, Papacy~ I. p. 298. For Amadeus' crusade see

especially Atiya, op. cit., chapter XVI, pp. 379-90.
Also J. Delaville le Roulx, La France en Orient au XIVe
siecle~ Expeditions du marechal Boucicaut~ I, Paris,
1886' pp. 141ff.
11 6
P. Datta, Spediziorue in Oriente di Amadeo VI conte di

Savoia negli anni 1366-136?~ Torino, 1826, p. 92;
between July 27 and August 2 'visito il capo delle
colonne'.
117
11 8
Amadeus found himself obliged to borrow large sums of

money from the Latin merchants in Pera in order to
finance the rest of the expedition. Cf. Atiya, op. cit.,
pp. 394-5.
For the activities and the life of Mezieres: N. Jorga,
Philippe de Mezieres (132?-1405) et la Croisade au XIVe

siecle~
119
12
Paris, 1896.
A.S. Atiya, The Crusade of Nicopolis~ London, 1934, p.

40; for the non-French participants, idem, pp. 43-9.
For
the situation of the site of the battlefield: Atiya,

pp. 152-4.
Nicopolis~
121
Atiya, Nicopolis~ pp. 98-112; for the amount of ransom

money collected by the Duke of Burgundy: idem, pp. 155-6.
122
See chapter on soldiers, prisoners of war.
123
For the activities of marshal Boucicaut: Setton, Papacy~

I, p. 371; Delaville le Roulx, op. cit., and Histoire
de messire Jean de Boucicaut~ mareschal de France~ gouverneur de Gennes~ in: Collections completes des memoires
relatifs a l'histoire de France~ T. Godefroy (ed.), VI+
VII, Paris, 1825. Boucicaut's stay in Constantinople did
not result in a description of any of the monuments seen
in that city, but it did lead to a great deal of destruction round about~
124
The voyage of Manuel: Setton, op. cit., p. 369. Also M.

Jugie, 'le voyage de l'empereur Manuel Paleologue en
accident (1399-1403)', Echos d'Orient~
15 (1912), pp.
322-32.
125
Atiya, Crusade~ p. 189.
369
126
A parallel development in Byzantium is found in the fact

that large sections of the population there would 'rather
the Turks than the Pope'. Cf. G.T. Dennis, The Reign of
Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessalonica~ 1382-138?~ Rome,
1960, p. 149 note 37; this attitude is expressed by Lucas
Notaras, for instance, (c. 1450) who preferred to see
the Turkish turban in the Byzantine capital to the latin
mitre. Cf. Ducas, eh. 37, 10, ed. Bekker, p. 264.
127
For a picture of reactions in Europe to the events of

1453 (though outdated): G. Voigt, 'Die Eroberung von
Constantinopel und der Abendland', Historische Zeitschrift~ 2 (1860), pp. 16-41. A modern study on this
subject: A. Grunzweig, 'Philippe le Bon et Constantinople',
Byzantion~ 24 (1954), pp. 47-61. That it was primarily a
psychological blow which was of small relevance to the
political situation: C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine
Empire~ 312-1453~ Englewood Cliffs, 1972, p. 243.
128
C. Marinesco, 'Philippe le Bon, due de Bourgogne, et la

Croisade', Actes du VIe congres international d'etudes
byzantines~ Paris, 1950, I, p. 149.
129
Oeuvres de Ghillebert de Lannoy~ voyageur~ diplomate et

moraliste~
130
Ch. Potvin (ed.), Louvain, 1878.
Le voyage d'Outremer de Bertrandon de la Broquiere~ Ch.

Schefer (ed.), Paris, l892.
131
De Lannoy, op. cit., p. 65.
132
In the text of the work there is no reference to the

capture of 1453, but in the luxury copy in Paris (B.N.
MS. Fr. 9087) which dates from 1456 and may be the
official copy which was presented to Philip there is on
f. 207v a drawing of the city during the siege, inspired
by MS. Fr. 6487, f. 21, where we find a drawing and the
eyewitness account of the Florentine Tedaldi. See M.-L.
Concasty, 'Les 'informations' de Jacques Tedaldi sur le
siege et la prise de Constantinople', Byzantion~ 24
(1954), p. 110 note 1.
133
Grunzweig, op. cit.
134
135
Bertrandon, (note 130), pp. 8-9.

Troy is mentioned by name when there is a road junction,
the left branch of which leads to that city, but the city
was not visited; cf. Bertrandon, op. cit., pp. 129-30;
370
for the stay at Bursa, which includes a description of

the slave market: idem, pp. 131-5.
1 36
Cf. for the mission of Benedetto Folco da Forli the

edition of Schefer, p. 142 note 1.
137
Bertrandon refers to the custom of Greek men wearing

high hats, a custom which had already struck Ibn Battuta
as highly unusual. He also describes how he saw the
empress from close to.
138
Bertrandon, op. cit., pp. 155-6; Schefer's op~n~on is

that the interest in mystery plays at the Byzantine
court was introduced by Anne of Savoy (who married
Andronicus Ill Palaeologus in 1327) and her train of
noblemen; see: Bertrandon, op. cit., p. 156 note 1. It
is also possible, however, that a number ox west-European customs, such as that of holding tournaments etc.,
were introduced into Greece, after the fourth crusade;
mystery plays may also have become known at that time,
seeing that the earliest mystery plays go back to the
lOth century. Cf. K. Young, The Drama in the Medieval
Church~ I, Oxford, 1933, p. 15.
139
Bertrandon, op. cit., p. 152 note 1.
140
See Schiltberger, who fled from the Turks and had to hide
in the city; see chapter on soldiers, prisoners of war.
141
Bertrandon, op. cit., p. 149: 'J'ay plus trouv~~ d'amitie

aux Turcz et m'y fieroye plus que auxdits Grecz'.
142
idem, p. 149.
143
Oxford Classical Dictionary~
s.v. Polydorus. See also
Part II, Northern Greece.

144
Vergil, Aeneid, Ill, 22ff.
145
J.D. Hintzen, De Kruistochtplannen

Goede~ Rotterdam, 1918, pp. 25ff.
146
For the books in Philip's library: Hintzen, op. cit.,

pp. 133-8.
147
Marinesco, (note 128), pp. 154ff.
148
The battle of the Hungarians against the Turks at Varna

is sometimes regarded as a sort of crusade, but in fact
it was merely a Hungarian-Turkish boundary war. See Atiya
(note 95), p. 467.
van Philips den
371
149 For the battle of Varna:
F. Babinger, 'Von Amurath zu

zu Amurath, Vor- und Nachspiel der Schlacht bei Varna
(1444)', Oriens 3 3 (1950), pp. 229-65.
1 50
Recueil des croniques et anciennes istories de la grant

Bretaigne~ a present nomme Engleterre~ par Jehan de
Waurin~ W. Hardy and E.L. Hardy (eds.), V, London, 1891.
Also A. Huguet, 'Un chevalier picard a la Croisade de
Constantinople, 1444-1445. Gauvin Quieret, Seigneur de
Dreuil', Bulletin de la Societe des Antiquaires de Picardie~ 38 (1939-1940), pp. 35ff.
1 51
Huguet, op. cit., pp. 39-40 and the map on page 40.
Huguet wrongly situates Troy near Bounarbashi and not
at Hissarlik. See also Part II, west coast of Asia Minor,
Troy.
152
Wavrin, op. cit., p. 38.
153
Marinesco, (note 128), p. 160.
154
Wavrin, op. cit., p. 64; Mangalia is the former Callatis.

Chapter III
For legations in the early middle ages: A. Molinier and
C. Kohler (eds.), Itinera Hierosolymitana~ II, 1, 30-600
A.D., Geneva, 1885, passim. For the various attempts in
the 9th and lOth centuries to bring about marriages
between Byzantine and ~estern princes and princesses: R.
Jenkins, Byzantium~ the Imperial Centuries~ A.D. 61010?1~ London, 1966, p. 324.
For the journey of Liutefredus from Mainz: E. Sabbe,

'Quelques types de marchands des IXe et Xe siecles',
Revue Belge de Philologie et d'histoire~ 13 (1934),
p. 180. Also Liudprand, Antapodosis~ 1, VI, eh. 4, p.
155 (ed. G. Pertz), Hannover, 1839. Sabbe's assumption
(loc. cit., note 2) that Liutefredus was sent because
he knew the way does not seem to me to be correct, in
view of the fact that the merchant from Mainz was in the
company of a Greek envoy who was returning to Constantinople. Liudprand probably joined their company (1. VI,
eh. 5).
Liudprand, Antapodosis~ 1. III, eh. 22-3 and 1. V, eh. 14.
For the background to the busy diplomatic traffic with

Constantinople in 949: R. Jenkins, op. cit., pp. 262ff.
372
For the situation in 969 and the less friendly reception:

Jenkins, op. cit., pp. 285ff.
The evidence about Liudprand's third journey dates from a

later period (in the Translatio Sancti Hymerii) and is
not entirely reliable; see Die Geschichtsschreiber der
Deutschen Vorzeit~ W. Wattenbach (ed.), XXXVII-XXXVIII:
Zehntes Jahrhundert; Teil 2: Aus Liudprands Werken~
Leipzig, n.d., introduction, pp. XVII-XVIII. The result
of the possible third journey of Liudprand was that
Princess Theophano came to the West as the bride of
Otto II. She was not, in fact, a real porphyrogenita, as
her father had usurped the throne, after her birth.
For the Byzantium - Rome opposition, and the non-recognition of the western emperor by the basileus: F. Dolger,
'Rom in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner', in: Byzanz und
die europaische Staatenhlelt~ Ettal, 1953, pp. 70-115.
All these marvels were imitations of things found in the

Abbasid palaces of Bagdad. This probably all dated from
the time of the reign of Emperor Theophilus (829-842) who
was very interested in foreign cultures: see: Jenkins,
op. cit., p. 148.
'Histoire du patriarche Mar Jabalaha III et du moine

Rabban 9auma', J.-B. Chabot (ed.), Revue de l'Orient
latin~ 1 (1893), pp. 567-610 and 2 (1894), pp. 73-142
and pp. 235-304. The English edition: J.A. Montgomery,
The History of Yaballaha III~ Nestorian Patriarch and

of his Vicar Bar Sauma Mongol Ambassador to the Frank~sh
Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century~ New York ,
1966,contains only the first half of the work (up to
about 1295) .
10
The purpose of the journey was to bring about a union

between Christian western Europe and the Mongols. Cf. J.
Richard, 'La mission en Europe de Rabban 9auma et l'union
des eglises', in: Orient et Occident au Moyen-Age:
contacts et relations (XIIe- XVe siecles)~ London2 , 1976,
eh. 22, pp. 162ff.
11
The passage about Constantinople: Chabot, op. cit., pp.

82-7, Montgomery, op. cit., pp. 52-4.
12
Oeuvres de Ghillebert de Lannoy~ voyageur~ diplomate et

moraliste~
Ch. Potvin (ed.), Louvain, 1878, passim.
373
13 Potvin,
op. cit., p. 65. De Lannoy does include in his

work a short description of the strategically important
place Gallipoli, pp. 160-1.
14
Nothing more is known about Clavijo than the little he

himself tells us in his work. See: Narrative of the
Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of

Timour at Samarcand: A.D. 1403-6~ C.R. Markham (ed.),
London, 1859, pp. I-IX. Also Clavijo, Embassy to Tamerlane~
G. le Strange (ed.), London, 1928, Introduction.
15
See Part I!, Constantinople, churches and monasteries.
16
For the manuscripts and printed editions: Markham, op.

cit., pp. VII-VIII. The first printed edition appeared
in Sevilla in 1582, prepared by Argote de Molina, a
second edition in Madrid in 1782 by Antonio de Sancha.
17
As an example of such a legation: the journey of Giovanni

de Marignolli, papal envoy to China, who on his way there
held a disputatio with the Greek Orthodox in Constantinople in J.339. See G. Golubovich, Biblioteca~ IV,
Quaracchi, 1923, p. 272.
18
The Dominican friars Hugo and Peter, and the Franciscan

friars Aymo and Rodulphus, Golubovich. op. ctt., I,
pp. 163-4.
1 9.
Golubovich, op. cit., I, p. 164. See also Part !I, west

coast of Asia Minor.
20
2~
For the complications surrounding Metropolitan Pimen:

A.M. Ammann, Abriss der ostslawischen Kirchengeschichte~
Vienna, J.950, pp. 100-5.
Ignatius went with them as a subordinate of Bishop
Michael of Smolensk.
22
Ammann, op. cit., p. 105.
23
Itineraires russes en Orient~ B. de Khitrowo (ed.),

Geneva, 1889, pp. J.40-7.
24
25
26
For the MSS: De Khitrowo, op. cit., p. J.28.

De Khitrowo, op. cit., p. 230; C. Mango, 'The Date of
the Anonymous Russian Description of Constantinople',
BZ. 45 (1952), pp. 380-5.
De Khitrowo, op. cit., pp. 232 and 239.
C. Mango, 'A Russian Graffito in St. Sophia, Constanti-
374
nople', Slavic Word~ 10 (1954), pp. 436-8 attributes an

inscription in the south gallery of the Hagia Sophia to
a servant in the household of Cyprianus in 1389.
Chapter IV
1
w. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age~

Leipzig, 1885-1886. This French edition, translated by
Furcy-Raynaud, is based on a version, extended by the
author himself, of his German edition published a few
years earlier.
Mediterranean~
Princeton, 1951; R.S. Lopez, 'Le probleme
des relations anglo-byzantines du septieme au dixieme
siecle', Byzantion~ 18 (1948), pp. 139-62; E.H. Byrne,
A.R. Lewis,
A.D.
Naval Power and Trade in the
500-1100~
Genoese Shipping in the twelfth and thirteenth
Centuries~
Cambridge (Mass.), 1930. Also R.S. Lopez and I.W. Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World~
New York, 1955.
3
Cf. R.S. Lopez, 'Silk Industry in the Byzantine Empire',

20 (1945), pp. 1-42.
Speculum~
Lewis, op. cit., pp. 120-1; Lopez, Silk Industry, p. 37,

note 4. Also C.M. Macri, Des byzantins et des etrangers
dans Constantinople au Moyen-Age~ Paris, 1928, passim, in
which special attention is paid to the legal status of
the foreigners. Short summary in K. Roth, 'Byzanz und
seine Handelsverbindungen mit den Okzident und Orient,
Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Orients~ 7 (1909), pp. 1-17.
Lewis, op. cit., p. 255.
Lopez,
idem, pp. 35-6; see also: H.F. Brown, 'The Venetians and
the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople to the Close of
the Twelfth Century', JHS. 40 (1920), pp. 68-9; and H.
Antoniadis-Bibicou, 'Note sur les relations de Byzance
avec Venise. De la dependance a l'autonomie et a l'alliance: un point de vue byzantin', Thesaurismata~ 1
(1962), pp. 162ff.
Brown, op. cit., pp. 69-70. Byzantium is still clearly

the stronger party, which accords certain rights to
Venice in a praeceptum.
Silk Industry~ p. 38.
Brown, op. cit., pp. 70-1; P. Reve11i,

di Levante~ Milano, 1917, p. 44.
375
l'Italia e il Mar
10
Brown, op. cit., pp. 75ff; Revelli, op. cit., pp. 66-8;
L. Halphen 'Le role des 'Latins' dans l'histoire interieure de Constantinople a la fin du XIIe siecle',
Melanges Charles Diehl~ I, Paris, 1930, pp. 141-2.
11
Halphen, op. cit., pp. 142-3; many details about the

position of the Latins can be found in the history by
Nicetas Choniates; Eustathius mentions the number of
Latins in Constantinople (60,000 in about 1180); for the
bloodbath carried out among them: Eustathius, Opuscula~
ed. Tafel, p. 275.
12
Brown, op. cit., p. 87.
13
Cf. Ch. Diehl, 'La colonie venitienne a Constantinople

a la fin du XIVe siecle', in: Etudes byzantines~ Paris,
1905, pp. 241-75.
14
Genoese trade was originally directed more towards the

Syro-Palestinian coast. cf. E.H. Byrne, 'Genoese Trade
with Syria in the Twelfth Century', American Historical
Review~ 25 (1920), pp. 191ff.
15
Lopez, Silk Industry~ p. 25 and p. 37; Revelli, op. cit.,

pp. 79-83.
16
For the position of Kaffa on the Crimea: N. Jorga, Points

de vue sur l'histoire du commerce de l'Orient au MoyenAge~
Paris, 1924, pp. 90-3; Revelli, op. cit., pp. 84-6.
17
Revelli, op. cit., p. 83.
18
C. Marinesco, 'Les Catalans dans l'empire byzantin

pendant le regne de Jacques II (1291-1327)', in: Melanges
d'histoire du Moyen-Age offerts
M. Ferdinand Lot~ Paris,
1925, pp. 501ff.
19
H.R. Ellis Davidson, The Viking Road to Byzantium~ London,

1976, pp. 89-96. Also, Lopez, Silk Industry~ p. 25 and
note 2.
20
Old edition: L. Leger, Chronique dite de Nestor~ Paris,

1884; a newer edition: S.H. Cross - O.P. SherbowitzWetzor, The Russian Primary Chronicle~ Laurentian Text~
Cambridge (Mass.), 1953.
21
G. Hatz,
Handel und Verkehr zwischen dem deutschen Reich
376
Wikingerzeit~ Lund, 1974,

pp. 18ff. with the notes 88-93; M.J. de Goeje, 'Internationaal handelsverkeer in de Middeleeuwen', Verslagen
und Schweden in der spaten
en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenscha:ppen (afd. Letterkunde)~ 4e Serie, 9 (1909),
pp. 255-7.
22
A. Ducellier, 'Mentalite historique et realites politiques: !'Islam et les Musulmans vus par les Byzantins
du XIIIeme siecle', Byzantinische Forschungen~ 4 (1972),
pp. 44ff.
23
idem, pp. 53-4; Nicetas Choniates, Historia~ ed. Bonn,

p. 731.
24
A. Struck, 'Die Eroberung Thessalonikes durch die Sarazenen im Jahre 904', BZ. 14 (1905), p. 540 and note 1.
25
26
27
A. Bon,
Le Peloponnese byzantin~ Paris, 1951, p. 85.
See chapter on language and linguistic problems.
The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian concerning the

Kingdoms and Marvels of the East~ H. Yule (ed.),
London 3 , 1903, pp. 2-3.
28
See chapter on language and linguistic problems.
29
E. Burnouf, La ville et l'Acropole

epoques~ Paris, 1877, pp. 58-61.
30
E. Gerland,
Erzbistums
d'Athenes aux diverses
Neue Quellen zur Geschichte des lateinischen

Patras~
Leipzig, 1903, pp. 28-9.
31
W. Heyd (note 1), II, p. 271.
32
W. Miller,
pp. 270-1.
33
J. Lestocquoy, 'Le commerce des oeuvres d'art au MoyenAge', Annales d'histoire sociale~ 5 (1943), pp. 19-26.
34
R. Brun, 'Notes sur le commerce des objets d'art en

France et principalement a Avignon a la fin du XIVe
siecle', Bibliotheque de l'ecole des Chartes~ 95 (1934),
pp. 327ff.
35
Lopez-Raymond, (note 2), pp. 114-5: letter from Avignon,

dated March 27 1387.
36
Cf. Sozomenus~ VII,1.
The Latins in the Levant~ London, 1908,
377
37
F.W. Deichmann, 'Die Spolien in der spatantiken Architektur', Bayr.. Akad. von Wissenschaften~ phil.-hist.
Klasse~ Sitzungsberichte 1975~ Heft 6, Mlinchen, 1975.
38
P.P.V. van Moorsel and J.P.A. van der Vin, 'Einige

Bemerkungen zu den Kapitellen von Kairouan', Rivista
di Archeologia Cristiana~ 49 (1973), pp. 361ff.
39
SeeP. Verzone, 'I due gruppi in porfido di S. Marco

in Venezia ed il Philadelphion di Constantinopoli',
Palladio~ 1 (1958), pp. 8-14; also R. Naumann, 'Der
antike Rundbau beim Myrelaion und der Palast Romanos
I. Lekapenos', Istanbuler Mitteilungen~ 16 (1966),
pp. 209-11. Recently the missing feet of one of the
porphyry images of the Tetrarchs in Venice was found in
Constantinople.
40
R. Rohricht and M. Meisner, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach

Lande~ Berlin, 1880, p. 31. Ludolf von
Sudheim, chapter 80.
dem heiligen
41
Das Nachleben der Antike im Mittelalter~

Reden und Studien~ I, Strassburg, 1905,
L. Friedlander,
Erinnerungen~
pp. 369-70. Cf. also the medieval lapidaries, in which

all sorts of stories are told about gems and cameos.
Important in this connection is: W.S. Heckscher, 'Relics
of Pagan Antiquity in Mediaeval Settings', Journal of
the Warburg Institute~ 1 (1937/38), pp. 213ff.
42
43
Heckscher, op. cit., pp. 215-9; Friedlander, op. cit.,

p. 371.
Le collezioni veneziane d'arte e d'antichita

del secolo XIV ai nostri giorni~ Venice, 1900, pp. XXX-
C.A. Levi,
XXXIX.
Chapter V
1
Vikings in the bodyguard after 911; cf. R. Jenkins,

the Imperial Centuries~ A.D. 610-1071~ London,
1966, p. 302. For the composition of the' Byzantine army,
with mercenaries of many nationalities: G. Schlumberger,
'Deux chefs normands des armees byzantines au XIe siecle',
Revue historique~ 16 (May-August 1881), pp. 289-90. Also
R. Janin, 'Les Francs au service des 'Byzantins',
Echo's d'Orient~ 29 (1930), pp. 61ff.
Byzantium~
378
Liudprand of Cremona (legatio, eh. 45) mentions various

Venetians and Amalfitans in the imperial bodyguard and
among the other troops.
2
S. Blondal, 'The last Exploits of Harald Sigurdsson in

Greek Service', CZassica et medievaZia~ 2 (1939), pp. 1ff.
About Harald: G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell, Corpus
poeticum boreaZe. The Poetry of the OZd Northern
Tongue~
I, Oxford, 1883, p. 178 and p. 215.

3
Blondal, op. cit., pp. 5-6.
For the lion of Piraeus: G.F. Hertzberg, Geschichte

GriechenZands~ Gotha, 1876, p. 307. The runic inscription
is discussed by H.R. Ellis Davidson, The Viking Road to
Byzantium~ London, 1976, p. 220 where further literature
is also mentioned. Doubt as to the runic nature of the
letters in: L. de Laborde, 'Les inscriptions gravees sur
les deux flancs du lion du Piree sont-elles grecques ou
runiques?', in: Documents inedits ou peu connus sur
Z'histoire et Zes antiquites d'Athenes~ Paris, 1854, pp.
206ff.
Davidson, op. cit., p. 220.
idem, p. 239.
idem, p. 220.
For the change-over from Scandinavians to Anglo-Saxons in

the Varangian guard: S. Blondal, 'Nabites the Warangian',
CZassica et medievaZia~ 2 (1939), pp. 145ff. Also K.N.
Ciggaar, Byzance et Z'AngZeterre~ Leiden, 1976, pp. 66-7
(data based on passages in the Chronicon Laudunense,
L. 104-7 and L. 165-73); also Ciggaar, pp. 39-40; A.A.
Vasiliev, 'The Opening Stages of the Anglo-Saxon Immigration to Byzantium in the Eleventh Century', Seminarium
Kondakovianum~ 9 (1937), pp. 39ff.
Blondal, Nabites~ p. 163.
10
Ex historia Sigurdi Hierosolymipetae. See Antiquites

russes d'apres Zes monuments historiques des isZandais
et des anciens scandinaves~ C. Rafn (ed.), I, Copenhagen,
1850, p. 381.
The Heimskringla (i.e. the round world) is a collection
of 16 sagas by the famous Icelandic saga poet Snorri
Sturluson; the saga about Sigurd's pilgrimage to Jerusalem is one of these.
379
NOTES TO PP. 1l5 - 116
11
Abbot Nicolas of Thingor; see E. Werlauff,
geographiam medii aevi ex monumentis
Symbolae ad
islandicis~ Hauniae,
1821, pp. 3ff.
of the Time of the Crusades~
12
J.K. Wright, Geographical Lore

New York, 1925, pp. 110-1.
13
For Sigurd's journey (1107-11): Th. Wright, Early Travels

in Palestine~ New York 2 , 1968, pp. 50-65. Also R.M.
Dawkins, 'The Visit of King Sigurd the Pilgrim to Constantinople', Eis mnemen S. Lamprou~ Athens, 1935,
pp. 55-62.
14
Blondal, Last Exploits (note 2), p. 11 note 1 gives an

etymological explanation for the word Gullvarta. He regards the second part of the compound as a Norwegian
corruption of the Russian vorota.
15
Dawkins, op. cit., pp. 57-8.
15
The Great palace next to the Hippodrome must have been

abandoned as a residence at the end of the eleventh
century; from then on the emperors resided in the
Blachernae palace.
Cf. Ciggaar, op. cit., p. 66 and the notes 272-3. For
more details see: Part II, Ch. XVII, Constantinople,
palaces.
17
In Constantinople Sigurd behaves to the emperor as a real

'heros' such as are found in folk-tales. It is worth
mentioning that some years before Sigurd's visit to
Constantinople King Erik of Denmark, perhaps because
of reduced financial circumstances actually did accept
the gift of money! We are not told, however, whether
he was also allowed to choose!
See Dawkins, op. cit., p. 58. Cf. Vigfusson-York Powell
(note 2) for Erik's journey (1095-1103) which ended with
his death in Cyprus in 1103.
18
See: The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer~ W. Skeat

(ed.), IV, London 2 , 1900, Canterbury Tales~ pp. 2-3,
lines 43-78.
All the places listed by Chaucer's Knight formed part of
the theatre of war around the year 1350; many of them
were the scene of battles between Christians and nonChristians. The study by A.S. Cook, 'The Historical
Background of Chaucer's Knight', Transactions of the
Connecticut Academy~ 20 (1916) was unfortunately not
available to me.
380
19
20
For the Catalan Company: D. Jacoby, 'La 'Compagnie

catalane' et l'Etat catalan de Grece; quelques aspects
de leur histoire', Journal des Savants~ 1966, pp. 78ff.
Also K.M. Setton, The Catalan Domination of Athens~
Cambridge (Mass.), 1948; W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce
du Levant au Moyen-Age~ I, Leipzig 1885, pp. 450-3.
Jacoby, op. cit., p. 102.
21
Setton, op. cit., pp. 247-8.

In speaking of his outward journey to the Holy Land in
1394 Niccolo da Martoni expres-ses his great fear for
Catalan pirates, who made the sea in the vicinity of
Malta extremely unsafe. These were the Catalans who had
been driven out of Athens in 1387, and who wandered
about the Mediterranean, robbing and plundering as they
went. See L. le Grand, 'Relation du Pelerinage a Jerusalem de Nicolas de Martoni, notaire italien (1394-1395) ',
Revue de l'Orient latin~ 3 (1895), p. 579.
22
See especially: A. Rubi6 y Lluch,

notaires dans la Grece catalane',
Athens, 1935, pp. 150ff.
'Chanceliers et
Eis mnemen S.
Lamprou~
23
A few biographical details about Muntaner can be found

in the introduction to the edition of A. Goodenough,
The Chronicle of MUntaner~ London, 1920-1, pp. LXXXIff.
24
Since 1150 Catalonia and Aragon had been united as a

result of the marriage of Queen Petronilla of Aragon to
Count Ramon Berenguer of Barcelona.
25
See A. Rubi6 y Lluch,

pp. 23-4.
Paquimeres i Muntaner~ Barcelona,
~927,
26
Much attention was given to an annual 'manna miracle' in

the basilica at Ephesus (c.206); three relics are also
described in detail (c.234), which fell into Catalan
hands during the looting of Foggia (Fogliara). These
relics were supposed to have belonged originally to St.
John the Evangelist.
27
For Alfonso Fadrique: Jacoby (note 19), pp. 98-9.
28
For the fortunes of the Catalans in Greece in the 14th

century: Setton (note 19), especially pp. 216ff, with an
extensive bibliography in the last chapter.
29
A. Rubi6 y Lluch,
Documents per l'historia de la cultura
381
catalana
mig-eval~ II, Barcelona, 1921, p. XVI. This

letter is dated on April 20, 1387 and is in the archive
of the Crown of Aragon, reg. 1751, fol. 51v.
30
Rubi6 y Lluch, op. cit., p. XXXVI and Setton (note 19),

pp. 119-20.
31
Rubi6 y Ll.uch, op. ci t. , p. XLI.
32
Rubi6 y Lluch, idem, I, Barcelona, 1908, pp. 286-7. no.

CCCXI. This letter is dated at Lerida on September 11,
1380 and is in the archive of the Crown of Aragon, reg.
1268, fol. 126. A reproduction of this letter in Setton,
(note 19), plate VI, p. 187. The subject of this letter
was the reinforcement of the garrison of the Acropolis
with 12 (~) archers.
33
An important study is Rubi6 y Lluch's

'Significaci6 de
l'elogi de !'Acropolis d'Atenes pel rei Pere 'L Ceremonios', in: Homenaje ofrecido a Menendes Pidal~ Madrid,
1925, pp. 37-56.
34
Setton, op. cit., p. 187 following Rubi6 y Lluch,

believes that Pedro had heard of the beauty of Athens
and the Acropolis from the Bishop of Megara, John Boyl.
But that the information may have come from Juan Fernandez de Heredia cannot be ruled out.
35
R.-J. Loenertz, O.P., 'Hospitaliers et Navarrais en Grece,

1376-1383. Regestes et Documents', Orientalia Christiana
Periodica~ 22 (1956), pp. 319ff.
36
Harun-ibn-Yahya's stay in Constantinople cannot be dated

exactly. The date suggested by Vasiliev, Izeddin and others
as toward the end of the 9th century but in any case later
than 881 is no longer accepted. Cf. A. Vasiliev, 'Harunibn-Yahya and his Description of Constantinople', Seminarium Kondakovianum~ 5 (1932), pp. 149-63; M. Izeddin,
'Un prisonnier arabe a Byzance au IXe siecle; Harun-ibnYahya', Revue des etudes islamiques~ 1941-1948, pp. 41ff.;
J. Marquart, Osteuropaische und ostasiatische Streifzuge~ Leipzig, 1903, chapter 8: Der Reisebericht des
Harun b. Jahja, (=pp. 206ff.).
A new dating is suggested by R.J. Jenkins, 'The Emperor
Alexander and the Saracene Prisoners', Atti del VIIIo
Congresso internazionale di studi bizantini~ I, Palermo,
1951, pp. 389-93: between Christmas 911 and Ash Wednesday
912. G. Ostrogorsky, 'Zum Reisebericht des Harun-ibn-
382
Jahja', Seminarium Kondakovianum~ 5 (1932), pp. 251ff.

puts the journey one year later, between Christmas 912
and Ash Wednesday 913. Jenkins' date (911-12) appears
to me to be preferable. (See also note 42.)
37
Izeddin, op. cit., pp. 42-3.
38
Marquart, op. cit., p. 207 points out that nowhere in the

work a specifically pro-Islam point of view is expressed.
39
Izeddin, op. cit., p. 42 and note 2; the Arabic text of

Ibn Rosteh is published by M.J. de Goeje, in volume VII
of the Bihliotheca geographorum arabicorum~ The Hague,
1893, pp. 119ff.
40
Izeddin, op. cit., p. 50 note 2; different researchers

have proposed four different churches: the church of St.
Sergius and St. Bacchus (Marquart, op. cit., p. 228),
the New Church (Vasiliev, op. cit., p. 156 note 41), the
palace chapel of St. Mary of the Pharos (A.M. Schneider
in Istanbuler Forschungen, 8 (1936), pp. 28-9) and finally the church of St. Stephan in Daphne (Izeddin, op. cit.,
p. 50 note 2).
41
Izeddin, op. cit., p. 53 note 2; Marquart, op. cit.,

pp. 228ff.
42
Jenkins, (note 36), p. 393 believes that the man HarOn

saw, with one red shoe and one black one, was the heir to
the throne, Alexander, and that Emperor Leo VI was
probably already prevented by illness from taking part
in the procession. Leo died on May 11, 912 after being
ill for 4 months.
43
Izeddin (note 36), p. 59 note 1.
44
idem, p. 60 note 1.
45
Marquart, (note 36) p. 236 and Vasiliev (note 36), p. 161

note 62 identify the object described here as the serpentine column; but I agree with Izeddin (note 36), p. 60
note 2. See also Part II, Ch. XVII, Constantinople,
Hippodrome.
46
Biographical information about Johann Schiltberger in:

Reisebuch~ V. Langmantel (ed.),
Tlibingen, 1885, pp. 160-3 and also in the introduction
to the edition of J. Buchan Telfer, The Bondage and
Hans Schilthergers
Travels of Johann
London, 1879.
SchiZtberger~
a Native of
Bavaria~
383
47 Schiltberger,
chapter 2: Wann man nymandts totet unter

XX jaren; do was ich kaum XVI jar alt.
48
Buchan Telfer, op. cit., p. XIX.
49
For similar instances of gold plates being built in

(confessions of faith, etc.):J. Ebersolt, Constantinople
byzantin et Zes voyageurs du Levant~ Paris, 1918, p. 72
and note 1.
50
There seems to me to be little foundation for Bruun's

argument that Schiltberger put in at the city during a
voyage to Egypt on a Venetian ship after 1423, cf. Buchan
Telfer, op. cit., pp. 145-6 (with note 2).
Chapter VI
E.A.R. Brown, 'The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of

Constantinople and Greece: 1204-1276', Traditio~ 14
(1958), pp. 63ff.
B. Altaner, Die Dominikanermissionen des 13. Jahrhunderts~

Habelschwerdt, 1924, pp. 1ff. and M. Bihl, 'Die Franziskaner-Miss~onen im Morgenlande wahrend des 13. Jahrhunderts', Der KathoZik~ 35 (1907), pp. 365-6.
Altaner, op. cit., pp. 9-10. Conversions of Latin

Christians to the Orthodox Church also occurred occasionally, but were strongly condemned by the ecclesiastical
authorities. See 0. Raynaldus, AnnaZes eccZesiastici~ ad
annum 1322~ No. 48 with a warning by Pope John XXII to
the Archbishop of Patras and the Latin Patriarch of
Constantinople to resist strongly any changeover from the
Latin to the Greek rite.
At the first great Chapter in 1217 Greece was included in

the provincia Syria; in 1263 it was separated from that
province, and made into an independent unit with the
name of provincia Romaniae or Graeciae. See G. Golubovich, BibZioteca~ I, Quaracchi, 1906, p. 261 and p. 265,
and idem II, pp. 221.
The number of Dominican monasteries in Greece varied
somewhat. In 1277 there were seven of them, in 1303 only
five; see Altaner, op. cit., pp. 10-2.
In 1262 Pope Urban IV wrote a letter in which he preached
a sort of Crusade against Michael VIII: 'Qui ... contra
populum Latinorum qui in illis partibus commoratur, coegit
384
sui furoris tirampnidem exercere inhumanitus'; cf.

Golubovich, op. cit., I, p. 395.
7
Golubovich, op. cit., III, pp. 111-7.
In 1299 the Dominicans were again living in C~nstantinople.

Altaner, op. cit., p. 12.
R. Loenertz, 'Les etablissements dominicains de PeraConstantinople', Echos d'Orient~ 34 (1933), pp. 334-5;
also Golubovich, op. cit., I, pp. 552-3.
10
Les freres mineurs et l'eglise orthodoxe

au XIIIe siecle (1231-12?4)~ Cairo, 1954, pp. 90-1.
M. Roncaglia,
11
Golubovich, op. cit., I, p. 265.
12
idem, pp. 163-4.
13
idem, p. 425; an important part in the negotiations was

played by the Franciscan John Parastron, who spoke fluently
Greek because he had been born in Constantinople.
14
Important here is William of Moerbeke, who, after a long

stay in Greece acted as Greek language advisor to Thomas
Aquinas.
Chapter VII
For the Greek geographers: H.J. Rose,
Literature~ London4 , 1956, pp. 282-5.

2
A Handbook of Greek
J. K. Wright, Geographical Lore of the Time of the

New York, 1925, p. 44. During the so-called
Renaissance of the Palaeologians, there were also some
geographical developments, especially in the work of
Maximus Planudes, see A. Diller, 'The Oldest Manuscripts
of Ptolemaic 1\laps', Transactions of the American Philological Association~ 71 (1940), pp. 62ff. Also H. Hunger,
Von Wissenschaft und Kunst der fruhen Palaiologenzeit,
Crusades~
Jahrbuch der osterreichischen byzantinischen
Gesellschaft~
8 (1959), pp. 147ff.

3
M. V. Minorsky, 'Geographes et voyageurs musulmans ',
Bulletin de la Societe royale de Geographie
d'Egypte~
24 [1949], pp. 31-2.

4 Wright,
5
op. cit., p. 117.
A.-D. von den Brincken, "Europa in der Kartographie des

Mittelalters", Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte~ 55 (1973),
385
Ages~ London,
G.H.T. Kimble, Geography

1938, pp. 5-23.
Wright, op. cit., pp. 248-52.
K. Miller, Die altesten Weltkarten~ Ill, Stuttgart,

1895, pp. 73-82; R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris~ Cambridge,
1958, pp. 247-50 and plates 12-13-15.
Ezekiel V,5, 'This is Jerusalem: I have set it in the

midst of the nations and countries that are round about
her'.
in the Middle
10
Von den Brincken, op. cit., p. 294.
11
A.-D. von den Brincken, 'Mappa mundi und Chronographia.

Studien zur Imago mundi des abendlandischen Mittelalters',
Deutsches Archiv fUr Erforschung des Mittelalters~ 24
(1968), p. 143.
12
idem, p. 171.
13
See Von den Brincken, Mappa mundi~ tables.

In the tables data from some twenty geographical documents
from the middle ages has been collected. For Greece,
tables Ill, IV and VI are important.
14
Table Ill, p. 163.
15
This sudden disappearance suggests that it was intentional. A reason for this deliberate omission is, however,
difficult to find. Cf. Von den Brincken, Mappa mundi~
p. 170.
16
Table IV, p. 164.
17
Table VI, p. 166.
18
Von den Brincken,
19
Von
Cf.
Mappa mundi~ p. 171.

den Brincken, Europa (note 5), pp. 296-300.
F. Nansen, In Northern Mists~ II, London, 1911,
pp. 182-3.
21
R. Almagia, Planisfere~ carte nautiche e affini

XVII~ Citta del Vaticano, 1944, p. VII.
dal secolo
XIV al
22
23
Nansen, op. cit., pp. 215-7.

In 1354 the king of Aragon decreed that every sea captain
was to have two sea charts on his ship. Cf. Ordenanzas de
386
las armadas navales de la corona de Aragon> aprobadas

por el rey D. Pedro IV> anode 1354> Appendix, No. 1, p. 2.
24
Libro d'Oltramare di Fra Niccolo da Poggibonsi> A. Bacchi

della Lega (ed.), Bologna2 , 1968, vol. II, p. 219.
25
A.-D. v. den Brincken, ' ... ut describeretur universus

orbis', zur Universalkartographie des Mittelalters',
Miscellanea medievalia> 7 (1970), pp. 263-4.
26
See J. Lelewel, Geographie du Moyen-Age> II, Brussels,

1852, pp. 123-4; E. Jacobs, 'Neues von Cristoforo Buondelmonti', Jdi.> 20 (1905), p. 44. For Jacopo Angeli:
R. Weiss, 'Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia', Medioevo e Rinascimento. Studi in onore di Bruno Nardi> II, Firenze,
1955, pp. 811 (+note 50), 812 and 824.
27
Travel and Travellers of the Middle Ages> A.P. Newton

(ed.), New York, 1926, pp. 4-5.
28
E. Legrand, Description des iles de l 'Archipel par

Christophe Buondelmonti> Paris, 1897, pp. XXI-XXII
(further refered to as: Descriptio, L.). Also R.
Almagia, Planisfere> carte nautiche e affini dal secolo
XIV al XVII> Citta del Vaticano, 1944, p. 105.
It is striking how little known Buondelmonti is in
modern geographical literature. He is not mentioned in
Kimble's Geography of the Middle Ages (see note 6); in
Bagrow, Geschichte der Kartographie> Berlin, 1951, p. 49
only a few lines are devoted to him, and even those are
not correct.
29
E. Jacobs, 'Cristofo Buondelmonti. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis seines Lebens und seiner Schriften', Beitrage zur
Bucherkunde und Philologie August Wilmanns zum 25. Marz

1903 gewidmet> Leipzig, 1903, pp. 313ff.
In the Catalogus scriptorum Florentinorum by Poccianti
(1589) the following is said about Buondelmonti: 'Cristophorus de Bondelmontibus vir scientiae cosmographiae et
geographiae, immo omnium humanarum literarum studiis refertissimus, sermone apertus, ingenio clarus ac triplici
lingua decoratus. Composuit p~ura opuscula, inter quae
ad manum venit liber quidam geographiae, cuius praefatio
sic exordium sumit: Constitui R. pater. Commoratur autem
huiusmodi codex manuscriptus apud Laurentium de Bondelmontibus. Enituit 1410'.
NOTES TO P.
~34
387
30
'Vhen he leaves for Rhodes we find 'iam exacta aetate'

which indicates the age of about 30. Cf. R. Weiss, 'Un
umanista antiquario: Cristoforo Buondelmonti', Lettere
itaZiane~ 16 (1964), pp. 105-6. The 'enituit 1410' of
Poccianti (note 29) could also indicate that he was born
between 1380 and 1390.
31
Cornaro in his foreword to Creta sacra~ Venice, 1755 and

repeated by G.R.L. de Sinner (ed.), Christoph BondeZmontii~
FZorentini~ Ziber insuZarum archipeZagi~ Leipzig/Berlin,
1824, p. 16. See also Weiss, Umanista (note 30), p. 107.
He himself speaks of 'mea ecclesia Florentie', see
Descriptio, L. p. 133.
32
Legrand, op. cit., XXI, assumes that Buondelmonti left

for Rhodes as early as 1406, stayed there for 8 years,
and only set out on his travels in 1414. In fact he made
his journeys during those eight years on Rhodes. Cf.
Jacobs (note 29), p. 334.
33
Weiss, Umanista, p. 106, believes that Buondelmonti was

employed by .Jacopo I Crispo, the Duke of the Archipelago
(1397-1418).
34
Ambrosius Traversari, EpistuZae~ L. Mehus (ed.), I,

1759, p. 378; see also Weiss, Umanista (note 30),
pp. 109-10.
35
See G. Tiraboschi, Storia

VI, Milano, 1824, p. 102.
36
Another reminder of his stay on Rhodes is a stele with

inscription in the Archaeological Museum in Rhodes, see
G. Jacopi, 'Il ritrovamento d'una epigrafe di Cristoforo
Buondelmonti', Z'Universo XI, 1 (gennaio 1930), pp. 172~ (with illustration).
37
Weiss, Umanista, p. 109 and note 46: the dating in Buondelmonti's third work: de nomina virorum illustrium: 'incipiunt nomina virorum illustrium libri presbyteri christophori bondelmont de florencia quem ordinavit et composuit in Rodiano civitate ad instanciam illustrissimi
regis Jani Cypri Anno domini Millesimo quadringentesimo
vicesimo tercio'.
38
If some of the insertions were his own!
39
Legrand, (note 28), pp. XII-XIII.
deZZa Zetteratura itaZiana~
388
40
Jacobs, (note 29), pp. 338-9.
41
Almagia, (note 28), p. 106 note 1. The quotation is from

the foreword to the Italian version of Buondelmonti's
work, that dates from 1430; Codex Rossiano 703 in the
Vatican Library, fol. 1v.
42
Buondelmonti's presence in Crete is known from dated

notes in manuscripts which he managed to acquire on the
island, and which are now in Florence in the Biblioteca
Laurentiana.
See Legrand, (note 28), pp. XXIV-XXV. For example:
Codex Ambros. A 12219 inf. fol. 18: 'ego autem anno nativitatis domini MCCCCXVII ... Cretam totam diebus XXIIII
equester perquisivi'.
43
Legrand, pp. XXV-XXVI.
44
Cf. Almagia, (note 28), p. 106 note 5; in the title of

the Codex Rossiano 703 in the Vatican Library Niccolo
Niccoli is mentioned by name; in other MSS. there is only
reference to 'a certain Nicolaus'. See Almagia, p. 116.
45
Jacobs, (note 29), p. 317.
46
Legrand, op. cit., p. XXII. The last two figures (XX) were
obviously added to complete the acrostic; the contents of
the chapters have no further meaning.
47
The writing survives in a humanist anthology of Gambalunghiana of Rimini; see Weiss, Umanista, p. 109 note 46.
48
A. Campana,
'Da codici del Buondelmonti', in:
zantina in onore di Silvio Giuseppe
SiZZoge bi-
Mercati~
Rome, 1957,
pp. 33 and 35: 'scripsi hunc librum figuramque insule in
urbe Constantinopoli, die XVIII mensis Ianuarii MCCCCXXII'
(= Chigianus F IV, 74, fol. 25r - 50v in the Vatican
Library).
49
In all there are only six known codices with the Descriptio Insulae Cretae. See Almagia, op. cit., p. 106 and p.
115. Both the long and the short version of the Descriptio are published by F. Cornaro in: Creta Sacra~ I,
Venice, 1755, pp. 1-18 (short version) and pp. 77-109
(long version). They can also both be found in Legrand,
Description des tZes de Z'ArchipeZ par Christophe

BuondeZmonti~
Paris, 1897, pp. 101-37 (long version) and

pp. 139-56 (short one). Legrand's text is a rather better
version of the text by Cornaro in Creta Sacra.
NOTES TO P. 136
389
Both editions are based on the MS in the Biblioteca

Marciana in Venice, that originated from S. Michele de
Murano.
50
Jacobs, (note 29), pp. 319-24.

Lorenzo de Buondelmonti still had the work in about 1570,
but when the family died out in 1774 this book must have
got lost.
51
Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana A 12219 inf. and Ravenna,

Biblioteca Classence 308. For the passages about the
Sporades: G. Gerola, 'Le tredici Sporadi nel Codice
Classence di Cristoforo Buondelmonti', R. Deputazione
di Storia patria per le Romagne~ Atti e memorie~ Serie
IV, vol. 4 (1913/1914), pp. 450-84.
52
Of the shortened version many MSS exist; there are eight

in the Biblioteca Vaticana alone. Cf. Almagia, op. cit.,
p. 107.
53
For the various versions of the Liber Insularum Archipelagi: Weiss, Umanista, (note 30), pp. 107-8. The words
in which Buondelmonti refers to this earlier work,
tv Etv~ov (a gift) were not understood by later copyists,
and led to words such as 'ensenium' and 'anserinus'
creeping into the title, which people came to think referred to the author. See Legrand, (note 28), p. XXVI.
54
The shortened version of 1422 was published in 1824 by

G.R.L. de Sinner, Christoph Bondelmontii~ Florentini~
Liber Insularum Archipelagi~ Leipzig/Berlin, 1824, a
publication based on the Paris MS. A French translation
can be found in Legrand's edition of 1897. There is a
manuscript with many variants, dating from 1428 or 1429,
in England: No. 475 Holkham-Hall (Norfolk), cf. Legrand,
op. cit., p. IX and Campana, (note 48), p. 42 note 3.
More variants can be found in a so far unpublished Italian
version, which survives in Codex Rossiano 704 in the
Biblioteca Vaticana. This version certainly dates from
1430, and may go back to Buondelmonti himself. Cf. Almagia,
op. cit., pp. 105-6 (version C).
55
Buondelmonti's Latin shows an extremely strong Italian

influence. Some frequently made mistakes are: use of
genitive instead of ablative; nominative absolute construction; confusion of active and passive forms,
especially in deponentia; wrong declinations; confusion
of in with accusative and with ablative.
390
56
Liber Insularum Archipelagi (L.I.A.), preface. Also

Jacobs (note 29), p. 340, who points to the teaching
activity of Guarino in Florence, 1410-1414.
57
L.I.A., last sentence of the praefatio.
58
E. Jacobs, 'Neues von Cristoforo Buondelmonti', Jdi. 20

(1905), pp. 42-4; also N.A.E. Nordenskiold, PeripZus~
Stockholm, 1897, p. 59.
59
P. Revelli, ItaZia e iZ mar di Leva:nte~ Milano, 1917,

p. 128. Also Legrand, op. cit., pp. XXVIII-XXIX.
60
G. Gerola, 'Le vedute di Costantinopoli di Cristoforo

Buondelmonti', Studi bizantini e neoeUenici~ 3 (1931),
pp. 253ff.
61
Jacobs, Neues (note 58), p. 44. See also D. Silvestri,

proprietatibus~ C. Pecoraro (ed.),
Palermo, 1955.
De insuZis et earum
62
Weiss, Umanista (note 30), pp. 108-9; Nordenskiold,

op. cit., p. 59.
63
L. I. A. capita 61 (Sinner, p. 117) and 65 (Sinner p. 121).
64
Legrand, op. cit., p. XIV.
65
66
L.I.A. caput 58 (S. pp. 112-3).
67
Descriptio (long version), L. p. 131; Cornaro, p. 104.
68
Sinner, p. 22; Knowledge of Greek is shown in the Liber

Insularum Archipelagi mainly in the etymological explanations and mythological stories.
69
B. Gerola, 'Le etimologie dei nomi di luogo in Cristoforo

Buondelmonti', ReaZe Istituto Veneto di Scienze~ Zettere
ed arti~ Atti~ 92,2 (1932-1933), pp. 1129-74.
70
See also E. Jacobs, 'Zu Buondelmontis Kretischen Reisen',

in: Stephaniskos Ernst Fabricius zum VI.-IX. MDCCCCXXVII~
Freiburg, 1927, pp. 56ff.
71
Homer, Iliad~ 2, 649 and Vergil, Aeneid~ 3, 106; but in

the Odyssey (19, 174) there are ninety towns on the island
of Crete.
72
L.I.A. caput 11: 'habuit enim centum civitates quarum

vestigia ad sexagesimum accessi numerum'. Also S.A.
391
xanthoudides,' 6 ~a~os ~ou Ka~a~a

13 (1901), p. 310 note 1.
sv
Kpn~n~,
Athena~
73
Cf. for the absence of a feeling for the beauty of

nature in virtually all pre-Romantic authors: G. Steinhausen, 'Beitrage zur Geschichte des Reisens', Das Ausland~ 66 (1893), pp. 221-2; 234-7 and 250-1; also W.
Ganzenmliller, Das Naturgefuhl im Mittelalter~ LeipzigBerlin, 1914.
74
Descriptio, L. pp. 108-9: 'sunt asper1 1n bello in

montibusque velocissimi et usque ad X et centum annos
silvestras non cessant per montibus asperis invadere
capras. Pro bacco 1actem ut plurimum bibunt et dolores
infirmitatesque quasi omnes usque ad terminum mortis
ignorant!
75
Descriptio, L. p. 104 (birds); L. p. 127 (bees and the

smell of thyme).
76
Descriptio, L. pp. 101-2; p. 108; p. 129.
77
78
Descriptio, L. p. 129; According to Weiss, Umanista

(note 30), p. 113 the Nicolaus referred to was the Venetian patrician Niccolo Cornaro. The 'ex gente Scipionis'
points in this direction, see Jacobs (note 70), p. 60.
79
80
81
Descriptio, L. p. 129-30.
82
The fine statue of Diana or Venus near Phenix: Descriptio,

L. p. 110; the two statues of the apostles in Gortyn:
Descriptio, L. pp. 129-30.
83
84
85
86
87
Descriptio, L. p. 131; a more detailed discussion of the

monuments seen by Buondelmonti in Crete follows in Part
II, Ch. XV, Crete.
88
For the monks on the rocks,L.I.A., c. 7; for the description of the crater of Santorini, L.I.A., c. 19.
392
89
Rhodes, L.I.A., c. 13; Cos, L.I.A., c. 45.
90
L.I.A., introduction of c. 11.
91
Rhodes, L.I.A., c. 13.
92
Cos, L. I .A., c. 45.
93
See Part II, Islands of the Archipelago.
9lf
Chios, L.I.A., c. 58.
95
This picture of a ship, cut out of the rocks, may perhaps

be compared with the picture of a Hellenic triere, such
as is still to be seen today in Lindus on Rhodes.
96
Delos, L.I.A., c. 32; the remains of this gigantic statue

could still be seen on Delos several hundred years later;
Boschini (a 17th century geographer) writes the following
about it: '(si vede oggi) rovina d'un gran Colosso di
finissimo marmo, il quale giace per terra rotto in diverse
parti'; cf. Sinner, comment on p. 92.
97
Hellespont-Gallipoli, L.I.A., c. 61.
98
J.P.A. van der Vin, 'Een muntvondst in de Middeleeuwen',

'69~ January 1973, pp. 11-2.
Munt
99
That they were go ld co1ns
no t apparen t f ram th e
1s
version published by De Sinner, where there is only reference to 'argentum' in the sense of 'money'. In the
Greek version, published and trans.lated by Legrand,
there is definite mention of gold. Cf. Legrand, op. cit.,
p. 82, line 82.
100
For the completely different views of Sultan Murad I

(1362-1389): A.E. Vacalopoulos, Origins of the Greek
Nation; The Byzantine Period~ 1204-1461~ New Brunswick,
1970, p. 74.
1 01
L.I.A., c. 65; Sinner, p. 122; Legrand, p. 242.
102
Enea, the church named, according to a certain tradition,

after the nine angelic hosts, ~wv EvvEa ~ayui~wv.
103
For details see Part II, Ch. XVII, Constantinople,

monumental columns.
10lf
Ph. Williams Lehmann, 'Theodosius or Justinian? A Renaissance Drawing of a Byzantine Rider', The Art Bulletin~ 41 ( 1959 ), pp. 53-4; the two MSS with the added
passage are in Venice and Marburg respectively. The
393
Italian 'vulgate' version (Rossiano 704) also contains

this passage. See Almagia, (note 28), p. 114 note 3.
105 Weiss,
Umanista (note 30), p. 115; idem Almagia, op. cit.,

pp. 113-4 and note 3.
106
For a detailed discussion see Part II, Ch. XVII, Constantinople, column with statue of Justinian I.
107
B. Trapier, Les
1937, pp. 23-4.
108
M. V. Minorsky,
voyageurs Arabes au
Moyen-Age~ Paris,
'Geographes et voyageurs musulmans',
Bulletin de la Societe royale de Geographie
d'Egypte~
24 (1949), pp. 19ff.

109
A.-D. v. den Brincken, '

ut describeretur' (note 25),
p. 254 points out the difference with west-European
cartography, in which for a long time only general maps
of the world were drawn.
11 0
Minorsky, op. cit., p. 23.
111
F. Taeschner, 'Der Bericht des arabischen Geographen Ibn

al-Wardi Uber Konstantinopel', Beitrage zur historischen
Geographie~ Kulturgeographie~ Ethnographie und Kartographie~ vornehmlich des Orients~ H. M~ik (ed.), Leipzig/
Vienna, 1929, p. 84.

112
Geographie d'Aboulfeda~ M. Reinaud (ed.), II, Paris, 1848,

p. 315.
113
114
See the texts at the back, taken from Ibn Hauqal, Aboulfeda and the Hudud al-<Alam.
Ch. H. Haskins,
Studies in the History of Mediaeval
Science~ Cambridge (Mass.), 1924, p. 243; also Minorsky,
op. cit., p. 34. c. Jiricek, Die Heerstrasse von Belgrad

nach Constantinope~ Amsterdam2 , 1967, p. 82 gives as the
basis for his information reports by Italian merchants
and Norman envoys.
115
Geographie d'Idrisi~ A. Jaubert (ed.), II, Paris, 1841,

p. 127.
116
idem, pp. 299-303; Idrisi travelled around in Asia Minor

in 1117, in the vicinity of Nicomedia, Nicea and Ephesus;
he may also have visited Constantinople at that time.
117
Taeschner, (note 111), pp. 84-5.
394
118
For the poor quality of Ibn Battuta's geographical

observations: Kimble, (note 6), p. 125.
119
Text of al-Wardi in Taeschner, op. cit., pp. 88-91.

Chapter VIII
M. Sesan, 'La chute de Constantinople et les peuples
orthodoxes', Byzantinoslavica~ 14 (1953), p. 275.
Oxford Classical Dictionary~ s.v. Cicero; also Cicero,

De finibus bonorum et malorum~ V,1: Cicero's stay in
Athens.
The inhabitants of Southern Italy and Sicily were mainly

immigrants who had settled there from the 5th century
A.D. onwards. The Greek culture from the centuries before
Christ had become so Latinized in the time of the empire
that it disappeared completely. Cf. P. Charanis, 'On the
question of the Hellenization of Sicily and Southern
Italy during the Middle Ages', American Historical
Review~ 52 (1946-47), pp. 74ff.
R. Jenkins, Byzantium~ The Imperial Centuries~

1071, London, 1966, p. 164.
R. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations~ voyages~ traffiques

and discoveries of the English Nation~ IV, Glasgow,
A.D. 610-
1904, p. 281: " .... undertook a long journey, even as

farre as Athens and there spent many yeres in the studie
of the Greeke, Chaldie and Arabian tongues; he there
frequented all the places and schooles of the Philosophers,
and the oracle also of the Sunne, which Aesculapius had
built unto himselfe".
6
M. Cappuyns, Jean Scot Erigene~ sa vie~ son oeuvre~ sa

pensee~ Leuven 2 , 1964, p. 12 and pp. 146-8. For his
knowledge of Greek: idem, pp. 137ff.
Hakluyt, op. cit., pp. 282-3 (= William of Malmesbury,

Anglorum~ II, eh. 13.)
De gestis regum
8
E. Jamison, 'The Sicilian Norman Kingdom in the Mind of

Anglo-Norman Contemporaries', Proceedings.of the British
Academy~ 24 (1938), p. 272.
Ch. H. Haskins, Studies in the History of Mediaeval
Cambridge (Mass.), 1924, pp. 31-4 and p. 42.
Science~
10
Haskins, op. cit., p. 26 note 38; Adelard,
Quaestiones
naturales~
395
eh. 16: Tarsus; eh. 32: Oriens and eh. 51:
Anttoch.
11
For the activities in the field of Greek studies at St.

Denis: R. Weiss, 'Lo studio del greco all'abbazia di San
Dionigi durante il Medioevo', in: Medieval and Humanist
Greek~ collected Essays by R. Weiss~ Padova, 1977, pp.
44ff. Greek MSS were scarce in western Europe in the
12th-14th century. See B. Altaner, 'Griechische Codices
in abendlandischen Bibliotheken des XIII. und XIV. Jahrhunderts', BZ. 36 (1936), pp. 32-5.
12
Weiss, op. cit., pp. 49-50.
13
A. Birkenmajer, 'Decouverte de fragments de David de

Dinant', Revue neo-scolastique de philosophie~ 35 (1933),
pp. 220-9.
14
A passage in a MS in the library of Ghent, No. 5 (416),

f. 182v -183r, probably refers to the same David:
Aptideni commilitoni mea in gimnasio greco magister
David salutem. See Birkenmajer, op. cit., p. 222.
15
K.M. Setton, 'Athens in the later Twelfth Century',

19 (1944), p. 183.
Speculum~
16
Matthaei Parisiensis~ Monachi Sancti Albani~ Chronica

Majora~
H.R. Luard (ed.), V (1248-1259 A.D.), London,

1880, pp. 284-7.
17
John was a pupil of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of

Lincoln, who was very interested in the Greek language,
John told him what he 'quando studuit Athenis, viderat
et audierat ab peritis Graecorum doctoribus quaedam
Latinis incognita' (= Chronica Majora~ V, p. 285).
18
Chronica Majora~ V, p. 286; for the eternity of wisdom

see also Ecclesiasticus, 24, 14.
19
Chronica Majora~ V, pp. 286-7: 'Quaedam puella, filia

archiepiscopi Atheniensis, nomine Constantina, nondum
vicesimum agens annum virtutibus praedita, omnem trivii
et quadrivii noverat difficultatem .... Haec magistra fuit
magistri Johannis et quicquid boni scivit in scientia,
ut saepe asseruit, licet Parisius diu studuisset et legisset, ab ea mendicaverat'.
Cf.
I.C. Thallon, 'A mediaeval Humanist: Michael Akominatos', in: Vassar Mediaeval Studies~ Chr. Forsyth Fiske
(ed.), New Haven, 1923, pp. 275-314, especially pp. 289-90.
396
21
Michael Choniates, Epistulae~ 119,2 (ed. S. Lampros).

t~ yap xa~ na~nP oux yEv6unv.
22
For Georgius Bourtzes: P.N. Papageorgiou, 'Zu Theodoretos

und Georgios Burtzes', BZ. 2 (1893), pp. 589-90.
Bourtzes died in 1180; cf. K.M. Setton, 'A Note on
Michael Choniates, Archbishop of Athens (1182-1204)',
Speculum~ 21 (1946), pp. 234-5.
23
Setton (note 15), p. 205.
24
Thallon, op. cit., p. 289.
25
Chronica Majora~ V, p. 286.
26
idem, p. 287: 'haec puella pestilentias, tonitrua,

ecclipsim et quod mirabilius fuit terrae motum praedicens
omnes suos auditores infallibiliter praemunivit '.
27
L. Thorndike, 'Relation between Byzantine and western

Science and pseudo-Science before 1350', Janus~ 51
(1964), p. 14. Liudprand, Legatio~ eh. 39-40.
28
W.W. Greg, 'John of Basing's 'Greek' Numerals',

ser. IV, 4 (1923-24), pp. 53-8.
The
Library~
29
Setton, (note 15), pp. 187ff. with references to the

various lectures and letters.
30
A. Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum~ I, Berlin,

1874, p. 215, no. 2512. (= Migne, PL~ 215, cols. 636-7).
31
Potthast, op. cit., p. 215, no. 2513 (= Migne,

637-8).
32
Cf. E. Egger, L'Hellenisme en France~ I, Paris, 1867,

p. 49; also A.H.L. Heeren, Geschiedenis der classische
Literatuur~ Rotterdam, 1827, p. 306 (note) and K.M.
Setton, 'The Byzantine Background to the Italian Renaissance', Proceedings of the American Philosophical
Society~ 100 (1956), p. 31 note 9.
33
H. Hunger, 'Von Wissenschaft und Kunst der frlihen Palaiologenzeit', Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinischen
Gesellschaft~ 8 (1959), pp. 147ff.
34
R. Weiss, 'The Study of Greek in England during the

fourteenth Century', Rinascimento~ 2 (3-4), (1951),
pp. 209-18. Also M. Roncaglia, Les freres mine~s et
l'eglise orthodoxe au XIIIe siecle (1231-12?4}~ Cairo,
1954, p. 247.
PL. 215,
397
Bacon~ E. Nolan- S.A. Hirsch

(eds.), Cambridge, 1902, p. 31: 'et adhuc vestigia restant
(in illa parte Ytalie que antiquitus dicebatur Magna
Grecia, quia magna multitudo grecorum ibi confugerat) nam
in regno Scicilie multe ecclesie grecorum et populi
multi sunt qui veri greci sunt et grecas antiquitates
observant'.
35
The Greek Grammar of Roger
36
See e.g. Opus Maius~

1897, p. 66.
37
E.g. the humanist scholar Rinuccio Aretino: see D.P.

Lockwood, 'De Rinucio Aretino Graecarum Litterarum
Interprete', Harvard Studies in Classical Philology~
24 (1913), pp. 51-2.
38
Cf. R. Weiss, 'Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia (c. 1360-1410/

11)', in: Medieval and Humanist Greek~ collected Essays
by R. Weiss~ Padova, 1977, pp. 255-60.
39
Weiss, op. cit., 257-8.
40
Weiss,
41
Cf. D.J. Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice. Studies

in the Dissemination of Greek Learning from Byzantium to
western Europe, Cambridge (Mass.), 1962.
III, J.H. Bridges (ed.), I, London,
'Ciriaco d'Ancona in Oriente', in: idem: p. 285.
Chapter IX
1
Ch. Schefer, 'Aboul Hassan Aly El Herewi,

Indications
sur les lieux de Pelerinage', Archives de l'Orient latin~
I (1881), pp. 587-609. Also A.A. Vasiliev, 'Quelques
remarques sur les voyageurs du Moyen Age a Constantinople',
Melanges Ch. Diehl~ I, Paris, 1930, pp. 294-6.
Schefer, op. cit., p. 588.
Vasiliev, op. cit., p. 294.
4
5
7
8
idem.
Schefer, op. cit., p. 591 and note 12 about this action
by the Crusaders.
Vasiliev, op. cit., p. 296; information about Kazwini in:
idem, p. 296 notes 5 and 6.
See Part II, Ch. XVII, Constantinople, Hippodrome.
For the biography and travels of Ibn Battuta:
Ibn Battuta~
398
Africa~
1325-1354~ H.A.R. Gibb (ed.),
London, 1929, introduction. Also the detailed edition
by the same Gibb: The Travels of Ibn Battuta (A.D. 13251354)~ 3 vols, Cambridge, 1958-1970.
Travels in Asia and
Travels~
II, Cambridge, 1962, p. 497.
10
Gibb dismisses the doubts that have been felt about

this visit of Ibn Battuta to Constantinople. He shows that
many aspects of the work are characteristic of an eyewitness account. See Gibb, Ibn Battuta (note 8), p. 13.
11
Bayaloun is a Turkish name, probably derived from the

word 'bayan' (rich). For a discussion of who this princess
may have been: M. Izeddin, 'Ibn Battouta et la topographie
byzantine', in: Actes du VIe congres d'etudes byzantines~
II, Paris, 1951, pp. 191-2.
With regard to the marriage of a daughter of the basileus
to a Scythian Mongolian ruler, Ibn Battuta's story is
confirmed by a letter by Gregory Acindynus, written in
Constantinople in the spring of 1341. See P. Lemerle,
L'emirat d'Aydin; Byzance et l'Occident; Recherches sur

'La Geste d'Umur Pacha'~ Paris, 1957, p. 255.
12
See also Part II, Ch. XVII, Constantinople, Hagia Sophia.
13
Travels~ II (ed. Gibb), Cambridge, 1962, p. 514. It is not

possible to trace the exact route, as Ibn Battuta's geographical details are not very accurate; for this see G.
H.T. Kimble, Geography in the Middle Ages~ London, 1938,
pp. 125-7.
Chapter X
Jean de Mandeville, Johannes de Montavilla, Sir John

Maundeville.
The work has been translated into almost all the European
languages, and survives in more than 300 MSS. For the
Dutch edition: N.A. Cramer, De reis van Jan van Mandeville~
Leyden, 1908. Before 1500, twenty-five editions of Mandeville were published, as opposed to five of Marco Polo's
account of his travels~
F. Deycks, Ueber altere Pilgerfahrten nach Jerusalem~

M'Unster, 1848, p. J.J3: 'Johannes von Montevilla ... der
am wenigsten Glauben in Anspruch nehmen darf'.
NOTES TO P. 167
399
4 A.
Bovenschen, 'Untersuchungen liber Johann von Mandeville und die Quellen seiner Reisebeschreibung', Zeitschrift der GeselZschaft fUr Erdkunde zu Berlin~ 23
(1888) pp. 177-306.
The buke of John MaundeviZl being the travels of Sir

John Mandeville~ knight 1322-1356~ G.F. Warner (ed.),
Westminster, 1889.
In the 13th and 14th century there was in fact a noble

family called de Mandeville. By 1350, however, they were
no longer important; their fame belonged to the preceding
period. A real John Mandeville appears to have travelled
in the Levant in about 1310. See F.W. Maitland (ed.),
Yearbooks of Edward II~ 1307-1309~ vol. I, London, 1903,
p. 22 and idem, Introduction, p. XXXII.
On the subject of the fraud that Jean de Bourgogne

committed even on his death bed: Bovenschen, op. cit.,
205. Mandeville's grave in the church of the Wilhelmites
in Liege was already visited by many people soon after
his death, which shows how famous his work had already
become in a short time. People even made detours of
several miles to do so, such as Jacob Pliterich von
Reichertshausen, in about 1450-1460. This Jacob also
made a note of the inscription on the gravestone, which
was as follows:
'Hie iacet vir nobilis dominus Johannes de Mandeville,
alias dictus ad Barbam, miles, dominus de Campdi, natus
de Anglia, medicinae professor, devotissimus orator et
bonorum suorum largissimus pauperibus erogator qui toto
quasi orbe lustrato Leodii diem vite sue clausit extremum anno domini MCCCLXXII mensis novembris die XVII.'
See Bovenschen, op. cit., pp. 184-9.
Mandeville's sources have been traced as far as possible

by Bovenschen and Warner; also in Beazley, The Dawn of
Modern Geography~ I, London, 1897, pp. 321-2 (especially
note 5); see also Cramer (note 2), pp. IX-XI. See also
M. Letts, MandeviZle's Travels~ London, 1953, who believes, unlike Bovenschen, in the authenticity of the
passage about the visit to the court of the sultan of
Egypt (p. XXXV). For discussion on this point: R. Fazy,
'Jehan de Mandeville,ses voyages et son sejour discute
en Egypte', Etudes asiatiques~ 1-4 (1950), pp. 30-54.
400
9
For the journey of Brother Odoricus de Portu Naonis: A.

van den Wyngaert, o.f.m., Sinica franciscana, I,
Quaracchi-Firenze, 1929, pp. 381-495 (text and
introduction).
~ For the various translations: Letts, op. cit., Introduction,

pp. XXVIIIff, and pp. XXXVff.
11
M. Letts, Sir John Mandeville, London, 1949, p. 42.
12
Brunetto Latini, Li liures dou Tresor~ P. Chabaille (ed.),

Paris, 1863. The author was a Florentine, who wrote a
sort of encyclopedia during his exile in France between
1260 and 1267.
13
Speculum naturale~ VI, 21.
~ Historia Scholastica (1169-1176), see Migne PL~ CXCVIII,
cols. 1053-1644. For centuries this biblical history was

used as a text book in the schools. The author, an eminent
French theologian (1100-1178) got his nickname because of
the quantities of books he devoured. He worked in Troyes
and in Paris.
15
See part II, Archipelago.

Chapter XI
B. Altaner, 'Sprachkenntnisse und Dolmetscherwesen im

missionarischen und diplomatischen Verkehr zwischen Abendland und Orient im 13. and 14. Jahrhundert', Zeitschrift
fUr Kirchengeschichte~ 55 (1936), pp. 83-126.
idem, 'Die Durchflihrung des Vienner Konzilsbeschlusses liber
die Errichtung von Lehrstlihlen fUr Orientalische Sprachen'
Zeitschrift fUr Kirchengeschichte~ 52 (1933), pp. 226-36.
idem, 'Die Kenntnis des griechischen in den Missionsorden
wahrend des 13. und 14. J ahrhunderts' ., Zei tschri ft fUr
Kirchengeschichte~ 53 (1934), pp. 436-93.
R. Weiss, 'The translators from the Greek of the Angevin

Court of Naples', Rinascimento~ 1 (3-4), (1950), pp. 195225.
Idem, 'The Greek Culture of South Italy in the Later
Middle Ages', Proceedings of the British Academy~ 37
401
(1951), pp. 23-50.

idem, 'The Study of Greek in England during the fourteenth
Century', Rinascimento 2 (3-4), (1951), pp. 209-39
idem, 'England and the Decree of the Council of Vienne on
the Teaching of Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, and Syriac',
BibZiotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance~14 (1952), pp. 1-9,
A Collection of studies by R. Weiss has recently appeared:
MedievaZ and Humanist

Weiss~
3
Greek~
coZZected Essays by Roberto
Padova, 1977.
B. Bischoff, 'Das griechische Element in der Abendlandischen Bildung des Mi ttelal ters' , BZ~ 44 (~95.1), pp. 32-9.
For the fact that most people could no longer read sentences, but only knew some words from glossaries: D.
Comparetti, VirgiZ im MitteZaZter~ Leipzig, 1875, pp.
150-1. Also M.L.W. Laistner, 'The Revival of Greek in
Western Europe in the Carolingian Age', History~ 9 ( Oct.
1924), pp. 177-87.
For the loss of the knowledge of Greek~ G. Highet,
The
Tradition~ Greek and Roman InfZuences on Weste;m.

Literature~ Oxford, 1967, pp. 13-4. Interest survived
CZassicaZ
chiefly in Ireland and England, and in St. Denis near

Paris.
6
Pope Zacharias, himself a Greek from Calabria, described

Theodorus to St. Boniface as follows: Ex Graeco Latinus
ante philosophus et Athenis eruditus Romae ordinatus, cf.
Migne, PL.
89, col. 943c. Also: R. Weiss, 'Greek in
Western Europe at the End of the Middle Ages', in:
MedievaZ and Humanist Greek~ Padova, 1977, pp. 3-12.
Bischoff, op. cit., pp. 45-8 discusses various scholars
who were concerned with the study of Greek in the 7th to
~Oth centuries. For the knowledge of John Scotus: M.
Cappuyns, Jean Scat Erigene~ sa vie~ son oeuvre~ sa
pensee~ Louvain2 , 1964, p. 386.
For a glossary of this sort: M.L.W. Laistner, 'Notes on
Greek from the Lectures of a ninth Century Monastery
Teacher', BuZZetin of the John RyZands Library~ Manchester~
7 (1922), pp. 4~-56.
402
9
K.M. Setton, 'The Byzantine Background to the Italian

Renaissance', Proceedings of the American PhiZosophicaZ
Society 3 100 (1956) , p. 6 note 19. Also R. Weiss, 'Lo
studio del greco all'abbazia di San Dionigi durante il
medioevo', Rivista di storia deZZa chiesa in ItaZia3 6
(1952), pp. 426-38.
For
the constant need to translate acts of the concilium

and other documents: H. Steinacker, 'Die romische Kirche
und die griechischen Sprachkenntnisse des Fruhmittelalters',
MitteiZungen des Instituts filr Oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung3 62 (1954), pp. 28-66. Also, Comparetti (note 4),
p. 150.
11
Steinacker, op. cit., p. 39 (Ravenna) and p. 49 (Coelestinus}.
12
Knowledge of Latin went on for quite a long time in the

Byzantine empire, though it was mostly in the field of
government, military organization and law; certainly it
was not widespread. Cf. K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der
byzantinischen Litteratur3 Munchen, 1897, p. 4.
13
V. Gardthausen, 'Die griechische Schrift des Mittelalters

im Westen Europas', Byzantinisch-neugriechische JahrbUcher38 (1929-1930), p. 114; Gregory himself writes: nos
nee graece novimus nee aliquod opus aliquando graece
conscripsimus (Reg. XI, 55) and: quamvis graecae linguae
nescius (Reg. VII, 29).
14
Steinacker, op ci t. , pp. 58-9.
15
Liudprand regularly uses Greek words, adding 'id est' and

the Latin equivalent as a translation for the benefit of
the reader.
16
MGH.SS. 2, 122-3 (ed. Pertz),
= Ekkehardi IV Casus S.
Galli, eh. 10. Also R. Jenkins, Byzantium3 the ImperiaZ
Centuries 3 A.D. 610-10?1 3 London, 1966, p. 263 and p. 269.
The legation of Liutefredus in 949 probably had to do with
the preparations for this wedding. The candidate proposed
by the Byzantine government, however, Romanus II, made a
different choise.
NOTES TO P. 174
403
See for Hadwiga also: P. Me Nulty and B. Hamilton, 'Orientale lumen et magistra latinitas: Greek influences on Western
Monasticism (900-1100)', in: Le Mil"lenaire du Mont Athos~
963-1963~ ttudes et Melanges~ I, Chevetogne, 1963, p. 195
and E. Mtintz, 'Les artistes byzantins dans l'Europe latine
du Ve au xve siecle', Revue de l'art chretien~ 36 (1893),
p. 185.
17 Ch. H. Haskins,
'The Greek Element in the Renaissance of

the 12th Century', American Historical Review~ 25 (1920,
pp. 603-15.
18
With regard to the collection of Greek MSS, and their

removal to the West, some caution is called for. In Italian
literature, in particular, the impression is sometimes
given that people like Burgundio of Pisa, like the
humanists of a few centuries later, travelled around with
the sole intention of tracing manuscripts. This, however,
is very far from the truth.
For this see: P. Classen, Burgundio von Pisa~ Richter~
Gesandter~ Uebersetzer~ Heidelberg, 1974, p. 22.
19
The most famous translator of Galenus and of the Corpus

Hippocraticum was Niccolo da Reggio (c. 1280-1345). He
worked specially for the Angevin kings Charles II and
Robert I (1285-1309-1343). His method of translation was
Ad verbum~ as was customary at that time; thus he worked
'nihil addens minuens vel permutans' but nevertheless
with some degree of insight. Of. F. lo Parco, 'Niccolo
da Reggio. Antesignano del Risorgimento dell' antichita
ellenica nel secolo XIV', Atti della reale Accademia di
Archeologia~ Lettere e Belle Arti~ (N.S.) 2 (1910), pp.
243-311; later published separately, Napoli, 1913, pp.
1-33. See also M.R. James, The ancient Libraries of
Canterbury and Dover~ Cambridge, 1903, pp. 55-6 for the
numerous medical treatises in Christ Church in the 13th
- 14th century.
20
21
Comparetti, (note 4), p. 151 note 2 and p. 152.

R. R. Bolgar, The Classical Heritage and its Beneficiaries~
Cambridge, 1954, p. 482. It was in Italy in 1454 that
the work of Pausanias first became known: it formed part
of the Library of Francesco Barbaro at the time. See A.
NOTES TO P. 175
404
T;ravers~ri, Epistulae~
VI,
~0.
For the ;ptolemy edit'ion:
chapter on geographers.
22
23
24
Cf. R. Weiss, 'The Study of Greek in England during the

fourteenth Century', Rinascimento~ II, (3-4), (~951), pp.
209ff. Also J.C. Russell, 'The Preferments and ~diutores'
of Robert Grosseteste', Harvard Theological Review~ 26
(1933), pp. 16~-72.
Weiss, op. cit., pp.
2~8ff.
A. Hofmeister, 'Studien iiber Otto von Freising', Neues

37 (~9~2). pp. 68~-92.
Archiv~
25
For a first orientation in this field: R. Weiss, 'The Greek

Culture of South Italy in the later Middle Ages',
Proceedings of the Britisch Academy~ 37 (1951), pp. 23-50;
C. Marinesco, 'L'enseignement du grec dans l'Italie
meridionale avant 1453, d'apres un document inedit',
Comptes rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles

Lettres~
1948, pp. 304-12. For the importance of Arab

learning in the South of Italy: R. Walzer, 'Arabic Transmission of Greek Thought to Mediaeval Europe', Bulletin
of the John Rylands Library~ 29 (1945), I. pp. 160ff. For
the activities in England see especially R. Weiss (note
22).
26
P. de Nolhac, 'Petrarque et Barlaam', REG. 5 (1892) p. 95;

Weiss, Greek Culture (note 25), pp. 46-7.
27
For the work of Leontius Pilatus: G. Billanovich, 'I pr1m1

umanisti e l'antichita classica', in: Classical Influences
on European Culture~ A.D. 500-1500~ R.R. Bolgar (ed.),
Cambridge, 1971, p. 62. Also P.G. Ricci, 'La prima cattedra di greco a Firenze', Rinascimento~ 3(1)~ (195~), pp.
159-65.
28
For the importance of Chrysoloras, especially in relation

to the many Greek scholars after him who came to Italy
from Byzantium; D.J. Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice.
Studies in the Dissemination of Greek Learning from

Byzantium to Western Europe~ Cambridge (Mass.), 1962,
especially the introduction and chapter I, 'Byzantium and
Venice.'
405
For the somewhat over-enthusiastic comments of humanists

such a Ambrosio Traversari and Leonardo Bruni with regard
to the teaching of Manue1 Chrysoloras: Setton (note 9), p.
69 note 1 (Traversari) and p. 50 (note 49) (Bruni).
29
See chapter on merchants.
30
Eustathius, Opuscula~ ed. Tafel, p. 275. See L. Halphen,

Le role des 'Latins' dans l'histoire interieure de
Constantinople a la fin du XIIe siecle' , Melanges Ch.
Diehl~ Paris, 1930, pp. 141-5.
31
Ch. H. Haskins, Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science~

Cambridge (Mass.}, 1924, p. 198 note 27; also W. Heyd,
Histoir>e du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age~ I, Leipzig,
1886, p. 196 note 4.
32
The spelling of this name is found in various different

forms: In Burgundian it is spelt 1 Sethynes' and in Catalan
"Cetines'. The first use of this name for Athens is found
in a document from l278, see A. Rubid y Lluch, 'Atenes
en temps dels catalans-', Institut d 'Estudis Catalans~
Anuari~ l907, p. 234. Only from about the mid-fifteenth
century is the name 'Acropolis' used (Cyriacus of Ancona).
33
Cf. for a number of these word formations: R. Pashley,

Crete~ I, London, 1837, p. 2 note 2, and J.
Longnon, 'Les noms de lieu de la Grece franque'. Journal
des Savants~ 1960, pp. 97ff.
Travels in
34
For this subject: D.J. Georgacas, 'The Names of

Constantinople', Transactions of the American Philological
Association~ 78 (1947), pp. 347-67. Georgacas believes
that the 'i' in Istanbul did not originate from ELQ, but
was taken to be a Turkish prefix. The city of Constanti~
nople appears to have been called n:6A.t.~ by the Greeks from
an early date; this is seen, for example, from 7th century
Chinese sources, where there is a reference to Fu-lin.
Cf. H. Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither~ London, l866,
pp. LVII-LXI.
35
Cf. W. Heyd, op. cit., pp. 540-l. The same etymological

explanation is found in Ludolf yon Sudheim: Altelot; cf.
edition by Deycks, p. 25.
406
The Turkish name Ayasolouk is derived rom the same Greek

root. For more medieval names and their etymological
explanation: J. Longnon, op. cit., and W. Miller, The Latins
in the Levant~ London, 1908, pp. 158-9. The late medieval
passion or etymologizing comes out extremely clearly in
the work of Buondelmonti, who without much insight,
replaces all sorts of Greek names by Latin equivalents.
of TudeZa~
36
See The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin

(ed.), II. London, 1840, p. 37.
37
Only the few participants rom the South of Italy and

Sicily can be assumed ~v have had any knowledge of Greek,
as did the Venetians and, in the ~4th - ~5th. century the
Knights of the Hospital of St. John at Rhodes.
38
See J. de Bongars (ed.},

Hanoviae, ~6~~. p. 47~.
39
P. Riant, 'Des depouilles religieuses enlevees a

Cons,tantinople au XIIIe siecle et des documents historiques nes de leur transport en occident',Memoires de Za
Societe NationaZe des Antiquaires de France~ IVe Serie,
VI (1875), pp. 65ff. Also, Riant, Exuviae sacrae
constantinopoZitanae~ I, Geneva, 1877, pp. 39-41 with
reference to the Translatio of the skull of St. John
the Baptist.
40
Gesta Dei per Francos~
A. Asher
I,
Cf. B. Bischoff, 'The Study of foreign Languages in the

Middle Ages', Speculum~ 36 (~961), pp. 2~8ff.
41
It is not certain whether these were intended or

travelling Jews or for pilgrims to Palestine.
42
Bischoff, op. cit., p. 220. Also Die PiZgerfahrt des

Bitters ArnoZd van Harff in den Jahren 1496 bis 1499~
E. von Groote (ed}, Cologne, ~860, pp. 75-6 (Greek), pp,
~12-4 (Arabic), pp. 187-9 (Jewish) etc.
43
In the archives from the period of the Latin domination

of Greece only a few Greek names can be fOund, such as
those of the notaries Demetrius Rendi and Nicolas Macri,
who occupied important administrative posts in Athens in
the Catalan period.
407
See K.M. Setton, The CataZan

(Mass.), 1948, pp. !ll8-20.
44
45
Domination of
Athens~ Cambridge
In the monastery of Iviron on Mount Athos there is a Greek

manuscript that contains the story of Barlaam and Joas~:~oph,
from the beginning of the 13th. century; in the margin
there is a good, literal translation in French, probably
the work of a cleric who knew both languages. P. Meyer,
'Fragments d 1 une ancienne traduction de Barlaam et Joasaph',
BibZiotheque de Z'EcoZe des Chartes~ 6e serie, II, (1876),
pp. 313-30.
Chronique de Moree
(1204-1305)~
J. Longnon (ed.), Paris,
1911, par. 308, p. 112.

46
47
Setton (note 9), p. 40 note 14.

idem, p. 40 note 15. The same story is found in: Istoria
deZ Regno di Romania by Marino Sanudo from Torsello;
see Chronique& greco-romanes~ Ch. Hopf (ed.), Berlin, 1873,
p. 121.
48
49
50
51
52
Miller (note 35), p. 134: 'which seems to have become

proverbial in Greece'.
idem, pp. 153-4.
Classen (note 18), pp. 11-3.
Setton ( no t e 9) , p. 32 .
Cf. B. Altaner, 'Die Kenntnis des Griechischen in den
Missionsorden wahrend des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts',
Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte~ 53 (1934), pp. 446-7,
where a passage is quoted from the OpuscuZum tripartitum
by Humbertus de Romanis (II, c. 17): Nunc autem proh
dolor! ita pauci sunt inter Latinos qui sciant (Graecorum}
linguam, quod vix in curia etiam Romana invenitur quandoque, qui literas quas Graeci mittunt interdum sciant
legere. Et quandocumque mittuntur aliqui ad eos, oportet
habere interpretes de quibus nescitur utrum plene
intelligant illam linguam vel, si sciant earn, utrum
fideliter interpretentur. (Humbertus was the fourthgeneration superior of the Dominicans, c. 1255).
408
53
54
55
Altaner, Sprachkenntnisse
(note~),
pp. 85-94.
idem, pp. 90-2

See F. Babinger, 'Johannes Darius (14~4-~494) , Sachwal ter
Venedigs im Morgenland, und sein griechischer Umkreis',
Sitzungshericht der Bayrischer Akademie von Wissenschaften>

196~,
56
57
58
59
60
Heft 5, p. 5.
The study of Arabic was especially an ideal of Raymundus

Lullus, who laboured all his life to achieve it, his
motives being missionary and military. See A.S. Atiya,
The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages> London, 1938, p. 83.
Altaner, Durchfilhrung (note 1), pp. 226-36.
Idem, pp. 227-8.
In about 1342 the famous Barlaam of Seminara taught Greek
for some time at Avignon to future missionaries. He does
not appear to have had an immediate successor; the Chair
apparently remained vacant for some time. See further R.
Weiss, 'Per la storia degli studi greci alla curia papale
nel tardo duecento e nel trecento', in: Medieval und
Humanist Greek> Padova, 1977, pp. 193-203.
Weiss, England and the Decree (note 2), pp.
~-7.
Altaner, Durchftihrung (note 1), pp. 232-3. Also R. Weiss,

'Lo studio del greco all'universita di Parigi alla fine
del medioevo', in:Medieval and Humanist Greek> Padova,
1977, pp. 60-4.
PART
II
NOTES
Introduction
Odo of Deuil, Ludolf von Sudheim; see also Ignatius of
Smolensk.
2
See the chapters about envoys, missionaries and knowledge

of the language.
Marino
Brocardus, Wilhelm von Boldensele, Ludolf von Sudheim,

Buondelmonti.
See the information given as an introduction to each text.
Sanudo, Johann Schiltberger.
Cf. J.K.
Crusades~
Touring in 1600~ London, 19~9, p. 101.

Wright, Geogra:phicaZ. Lore of the Time of the
E.S. Bates,
New York, 1925, pp. 63-4.
G. Steinhausen, 'Beitrage zur Geschichte des Reisens',

AusZ.and~ 66 (1893), pp. 234-7 and 250-3.
Das
9
10
11
12
In his attitude towards antique ruins Buondelmonti stands

alone.
Arethas was banned to the thema Hellas in 905-906 because
of his opposition to the intended fourth marriage of
Emperor Leo VI; cf. J. Herrin,'Aspects of the Process of
Hellenization in the early Middle Ages', BSA. 68 (1973),
p. 125. The power of the pi,rates Arethas mentions was so
great that in 904 even Thessalonica was captured and
plundered by Leo of Tripoli.
See e.g. Michael Choniates, EpistuZ.ae~ lOO, 29-31, S.
Lampros (ed.), II, pp. 169-70.
In a letter !rom Despot Manuel Ducas to Patriarch Germanus
of Nicea. See; F. Miklosich-J. MUller (ed.), Acta et
dipZ.omata graeca medii aevi~ III, Vienna ~865, doe. XIII,
p. 61. See also: P. Charanis, 'Piracy in the Aegean during
the Reign of Michael VIII Palaeologus", Mel-anges Henri
410
Gregoipe~
B~ussels, l950, pp. l27ff. Much of the infor~ation

is taken from Marino Sanudols Secreta fidelium crucis (ed.
J. de Bongars).
13
St. Elias, of Cas,trogiovanni was able to travel around freely in Moslim territory, but was arrested as a spy in Byzantine SQuthern Italy. See A.R. Lewis, Navel Power and Trade
in the Mediterranean~ Princeton, l95l, p. l75 note 248. In
the Vita of Meletius, bishop of Antioch, (4th. century)
there is smne mention of pilgrims who were blown off course
by contrary winds and landed in Piraeus, where they were
imprisoned as enemies of the Emperor; with the help of St.
Meletius they regained their freedom. Cf. G. Stadtmiiller,
'Michael Choniates, Metropolit von Athen, (ea. 1138 - ea.
1222)', Orientalia Christiana, 33,2 (l934), p. 147 note 3.
14
W. Miller, The Latins in the Levant~ London, l908, p. 267.

Marino Sanudo, Secreta fidelium crucis~ J. de Bongars (ed.)
p. 68 says that the best wood, needed for a possible Crusade
was to be found in Attica, in the Morea and on Euboea.
15
Untersuchungen ilber die Reise- und Marschgeschwindigkeit im XII.

und XIII. Jahrhundert~ Berlin, l897, especially pp. 179ff.
Cf. K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant~ I. Philadelphia,
l976, p. l5l; Ch. Perret and J. Longnon, Actes relatifs
a la principaute de Moree (1289-1300)~ Paris, 1967, does.
16
For the speed of travel on land or on sea: F. Ludwig,
58, 73, 77, 84-85, 98, ll4, l32, 203, 209.

17
Le voyage d'outremer de Bertrandon de la
Broquiere~
Ch.
Schefer (ed.), Paris l892, p. 167.

18
G.F. Hertzberg, Geschichte Griechenlands~ I. Gotha, 1876,

pp. l2-3 and E. Ziebarth, 'Gasthaiiser im alten Griechenland', Eis mnemen S. Lamprou~ Athens, l935, p. 343 in
connection with the many inns etc. along the road from
Athens to Oropus. See also Geografi graeci minores~ I,
p. lOO.
19
B.H.D. Hermesdorf, De
l957, p. 6 and p. l7.
20
21
herberg in de
Nederlanden~
Assen,
See the biography of Niccolo da Martoni in Part I,

Pilgrimages.
Relation des voyages de Saewulf

Sainte~ pendant les annees 1102
a Jerusalem
et~103~
et en Terre
Ed. d'Avezac,
NOTES TO PP.
~86
4~1
- 190
Paris, ~839, p. 836. Also C.P. Bracken, Antiquities

Greece~ London, ~975, p.
acquired. The Spoliation of

22
23
-;
Revat~on~
9~-2.
L. le Grand (ed.), p. 656.
Benjamin of Tudela; Cristoforo Buondelmonti.

Chapter XII
1
2
Cf.
Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie~ s.v. Demetrius.
This, is well illustrated in the
Thessalonique au quatorzieme
bibli~graphy
of 0. Tafrali,
in which
siecle~ Paris, ~913,
hardly any western sources appear.

3
Harun-ibn-Yahya, Foucher of Chartres, Bartolf of Nangis,

Idrisi, Benjamin of Tudela, Ignatius of Smolensk, Schiltberger.
A.E. Vacalopoulos, A History of Thessaloniki~ Thessalonike,
~963, passi-m. For the attack by Leo of Tripoli in 904: A.
Struck, 'Die Eroberung Thessalonikes durch die Sarazenen im
Jahre 904', BZ. 14 (1905), pp. 535ff.
Tafrali, op, cit., passim; Cf. the description by Cameniates, eh. 9, p. 500, 13 - 501, 6 (ed. Bonn) in: st~ ~nv
O)..u:a~., v Tf}~ 8sc:x:x:x/...ovCKn~.
J. Longnon,
'La reprise de Salonique par les Grecs en 1224',
Actes du VIe congres international d'etudes

I, Paris,
7
~950,
pp.
byzantines~
14~ff.
Cameniates (note 5), eh. 9; for the 12th century:

Eustathius, De capta Thessalonica~ eh. 72 and eh. 113
(ed. Bonn).
Vacalopoulos, op. cit., p. 50; in the treaty of March.
127/.
Cf. R. Janin,
1 Les
Echos
Jewish
Juifs dans l'empire byzantin',
d'Orient~ 15 (1912), pp. ~26ff; also E. Adler,

Travellers~ London, ~930, p. 91.
10
~0,
G.F. Hertzberg, Geschichte Griechenlands~ I, Gotha, 1876,

p. 378. In the last years of the ~5th century the Jewish
community in Thessalonica grew very considerably as a
result of thousands of Jews who had been driven out of
Spain settling there. Their activity caused the city to
flourish and prosper greatly in the 16th-17th century.
4l2
NOTES TO PP. 190 - l92
See Ch. Diehl, Salonique~ les visites d'art~ memoranda~

Paris, 1920, p. 8. c~. Acts of the Apostles~ eh. l7,l.
11
12
13
Tafrali, op, cit., pp. l30-44.

The decay of the city round about 1430 appears partly from
the enormous decline in the number of inhabitants; cf. P.
Charanis, 'A Note on the Population and Cities of the
Byzantine E-mpire in the Thirteenth Century' , in: Joshua
Starr Memorial Volume~ New York, l953, pp. l40-1.
Charanis esti-mates the number of inhabitants in the lOth
century as about 200,000, in 1423 as some tens of
thousands and in 1430 as about 7,000!
Piri Reis, Bahrije~ eh. 7,l6: 'a column of olden times'
in the neighbourhood of Murad II's palace (the old imperial palace), see H.P. Laubscher, De:r> Reliefschmuck des
Galeriusbogens in Thessaloniki~ Berlin, 1975, p. 4; also
Piri Re'is Bahrije. Das tarkische Segelhandbuch filr das

Mittellandische Meer vom Jahre 1521~ P. Kahle (ed.), II,
Berlin, l926, p. 25.
14
15
16
17
18
19
Vincent of Beauvais,
Speculum historiale~ VI, 2l.
A. Pertusi, 'Mo~asteri e monaci italiani all'Athos nell'

alto medioevo', in: le millenaire du Mont Athos~ 963-1963~
Etudes et melanges~ I. Chevetogne, 1963, pp. 219-31. Also
P. Lemerle, 'Les archives du monastere des Amalfitains
au Mont Atho s ' , En:ETI)Pt~ E"rat.pe: [as Buk:avr t. \XJSv 2:n:o't..JEi0v,
23 (1953), pp. 548ff.
In l287 the monastery went to the Megale' Laura, which had
already annexed some of its lands.
For the monasteries on the Athos: W.P. Theunissen,
heilige berg Athos~ The Hague, l965, pp. l33ff.
Op de
For a list of the various monasteries e.g. Ignatius of

Smolensk; Clavijo's informants probably counted the 19
large monasteries together with the cells of the anchorites.
Liber Insularum Archipelagi~ eh. 70; Description~
L.
le
Grand (ed.) pP 248-5l.

20
21
Pertusi, op. cit., pp. 246 ff.

H. Graeven,
blatt filr
9.
'Cyriacus von Ancona auf dem Athos', Centrall6 (1899), pp. 209-11 and 498-
Bibliotheks~esen~
413
22
See Part I, biography of Buondelmonti.

The Turkish invasion of Europe began in l354 with the
capture of Gallipoli.
2 3
'
Schiltberger and Bertrandon de la Broquiere;
the latter
had difficulties with the ferrymen, who wanted to overcharge him for the crossing.
21;.
Oeuvres de Ghillebert de
Lannoy~
Ch. Potvin, (ed.), Louvain,
1878, p. 161.
25
Cf. Acropolites, Historia~ eh. l3.
26
In the Iliad~ :XX.407 ff. Polydorus is killed by Achilles;

According to a later tradition, e.g. in Euripides' Hecuba~
he was sent to Thrace.
27
A,eneid~ III, 22-68, where the -miracles to do with the

tumulus of Polydorus are described.
28
29
30
31
32
33
3
Mangalia, the ancient Callatis, a harbour on the southern

side of the Roumanian coast.
Cf. Lexikon der christlichen Xkonographie~ s.v. Helden,
neun; s73e also: J. Huizinga, He:rfsttij der Middeleeuwen~
Haarlem , l947, pp. 94-5.
For the history see W. Miller, The Latins in the Levant~
London, l908, expecially the tables on pp. 652-4. Also
Setton, The Papacy and the Levant~ I, Philadelphia, 1976,
passim.
Robert Guiscard died on Kefallenia on July l5, 1085.
Setton, op. cit., p. 3.
Miller, op. cit., p. 653.
~;. See the biography of Buondelmonti in Part I, chapter on

geographers.
35
36
Cf. the landscape description in Odyssey~ 4, 605-8 and 9,

21-8. For problems in identifying Odysseus' Ithaca: The
Odyssey of Homer~ Edited by W.B. Stanfield~ London 2 , l964,
Part I, Introduction, pp. XXXV-XLI.
Odyss-ey l3, l59-64
for the changing of the Phaeacians1
ship into a rock.

37
Cf. Vergil, Aeneid~ 3, 275.
414
38
Miller, op. cit., p. 653. From 1206-1214 CorfO was under

Venetian rule, from 1214 - 1259 under the despots of Epirus,
from 1259 - 1266 under Manfred of Sicily and Southern Italy,
and finally from 1267 - 1286 under the Angevins.
3 9
Cf. Modon, where, too, unhealthy living conditions are

found inside the confining walls, and Symon Semeonis'
description of the city of Candia.
Chapter XIII
J. Fallmerayer, 'Welchen Einfluss hatte die Besetzung

Griechenlands durch die Slaven auf das Schicksal der Stadt
Athen und der Landschaft Attika?', Abhandl. kgl. bayr. Akad.
Wiss.~ 1835. E. Reisinger (ed.), Griechenland. Landschaften und Bauten. Schilderungen deutscher Reisender~ Leipzig,
1916, p. 5; also G.F. Hertzberg, Geschichte Griechenlands~
I. Gotha, 1876, pp. 113ff.
The central theme in the works of Fallmerayer is his attempt

to show that nothing remained of the old Hellenes as a
result of the Slav invasions. Coming so soon after the Greek
war of independence (1821) this thesis aroused great resistance among western philhel1enes; this resulted in fierce
polemics. It has since emerged that Fallmerayer was in fact
right, in general lines, but that he was too extreme in the
way he formulated his views. Moreover, he had little material at his disposal to base his propositions on. H.O. Eberl,
Jakob Ph. Fallmerayers Schriften in ihrer Bedeutung fur die

historische Erkenntnis des graeko-slavischen Kulturkreises~
Berlin, 1930, pp. 26-30. The polemic did in fact lead to a
profound study of all sorts of matters connected with the
problems associated with the Slav invasions.
3
L. Ross succeeded in showing that the Anargyri chronicle

'discovered' by Pittakis and used by Fallmerayer was a
forgery. The olive forests growing in the streets were
reduced to badly maintained roads with a lot of weeds!
L. Ross, 'War Athen jemals vierhundert Jahre verodet?',
Kieler Allgemeiner Monatsschrift~ 1853, pp. 594-603 and
idem, 'Die Monchschronik von Athen', Deutscher YJUseum~
1854, No. 23 (1 Juni), pp. 826-33.
For a modern view of the problem of the Slav invasions:
J. Herrin, 'Aspects of the Process of Hellenization in
the Early Middle Ages', BSA. 68 (1973), pp. 113ff. and
P. Charanis, 'Observations on the History of Greece
during the Early Middle Ages', Balkan Studies~ 11 (1970),
NOTES TO P. 197
415
pp. ~~t. expecially pages 13-23 for the Slav tribes forcing
their way into Greece, and 24-34 for a critical view o~
Fallmerayer's ideas and writings.
4
J. Day, An economic His-tory of Athens under Roman Domination3 New York, 1942, pp. 168ff. Cf. Cicero, De finihus
bonorum et malorum3 V, 1,~.
E.G. Herodes Atticus and the Syrian prince C. Julius

Antiochus Philopappus.
Only the Acropolis, which was detended by Publius

Herennius Dexippus, is said not to have been conquered by
the Heruli; cf. Historia Augusta3 Gallienus 3 XIII, 8. See
W.B. Dinsmoor Jr., 'New Fragments of the Parthenon in the
Athenian Agora', Hesperia 3 43 (1974), p. ~47 note 24.
J. Travlos, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen3

Tlibingen, 197~, p. ~6~; also Dinsmoor, op. cit., p. 151.
Zosimus (IV, 8 and V, 5) recounts that the goddess Athene

and Achilles appeared fully armed to defend their city
against Alaric. Probably there was more loot to be found
on the Peloponnesus. Cf. M.L. d'Ooge, The Acropolis of
Athens3 London, ~908, pp. 305-6.
De expositio totius mundi et gentium is a treatise, originally written in Greek by a Levantine trader; it was
written in the mid-fourth century, and only translated into
Latin several centuries later. See M. Schanz - C. Hosius,
Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur, IV, MUnchen, ~920,
pp. ~25-7, no. 1062 and also W. Schmid- 0. Stahlin,
Geschichte der griechischen Literatur3 II,2, MUnchen, ~924,
p. ~046. The text is published in Geografi Graeci Minores
(ed. MUller), II, pp. 5~3ff; the passage about Attica on p.
524: 'Civitates autem habet has~< Corinthum et Athenas,
Corinthum enim civitatem multam in negotiis et habentem
opus praecipuum amphitheatri, Athenas vero et historias
antiquas et aliquid dignum nominatu, arcem ubi multis
statuis stantibus mirabile est videre dicendum antiquorum
bellum~
10
Synesius of Cyrene, Epistula ~36: oooev EXOUCJl-V at vDv

A{Jf)vat, OEJJ.vOV, 6A..:\ il -ra 'Me: 1,va. -rwv X<JP ~wv 6v6u:xxa
For the person o~ Synesius: A. Lesky, Geschichte der
griechischen Literatur3 Bern-Munchen 2 , ~963, p. 9~.
NOTES TO PP. 198 -
416
11
12
~99
Cf. the later Archbishop of Canterbury, Theodorus of Tarsus,

who had studied in Athens (7th century).
J.B. Bury, A History of the Later Roman Empire~ II, London,
pp. 299-300 sees this as proof of the prosperity of
Athens- in the 7th century. But I believe that visitors to
Thessalonica, Athens and perhaps Corinth as well should be
seen as a sign that those were the only places where there
was any Byzantine authority. Cf. R. Jenkins, Byzantium~ The
Imperial Centuries~ A.D. 610-1071~ London, 1966, p. 41.
~889,
13
K.M. Setton, 'Athens in the Later Twelfth Century',

(~944), p. 18l.
Speculum~
~9
14
15
Setton, op. cit., p. l82; cf. Cedrenus, II, 475, lOff (ed.
Bonn); Glycas, 578, 20ff (ed. Bonn) and Zonaras, III, 566,
l~ff (ed. Bonn). See also the Cambridge Medieval History~
IV, ~, p. 5l8.
For this question see: G. Soterios, 'ApaB~xa AE~~ tv
A&frva.~ s ua:ra -rous 13u~av-r vvous X,PC)vous' , r:rp1:xn }((). Uis
'AxaB ~vWv, IV, (1929), pp. 266-73
and D.G. Kampouroglos, ot ~apaxnvot tv 'Aanva~s', idem, pp.
34l-4.
Kampouroglos bases his thesis on a threnos about the capture
of Athens by the Arabs; the text is preserved in a manuscript from the l6th - l7th century, but it also undoubtedly
contains some much older material.
The pres-ence of Arabs in Athens round about 900 is certain,
on the evidence of Kufic inscriptions found on the Acropolis, at the Asclepieum and Theseum and on the Agora, on the
native marble (lOth- ~2th century). Nothing is known, however, about the status of these Arabs - were they conquerors,
or prisoners of war? - so there is no evidence at all in
support of Kampouroglos's opinion. See also K.M. Setton,
Athens in the Middle Ages~ London, ~975, chapter II, pp.
3~4-6.
16
w.
17
Relatio de peregrinatione Saewulfi ad Hierosolymam et Terram

Sanctam annis dominicae incarnationis MCII et MCIII.
M. d'Avezac (ed.}, in Recueil de voyages et de memoires~
publie par la Societe de geographie~ IV, Paris, ~839, pp.
Miller, The Latins in the Levant~ London, ~908, p. ~4.

Only Otto von Freising, Gesta Frederici Imperatoris~ I, l,
33 mentions Athens (probably wrongly) together with Corinth
and Thebes- as one of the cities looted by the Normans.
NOTES TO PP.
~99
4~7
- 200
8~7-54.
Biographical information in d'Ayezac, op. cit., pp.

18
19
8~9-20.
On the return journey Saewulf set his cou.rse northwards for

a visit to Constantinople, but in the Dardanelles the story
suddenly comes to an abrupt end.
For the identification of Dionysius the Areopagite with the
bishop and martyr Dionysius of Paris, R. Loenertz, 'La legende parisienne de S. Denys 1 'Areopagi te' , Analecta
Bollandiana~
69 (~9~), pp. 2~7-37. (See also Niccolo da
Martoni in Part I}.
Fratris
Felicis Fabri Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae~

Arabiae et Egypti Peregrinationem~ C.D. Hassler (ed.), III,
Stuttgart, ~849, p. 352: ' ... est una beatae Virginis
ecclesia in qua dicitur lampas semper ardere sine humano
adminiculo, non natura sed divino miraculo~
21
Anthony of Novgorod, in: Itineraires russes~ B. de

Khitrowo (ed.},Geneva, ~889, pp. 90-1; also Benjamin of
Tudela on the church at the Blachernae palace.
22
C. W. King, The Natural History~ Ancient and Modern~ of

Precious Stones and Gems and of the Precious Metals~ London,
1865, pp. 37, 145, 150-1, 173. Also E. Faral, Recherches
sur les sources latins des contes et romans courtois du
Moyen Age~ Paris, ~913, pp. 84-5.
23
For the pseudo-Orphic lithika: Lesky (note
24
Claudius Aelianus, De natura animalium~ eh. VIII: the story

of the stork who gave a widow in Heraclea a present o:f a
precious stone, which lit here room brightly at night.
25
Psellus, De lapidibus~ XII; the lychnites is a stone which

bestows the power to see in the dark.
26
~0},
p. 868.
For the Scholica of Martinus of Laon: M.L.W. Laistner,

'Notes on Greek from the Lectures of a ninth Century
Monastery Teacher', Bulletin of the John Rylands Library~
Manchester~ 7 (~922), pp. 42~ff. In this glossary with
circa 450 le,mmata the candelabrum Theodosianum is mentioned s.v. moechus. See also: M.L.W. La~stner, 'Candelabrum Theodosianum', Classical Quarterly~ 16 (1922), p.
~07.
27
Sozomenus, Historia
Hussey).
ecclesiastica~
praefatio,
5,~
(ed.
418
28
29
NOTES TO P. 200
Niccolo da Martoni, p. 652. (ed. Legrand).

Antoine Galland:
Journal d'Antoine Galland pendant son se-
a Constantinople
(1672-1673)~ Ch. Schefer (ed.), Paris, 1881, p. 38: ' i l avoit remarque dans le fond en une
piece de marbre de laquelle matiere tout le temple est
encrouste, deux troux enfonces mediocrement avant, lesquels estoient rouges sans pouvoir deviner d'ou procedoit
cette rougeur; qu'il avoit fourre le doigt dedans l'un et
dans l'autre, sans avoir senty aucune chaleur .... L'opinion des Turcs estant que derriere ce marbre il y a des
lampes perpetuelles qui y bruslent jusques a present!
For Jacob Spon's visit to Athens in 1676 and his passage
about the marble plates in the Parthenon: (Book II, eh. 90):
I.e. Thallon, 'A mediaeval Humanist: Michael Akominatos',
in: Vassar Mediaeval Studies~ Chr. F. Fiske (ed.), New
Haven, 1923, p. 297.
jour
3 0
31
For the person and the work of Michael Choniates: G.

Stadtmliller, 'Michael Choniates, Metropolit von Athen,
(ea. 1138- ea. 1222)', Orientalia Christiana~ 33-2 (1934),
pp. 128ff. Also K.M. Setton, 'A Note on Michael Choniates,
archbishop of Athens (1188-1204)', Speculum~ 21 (1946),
pp. 234-6. For information about Michael's time: Setton
(note 13), pp. 179ff.
The name Akominatos is based on a mistake: Choniates, i.e.
from Chonai in Phrygia is the correct name, see for this:
Stadtmliller, op. cit., pp. 274-8 and V. Grumel, 'Del'
origine du nom 'Akominatos', EnETnPt~ 'E~a~ps[a~ BUhaV~~
vWV ~TIOuOWV, 23 (1953), pp. 165-7.
In about 1945 a 12th - 13th century picture was found in
the little village of Kalyvia Kouvaras in the vicinity of
Athens. It shows a saint with a halo and a long white beard.
The inscription refers to Michael, Metropolitan of Athens;
the figure is shown almost life-size. See: C.A. Orlandos,
'Il ritratto di Michele Choniatis Metropolita di Atene',
Atti del VIIJO Congresso internazionale di studi
bizantini~
II, Palermo, 1951, p. 222.

32
By now it is generally accepted that in the beginning of

1182 Michael was still in Constantinople, and that he only
came to Athens later that year, and not in 1175. For this
see: J. Draseke, 'Eustathios und Michael Akominatos',
Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift~ 24 (1913), pp. 497-9.
NOTES TO PP.
33
34
Setton (note 13), pp.

Idem, pp.
20~
- 203
419
~95-7.
203~4.
35
As the ecclesiastical centre ot

was a place of some importance.
several suffragan bishops under
monasteries were also under his
op. cit., ~49-50.
36
For the library of Michael Choniates; Sp. Lambrou, 'ITEp~

-rf)!; 13LI3ALOOTIH.n!; -roD l.Jlll:"pon:o/..C-rou A-3r]\X0v ITLxai)A. AAOI..LL\Xhou',
'A-3r]vatov, 5 (1877), pp. 354-67; for the 12th century
manuscripts: Setton. op. cit., p. 206
37
38
39
40
41
42
the Orthodox Church Athens

The archbishop had
his authority; a number of
control. Cf. Stadmuller,
See part I, Chapter on scholars and students.

For the history of Athens in these centuries: W. Miller
(note ~6), passi~; by the same author; 'History of the
Acropolis of Athens', AJA. 8 (~893), pp. 544ff.
See note 36.
Cf. K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571)~
I, Philadelphia, 1976, p. 464. In the 14th century the
archbishop generally stayed in Negroponte before that he
frequently resided in Thebes.
Acts of the Apostles, 17, 15ff. An example of this literary view in Godefridus of Viterbo (1120-1198) in his
Speculum regum;for him Jupiter and Athena are the source
of all art and science. Cf. Setton, (note 13), pp. 184-5.
The letter of Pope Innocent III in A. Potthast, Regesta
romanorum~I, Berlin, 1874, p. 315, no. 3654.
J. Longnon, L'empire latin de Constantinople et la
principaute de Moree~ Paris, 1949, pp. 214-5 believes
this letter to reflect the enthusiasm of Bishop Berardus,
as it might appear in a letter to the curia which has not
survived. I find this arguments very weak, and believe that
such terms as 'mater artium' and 'civitas litterarum' are
more likely to be used as cliches attached to the name of
Athens.
pontificum
43
Le saint voyage de Jherusalem du seigneur d 'Anglure_, F.

Bonnardot and A. Longnon (ed.),Paris, 1878, p. 96.
44
Codinus, De Sancta Sophia (Bonn), p.132: ~Cova!;

6.n:O A-3r]\X0v ot CipxovrE!; ~1./..Eux.;: EnEUn:ov.
420
45
46
47
48
49
NOTES TO P. 203
Marinus in his Vita Procli, 30 describes the removal of

the Athena statue by the Christians, ~a axCvn~a ~LVOUv~WV.
Cf. J. Strzygowski, 'Die Akropolis in altbyzantinischer
Zeit', AM. 14 (1889), pp. 273-4; also Miller, History
(note 38), 542-3. See also G. Rodenwaldt, 'Interpretatio
christiana', AA. 1933, pp. 401ff.
The decree of November 14, 435 (cod. Theod. XVI,lO,XXV);
it was laid down all heathen temples were to be either
closed or rebuilt. Cf. A. Frantz, 'From Paganism to
Christianity in the Temples of Athens,' ,DOP. 19 (1965),
p. 204. Frantz takes the line that towards the end of the
6th century, but in any case before the Slav invasions of
580, the Parthenon started to be used as a ahurch~ and
that the building stood empty for a number of years before
being consecrated as a church.
A. Norre Dinsmoor, Studies in the History of the Parthenon~
Berkeley, 1966 p. 3 preferred an earlier date for the
consecration, towards the end of the 5th century, but has
now corrected this opinion somewhat; see W.B. Dinsmoor,
(note 6), p. 151.
For these medieval churches in Athens: K. Michel and A.
Struck, 'Die mittelbyzantinischen Kirchen Athens', AM.
31 (1906), pp. 279ff; and 'Some Christian Monuments of
Athens', Scottish Review~ vol. VI,11 (July 1885), pp. 85ff.
A.G.B. Schayes, 'Notice sur un ouvrage flamand, rare et
curieux, intitule:
Voyage van Mher Joos van Ghistele oft
anders .... ', Messager des sciences et des arts de la
Belgique ou Nouvelles Archives~ IV, (1836), p. 24 and note
3.
Evidence in J. Morton Paton,
Renaissance Visitors to Greek
Chapters on Mediaeval and

Lands~
Princeton, 1951, pp.
40-4.
50
Henri de Valenciennes, Histoire de l'empereur Henri~ par.

681, J. Longnon (ed.) Paris, 1948, p. 115.
'li empereres ala a la maistre eglyse d'Athaines en orisons: chou est a une eglyse c'on dist de Nostre Dame; et
Othes de la Roche qui sires en estoit, car li marchis li
avoit donnee,
l ' i honnera de tout son pooir. La sejorna
li empereres II jors et au tierc s'en ala viers Negrepont'.

51
52
53
421
Miller (note 16), p. 92; also J. Gauthier, 'Othon de la

Roche, conquerant d'Athenes et sa famille: Materiaux
archeologiques inedits', Academie des sciences~ belleslettres et arts de Besanqon~ 1880, pp. 140-4 + plate 3.
Miller, (note 16), p. 151; C.P. Bracken, Antiquities
acquired. The Spoliation of Greece~ London, 1975, p. 58.
It must be observed that stylitism was a typically
Greek practice, so quite unusual for a Burgundian.
A. Rubi6 y Lluch, 'Els Governs de Matheu de Moncada y
Roger de Lluria en la Grecia catalana (1359-1370)', Anuari
de l'Institut d'estudis catalans~ 1912, pp. 48-9.
54
Rubi6 y Lluch: see notes 53, 56 and 57.

55
For this especially K.M. Setton,

Cambridge (Mass.), 1948.
The Catalan Domination of
Athens~
56
57
A. Rubi6 y Lluch, 'Chanceliers et notaires dans la Grece

catalane', Eis Mnemen S. Lamprou~ Paris~ 1935, pp. 150ff.
en temps dels catalans', Anuari
1907, p. 245 and note 4;
also by the same author: Chanceliers (Note 56), p. 154.
A. Rubi6 y Lluch,
'Atenes
de l'Institut d'estudis
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
catalans~
This letter is dated from Barcelona, November 2, 1379; see

Rubi6 y Lluch, Athenes (Note 56), p. 246.
Arxiu de la Corona de Arag6, R. 1586, fol. 108.
N.A.E. Nordenskiold, Periplus~ Stockholm, 1897, p. 30.
Setton, (note 55), p. 243 estimates the entire population as
no more than 10,000 inhabitants, of whom no more than 3,000
were Catalans (and probably considerably fewer).
For the famous Greek officials Demetrius Rendi and Nicolas
Macri: Setton, (note 55), pp. 218-20 and Rubi6 y Lluch,
Chanceliers (note 56), pp. 153-4.
See chapter on soldiers, mercenaries.
Rubi6 y Lluch, Atenes (note 57), p. 253. The lower city had
already fallen into the hands of Nerio I Acciajuoli in 1387.
Cf. E. Burnouf,
diverses
La ville et l'Acropole d'Athenes aux
epoques~ Paris, 1877, pp. 47-90 on the period of
the Florentine dukes in Athens. An important factor in

obtaining the support of the Greek population was the reinstatement of the Greek clergy in their former functions.
422
Greek Orthodox priests obtained permission from Nerio I to

instal themselves in the city alongside the Latin clergy.
Cf. M.L. d'Ooge (note 8), pp. 313-5 and Miller (note 16),
pp. 334-5.
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
For the Turkish occupation of Athens round about 1397: J.H.

Mordtmann, 'Die erste Eroberung von Athen durch die Turken',
Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbucher 3 4 (1923), pp.
346-50; also Setton, Athens in the Middle Ages 3 London,
1975, chapter VI, p. 261.
Nerio handed over by will the city to the chapter of the
cathedral; the canons did not accept the legacy and called
the Venetians in. Setton, (note 66), p. 261; Miller (note
16), pp. 399ff. and p. 652 (table).
In July 1395 Albano Contarini entered the city as Venetian
governor; up to 1402 three other Venetian governors were to
follow.
It is certain that in the autumn of 1458 at the time of
the round trip of Muhammed II through the Morea, the
Acropolis was in the hands of Omar Pasha; it may have been
captured in the spring.
Cf. Setton (note 66), p. 273 and note 175.
E.g. the palace of Hadrian (the Temple of Olympian Zeus);
the palace of Themistocles or Pericles (Stoa of Hadrian);
schola of Pythagoras (the temple of Victoria); the palace
of Miltiades (Odeion of Herodes Atticus); schola of
Socrates (the Tower of the Winds); the Lantern of Demosthenes (the monument of Lysicrates).
For the visit of Cyriacus of Ancona in Athens: E.W. Bodnar,
'Athens in April 1436', Archaeology 3 23,2 (April 1970),
pp. 96-105 and 23,3 (June 1970), pp. 188-99.
Bodnar, op. cit., p. 99.
There is extremely extensive literature on the subject of
Cyriacus of Ancona. I shall only mention here a few works
in which his life is described:
E. Ziebarth, 'Cyriacus von Ancona als Begrlinder der Inschriftenforschung', Neue Jahrbucher f.d. kZass. AZtertum3
V, Bd. 9(1902), pp. 214ff; P. MacKendrick, 'A Renaissance
Odyssey: The Life of Cyriac of Ancona', CZassica et
medievaZia3 13 (1952), pp. 131 ff.; B. Ashmole, 'Cyriac of
Ancona', Proceedings of the British Academy 3 45 (1959),
pp. 25 ff.
423
La Roma antica
di Ciriaco d'Ancona. Disegni inediti deZ secoZo XV~ Roma,
For his activities in Italy: Chr. Hlilsen,
1907.
A modern edition of all the surviving writings of Cyriacus
of Ancona is being prepared by Edward Bodnar. Pilot studies
of this work which have appeared: E. Bodnar, Cyriacus of
Ancona and Athens~ Brussels-Berchem, 1960 and Cyriacus of
Ancona's Journeys in the Propontis and the Northern

1444-1445~
Philadelphia,
with Ch. Mitchell).
73
Aegean~
1976 (this last in collaboration
For Cyriacus' drawings of the Parthenon: A. Michaelis,

'Eine Original-Zeichnung des Parthenon von Cyriacus von
Ancona' , Archaeo Zogische Zei tung ~ N. F. 14 ( 1882) pp. 367ff.
Also Th. Mommsen, 'Ueber die Berliner Excerptenhandschrift
des Petrus Donatus', Jahrbuch der kgZ. preuss. KunstsammZungen~ 4 (1883), pp. 77ff.
74
Miller, (note 16), p. 14.
75
idem, p. 245; the earliest reference on an anonymous map

from the beginning of the 14th century as c.lion, see
Nordenskiold, (note 60), P. 30.
76
See chapter on soldiers, mercenaries in Part I.
77
78
79
80
The other two lions were on the Agora and on the

Acropolis, cf. J. Morton Paton, (note 49), p. 15; the lion
on the Agora is supposed to have borne an inscription to
the effect that he could sleep in safety, as his fellows
were keeping watch. The Venetians took the lion of
Piraeus with them in 1687; it now stands in front of the
Arsenali in Venice.
E.W. Bodnar, 'Athens in April 1436',
(June 1970), p. 199.
Archaeology~
23,3
Cf. P.W. Wallace, 'The Tomb of Themistokles in the

Peiraieus', Hesperia~ 41 (1972), pp. 451ff.
There are not many harbours on the east coast .of Attica;
on the map of the 17th - century cartographer Coronelli
Porto Rafti is the only harbour on that side, cf. J.R.
Wheeler, 'Coronelli's Maps of Athens', Harvard Studies
in CZassicaZ PhiZoZogy~ 7 (1896), p. 177. Rafti, derived
from~~
(tailor), probably because of the attribute
NOTES TO PP. 208 -
424
2~~
in the hand of the statue in the harbour, which was thought

to be a pair of scissors.
81
Morton Paton, (note 49) p. 42; see further K. Svolopoulou,

Rafti~ Athens, 1972, pp. 3ff.
Porto
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
In 1843 the statue was identified by L. Ross as the figure

of a woman; see C.C. Vermeule, 'The Colossus of Porta
Raphti in Attica', Hesperia~ 31 (1962), pp. 62ff. and by
the same author: Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia
Minor~ Harvard U.P., 1968, pp. 35-6.
Vermeule,
Roman Imperial
94
p. 36.
St. G. Miller, 'The Colossus of Porta Raphti reconsidered',

Hesperia~ 41 (1972), pp. 192-7.
Miller, op. cit., p. 197.
See biography of Niccolo da Martoni in Part I, Pilgrimages.
Nordenskiold, (note 60), p. 30: colone.
Morton Paton, (note 49), pp. 42ff. with texts by Jean earlier de Pinon and Hans Jacob Breuning von und zu Buochenbach,
both of 1579. 14 Columns were then standing, two lay on
the ground.
The thema Hellas was established round about 800 A.D., after
reconquest from the Slavs and the re-establishment of the
Byzantine rule under Irene had begin in about 783. The
administrative organization probably dated from
Nicephorus I (802-11);
seeR. Jenkins, (note 12), p. 92.
The attack by the Normans in 1147 did no lasting damage;
even after that the city was properous and wealthy.
A. Rubio y Lluch, La poblaci6 de la Grecia
XIV en segle~ Barcelona, 1933, p. 11.
A.E. Vacalopoulos,
Byzantine Period:
93
Art~
catalana en el
Origins of the Greek Nation. The

1204-1461~
New Brunswick, 1970, p. 77.
D.M. Metcalf, 'Corinth in the ninth Century: the numismatic Evidence', Hesperia~ 42, (1973), pp. 180 ff.
Cf. G.R. Davidson,
'A mediaeval Glass-Factory at Corinth',
AJA. 44 (1940), pp. 297ff.
425

95
A. Bon, Le
pp. 81-2.
96
J.H. Finley Jr., 'Corinth in the Middle Ages', Speculum~

7 (1932), p. 487.
97
98
99
100
1 01
102
1 03
104
1 05
1 06
Peloponnese byzantin jusqu'en
1204~
Paris, 1951,
Acts of the Apostles, 18, 1-17.

For the activities of Nerio I Acciajuoli: Finley, op. cit.,
pp. 488ff.
The description of the Temple of Juno by Cyriacus of Ancona,
who visited Corinth in 1437, in: E. Reisch, 'Die Zeichnungen des Cyriacus im Codex Barberini des Giuliano di
San Gallo', AM.14 (1889), p. 225.
Suetonius, Vita Caesaris~ eh. 44.
For Nero's activities in 67: Dio Cassius, 63,16,1.
About the Isthmus wall in particular: Berger de Xivrey,
'Memoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de l'empereur Manuel
Paleologue', Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions et
Belles-Lettres~ 19(2), (1853), pp. 160-1; see also Sp.
Lampros, '-ra -rE Cxn -roD toSuou Tils Kcp CvSou rt.cna -rous uE;aous
a(wvas',
Neos Hellenomnemon~ 2 (1905), pp. 435ff, and
additions in the same periodical, 4 (1907), pp. 240-3.
The oldest wall on the Isthmus was built in 480 B.C. to
stop the advance of the Persians.
Phrantzes,
Chronicon~
I, eh. 35, in
CSHB(ed.Bonn), p. 108.
Lampros, op. cit., p. 471.

Sp. Vryonis,
Byzantium en
Europa~
Amsterdam, 1969, p. 82.
Cf. P. Charanis, 'The Chronicle of Monemvasia and the

Question of the Slavonic Settlements in Greece', DOP. 5
(1950), pp. 141-66.
The population of Patras had moved in 587, according to
this chonicle, to Rhegium in Calabria, and the inhabitants
of Sparta to Sicily. After 805, it says, they went back
again. A small correction to this thesis of Charanis' is
found in P. Lemerle, 'La chronique improprement dite de
Monemvasie: le contexte historique et legendaire', Revue
des etudes byzantines~ 21 (1963), pp. 5-49: the whole
population did not move, only a group of inhabitants.
St. N. Thomopoulou, 'Im;cpCa Tils riDAEC.U!; Ua-rp:Dv , Patras,
1950, pp. 271-6. Also Bon, (note 95), pp. 121-2.
426
1 07
1 08
1 09
11 0
11 1
P.M. Peterson, Andrew~ Brother of Simon Peter~ Leiden,

1958, chapter 3: 'Andrew and the 'Acts' among the Church
Fathers, up to 500'. Cf. Lexikon der christZichen Ikonographie~ V. Rome, 1973, pp. 138ff, s.v. Andreas.
Cf. St. John's Gospel, I, 40ff.; see also F. Dolger, 'Rom
in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner', in:Byzanz und die
europaische StaatenweZt~ Ettal, 1953, pp. 111-4.
The chronicle of Joseph ben Chorion, originating in Italy
in the mid-lOth century and based on the work of Flavius
Josephus is of little historical importance. Cf. J.
Soetendorp, Ontmoetingen in baZZingschap~ I, Zeist-Arnhem,
1964, pp. 205-6.
Thomopoulou, op. cit., p. 296; Walter Aleman came originally from the Languedoc, although the family is supposed to
be of German origin.
E.Gerland,
Neue QueZZen zur Geschichte des Zateinischen
Erzbistums
Patras~
Leipzig, 1903, p. 30; also Thomopoulou,
op. cit., p. 318.

112
113
W. Miller, (note 16), p. 64.

Gerland, op. cit., p. 49; cf. C. Eubel, Hierarchia cathoZica
aevi~ I, Monasterii, 1913, p. 394. Cornaro was a
Franciscan; Niccolo da Martoni describes him, too,as a
minorite.
medii
114
11 5
116
11 7
11 8
Pachymeres, VI, 33 (ed. Bonn , I, p. 516-9); cf. K.M.

Setton, (note 40), p. 317.
For Byzantine palace decoration: A. Grabar, 'Les fresques
des escaliers a Sainte-Sophie de Kiev et l'iconographie
imperiale byzantine', Seminarium Kondakovianum~ 7 (1935),
pp. 103-17.
Digenis
Akritas~ J. Maurogordato (ed.), Oxford, 1956,

Book VII, 3315ff; the biblical scenes: 3370ff.; the
mythological ones: 3393ff.
R. Traquair, 'Mediaeval Fortresses of the North-Western

Peloponnesus', BSA. 13 (1906-1907), p. 279. In its present
state the fort of Patras is practically identical to the
building of Aleman.
Cf. J. Longnon,
Journal des
'Les noms de lieu de la Grece franque',

1960, pp. lOO note 3.
Savants~
NOTES TO PP.
11 9
121
22~
427
Procopius, De aedificiis~ IV, 3; see also K. Dieterich,

Byzantinische Quellen zur Lander- und Volkerkunde (5.-15.
Jh)~
120
2~7
Leipzig, 1912, p. 101.
An etymological explanation of the name Negropontum is

that it is a distortion of Euripus; the name came to apply
both to the island of Euboea and to the city of Chalcis.
A History of the Ottoman Empire to
1730~ M.A. Cook (ed.),

Chapter XIV
1
For Modon see especially the study by St. B. Luce, 'Modon.

A Venetian station in mediaeval Greece', in Classical and
mediaeval Studies in Honor of E.K. Rand~ L. Webber Jones
(ed.), New York, 1938, pp. 195-208.
W. Miller, The Latins in the Levant~ London, 1908, pp.

24ff; Luce, op. cit. p. 196.
K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant~ I, Philadelphia,

1976, pp. 18-9, pp. 24-5 and p. 34.
The importance of Modon can be deduced from e.g. the name

used by Robert de Clari for the whole of the Peloponnesus:
L'isle de Modon. (Clari eh. 111, ed. Lauer, p. 105).
1730~ M.A. Cook (ed.),
Cambridge, 1976, pp. 62-3; Luce, op. cit., pp. 203-4.
A History of the Ottoman Empire to
A. Bon, Le Peloponnese byzantin

1951, pp. 59-60 and p. 162.
For St. Leo: R. Rohricht and H. Meisner, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem heiligen Lande~ Berlin, 1880, p. 21 note
9. See also Bibliotheca sanctorum~ VII, Rome, 1966, p.
jusqu'en 1204~ Paris,
1228.
8
For the unhealthy living conditions inside the small

fortress: LUce, op. cit., pp. 198-201.
Frescobaldi~ Viaggi in Terra Santa~ C. Angelini (ed.),

Florence, 1944, pp. 52-3. To what extent the 4th book of
Dante's Inferno influenced the description of the
philosophers cannot be said for certain; it is not impossible that there is some connection.
10
Cf. W. Miller, 'Monemvasia during the Frankish Period

(1204-1540)', JHS. 27 (1907), p. 233.
428
11
NOTES TO PP.
22~
- 223
For the history of Cythera in the middle ages: R. Leonhard,

Monographie~ Gotha,
1899, especially pp. 33-6. Also E. Kirsten, Der Peloponnes~
Teil 2~ Der Westen und Suden der Halbinsel~ Frankfurt, 1959,
pp. 509ff. Also: J. Herrin, 'Byzantine Kythera', in:
Kythera~ Excavations and Studies~ J.N. Coldstream and G.L.
Huxley (ed.), London, 1972, pp. 41-51.
Die Insel Kythera. Eine geographische
12
13
Iliad, X, 268; see G.L. Huxley, 'The History and Topography of Ancient Kythera', in: Kythera~ Excavations and
Studies(note 11), pp. 33ff., map no. 1 and plates 1-6.
Historia Trojana~ eh. 10; cf. also L. Conrady,

Vier rheinische Palastina Pilgerschriften des XIV.~ XV.
und XVI. Jahrhunderts~ Wiesbaden, 1882, p. 102 with note
Dares,
135.
14
E.W. Bodnar, Cyriacus of Ancona and Athens~ BrusselsBerchem, 1960, p. 47; Huxley (note 12), pp. 35-6 and note
4.
15
16
See chapter on Crete, the Labyrinth of Gortyn.

fiWthologie~ II, 1, Die
I, Berlin, 1920, pp. 336-44. See
Herodotus, VI, 61 for the sanctuary of Helena at Therapne,
3 km. south-east of Sparta.
L. Preller- C. Robert,
griechische
17
18
19
20
21
22
Griechische
Heldensage~
For the journey of Spon and Wheeler in 1676: Leonhard

(note 11), p. 3.
Rohricht-Meisner, (note 7), p. 21 note 5, p. 133 and p.
362.
MGH.SS.
XV, 93:
et inde .... '.
'ad urbem Manafasiam in Slawinia terrae,
Miller devoted a special study to medieval Monemvasia

(see note 10). For a description of the town with the fort
and the churches: R. Traquair, 'Mediaeval Fortresses' , BSA.
12 (1905-06), pp. 270ff.
Miller, op. cit., p. 232; for the battle of Pelagonia:
Setton (note 3), pp. 88-90; the ransom for William, idem,
pp. 98-9. According to Pachymeres the fort at Geraki to
the east of Sparta, was also handed over in 1262, but this
is not correct, see Traquair, op. cit., p. 269.
For the use of the term Morea: Bon (note 6), pp. 158-9.

23
2lt
25
26
27
28
29
429
Miller, op. cit., p. 235-9; on the surrender of the city

to the Turks the Greek population was evacuated to other
Venetian settlements: Crete, Cyprus, Corfu, and cities on
the Dalmatian cost. Part of them returned to their native
town soon, despite of the Turks~
Miller, op. cit., p. 232 and p. 239 for the horror for the
Monemvasiotic pirates. See also P. Charanis, 'Piracy in
the Aegean during the Reign of Michael VIII Palaeologus',
Mel-anges Henri Gregoire~ Brussels, 1950, especially pp.
131 and 133.
Bon, (note 6), p. 51, p. 110 and pp. 140-1.
The road from Sparta to Kalamata through the Taygetus
mountains has only been open to motor traffic for a few
years; buses can still not get through it! The fact that
two brothers from Aquileia are mentioned as having called
in at Sparta to conduct trade there towards the end of
the lOth century, points, in my opinion, to the fact that
such an event was exceptional. Cf. Vie de Saint Nicon~
eh. 80, S. Lampros (ed.), p. 215; Bon, (note 6), p. 84
note 7.
See note 21.
Cyriacus, at Sparta - Mistra and Mycene: July-August 1447
and January-February 1448. See R. Sabbadini, 'Ciriaco d'
Ancona e la sua descrizione autografa del Peloponneso,
trasmessa da Leonardo Botta', in: Miscel-l-anea Ceriani~
Milan, 1910, pp. 202ff. Also: GriechenZand~ Landschaften
und Bauten~ SchiZderungen deutscher Reisender~ E. Reisinger (ed.), Leipzig, 1916, pp. 10-1.
Chronique de
Moree~
J. Longnon (ed.), Paris, 1911, ch.115,
p. 39.
30
31
Setton, (note 3), p. 25.

Miller, (note 2), p. 23.
Chapter XV
For the Arab conquest of Crete: E.W. Brooks, 'The Arab

Conquest of Crete', Engl-ish Historical- Review~ 28 (1913),
pp. 43lff. Between 816 and 827 the Arabs who had been
driven out of Spain had remained in the Nile delta, taking
advantage of the weakness of the Arab rulers of Egypt at
430
that time. For the reconquest in 961 G. Schlumberger,
Un empereur byzantin
au dixieme siecle: Nicephore
Phocas~
Paris, 1890, eh. 2, pp. 44-96.

The first Athos monastery, the Megale Laura, was set up in
963 from the enormous loot that Ni~ephorus !I had managed
to lay hands on in Crete.
2
R. Jenkins, Byzantium~
London, 1966, p. 144.
The Imperial Centuries
(610-10?1)~
For the Cretans' struggle for independence: R. Matton,

siecles~ Athens, 1957, pp. 114-5.
La Crete au cours des

4
5
See chapter on Crusaders in Part I.

Matton, op. cit., p. 132; Also 0. Dapper, Nauwkeurige
schrijving etc. Amsterdam, 1688, p. 209.
be-
After Rhodes (1522) Chios (1566) and Cyprus (1571) Crete

remained as the last bulwark in the Levant; thus in the
sixteenth century the island was very strongly and ingeniously fortified. The famous garrison builder Michele
Sammicheli was employed in 1538 to improve the Candian
fortifications. (Large parts of these impressive fortifications can still be seen in Iraklion).Cf. Matton, op.
cit., p. 115.
The struggle for Candia aroused great interest in Europe
on account of its extremely long duration. From the point
of view of war history, too, these events deserve
particular attention. See Bigge, 'Der Kampf um Candia in
den Jahren 1667-1669', Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften~
herausgegeben vom Grossen Generalstabe. Abteilung fur

Kriegsgeschichte~
8
10
Bd. 5, Heft 26
(1899)~
pp. 113-227.
Cf. J. Jegerlehner, 'Beitrage zur Verwaltungsgeschichte

Kandias im XIV. Jahrhundert', BZ. 13 (1904), pp. 435ff.
J. Jegerlehner, 'Der Aufstand der kandiotischen Ritterschaft gegen das Mutterland Venedig (1363-1365)', BZ. 12
(1903), pp. 78ff.
The rebellion of 1363 was the most serious one Venice had
to deal with, particularly because at that time the
Venetian colonists and the Cretan citizens united in their
protests against the feudal nature of Venetian rule and
against the fact that is was geared entirely to trade and
profit.
Matton, op. cit., pp. 108ff.

11
12
13
14
431
For the person of Jacob of Verona, about whom little is

known: R. Rohricht, 'Liber peregrinationis fratris Jacobi
de Verona', Revue de l'Orient latin~ 3 (1895), pp. 155-6.
Rohricht believes that Jacob, who refers to himself as
lector fratrum eremi tarum S. August-ini, was prior of the
monastery of St. Euphemia at Verona in 1345; but there is
no definite proof of this.
Biographical details in Mario Esposito, 'The Pilgrimage
of Symon Semeonis: a Contribution to the History of
Mediaeval Travel', The Geographical Journal~ 50 (1917),
pp. 335-9. Text edition: M. Esposito, Itinerarium Symonis
Semeonis ab Hybernia ad Terram Sanctam~ Dublin, 1960;
about Crete, chapters 20-23.
Nothing more is known about Hugo, beyond the fact that he
died in Cairo on the journey, (chap. 64). His function in
the monastery cannot be deduced with certainty from his
by-name 'illuminator'. It is possible that he was in
charge of lighting arrangements, but it is also not impossible that he was concerned with the illumination of
books. For this see New English Dictionary~ V, Oxford,
1901, p. 47 under illuminator and also VI, 1908, pp. 4978 under luminator.
For the route taken by Symon and Hugo: Esposito, Pilgripp. 340-52. St. Francis' journey to Egypt and
Palestine may perhaps have served as an inspiration to
his two Irish followers. Symon's account contains a
detailed description of Egypt and provides much information about trade between western Europeans and that
Islamic country. See for this C.R. Beazley, The Dawn of
Modern Geography~ Ill, London, 1906, p. 491.
mage~
15
16
An interest in nature is typical of Franciscans!

Theodulus, Ecloga~ verse 37, J. Osternacher (ed.),
Ripariae, 1902. This now completely forgotten work was
extremely popular in the middle ages. Cf. F.J.E. Raby,
Histo~
of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle
Ages~
Oxford , 1957, pp. 228-9. I think that this quotation

is quite clearly influenced by the opening lines of
Vergil's Aeneid.
17
For Titus, patron saint of Crete, see especially: R.

Pashley, Travels in Crete~ I, London, 1837, p. 6 and pp.
175-7.
432
18
Nicephorus Gregoras, t~qp(a Pwua~xn

25,15 (ed. Bonn,
III, p. 39); Eustathius~ Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem~
ed. Stallbaum, Leipzig, 1830, 1166, 17 (ad II. 18, 590ff.).
19
Descriptio insulae Cretae~
20
A.M. Woodward, 'The Gortyn"Labyrinth" and its Visitors in

the fifteenth century', BSA. 44 (1949), p. 324. Also: M.
Guarducci, 'ot 6oxa~6-re:po~ tn:~OJ.1.Errra~ -roD 'Liaj3tp(v8ou'
-m~ r6pTUVo~, KPn-r~~ XPOV~~, 4(1950), pp. 527-8.
21
22
23
24
in Creta Sacra, F. Cornaro

(ed.), Venice, 1755, p. 14 (short version) and pp. 103-4
(long version).
The Barzizza MS dated from 1453; but the text goes back
to an earlier version of 1421, cf. Woodward, op. cit.,
p. 325.
s.v. Laberinthos: "Laberinth(us) per -th- career ut a
poetis fingit(ur) discrimine viar(um) i(m)plicitus.
Reperitur etiam laberinthus i(n) Creta naturalis. non
manu factus sub monte q(u)odam incredibili ambage viar(um)
implicitus. quem novi magistratus a Senatu Veneto in eam
insulam missi hebreis ducibus accensis funalibus usq(u)e
quo iter est p(er)v(i)um. Inni su(n)t+ semp(er) cu(m)
p(r)imum insulam attigerunt". (+ : corrupt passage;
probably 'inire solent' is meant).
Woodward, op. cit., p. 325.
J. Pitton de Tournefort, Relation d'un voyage du
Levant~
I,Lyon, 1717, pp. 76-83.

25
Savary, Lettres sur la Grece~ lettre XXIII, Paris, 1788,

p. 185; cf. Guarducci, op. cit., p. 528.
26
K. Hoeck, Kreta, Ein Versuch zur Aufhellung der Mythologie

und Geschichte~ der Religion und Verfassung dieser Insel~
von den altesten Zeiten bis auf die Romer-Herrschaft~ III,
Gottingen, 1829, pp. 448ff.
27
28
P. Santarcangeli, Il libro dei labirinti. Storia di un

mito e di un simbolo. Florence, 1967, pp. 106-7.
F.W. Sieber, Reise nach der Insel Kreta im griechischen
Archipel~ im Jahre 1817~ Leipzig, 1823, pp. 510-20 (+
ground plan).
29
P. Belon du Mans, Les observations

Paris 2 , 1588, p. 17.
ritez etc.~
des plusieurs singula-
433
30
B. Ruthkowski, 'Les antiquites cretoises dans la relation

d'un voyageur polonais du XVIe siecle', BCH. 92 (1968),
pp. 91-2, concerning the Peregrinatio Hierosolymitana of
prince Nicolas Radziwill in 1583.
31
J.P.A. van der Vin, 'Het Labyrinth van Knossos',

Geuzenpenning~ 25 (1975), pp. 6-10.
32
De
E.g. Plutarch, Theseus~ eh. 19; Philostratus, Vita

IV, eh. 34. See also the summary in Santarcangeli (note 27), pp. 117-23 (appendice).
ApoZZonii~
33
Claudianus,
404 A.D.
34
Eustathius lived in the 12th century, but used a lot of

very old material, cf. Commentarii ad Homeri IZiadem~
ad Il. 18, 590ff. (see note 18).
35
P. Faure, Fonctions des cavernes cretoises~ Paris, 1964,

especially p. 26 for the different caves in the vicinity
of Gortyn.
36
Matton, (note 3), p. 104 for the remains of Colonia Julia

Nobilis; in the excavations of the palace of Knossos the
Roman remains received little attention: yet the Roman
settlement must have been of considerable size; there was
a 6th - century basilica, and traces were found of a
large agora and a villa with mosaics.
37
Matton, (note 3), p. 114. The chief demand of the rebels

was the abolition of the feudal system; after the ringleaders had been punished there was peace and quiet on
the island for a long time. See J. Jegerlehner, (note 9),
pp. 78ff.
38
39
VI Cons. Honorii
Augusti~ 634; can be dated
Lucchino dal Verme, a citizen of Verona, famous general

and personal friend of Petrarch, who dedicated to him
his De officio et virtutibus imperatoriis.
For this, see: M. Tabarrini, Francesco Petrarca e
Lucchino daZ Ver.me condottiere dei Veneziani neZZa guerra

di Candia~ Rome, 1892.
G. Heinz-Mohr, Lexikon der SymboZe. BiZder und Zeichen
der christZichen Kunst~ Dusseldorf-Cologne, 1972, p. 176;
also Santarcangeli, (note 27), p. 256.
2
The mosaic in Orleansville covers an area of circa 250m ;
in the centre of the maze are the words SANCTA ECCLESIA;
434
the maze is probably meant to symbolize the difficulties

which have to be endured in order to enter the Church.
Cf. J.J.M. Timmers, ChristeZijke symboZiek en iconografie~
Bussum 2 , 1974, pp. 168-9.
40
41
42
48
Santarcangeli, (note 27), pp. 245ff, especially pp. 261-8

with a list of the various cathedrals which have, or used
to have, a labyrinth. Almost all of them are floor
labyrinths; only one, the small labyrinth in the cathedral
of Lucca (50 cm in diameter) is placed vertically in the
wall of the porch; see Timmers, op. cit., picture on p.
168.
Santarcangeli, (note 27), pp. 254ff.
This sort of labyrinth was sometimes called a Chemin de
Jherusalem; in the labyrinth at Chartres, with a diameter
of more than 10 metres, the distance to be covered on
one's knees was about 250 metres. Cf. Lexikon der christZichen Ikonographie~ under Labyrinth.
Voyaige d'OuZtremer en JherusaZem par Ze Seigneur d e
Caumont~ De la Grange (ed.), Geneva 2 , 1975, p. 42.

44
Santarcangeli, (note 27), pp. 65ff.
45
Vergil, Aeneid~ V. 577-603.
46
s .A. Xanthoudides,
'o
-rclq:o~ -roD Ka.t.clqx:x. f:v Kpfrn;J' A{Jfj\Xl,
13 (1901) pp. 305 ff.

47
48
49
50
51
52
In most of the manuscripts the so called Gospel of Nicodemus consists of two parts, the Acta Pilati and the
Descensio Christi ad Inferos.
For the contents of the Acta Pilati with regard to Crete:
Xanthoudides, op. cit., p. 311 and also Creta sacra
(note 19), p. 58.
Xanthoudides, op. cit., pp. 308-9.
idem, p. 309; for the grave of Zeus see below; for the
grave of Idomeneus and Meriones: Diodorus Siculus, V, 79.
Xanthoudides, op. cit., p. 313; in an account by
Giustiniano Giustiniani, dating from 1320, three churches
are mentioned in a little village called Cagiafa.
R. Pococke,
Countries~
A Description of the East and some other
London, 1745, Vol. II, Part. I, Book IV, eh.

V, (p. 256).
435
53
Ruthkowski, (note 30), p. 94.
54
Faure, (note 35), pp. 8-9 has shown that under the
influence of Christianity and a certain rationalism the
gods and heroes of mythology were personified: this
explains why Buondelmonti could accept that Zeus, in
spite of his divinity, could still have a grave. In the
Liber InsuZarum ArchipeZagi~ (ed. Sinner) p. 67 he says
that Ptolemy directed him to the grave of Zeus.
55
A. Evans,
The Palace of Minos~
I. London, 1921, p. 154.
Chapter XVI
1
For the mastic on Chios: W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce

Age~ II, Leipzig, 1886, pp. 633-5;
also Fustel de Coulanges, 'Memoire sur l'ile de Chio',
in:Questions historiques~ C. Jullian (ed.), Paris, 1893,
pp. 221-3 and Ph. P. Argenti, The Occupation of Chios
du Levant au Moyen
by the Genoese and their Administration of the
IsZand~
1346-1566~

The Arab Idrisi mistakenly locates the production of
mastic on Samos.
2 Genoese support during the recapture of Constantinople
by the Palaeologians led to the gift of the island. The
emperor wanted to limit the gift to a period of ten years;
but the Genoese regarded it as a permanent gift and made
the island impregnable. See Fustel de Coulanges, op. cit.,
pp. 343ff.
3
The unsuccessful attack on Malta by Sultan Soleiman in

1566 led to the annexation of Chios.
The precision with which Niccolo da Martoni gives data,
distances and measurements leads us to suppose that this
large sum is probably not far from the truth.
Idrisi- Benjamin of Tudela- Wilhelm von Boldensele-Ludolf

von Sudheim- Mandeville- Niccolo da Martoni- Pero Tafur.
Liber InsuZarum ArchipeZagi~ G. Sinner (ed.) p. 112.

A. Lesky, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur~ Bern-
Mlinchen2, 1963, pp. 57-8.

8
A. Philippson,
Beitrage zur Kenntnis der griechischen
InseZweZt~ Erganzungshef.t No. 134 zu "Petermanns Mittei-
lungen", Gotha, 1901, p. 94.
436
9
10
L.I.A., Chapter 40.
A description of the East and some other

Countries London, 1745; and R. Chandler, Travels in Asia
Minor: 1764-1765 E. Clay (ed.), London, 1971. See also
Ph. Argenti - H.J. Rose, The Folk-Lore of Chios Cambridge,
R. Pococke,
3
1949, pp. 10-2.

11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
2 0
Fustel de Coulanges (note 1), p. 235.

Pococke, op. cit., II, 2, plate 37. See also J. Boardman,
'Chian and early Ionic Architecture', The Antiquaries
Journal 3 1959, plate XXXV.
Chandler, op. cit., pp. 51-2.
Boardman, op. cit., pp. 195-6.
Ph. P. Argenti (ed.), Hieronimo Giustiniani's History of
Chios 3 Cambridge, 1943, p. 82: 'la terrizola tu Homeros,
prendendo la denominatione da Homero poeta che ivi nacque'.
Lesky, (note 7), pp. 57-8.
R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture 3
Penguin Books, 1965, plate 95 and pp. 243, 264-5.
Saewulf-Ludolf von Sudheim-Mandeville-Niccolo da MartoniNompar de Caumont-Buondelmonti.
Desideri Erasmi Rot. In novum Testamentum Annotationes 3
Basel, 1552, p. 661: 'in primis non possum non mirari,
quid in mentem venerit iis qui Colossenses, ad quos
scribit hanc epistulam Paulus, aiunt esse Rhodienses, ob
nobilem ilium Colossum qui memoratur inter septem mundi
miracula. Nam de statua quidem nullus non meminit scriptorum. At de civitate huius nominis, ne ii quidem ullum
fecere verbum, qui totius insulae situm diligentissime
literis prodiderunt. Quin potius Colossae civitas est
Phrygiae, quae est in Asia minore, haud ita procul ab
Hierapoli et Laodicea, quarum et in hac epistula meminit
Paul us'.
See also G. Gerola, 'Le tredici Sporadi nel codice
Classence di Cristoforo Buondelmonti', R. Deputazione
di Storia patria per le Romagne 3 Atti e memorie 3 serie
IV, 4 (1913-1914), p. 465.
Construction began at the beginning of the third century
B.C. by Chares of Lindus: in about 227 B.C. the statue
collapsed and was never re-erected. Cf. M. Riemschneider,
437
Rhodos~
Vienna-Mlinchen, l974, pp. 66ff. Detailed study of

the Colossus in H. Maryon, 'The Colossus of Rhodes', JHS.
76 (1956), pp. 68-86. Old, but still valuable, is H. van
Gelder, Geschiehte der alten Rhodier~ The Hague, 1900,
pp. 383-9l.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
Cf. P.M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria~ I, Oxford, 1972,

pp. 17-8 and notes 102-3 for the use of mirrors on ancient
lighthouses.
For the site of the Colossus: 0. Benndorf, 'Bemerkungen
zur griechischen Kunstgeschichte, I. Der Coloss von Rhodos',
AM.1 (1876), p. 48 and note 1.
Bendorf indicates some drawings from the 15th and 16th.
century in which the correct and the incorrect locations
of the Colossus are shown.
Riemschneider, op. cit., p. 67 gives preference to a
place near the present Fort Nicholas. Mayon, op. cit., pp.
79-80 prefers the land belonging to the grand-masters'
palace near the harbour.
Wilhelm von Boldensele - Ludolf von Sudheim - Niccolo
da Martoni - Clavijo - Buondelmonti - Pero Tafur.
K.M. Setton, The
1976, pp. 166ff.
Papacy and the
Levant~
I, Philadelphia,
The number of mills varies from one writer to another

between a minimum of 12 and a maximum of 18.
Ialysus, one of the three ancient Doric towns of Rhodes;
the other two are Lindus and Camirus. The name
Philerimus, a place beloved by hermits, indicates how
deserted it was; in the late imperial period Ialysus was
apparently deserted.
Cf. Riemschneider, op. cit., p. 95.
Dictionnary~ under Rhodes, Cults and
Legends. In my opinion Buondelmonti's allusion to human
sacrifice is unfounded.
Oxford Classical
Pindar, Olympian Odes~ VII, 48, a poem about the victory

of the boxer Diagoras of Rhodes in 464 B.C.
Van Gelder, (note 20), pp. 346-50.
P.M. Fraser, Rhodian
p. 29 and note 150.
Funerary
Monuments~
Oxford, 1977,
NOTES TO P. 244
438
32
R. Rohricht - H. Meisner, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem

heiligen Lande~ Berlin, 1880, p. 154 with a description
of the German pilgrim Conrad Grlinenberg (1486). See also
Felix Faber (1480) in:Fratris Felicis Fabri Evagatorium in
Terrae Sanctae~ Arabiae et Egypti Peregrinationem~ C.D.
Hassler (ed.), I, Stuttgart, 1843, p. 426 and Mariano da
Siena, who visited Rhodes in 1431:Del viaggio in Terra
Santa fatto e descritto da Ser Mariano da Siena nel secolo

XV~
D. Moreni (ed.), Florence, 1822, p. 121.

Felix Faber makes an interesting remark about the casts
which were made from these relics; at the provincial
chapter of the Dominicans at Nuremberg in 1485 one was
given to anybody who was interested. Grlinenberg, loc. cit.,
also had a replica made by a Dutch goldsmith.
33
Pilgerflihrer und das Pilgerschriftbruchstlick des Miltenberger Handschriftenbandes N. 1693 in: L. Conrady, Vier
rheinische Palaestina-Pilgerschriften des XIV.~ XV. und

XVI. Jahrhunderts~ Wiesbaden, 1882, p. 47: "ibidem ostenditur unus ex denariis triginta pro quibus christus a
iuda vendebatur et est argenteus spissus in forma sicuti
antiqui thuroni franckfurtenses".
Conrady's date of this fragment between 1350 and 1384, is
too early. On the basis ot the term Antiqui thuroni
franckfurtenses a date shortly after 1400 is to be preferred, because it was only then that a distinction began
to be made between antiqui and other thuroni.
34
35
36
37
See the biography of Ludolf von Sudheim in Part I, pilgrimages.

For the pieces of silver in Europe: F. de Mely, 'Les
deniers de Judas dans la tradition du Moyen Age', Revue
numismatique~ 1899, pp. 500ff.
No description is known of for the coins in Aix,
Florence (2),Montserrat, Le Puy and St. Denis; those in
Heverlee, Malta, Oviedo, Paris (2), Rome (2) and Vincennes are Rhodian coins. See also Felix Faber, loc. cit.
(note 32).
Ludovicus de Rochechouart was bishop of Saintes from
1462-93; cf. c. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi~
II, Regensburg, 1914, p. 271. For his journey: 'Journal
de voyage a Jerusalem de Louis de Rochechouart, eveque
de Saintes, (1461)', Revue de l'Orient Zatin~ 1 (1893),
pp. 168-274.
38
439
Orient et Occident. Recherches sur tes

inf7uences byzantines et orientales en France pendant les
Cf. J. Ebersolt,
Croisades~
Paris-Brussels, 1929, p. 66. Felix Faber,

(note 32), gives exactly the same description of the relic
in Rhodes.
39
De Mely, op. ci t. , pp. 505-6.
Circulations
of Rhodian coins in the Palestinian area

is improbable but cannot be ruled out: the question then
remains, however, why, of all the different sorts of
coins found in Palestine, precisely the Rhodian ones
should be chosen.
41
M. Thompson, 0. M~rkholm and C.M. Kraay, An Inventory of

Greek Coin Hoards~ New York, 1973, index of hoards, under
Rhodes.
42
Saewulf - Wilhelm von Boldensele - Ludolf van Sudheim Mandeville- Buondelmonti (long version).
43
Cf. R. Herzog, 'Vorlalifiger Bericht liber die koische

Expedition im Jahre 1901 (1902-1903-1904)', AA. 16 (1901),
pp. 131-40; 18 (1902-1903), pp. 1-12 and pp. 186-99; 20
(1904), pp. 1-15.
44
c.
La tradition hellenique et la legende de Phide Praxitele et de la fille d'Hippocrate au Moyen-
Sathas,
dias~
Age~
Le Puy (n.d.) tries to throw some light on the background of this tradition. But his argument does not provide a solution for the story about Hippocrates' daugther.
A better study is that of G. Huet, 'La legende de la fille
d'Hippocrate a Cos', Bibliotheque de l'ecole des chartes~ 79,
(1918), pp. 45-59. There is a relief in the Byzantine
museum (Athens) which is interesting in connection with
this story, depicting a girl, an armed Knight and a tree.
I think it probable that this is an illustration of a
story of the same sort. Cf. G. Delvoye, l'Art byzantin~
Paris, 1967, plate 152.
45
46
Huet, op. cit., pp. 45- 8, where the te~t from Mandeville
and a fragment from Lanzelot are compared.
For the fight against a dragon in 1342 by Dieudonne de
Gozon, celebrated in Schiller's Drachenkampf, see RiemSchneider, (note 20), pp. 111-5, where the case for the
origin of this story being found in literary sources is
plausibly made.
440
47
N. Penzer,
and
Poison-Damsels and other Essays in Folklore
Anthropology~ London, 1952, pp. 70-1 has shown that
the stories about 'poison girls~ originate in the Middle

East. It is not clear to what extent one can make a
connection between the snake and the name of Hippocrates'
legendary son (or grandson), Draco.
48
Huet, op. cit., pp. 56-7 where the existence is indicated

of Byzantine legends about the death of Hippocrates and
about Hippocrates and his nephew.
49
On Kos, as late as 1480, Felix Faber notes the story of

the daughter of Hippocrates. Cf. Evagatorium (note 32),
III, Stuttgart, 1849, pp. 265-8.
For
the church of the Panagia Katapoliani or Hekatonpylai:

Krautheimer, (note 17). p. 183; also H.H. Jewell and F.W.
Hasluck, The Chruch of Our Lady of the Hundred Gates in
Paras~ London, 1920. The church is described, among other
places, in a lOth century hagiographic document by Nicetas
Magister, Vita S. Theoctistae Lesbiae~ eh. 3-4; Acta
sanctorum, November 4.
See also C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire~ 3121453~ Sources and Documents~ Englewood Cliffs, 1972, p.
104.
51
See the discussion of the Liber Insularum Archipelagi in the

Biography of Buondelmonti, where the fragmentary archeological data is also evaluated.
Chapter XVII
For the area of Rome in the 15th century: Westermann,

Grosser Atlas zur Weltgeschichte~ Braunschweig, 1978,
45,I.
A.M. Schneider, 'Die Bevolkerung Konstantinopels im XV.

Jahrhundert', Nachrichten der Akademie van Wissenschaften~ Gottingen~ philologisch-historische Klasse,
1949, p. 233. Cf. Westermann, op. cit. plate 78, II
(Cologne), 103, II (Paris).
Bagdad; see W. Montgomery Watt,

London, 1974, p. 99.
The Legacy that was Islam~
Perimeter of 8 miles: Ludolf von Sudheim; of 9 miles:

Idrisi and al-Wardi; of 12 miles: Arculf; of 18 miles:
Benjamin of Tudela, Brocardus-Adam, Clavijo, Buondelmonti,
441
Schiltberger, de Lannoy, Bertrandon de la Broquiere;

Harfrn-ibn-Yaha gives an area of 12 square parasangs,
a parasang being about 3 miles.
5
Cf. V .G. Berry (ed.),
Odo of Deuil. De profectione Ludo-
vici VII in
New York, 1948, p. 65 note 1.
Orientem~
W. Mliller-Wiener, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls~

Tlibingen, 1977, pp. 22-3. (Further: Bildlexikon).
During the rule of Justinian I the city is supposed to
have numbered between 600,000 and 1,000,000 inhabitants;
in the 7th century this number fell sharply, but from
the 9th century onwards a definite recovery and growth
in population can be observed. Cf. P. Charanis, 'A Note
on the Population and Cities of the Byzantine Empire in
the thirteenth century', in: Joshua Starr Memorial Volume~
New York, 1953, pp. 137-40.
Bildlexikon~
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
p. 286.
The texts of Idrisi and Aboulfeda are identical as to

this point; Ma~oudi and al-Wardi drew their information
from a different source. For the measurements:
Bildlexikon~ pp. 286ff.
Blachernae complex:
Bildlexikon~
p. 286 and pp. 301-5.
Attacks which were particularly concentrated on the wall

at the Blachernae: the Avarians in 626, the Bulgarians in
813 and the Franks in 1203.
Cf. A.A. Vasiliev, History of
1453~ Madison 2 , 1952, passim.
the Byzantine Empire: 324-
This passage in the work of Pero Tafur must have been put
in years after the journey, probably when the story of
his travels was written down. See the biography in Part
I, Pilgrimages.
The strength of the walls is mentioned by: Arculf and
Bede, Harfrn-ibn-Yahya, Ma~oudi, Bartolf of Nangis, Odo
of Deuil, Idrisi, Aboulfeda, Ibn Battuta, Boldensele,
Mandeville, Clavijo, Buondelmonti, Schiltberger, Bertrandon de la Broquiere, Pero Tafur, al-Wardi.
For the walls alongside the Golden Horn: Bildlexikon~ pp.
308ff.; for those along the Sea of Marmara: idem, pp. 312ff.
The number of gates that can still be traced are 11 in
the west wall, between 10 and 20 on the north side of the
442
city and 36 for the south side. As well as these there

were many small gates and entrances.
16
Cf. J. Strzygowski, 'Das goldene Thor in Konstantinopel',

(1893), pp. 1-39.
Jdi.8
17
Bildlexikon~
pp. 297-8; cf. M. Izeddin, 'Un prisonnier

Byzance au IXe siecle; Harftn-ibn-Yahya', Revue
des etudes islamiques~ 1941-1948, p. 45 and note 5; also
Strzygowski, op. cit., pp. 29ff.
For a legend connected with the Porta Aurea in the 12th
century:Gesta Regis Henrici secundi Benedicti Abbatis
in: The Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II and Richard
arabe
I. A.D. 1169-1192; known commonly under the name of

Benedict of Peterborough~ W. Stubbs (ed.), London, 1857,
vol. II, 52 (Rolls Series 49).
18
Theophanes, XPO~oy~Ca, C. de Boor (ed.), Bonn, 18831885 for the damage of 720; Cedrenus, a6vo~~~ t~opCwv,
II, 173, I. Bekker (ed.), Bonn, 1839 for that of 866.
19
~ournal des voyages de Monsieur de Monconys~ Lyon, 1665,

I, p. 455.
20
21
22
23
24
Izeddin, op. cit., p. 46 note 1.

Cf. I. Dujcev, 'Die Krise der spatbyzantinischen Gesellschaft und die turkische Eroberung der 14. Jahrhunderts',
Jahrbucher fUr Geschichte Osteuropas~ (N.F.) 21 (1973),
pp. 482ff.
Positive: Guibert of Nogent, Foucher of Chartres, Bartolf of Nangis, Odo of Deuil, Benjamin of Tudela, Robert
de Clari and Geoffroy de Villehardouin, the anonymous
chronicle of Novgorod of 1203, Wilhelm von Boldensele,
Ludolf von Sudheim and Mandeville, Ibn Battuta.
Negative: Ma~oudi, Odo of Deuil, Aboulfeda, Brocardus,
the anonymous Russian, Clavijo, Buondelmonti, Bertrandon de la Broquiere and Pero Tafur.
Emphasis on wealth: Harftn-ibn-Yahya, Robert of Rheims,
Foucher of Chartres, Bartolf of Nangis, Odo of Deuil,
Benjamin of Tudela, Idrisi, Villehardouin and Clari,
Ibn Battuta, Boldensele and Ludolf von Sudheim.
Densely populated city in: Foucher of Chartres, Bartolf
of Nangis, Benjamin of Tudela;thinly populated in:
Brocardus-Adam, Clavijo, Buondelmonti and Pero Tafur.
443
Emphasis on its decay and the many ruins in: BrocardusAdam, Aboulfeda, the anonymous Russian of circa 1390,
Clavijo, Buondelmonti, Pero Tafur. The black and white
picture by Odo of Deuil is no longer included.
See also Charanis, (note 6), pp. 137-40.
25
26
27
28
29
30
K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant~ I. Philadelphia,

1976, pp. 1, 11 and note 37; also: A.M. Schneider,
Brande in Konstantinopel', BZ. 41 (1941), especially
pp. 386-7.
Schneider, Bevolkerung (note 2), pp. 233-44.
Gardens and open places inside the walls in: Aboulfeda,
Brocardus-Adam, Ibn Battuta and Bertrandon de la
Broquiere.
For this anonymous document, entitled 'Terre hodierne
Grecorum et dominia secularia et spiritualia ipsorum',
see Neos hellenomnemon, 7(1910), p. 361. The passage
about the number of inhabitants: 'habitantes in ea, ut
extimo, quadraginta milia hominum vix possunt interesse,
qui in tempore guerrae de suis internis vineis, pratis
et ceteris necessariis vivere possunt, prout frequenter
probatur '.
Attention paid to the many foreigners in: Harfrn-ibnYahya, Bartolf of Nangis, Odo of Deuil, Benjamin of
Tudela and Ibn Battuta. See further the chapter on
merchants in Part I.
BiZdZexikon~
p. 26.
R. Janin, 'Les ponts byzantins de la Corne d'Or',
Annuaire de Z'Institut de phiZoZogie et d'histoire

orientaZes et slaves~ 9 (1949), pp. 247ff.
31
BiZdZexikon~ p. 25, plate 3, between the Eugenius tower

and the Kastellion in Galata.
32
See F.W. Hasluck, 'Constantinopolitana', JHS.43 (1923),

pp. 162ff. for remains of a similar chain in the
museum of the Hagia Irene.
444
33
Some important works about the Hagia Sophia: W.R. Lethaby

and H. Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia
Constantinople~
A Study of Byzantine Building~ Londo~,

Sainte-Sophie de Constantinople. Etude
de topographie d'apres les ceremonies~ Paris, 1910; R.
Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture~
1894; J. Ebersolt,
Penguin Books, 1965, pp. 153ff., and finally Bildlexikon~

where an extensive bibliography is also found. A detailed
treatment of the interior: C. Peeters, De liturgische
dispositie van het vroegchristelijk kerkgebouw~ Assen,
1969, pp. 135-50.
34
35
Not mentioned by Harfrn-ibn-Yahya, Idrisi and al-Wardi;

obviously left out on purpose by Aboulfeda; Harawi promises
to give a description, but if this ever appeared, it has
not survived.
Stephanus of Novgorod, Ignatius of Smolensk, the anonymous
Russian, Zosimus.
36
H.R. Ellis Davidson, The Viking Road to

1976, p. 203. A. Grabar, 'Les fresques
Sainte-Sophie de Kiev et l'iconographie
Seminarium Kondakovianum~ 7 (1935), pp.
37
Chronique
dite de
Nestor~
Byzantium~
London,
des escaliers a
imperiale byzantine',
103ff.
L. Leger (ed.), Paris, 1884,
p. 90.
38
39
Odo of Deuil, Nicholas of Thingyar, Brocardus-Adam,

Mandeville, Boldensele.
S. Brock, 'A medieval Armenian Pilgrim's Description of
Constantinople', Revue des etudes armeniennes~ N.S. 4
(1967), pp. 81ff.
39a
Ground plan: 75 x 70 m; diameter of dome: 31.38 m; height

of dome: 65 m.
40
41
In Benjamin of Tudela, Clavijo, Schiltberger, Bertrandon

de la Broquiere.
According to Pero Tafur, in former times 6000 priests used
to serve the Hagia Sophia, but this number must be regarded
as exaggerated. Ibn Battuta notes the presence of large
numbers of nuns, who apparently sat apart in a special
place in the church. Robert de Clari uses the word 'moustier'
to refer to the whole Hagia Sophia complex.

42
43
44
45
46
445
Clari, Boldensele, Schiltberger, Buondelmonti, Bertrandon

de la Broquiere, Pero Tafur.
The throne is mentioned by the anonymous Armenian. For the
use of the rota in the throne chambers of late-antique
palaces: H. Kahler, Die Villa des Maxentius bei Piazza
Armerina~ Berlin, 1973, pp. 17-8 and note 116; also Peeters,
(note 33), p. 142.
Ambo: Robert de Clari describes the ambo of before 1204,
Clavijo that of after 1261; cf. Peeters, (note 33), pp.
141ff. (ambo of before 1204) and Bildlexikon~ p. 89 (ambo
of after 1261).
In 1346 the mosaic of the dome, which had been badly
damaged by an earthquake in 1343, was renewed; but the
restoration took a long time because of the shortage of
money, and it was only completed in 1353, cf .. Bildlexikon~
p. 91.
Chronicle of
dites ou peu
Novgorod~ in: Chroniques greco-romanes~ ineconnues~ Ch. Hopf (ed.), Berlin, 1873, pp.
94ff.
47
48
49
50
51
52
idem, p. 94: "

et Sanctae Sophiae tota supellex concremata est et porticus in qua patriarchae omnes depicti
erant".
Bildlexikon~
p. 87 and Abb. 71.
C. Mango, Materials for the Study of the Mosaics of St.

Sophia at Istanbul, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 8, Washington,
1962.
Cf. J. Ebersolt, Constantinople byzantine
du Levant~ Paris, 1918, p. 72 note 1.
et les voyageurs
Anthony of Novgorod, (used as a storage place for fruit

and vegetables!), Stephanus of Novgorod, Clavijo, Buondelmonti, Pero Tafur.
Bildlexikon~ p. 85, See also: Preliminary Report upon the
Excavations carried out in the Hippodrome of Constantinople
in 192? on Behalf of the British Academy~ London, 1928,
p. 24.
53
54
Krautheimer, (note 33), Figure 62.

In western Europe no mystery play on this subject is known;
cf. K. Young, The Drama in the Mediaeval Church~ Oxford,
446
1933, index.
In the few surviving plays on Old Testament subjects Daniel
(in the lion's den) does play an important part, cf. Young,
op. cit.' part rr' pp. 276-306.
55
56
57
58
59
60
Cf. R. Stichel, 'Jlidische Tradition in christlicher Liturgie: zur Geschichte des Semantrons', Cahiers archeologiques~
21 (1971), pp. 213-28.
See Part I, pilgrimages. Ibn Battuta does mention the
great number of monasteries, but does not go into details.
J. Ebersolt and R. Thiers,
Paris, 1913.
Les eglises de
Constantinople~
S. Eyice, 'Les eglises byzantines d'Istanbul (du IXe au

XVe siecle)',Corsi Ravenna~ 12 (1965), pp. 247ff.
R. Krautheimer, Early
Penguin Books, 1965.
Christian and Byzantine
Architecture~
W. Mliller-Wiener, BiZdZexikon~ section Kirchen, pp. 72-215;

also much information in section on Moscheen, pp. 369-491.
61
Church of the Apostles (i.e. Fatih Camii), Bildlexikon~

pp. 405ff. For the various stages of building: Krautheimer,
op. cit., pp. 46-7 and pp. 174-5.
62
Procopius, De Aedificiis~ I, 4, 9ff, where the comparison

with the church at Ephesus is also made; Constantinus
Rhodius, cf. E. Legrand, 'Description des oeuvres d'art
et de l'eglise des Saint Apotres de Constantinople. Poeme
en vers iambiques par Constantine le Rhodien', RE~ 9
(1896), pp. 32ff. (circa 940 A.D.); Nicolaus Mesarites,
Ekphrasis~ cf. G. Downey, 'Nikolaos Mesarites, Description
of the Church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople',
Transactions of the American Philosophical Society~ N.S.
47 (1957), part 6, pp. 855ff. (circa 1200).
63
Drawings: Menologium of Basil II, 1018: Vaticanus gr. 1613

and the homilies of John Kokkinobaphus in Vaticanus gr.
1163 fol 2 and Parisinus gr. 1207, fol 3v.
Architectural imitations: Cf. Krautheimer, (note 59), pp.
174-5, pp. 288-9 and relevant notes. For St. Mark: 0. Demus,
The Church of San Marco~ Washington, 1960; for the basilica
of St. John at Ephesus: Forschungen in Ephesos~ IV, 3, pp.
19ff.

64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
447
Ph. Grierson, 'The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-1042), DOP.l6 (1962), pp. 1-63.
A.A. Vasiliev, 'Imperial Porphyry Sarcophagi in
Constantinople', DOP, 4 (1948), pp. 3-26.
For the colours: Grierson, op. cit., pp. 38ff., where the
known data is summarized under each emperor. Whether the
green sarcophagus was indeed that of Justinian I is doubtful.
BiZdZexikon~
pp. 406-8.
Vasiliev, op. cit., pp. 3ff.

Zeyrek Kilise Camii, see BiZdZexikon~ pp. 209ff. for the
history of this monastery; for the rulers buried there,
Ebersolt, (note 2), p. 194. The last to be enterred there
was John VIII Palaeologus, in 1448.
The similarity in sound of the names of these two
empresses may be behind this mistake.
Vasiliev, (note 65), pp. 15-6; plundering at the end of
the 12th century.
E.g. John II Comnenus, Manuel I Comnenus, Manuel II
Palaeologus, Theodorus, despotes of the Morea. Cf. A.A.
Vasiliev, 'Pero Tafur, A Spanish Traveller of the
fifteenth century and his visit to Constantinople,
Trebizond and Italy', Byzantion~ 7 (1932), p. 107 note 6.
BiZdZexikon~
p. 214.
The monast~ry of John the Baptist (Prodromos) was situated

near the present Bogdan Serai, cf. BiZdZexikon~ p. 108.
Clavijo uses the word 'chapitel', that apparently meant
not only capital but also dome; about the dome of the
Hagia Sophia he says: un chapitel redondo e muy alto. Cf.
Embassy to TamerZane~ G. le Strange (ed.) London, 1928,
p. 346 note 4.
The churches described are of the basilica type; cf. for
the ground plan: Le Strange, op. cit., p. 68.
Known as Sulu Monastir: between 1543 and 1782 there was
an Armenian monastery on this spot; as a result of a fire
only its ruins remain; cf. BiZdZexikon~ pp. 200-1 and R.
Janin, Les egZises et Zes monasteres~ Paris, 1953, pp.
227ff.
448
78
See c. Mango 1 The Art of the Byzantine Empire~ 312-1453~

Englewood Cliffs, 1972, p. 217 note 164, which refers the
reader to the picture of this group in the work of Du
Cange, Familiae augustae hyzantinae~ Paris, 1680, p. 233.
See also J. Leunclavius, Annales sultanorum Othmanidarum~
Frankfurt 2 , 1596, p. 137 (eh. 51), where the place is
given as: versus occidentalem templi partem.
In the 17th century several travellers mention an imperial
group as being in the refectory; probably this is the
same group and they are mistaken as to the place.
79
Perhaps this is based on ancient mosaics of cities, such as

those partly preserved in the Great Mosque of Damascus,
see H. Stern, 'Notes sur les mosaiques du dome du Rocher
et de la mosquee de Damas', Cahiers archeologiques~ 22
(1972), pp. 217-25 +figs. 21-22.
Clavijo's
imperfect historical knowledge appears from the

date he gives to the plundering by the crusaders: 90 years
before his visit.
81
Cf. J. Ebersolt, (note 50) p. 136 and Mango, op. cit., p.

2~8 note 167.
82
Mango, op. cit., p. 218 note 168.
83
Cycles of this sort were usual in middle and late Byzantine

churches; cf. the surviving cycle about the life of Mary
in the narthex of the church of the Chora monastery. See
P.A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami~ New York, 1966 (3 vols.).
84
Bildlexikon~ pp. 147-52; the building still exists, mainly

in ruins, under the name of Imrahor Djami (or Mi-achor
Djami). The construction goes back to 463 A.D., and is thus
older than the Hagia Sophia; the monastery was founded by the
senator Studius, after whom it is named, cf. Krautheimer,
(note 59), pp. 78-9; for a detailed treatment of this monastery complex: Ebersolt - Thiers (note 57) chapter I.
85
Bildlexikon~ p. 149.
86
For the Mangana district: Bildlexikon~ pp. 136-8 with

bibliography; also R. Demangel - E. Mamboury, Le quartier
de Manganes~ Paris, 1939, pp. 19ff. In the 11th century this
complex near the Great Palace was more a summer residence
than a monastery, cf. Krautheimer, (note 59), p. 252.
87
The figure of the angel is unusual in connection with the

Second Coming of Christ, which is symbolised by a cross
449
above the clouds. Cf. Mango, (note 78), p. 220 note 176;
probably the hetoimasia contained in a medallion formed the
central part of the Pentecost scene.
88
89
Mango, (note 78), p. 220 note 177; Bildlexikon~ pp. 136ff.

A. van Millingen,
Byzantine Churches in
their History and
Architecture~
Constantinople~
London, 1912, p. 227; cf.

Bildlexikon~ p. 42~ p. 271 and p. 495.
See also R.L. Wolff, 'Footnote to an Incident of the Latin
Occupation of Constantinople: The Church and the Icon of
the Hodegetria', Traditio~ 6 (1948), pp. 391ff. This church
was situated on Seraglio Point.
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
Wolff, op.
Pauphilet,
Antwerpen,
and spread
cit., p. 325; cf. Robert de Clari, eh. 66, ed.

pp. 45-6. G.A. Wellen, Theotokos~ Utrecht1960, pp. 213-5 describes in detail the origin
of the legend of the icon painted by St. Luke.
Tafur's statement that Constantine was buried in this

chapel is incorrect, and is connected with the tendency
to connect everything with this emperor. Mention of the
church and procession also found in the anonymous
Armenian and Russian pilgrims.
See Constantinople, appearance and situation.
Krautheimer (note 59), pp. 277ff. for middle-Byzantine
monastery building; for the ground plan of such an 11th
- century mon~stery complex: idem. fig. 97 (Hosios
Meletios at Megara).
See Bildlexikon~ pp. 64ff. and the bibliography on pp.
69-71.
The model on which the Hippodrome was built, the Circus
Maximus in Rome, was in ruins at that time.
In some Mss 590 ells.
Bi ldlexikon~
p . 64 .
The mention of the west side must be due to a mistake on

Harun's part; the orientation of the Hippodrome is from
south-west to north-east; the starting place was in the
carceres on the north-east side.
There were ten or twelve carceres, but it is possible that
450
not all entrances were used at once. Cf.

64.
10
Bildlexikon~
p.
Cf.
1 01
1 02
1 03
Mandeville, who did not borrow this information from

Boldensele, and Clavijo.
On the pillars, according to Clavijo, 'the deeds of knights'

were depicted, i.e. scenes connected with the competitions
at the Hippodrome. Cf. also B{l-dlexikon~ p. 68, where
inscriptions and paintings are mentioned as being on the
columns of the sphendone.
The imperial box was originally in the middle of the
eastern long side and was directly connected with the palace
behind. See also Bildlexikon~ p. 68.
Scriptores originum
Constantinopolitanarum~
New York 2 , 1975, p. 137; Bildlexikon~ p. 65.
104
1 05
1 06
107
108
1 09
The last 17 (!) columns were pulled down during the visit
of Pierre Gilles in about 1545; cf. p. Gyllius, De topographia Constantinopoleos~ Lyon, 1561, pp. 91-4.
Scriptores (note 103), pp. 189-90; Codinus 52 (= Unger 879);
Zosimus II, 31 (= Unger 307). See also R. Bianchi Bandinelli, La fin de l'art antique~ Paris, 1970, pp. 349-50;
also A.A. Vasiliev, 'The Monument of Porphyrius in the
Hippodrome at Constantinople', DOP~ 4 (1948), pp. 31ff.
For the fact that in the saga the statues are identified
with native Scandinavian gods: see Part I under soldiers.
The.figures stood on the spina, 'on the left and the right,
so that as you went round you always saw some of them next
to you'. Cf. also al-Wardi, who probably based his
description on Harawi.
See biography of Robert de Clari in Part I. (Crusades).
Nicetas Choniates, Historia, pp. 858ff. ed.Bonn.
11o Bildlexikon~
111
112
T. Preger (ed.)
p. 67.
Scenes from the games at the Hippodrome were chosen as

decoration for the Hagia Sophia church in Kiev, built in
about 1036, see A. Grabar, (note 36), pp. 103ff.; also
H.R. Ellis Davidson,(note 36) pp. 203 and 271. The
scenes shown were chariot-racers at the starting point,
gladiators with animal masks, and the enactment of a hunt.
Cf. the Nike revolt of 532, which started with the quarrel
between the various factiones.
45~

11 3
p. 67; cf. o. Demus, The Church of San Marco

Washington (D.C.) 1960, p. 27. Before being
placed on the San Marco the horses stood for a while at
the Arsenal.
Bildlexikon~
in
114
Venice~
Although Harun and Harawi make a mistake and mention only

three bronze horses, the identification is quite probable.
Cf. also Symon Semeonis, who only mentions two horses in
Venice, although he must undoubtedly have seen four; see:
Itinerarium Symonis Semeonis ab Hybernia ad Terram

Sanctam~
11 5
11 6
M. Esposito (ed.), Dublin, 1960, p. 35.
Nicetas Choniates, p. 150, ed. Bonn.

For the older theories about origin and placing: W.R.
Lethaby and H. Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia~
Constantinople~ London, 1894, p. 193.
0. Frick,
'Das Plataeische Weihgeschenk zu Konstantinopel',

Philologie~ 3th. Supplementband,
1857-1860, pp. 487ff., in which the previous history, the
participants in the battle of Plataeae, the evidence of
classical authors and the newly found remains are all
dealt with at very great length. For more recent literature
Bildlexikon~ p. 71.
Jahrbucher fur classische
117
11 8
11 9
120
121
122
123
Frick, op. cit. p. 551 believes that the removal took place
under Valens. I do not know of any arguments for an
original placing near the Hagia Sophia, cf. Bildlexikon~
p. 65.
Nicetas Choniates,
p. 861 ed. Boeck.
De signis
Constantinopolitanis~
eh. 8,
The passage in Harlin-ibn-Yahya about a snake monument near

the Golden Gate is very vague and probably refers to a
different monument. See biography of Harlin in Part I,
(soldiers).
Bildlexikon~
p. 65, mentioning A.M. Manse!, 'Istanbul'daki'

Burmali Sutun', Belleten~ 34 (1970), pp. 189ff.
See the table about monuments in Constantinople.
Ignatius of Smolensk, Alexander, Clavijo, Zosimus.
Again later in Wolf von Zulnhart, 1495; see R. Rohricht

and H. Meisner, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem heiligen
Lande~ Berlin, 1880, p. 314.
452
124
125
According to a Turkish tradition Sultan Muhammed II is

supposed to have damaged the monument with an axe; but there
is absolutely no evidence for this; see Frick (note 116)
pp. 551-2. In a drawing of 1536 the snake column is still
shown with three heads; cf Bildlexikon~ Fig. 49, a detail
of a plan of the city of Nasuh-al-Matraqi, preserved in the
university library of Istanbul, T. 5964, fol. 8b-9a. In
fact the monument was damaged between 1544 (Gyllius) and
1578 (Schweigger), cf. Frick, op. cit. 551-2.
Istanbul, Archaeological Museum, No. 18, See
MUsee Imperial
Bronzes et Bijoux~ catalogue sommaire~ Istanbul,

1898, pp. 26-7, no. 148. More recent: P. Devambez, Grands
bronzes du MUsee de Stamboul~ Paris, 1937, pp. 9-12 and
plate II.
Ottoman~
126
127
128
129
Bildlexikon~
pp. 64-5 and the illustrations 42-43. For the

obelisk of Theodosius I especially: A.J.B. Wace, 'The Base
of the Obelisk of Theodosius', JHS~ 29 (1909), pp. 60ff.
Cf. Zosimus, Clavijo and Buondelmonti. The Pharus mentioned

by Harawi is probably none other than this obelisk which is
also mentioned by him in another fragment. Cf. Ch. Schefer,
'Aboul Hassan Aly el Herewi', Archives de l'Orient latin~
1 (1881), p. 589, notes 4-5. I do not believe the identification of the two monuments described with the stone
obelisk and the snake column to be correct.
The text on the base was written in two languages, Latin
and Greek, see Bandinelli, (note 105), pp. 355.
On the northeastern side of the base the process of towing
and erecting the obelisk has been sculptured; cf. G. Bruns,
Der Obelisk und seine Basis auf dem Hippodrom zu

Konstantinopel~
130
1 31
Istanbul, 1935, Figs. 51-56, pp. 1-11.
Cf. E. Nash, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Rom~

II, Tubingen, 1962, pp. 161-2, under obeliscus vaticanus.
For the Thermae of Zeuxippus: Lethaby and Swainson, (note
115), pp. 3-4. The building was decorated with a great
number of statues, according to the fifth-century poet
Christodorus, more than 60 bronze statues. It is possible
that some of these escaped destruction. For modern
literature: Bildlexikon~ p. 51. See also Part I, Pilgrimages,
Pero Tafur.

132
133
13'+
135
136
137
138
139
453
c.
Mango, The Brazen House~ Copenhagen, 1959, pp. 42-7 and

map 6 situates the buildings of the patriarchate between
the Hagia Sophia and the Augusteion. For an outdated
location of the Augusteion see the critical view of J.
Ebersolt, Le grand palais de Constantinople et le Livre des
Ceremonies~ Paris, 1910, p. 14 and note 7. For lay-out and
history: Bildlexikon~ pp. 248-9, where there is also an
extensive bibliography.
Stephanus of Novgorod, the Russian anonymous and Zosimus.
0. Wulff, 1 Die sieben Wunder von Byzanz und die Apostelkirche nach Konstantinus Rhodius', BZ. 7 (1898), pp. 318ff.
Cf. Harawi (and the copy in al-Wardi) and Stephanus of
Novgorod.
Harftn-ibn-Yahya gives the height as lOO ells, Clari as 50
shields, Buondelmonti as 70 ells. The diameter must have
been about 4 metres, cf. also Bildlexikon~ p. 248.
The measurements given by Gyllius (see below) agree with
this.
Procopius (circa 545), Constantinus Rhodius (lOth century),
Pachymeres (1310), Nicephorus Gregoras (1325).
Procopius, VII, I, 2, 5-12; the text with translation of
this passage in: Ph. Williams Lehmann, 'Theodosius or
Justinian? A Renaissance Drawing of a Byzantine Rider',
The Art Bulletin~ 41 (1959), pp. 41-4 with note 10.
'+ Cf. E.
Legrand, 'Description des oeuvres d'art et de l'eglise

des Saints Apotres de Constantinople. Poeme en vers iambiques
par Constantin le Rhodien', REG~ 9 (1896), pp. 32ff. Also:
T. Reinach, 'Commentaire archeologique sur le poeme de
Constantin le Rhodien', in the same volume, pp. 66ff. The
statue is mentioned in the poem in the lines 31-51 and 36472.
1'+1
Pachymeres, Eephrasis (Descriptio Augusteonis), in: A. Banduri,

Imperium Orientale sive Antiquitates Constantinopolitanae~
Paris, 1711, I, lib. VI, p. 116 D-E. Nicephorus Gregoras,
Historia byzantina~ II, pp. 1219-20. (Bonn).
'+
Budapest, University Library, No. 35, fol. 144v. This codex

with excerpts from classical authors was donated in 1877 by
454
sultan Abdul Hamid II. For publications etc. Williams

Lehmann, op. cit. p. 39 and notes 1-2.
143
144
145
146
147
148
C. Mango, 'Letters to the Editor', The Art Bulletin~ 41

(1959), pp. 351-6, with a defence of Williams Lehmann on
pp. 356-9.
The borrowings are clear in Harawi and al-Wardi, also in
Boldensele and Ludolf von Sudheim; also Mandeville,
partly. For the influence of Boldensele on later authors:
C.R. Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography~ III, LondonOxford, 1906, p. 394 note 4.
Procopius, loc. cit (note 139), says that the marble steps
were covered with plates of copper which were decorated
in relief. Cf. W.R. Lethaby and H. Swainson, The Church of
Sancta Sophia Constantinople~ London, 1894, p. 180.
The passage in Harawi probably refers to the fact that the
pillar was covered with bronze.
In Schiltberger the variant version that in Germany the
figure of the horseman was believed to be made of leather.
He made enquiries in Constantinople as to the material used
for the statue, and was assured that it was made of metal.
The area of the upper plate: in Harawi 4 square ells, in
Clari 15 square feet.
For the clothing of the emperor and the problematic
passage in Procopius about OKEun 'Ax~AA~: G. Downey,
'Justinian as Achilles', Transactions of the American
Philological Association, 71 (1940), pp. 70-3 and G.
Rodenwaldt, 'Archaologische Gesellschaft zu Berlin. Sitzung
am 3. Februar 1931', AA. 46 (1931), pp. 333-5. For the
toupha: Mango, Letters (note 143), pp. 351-2 with reference
to passages in Byzantine authors.
In some versions of Mandeville "west" is written in stead
of "east".
yn
149
Procopius, VII, I, 2, 5-12: OL~

oEoou)..u.rm~ rrfuxl..
1 50
idem: xa~ LOU!; CCOHUAoU!; o~an:EL~ EyJiEAEDELa~ LOi:!; bt.dvr;J

(?;apfXlpo~!; }{.CX:8fpfu.~ 6Cxo~ XUL
-rrp6al) tt\x:x.~.
LE auL~ xat
a6Aaooa
un
1 51
1 52
Cf. G. Downey, op. cit., pp. 68ff, especially pp. 74-7.

Harawi, Robert de Clari, Wilhelm von Boldensele, Ludolf von
Sudheim, Jean de Mandeville, Stephanus of Novgorod, Buondelmonti, Zosimus.
455

153
Probably part of the colonnade round the Augusteion; See

C. Mango, The Brazen House, (note 132), Appendix II: A
Colonnade in or near the Augustaion, pp. 174-9.
154
Cf. Mandeville's Travels~ M.C. Seymour (ed.), Oxford, 1967,

p. 232.
155
Mango, Letters~
1 56
F.W. Hasluck,
(note 143), pp. 353-4.
'The Prophecy of the Red Apple', in:

Sultans~ II, Oxford, 1929,
Christianity and Islam under the

pp. 736ff.
157
Idealization especially by E. Jacobs, 'Cyriacus von Ancona

und Mehemmed II', BZ. 30 (1930), pp. 197ff and by the same
author: 'Mehemmed II, der Eroberer, seine Be~iehungen zur
Renaissance und seine Blichersammlung', Oriens~ 2 (1949),
pp. 11-30. Criticism of this romantic view in F. Babinger,
'Mehmed der Eroberer in ostlicher und westlicher Beleuchtung', Sudost Forschungen~ 22 (1963), pp. 288ff. and by
the same author: 'Mehmed II, der Eroberer und Italien',
Byzantion~ 21 (1951), pp. 127-70. Also Ch. G. Patrinelis,
'Mehmed II the Conqueror and his presumed Knowledge of
Greek and Latin', Viator~ 2 (1971), pp. 349ff. In another
study Patrinelis shows that Cyriacus never did stay at the
court of Mohammed II; he died in Ancona in 1452, see:
'Kupt.roto~
Ayxc.uvC"tn~. 'H 6f)5Ev Un:EpEo[a ,;oo d~ -ri)v
auA.i]v "tOU oouA.,;avou ~-5 "tOU IIQPfu),;ou Jl.L

XfJ<)vo~ "tOU
fuvcnou ,;ou' , En:E"tTJP L~ &at.pd~ 13u~avn u:Dv l:nouowv,
36 (1968, pp. 152-60.
For the statue being spared: Williams Lehmann, (note 139),
pp. 40-1 and note 8; M. Izeddin, 'Un prisonnier arabe a
Byzance au IXe siecle: Harftn-ibn-Yahya', Revue des etudes
islamiques~ 1941-1948, p. 58 and note 1 was also written
with the belief that the statue was spared until 1490.
158
159
llii 0
Giovanni Maria Angiolello, from 1470 to 1482 a prisoner in

Turkish hands. Cf. E. Jacobs, 'Cyriacus von Ancona und
Mehemmed II',BZ. 30 (1930), pp. 200-1 and note 1; cf the
edition of Angiolello's work (difficult to obtain) by J.
Reinhard, J.M. Angiolello~ ses manuscrits inedits~
Besan9on, 1913, p. 48.
Cf. Mango,
Letters
(note 143), p .. 354.
'una statua di Santo Agostino, fatta di bronzo, la quale

fu levata via dal Gran Turcho, perche dicevano li suoi
456
NOTES TO P. 276
astrologhi et indovini che, insino che la detta statua di

Sant'Agostino stara sopra la detta colonna, li Christiani
sempre haverano possanza contra Macomettani '.
Williams Lehmann, (note 139), p. 40 note 8, takes the
testimony literally, and Mango, correctly, in my opinion,
points out the absurdity of a statue of the western Church
teacher St. Augustine in medieval Constantinople in a
square called Augusteion!
1 61
162
1 63
164
165
166
167
V. von Loga, 'Die Stadteansichten in Hartman Schedels

Weltchronik', Jahrbuch der kgl. preussischen Kunstsammlungen~ 9 (1888), p. 194; Williams Lehmann, (note 139), p.
40 note 8.
The Nuremberg edition of the Liber Chronicarum dates from
1493; in the passage about Constantinople there is reference
to the severe gale of July 12, 1490.
The great influence of the statue of Justinian I in later
times is seen, for instance, from the fact that on some
Russian icons of the Turkish period not only the Hagia
Sophia but also the column is shown.Cf. C. Mango, The Art
of the Byzantine Empire~ 312-1453~ Englewood Cliffs, 1972
p. 57; also V.N. Lazarev, Theophanes der Grieche und seine
Schule~ Vienna-Munich, 1968, p. 9.
Petrus Gyllius, De topographia Constantinopoleos~ Lyon,
1561, lib. II, eh. 17: the column had collapsed some 30
years prior to Gyllius' visit, that took place in about
1544. The 16th-century Turkish historian and annalist
Saaded-Din, states that the column was still standing
shortly before his time. cf. Garcin de Tassy, 'Description
de la ville de Constantinople ..... traduite du turc de
Saad-uddin', Journal asiatique~ 5 (1824), pp. 145-6; see
also J. Ebersolt,Constantinople byzantine et les voyageurs
du Levant~ Paris, 1918, p. 79 and_ note 1.
Reinhold Lubenau, in Constantinople circa 1580, says that
the statue was beaten to pieces by the sultan, cf.
Beschreibung der Reisen des Reinhold Lubenau~ W. Sahm (ed.),
Konigsberg, 1912, pp. 141-2.
Bildlexikon~
p. 249.
Gyllius, loc. cit (note 163), the leg of the horseman was
as big as a man; the nose measured nine inches!
Harfin-ibn-Yahya, Boldensele, Ludolf von Sudheim, Mandeville,
457
Stephanus of Novgorod, anonymous Russian, Clavijo, Buondelmonti (in the edition of 1420), Zosimus, Schiltberger.
168
169
170
171
Harawi, Aboulfeda, al-Wardi, Bertrandon de la Broquiere,

Pero Tafur. For the building activities of Constantine,
who put up a statue of Helena on a porphyry column in the
Augusteion: Bildlexikon~ p. 248.
See the biography of Robert de Clari in Part I, Crusaders.
Discussion of this text in Williams Lehmann, (note 139),
pp. 43ff; an attempt at improving the text in Mango,
Letters (note 143), p. 355: fans gloriae perennis Theodosi.
Buondelmonti, Liber Insularum Archipelagi; the two Latin
in Marburg (Hamiltonianus 108) and Venice (Marciana
Latina Cl. X, 124) and the MS Vaticanus Rossanensis 704
with the Italian version of the text.
~ISS
172
173
17~
175
176
177
178
et usque ad hodiernum fuit oppinio ut esset Iustinianus

sed capto ordine ascendendi ad verticem ipsius columpnae
visum est scriptum in ipso homine et equo eneo esse Theodosium'.
Hamiltonianus 108 and Marciana Latina Cl. X, 124.
It is certain that the MS of the Hamiltonianus came into
being before 1481. In the 15th century it was the property
of the Venetian Antonio Venier.
In Folio 145v; for the person of John Darius: F. Babinger,
'Johannes Darius, (1414-1494), Sachwalter Venedigs im
Morgenland, und sein griechischer Umkreis', Sitzungsbericht
der bayrischer Akademie~ 1961, Heft 5, pp. 1-129.
Mango, Letters (note 143), pp. 353-4.
If the connection with Cyriacus of Ancona is to be maintained it must be remembered that the drawing could also
have been done in about 1430, during the work of
restoration. There are even indications that Cyriacus was
also in Constantinople round about 1430.
Cf. Malalas, ed. Bonn, p. 492 in connection with the reuse of a statue of Arcadius by Justinian I. From this
we may conclude either that Malalas mentions the wrong
emperor, or that Justinian I re-used statues of his predecessors on more than one occasion.
Until the 13th century a statue of Theodosius I on horseback stood in the Forum Tauri; it was first taken down by
458
the Franks in 1204. Cf. Constantinus Rhodius, lines 20240 (note 140). The idea that there were two large statues
of the same emperor in the same city is less likely.
179
F.W. Unger, 'Ueber die vier Kolossal-Saulen in Constantinopel', Repertorium fur Kunstwissenschaft, II (1879), pp.
109ff. Also R. Guilland, 'Etudes sur la topographie de
Constantinople byzantine; les trois places de Theodose
Ier le Grand', Jahrbuch der oesterreichischen byzantinischen GeseZlschaft~ 8 (1959), pp. 55-63.
180
Harawi and Clavijo.
181 See the biography of Harawi in Part I,
under tourists.
182
G. Becatti, La coZonna cocZide istoriata~ Rome, 1960, pp.

83-150 (Theodosius) and pp. 151-264 (Arcadius). Cf.
Constantinus Rhodius, lines 202-40 (Theod.) and 241-54
(Arc.).
183
The relief band on the column of Theodosius I reads from

right to left, that of Arcadius in the opposite direct;ion
184
Cf. 0. Wulff, 'Die sieben Wunder von Byzanz und die

Apostelkirche nach Konstantinos Rhodios', BZ. 7 (1898),
p. 320.
185
The construction of the forum is comparable to the Forum

Traiani in Rome, cf. BiZdZexikon~ pp.259-60. For the construction of the forum with column: Guilland,(note 179),
pp. 56-7.
186 For the history of the column: BiZdZexikon~
p. 262;
Guilland, (note 179), pp. 56-9.

187 BiZdZexikon~
p. 250; Guilland, (note 179), pp. 59-60.
188 Istoborin:
refers to the Forum Tauri (Bous) with the column

of Theodosius I. Whether the name Taurus comes from a city
prefect of that name or from the statue of a bull remains
uncertain; cf. Guilland, (note 179), pp. 55.
189
J. Strzygowski, 'Die Saule des Arkadius in Konstantinopel",

8(1894), pp. 230ff.; the scene on the column of
Theodosius was probably of a more peaceful character than
that on the column of Arcadius. For the surviving
drawings of these 16th and 17th century columns:
Strzygowski, op. cit. pp. 239-41 and 243-5.
Jdl.
19 0
See the Patria ConstantinopoZ.eos~ in: Scriptores or1.g1.num

Constantinopolitanarum, T. Preger (ed.), New York 2 , 1975.

191
459
Cf. Marino Sanudo, Secreta FideZium crucis~ III, 9, eh. 1,

(ed. Bongars, II, p. 203). The prophecy that the Kingdom
of Aeneas would return one day to Byzantium was supposed
to have been fulfilled in 1204. See P. Riant, Expeditions
et peZerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte au Temps

des Croisades~ Paris, 1865, p. 67.
192
193
194195
196
197
198
199
200
BiZdZexikon~
p. 253 (Arcadius) and p. 264 (Theodosius).
Th. Preger, 'Konstantinos-Helios', Bermes~ 36 (1901), pp.

457ff. Cf. C. Mango, 'Antique Statuary and the Byzantine
Beholder ', DOP. 17 (1963), p. 57 and note 13; Constantinus
Rhodius, lines 52-89.
BiZdZexikon~
Patria~
p. 255.
(note 190), p. 257
Among the relics were believed to be the axe with which

Noah cut wood for the ark, one or more basket of bread
from the miraculous Feeding of the Five Thousand, and a
piece of the rock which Moses struck to obtain water. Cf.
also the anonymous Armenian.
Chronicon
PaschaZe~
573 B; cf. BiZdZexikon~ p. 255.
e.g. Malalas, XIII, 320, 13, ed. Bonn; cf. Vergil, Aeneid~
I, 6: inferretque deos Latio ..... See also A. Alfoldi,
'On the foundation of Constantinople, a few Notes', JRS.
37 (1947), p. 11.
BiZdZexikon~
p. 256 and fig. 288. Cf. E. Mamboury, 'Le

Forum de Constantin,la chapelle de St. Constantin et les
mysteres de la Colonne Brulee', Pepragmena 9. Congres
Intern. Byzant.~ Athens, 1955, I. pp. 175-80 and by the
same author: 'Contribution a la topographie generale de
Constantinople', Actes VIe Congres intern. d'etudes
byzantines~ Paris, 1951, II, p. 246.
BiZdZexikon~
p. 406.
201
Liudprand, Clavijo and Bertrandon as envoys; Odo of Deuil

in the train of his King, Ibn Battuta in the train of a
Byzantine princess; Pero Tafur as a nobleman and Villehardouin and Clari as members of the French aristocracy
who took possession of the city in 1204. The position of
460
Benjamin of Tudela is not clear, but I suppose that at

that time a world traveller still met with a good
hearing at the court.
202
Idrisi, Aboulfeda and al-Wardi; Ludolf and Mandeville,

both with the story of the vases in the palace that were
wet and then dried again; Stephanus of Novgorod and
Zosimus and finally also Buondelmonti and Schiltberger.
203
See Part I, under soldiers, prisoners of war.
204
The Emperor's Palace: Bildlexikon~ pp. 229-37 with

bibliography.
205
Cf. Harfin-ibn-Yahya, Liudprand of Cremona, Idrisi and

Stephanus of Novgorod.
206
c.
207
Probably the Numera prison, see Bildlexikon~ p. 51.
208
Cf. the description of a fountain - basin in HarUn, and

in the much later anonymous Russian writer.
209
For the decoration of inner courts and buildings

lexikon~ pp. 229 and 233.
210
See chapter on envoys in Part I.
211
The Pharos church was dedicated in 864, the Nea in 881.

Cf. R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine
Architecture~ Penguin Books, 1965, pp. 259-61 and note 5;
also Bildlexikon~ p. 233.
212
Mango, The Brazen House. A Study of the Vestibule of

the Imperial Palace of Constantinople~ Copenhagen, 1959.
Bild-
In 1161 sultan Kilic Arslan was received in this palace,

in 1170 King Amaury of Jerusalem. It is striking that no
crusaders were received in this palace: the leaders of
the first crusade and Louis VII and Sigurd, were all
received in the Blachernae palace on the edge of the city~
For Amaury's visit William of Tyrus, Historia~ XX, 23, in:
Receuil Occ.~I, pp. 983-5.
213
214
Part of it continued to be used as a prison under emperor

John V (circa 1350); cf. J. Ebersolt, Le Grand Palais de
Constantinople et le livre des ceremonies~ Paris, 1910,
p. 218; see also Stephanus of Novgorod, in Itineraires
russes en Orient~ B. de Khitrowo (ed.), Geneva, 1889,
p. 120.

215
216
217
21 8
219
220
221
222
461
Buondelmonti refers to the internal connection between

the palace and the imperial box in the Hagia Sophia,
which was via a two-storey gallery.
Bi Zdlexikon~
pp. 225-8.
Boche de Lion in Villehardouin, Os leonis in William

of Brittany; see: Roberto di Clari -La conquista di
Costantinopoli (1198-1216), A.M. Nada Patrone (ed.),
Genua, 1972, p. 214 note 4.
.
Mentioned w1th his name by Villehardouin, in Clari

'li marquis' .
Both in the travel descriptions of pre-1204 and in the
literary texts inspired by the palaces of Constantinople,
such as the Digenis Akritas and the Pelerinage of Charles
the Great (see below).
I know of no data from Byzantine sources about this crypt
with bones.
Cf.
B&zazex&kon~
St. Runciman,
pp. 223-4.
'Blachernae Palace and its Decoration', in:

Rice~ Edinburg, 1975,
Studies in Memory of David Talbot

pp. 278-9.
223
224
225
226
227
Runciman, op. cit., p. 280 hesitates between the Blachernae complex and the Great Palace with regard to the
descriptions by Benjamin of Tudela. The connection with
the building activities of Manuel seems to me to indicate
the Blachernae palace. For the decoration in fresco and
mosaic: A. Grabar, 'Les fresques des escaliers a SainteSophie de Kiev et l'iconographie imperiale byzantine',
Seminarium Kondakovianum~ 7 (1935), pp. 103ff.
Cf. the chapter about Athens, in connection with the
constantly shining lamp in the Parthenon. This may be a
later version of 'illud candelabrum Theodosianum', in
the form of a hidden candlestick.
B&zazex&kon~ p.
224.
Pachymeres, I, ed. Bonn, pp. 517-8; cf. the description

by Niccolo da Martoni of the archiepiscopal palace at
Patras.
The anonymous Russian notes pictures of the Crucifixion
and of the Last Judgement at the first gate.
462
228
229
230
The distinction that Ibn Battute makes between pictures of

living creatures and other pictures is remarkable, but
understandable for a Mohammedan.
One may think of the many waterworks in the Moorish
Alhambra in Granada.
Runciman, (note 222), p. 281.
231
232
For the struggle for the throne between John V and John
VI: S. Vryonis, Byzantium en Europa~ Amsterdam, 1969, pp.
170-1.
233
Krautheimer (note 211), p. 79 and p. 190; Bildlexikon~

pp. 223-4 and pp. 301ff. Cf. J. Papadopoulos, Les palais
et les eglises des Blachernes~ Thessalonike, 1928.
234
See the chapter on crusaders: 1th - 4th crusades in Part I.

Also G. Paris, Histoire poetique de Charlemagne~ Paris 2 ,
1905, especially pp. 337-44; R. Lee Wolff, 'Romania, the
Latin Empire of Constantinople', Speculum~ 23 (1948),
p. 30 and note 145 with bibliography.
235
M. Schlauch, 'The Palace of Hugon de Constantinople',

7 (1932), pp. 500ff.
Speculum~
236
G. Paris, 'La chanson de Pederinage de Charlemagne' ,

9 (1880), pp. 11-2.
Romania~
237
See Patras, palace of the archbishop. and notes given

there for this fairy-tale palace of Digenis Akritas;
Cf. also Runciman (note 222), p. 278.
238
Bildlexikon~ pp. 271-85.
239
Bildlexikon~ pp. 273-4; the arch construction was 971

metres long, and 28-29 metres high at its highest point;
the slope over this distance was 1/oo.
s .
for the Byzant1ne

sources: c~p t ores or~g~num
Constantinopolitanarwn~ T. Preger (ed.). New York 2 , 1975,
p. 4, p. 17 and p. 149.
240 Cf.
241
Bildlexikon~ p. 271. See also: K.O. Dalman, Der Valens-
Aquadukt in
Konstantinopel~
Bamberg, 1933.
mit Beitragen von P. Wittek,
242
243
244
245
246
247
248
249
250
251
252
253
254
255
256
463
BiZdZexikon~ p. 271.
idem
A new cistern was discovered as recently as 1975 under
the first court of the Topkapi Palace; see BiZdZexikon~
Fig. 313.
Harftn-ibn-Yahya; Antonius of Novgorod, Stephanus of Novgorod, the russian anonymous, Clavijo, Buondelmonti,
Pero Tafur.
See Constantinople, Hagia Sophia and note 51.
Known at the present time as the Binbirdirek cistern:
see BiZdZexikon~ p. 280.
See Constantinople, Hippodrome.
idem.
See Constantinople, Palaces.
See Constantinople, Hippodrome.
Referred to in Constantinus Rhodius' poem as the fifth
wonder (lines 178ff), see C. Mango, The Art of the
Byzantine Empire~ 312-1453~ Englewood Cliffs, 1972, pp.
44-5. It was a square building in the Forum Tauri;
covered with decorated bronze plates; it was built by the
astronomer Heliodorus.
Mentioned by Constantinus Rhodius: Cedrenus, I. pp. 565-6;
Patria, eh. 114; Nicetas Choniates, De signis~ c. 4; see
also Th. Reinach, 'Commentaire archeologique sur le poeme
de Constantin le Rhodien', REG. 9 (1896). pp. 85-6.
M. Izeddin believes that this does not refer to the
patriarchate, but to the Basilica with the Agora; see:
'Ibn Battouta et la topographie byzantine', Actes VIe
congres intern. d'etudes byzantines~ II, Paris, 1951,
p. 195.
W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age~ I.
Leipzig, l886, p. 51. BiZdZexikon~ p. 368; see also F.W.
Hasluck, 'The Mosque of the Arabs', BSA. 22 (1916), pp.
157ff.
See the chapter about merchants in Part I.
464
2 57
Makrisi, Histoire des sultans mamlouks de l'Egypte~ E.

Quatremere (ed.), I. Paris, 1837, p. 177.
258
Des byzantins
Benjamin of Tudela; see also C.M. Macr-i,
et des etrangers dans Constantinople au
Moyen-Age~
Paris,
1928, pp. 73-81.

259
R. Janin,
d'Orient~
260
'Les Juifs dans l'empire byzantin',

15 (1912), pp. 126ff.
Echos
For data about the western merchants in Constantinople

before 1204: see the chapter about merchants in Part I.
261
The wall is known to have been extended several times at

short intervals: 1340 - 1387 - 1397 - 1400; see Westermann, Grosser Atlas zur Weltgeschichte~ Braunschweig 10 ,
1978, map. 45, IV.
262
In about 1437 Pero Tafur estimated the number of

inhabitants as 2000.
263
Densely populated in: Brocardus-Adam, Ibn Battuta, Clavijo,

Buondelmonti, Zosimus, Schiltberger, Bertrandon de la
Broquiere, Pero Tafur.
264
The contrast with Constantinople especially in: BrocardusAdam, Clavijo, Buondelmonti, Bertrandon, Pero Tafur.
265
Le voyage d'Outremer de Bertrandon de la
Broquiere~
Ch.
Schefer (ed.), Paris 1892, p. 141 with note 1.

Chapter XVIII
1
Descriptions of such towns as Kayseri (Caesarea) and

Ankara (Ancyra) are first found in the 16th century. In
about 1555, Busbecq 'discovered' the Monumentum Ancyranum,
the text of the political testament of Augustus on the
walls of the temple of Roma and Augustus at Ankara.
For Turkish conquests in Asia Minor: A History of the
Ottoman Empire to 1730~ M.A. Cook (ed.), Cambridge, 1976,
pp. lOff. Also D.A. Zakythinos, The Making of modern
Greece. From Byzantium to Independence~ Oxford, 1976, p. 3.
De visie op Troje van de westerse middeleeuwse geschiedschrijvers tot 1160~ Assen, 1941, pp. 156ff.
Cf. A.E. Cohen,
Saewulf - Boldensele - Ludolf von Sudheim - Mandeville Clavijo - Schiltberger - Pero Tafur; Buondelmonti probably
465
also belongs to this group, but his description of the

region is too vague for this to be stated with certainty.
4
C.W. Blegen, Troje en de Trojanen~ Hilversum, 1967, pp.

15-8; see also Part I, Crusaders, plans for Crusades.
A.H.M. Jones, The Cities of the eastern Roman

Provinces~ Oxford 2 , 1971, p. 85 and map 2(Asia Minor).
See Athens, where the same is said about the use of

spoils from Athens in Genoa. This tradition about Troy
is repeated in the 15th century by Felix Faber,
Evagatorium~ C.D. Hassler (ed.), III, Stuttgart, 1849, pp.
294ff.
Cohen, op. cit., passim; also L. Friedlander, 'Das Nachleben der Antike im Mittelalter', Erinnerungen~ Reden und
Studien~ I, Strassburg, 1905, pp. 352ff.
People thought that what Homer had written was not true,
and therefore not to be appreciated; cf. Cohen, op. cit.,
p. 45.
Vergil as school author: P.G. van der Nat, Poeta Maximus.

Enige beschouwingen over de receptie en beoordeZing van
Vergi Zius 1 Aeneis in de Oudheid~ Leiden, 1976. For Dares
and Dictys: J.H. Rose, A Handbook of Latin Literature~
Oxford 3 , 1961, pp. 516-7.

A Latin version of Dictys' work (2nd century) appeared in
the 4th century; Dares' version appeared in the 6th
century, but probably goes back to an older Greek original.
cf. A. Lesky, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur~ BernMtinchen2, 1963, pp. 916-7. See also Cohen, op. cit. pp.
70-2; in the West Dictys was mainly used for filling in
the part that was missing in Dares.
10 B. Woledge,
'La legende de Troie et les debuts de la prose
fran~aise',
Melanges de Zinguistique et de Zitterature

romanes offerts a Mario Roques~ II, Baden-Baden, 1953,
pp. 313-4.
11
Idem, p. 319; see also K. Schneider, Der 'Trojanische

MitteZaZter~ Berlin, 1968, pp. 7-8.
Krieg' im spaten
12 For the influence of the Trojan sagas in Germany: Schneider,

op. cit., passim.
13
Woledge, op. cit., pp. 314-6.
466
14
15
Cohen, (note 2), pp. 141ff.

For the sagas of descent among the Franks: Robert de Clari
(see further); for the Scandinavians: Dudo of Saint Quentin,
De Gestis Normanniae Ducum libri tres~ in: Migne, PL.141,
p. 621; cf. A.D. von den Brincken, 'Europa in der Kartographie des Mittelalters', Archiv f. Kulturgeschichte~ 55
(1973), p. 299. See also R.M. Dawkins, 'The Visit of King
Sigurd the Pilgrim to Constantinople', Eis Mnemen S. Lamprou~
Athens, 1935, pp. 59-60.
For the Britons: Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia regum
Britanniae~ I, 3-13.
For the Saxons, see note 15.
For the Paduans: Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage to
Jerusalem in the Year 1494~ M. Margaret Newett (ed.),
Manchester, 1907, p. 351 note 6, in connection with the
discovery of the 'grave of Antenor' in Padua.
Venice: Chronicon Altinate (early lOth century), see MGH.SS.
XIV, 33; cf. Cohen, (note 2), 151-2; also Marino Sanudo,
Istoria del regno di Romania, in: Chroniques greco-romanes~
inedites ou peu connues~ Ch. Hopf (ed.) Berlin, 1873, p.l45.
Le souven~r et
la legende de Charlemagne dans l'empire germanique medieval~
For the family tree of Charlemagne: R. Folz,
Paris, 1950, pp. 255-6. See also Gotfried of Viterbo,
Speculum regum (circa 1180), in: MGH.SS. 22, pp. 21-2. The
Franks were said to be descended from Francus, a son of
Nestor; this ancient story is revived in the 16th century
in Ronsard's Franciade.
16
17
18
Ch. T. Wood, The Age of Chivalry~

1000-1450~ London, 1970, p. 105.
Manners and Morals~
'1
Gunther of Pairis, in his H~stor~a Constant~nopo&~tana

(l\1igne, PL. 212, pp. 249-50) , even calls the revenge idea
the cause of the Fourth Crusade; see P. Riant, 'Des
depouilles religieuses enlevees a Constantinople au XIIIe
siecle, et des documents historiques nes de leur transport
en accident', Memoires de la Societe Nationale des
Antiquaires de France~ IVe serie, 6(1875), p. 121.
.. d er
J. Huizinga, Herf.stt~J
7
M~"dd e&eeuwen~
Haarlem 6 , 1947,
pp. 92ff, chapter on 'de ridder-idee'.

19
A. Huguet, 'Un chevalier picard a la Croisade de

Constantinople 1444-1445. Gauvin Quieret, seigneur de Dreuil',
Bulletin de la Societe des Antiquaires de
467
Picardie~
38
(1939-1940), p. 41.
20
M.E. Scherer, The Legends of Troy in Art and Literature~

New York-London, 1963, especially pp. 239-43.
21
Archives departementales du Nord~
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
B. 2148.
The meeting took place in the imperial palace, see

Eusebius, Vita Constantini~ eh. 10.
R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture~
Penguin Books,l965, pp. 205ff. and figure 82. See also
A.M. Schneider, Die romischen und byzantinischen Denkmaler
von Iznik-Nicaea, Istanbuler Forschungen~ 16 (1943), pp.
1-19.
Willibaldus puts the number of bishops participating at
318; the basis of this may be a passage from the Bible:
Genesis 14,14. The number of participants was in fact
about 300, but the number 318 is also found in other
medieval texts, cf. Rabban Qauma.
Krautheimer, op. cit., pp. 206-8; cf. P.A. Underwood, 'The
Evidence of Restaurations in the Sanctuary Mosaics of the
Church of the Dormition at Nicaea', DOP. 13 (1959), pp.
235ff. and Th. Schmitt, Die Koimesis-Kirche von Nikaia~
Berlin-Leipzig, 1927.
A. Grabar, 'Les fresques des escaliers a Sainte-Sophie de
Kiev et l'iconographie imperiale byzantine', Seminarium
Kondakovianum~ 7 (1935), pp. 110-1. When Pope Constantine
(767-769) received news of what had happened in
Constantinople he made the demonstrative gesture of having
the cycle of the six oecumenical councils put up in St.
Peter, Rome; cf. Liber Pontificalis~ Duchesne (ed.), I.
391, 394. Also Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie~
under Konzil, IIA.
Cf. J.T. Milik, 'Chronique archeologique:
Jerusalem: Mont
des Oliviers', Revue biblique~ 67 (1960), pp. 249-50 and
by the same author: 'Notes d'epigraphie et de topographie
palestiniennes', Revue biblique~ 67 (1960), pp. 555-8.
Also Krautheimer, op. cit., pp. 50-1.
Krautheimer, loc. cit.
Cf. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites~ R.
Stillwell (ed.), Princeton, 1976, p. 623.
468
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
See Part I, chapter on Crusaders, 1th-4th Crusade.

From 1326-1361 Bursa was the seat of the Ottoman Sultans.
After that the residence was moved to Adrianopel.
Saewulf - Boldensele - Mandeville - Muntaner.
Cf. Muntaner and Mandeville; the latter certainly did not
see this phenomenon. Muntaner is very uncritical with
regard to miracles.
The origin and the substance of this dust is not clear; it
is not comparable to that coming from the grave of
Demetrius at Thessalonica, which was due to the embalment.
Idrisi, however, does not locate this cave in Ep~esus, but
rather further away, between Amorion and Nicomedia. He may
have been mistaken in this; his description is so detailed
that it can be assumed to be based on personal observation.
Cf. Forschungen in Ephesos~ IV, 2: C. Praschniker: Das
Cometerium der sieben Schlafer~ Baden, 1937.
Between 1344 and 1402 Smyrna was in Christian hands; from
this place expeditions against the Turks were organised.
See K.l\L Setton, The Papacy and the Levant~ I, Philadelphia,
1976, pp. 184-223. The town was captured from the knights
of St. John by Timour only in 1402.
37
Turkish occupation of Asia Minor, including Ephesus, between

1326 and 1337; Ludolf's journey: 1336-1341.
38
Ibn Battuta- Boldensele - Ludolf von Sudheim- Mandeville.
39
Ludolf van Sudheim~ F. Deycks (ed.), p. 24; this was a small

silver coin; Ludolf does not make clear what sort of coin
he meant by this.
Cf.
41
Krautheimer, (note 23) , p. 176 with a reconstruction of

the basilica; the church is said to have had 6 large domes
and 5 small ones. See also: Forschungen in Ephesos~ IV, 3:
J. Keil, Die Johanneskirche~ Vienna, 1951.
Krautheimer, (note 23) pp. 80-1 and figure 27; E. Akurgal,
Ancient Civilisations and Ruins of Turkey~ Ankara, 1973, pp.

156-7. Also: Forschungen in Ephesos~ IV, ~= E. Reisch: Die
Marienkirche in Ephesos~ Vienna, 1932.
42
Krautheimer, (note 23), p. 326, note 13.
43
Mun tan er, chapter 206.
44
Saewulf - Boldensele - Ludolf von Sudheim - Mandeville Schiltberger.
469
45
For St. Nicholas: G. Anrich, Hagios Nikolaos - Der heilige

Nikolaas in der griechischen Kirche. Texte und Untersuchungen I~ Leipzig-Berlin, 1913. Also A.A. Vasiliev, 'The
Opening Stages of the Anglo-Saxon Immigration to Byzantium
in the Eleventh Century', Seminarium Kondakovianum, 9-10
(1937-38), p. 61 +note 109.
46
For the basilica of St. Nicholas in Myra, Akurgal, op. cit.,

p. 263.
Epilogue
R. Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity~
Oxford, 1969, chapter I: The Middle Ages.
J. Sumption, Pilgrimage~ London, 1975, pp. 22lff.
Text in: Hildeberti Cenomannensis episcopi carmina minora~

A.B. Scott (ed.), Leipzig, 1969, pp. 22ff and F.J.E. Raby
(ed.), The Oxford Book of Mediaeval Latin Verse~ Oxford,
1959, pp. 220-2. Hildebert was bishop of Le Mans from 1096 1125, and afterwards Archbishop of Tours.
Cf. J.B. Ross, 'A Study of Twelfth-Century Interest in the

Antiquities of Rome', in: Mediaeval and Historical Essays
in Honour of J.W. Thompson~ Chicago, 1938, p. 304.
Sumption, op. cit., pp. 221-2; the city was plundered in 1094.
A. Graf, Roma nella memoria e nelle imaginazioni del medio evo~
Torino, 1915, p. 36; dated in the 7th - lOth centuries.
L. Friedlander,
in:Erinnerungen~
'Das Nachleben der Antike im Mittelalter',

Reden und Studien~ I, Strassburg, 1905, pp.
356-7.
8
There are two versions extant of line 2; the meaning remains

the same: a. Quam magna fueris integra fracta doces.
b. Fracta docere pates integra quanta fares.
See note 3 and also Migne, PL. 171, p. 1409.
G. MeN. Rushforth, 'Magister Gregorius de Mirabilibus Urbis
Romae: A new Description of Rome in the Twelfth Century',
JRS. 9 (1919), pp. 14-58. A new edition by R.B.C. Huygens,
Magister Gregorius (12e ou 13e

bus Urbis Rome~ Leiden, 1970.
1 0
siecle)~
Narracio de Mirabili-
Weiss, (note 1), pp. 6ff.; see also Fr. Rapp. 'Les pelerinages dans la vie religieuse de l'occident medieval
470
aux XIVe et XVe siecles', in:
te biblique et classique
Les pelerinages de l'antiqui-
a l'occident
medieval~
Paris, 1973,
pp. 134-6.
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
Sumption, (note 2), p. 225; even in the 16th. century the

work was still popular and in regular use; see Weiss
(note 1), p. 7.
Huygens, op. cit., p. 6; lines 77-8: Fabulas vanas
peregrinorum declinabo; lines 502-7 and 549-52: Mentiuntur
peregrini.
eh. 3: 'et primum quidem de signis eneis huius urbis
disseram'.
eh. 3: the Bull on the Castel San Angelo; eh. 4-5: the
equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius; eh. 6: the Colossus
at the Colosseum; eh. 7: the Spinario; eh. 8: The group of
statues 'salvacio urbium'; eh. 9. Bellerophon. eh. 12:
'nunc vero pauca subiciam de signis marmoreis que fere
omnes a beato Gregorio aut delete aut deturpate sunt'.
(for the devastation by Gregory see the biography of Pero
Tafur in Part I, Pilgrims).
eh. 12: Venus and the Dioscuri; eh. 13: Solomon and Bacchus;
eh. 31: the sow with thirty piglets; eh. 32: the lupa
Capitolina.
Cf. F.L. Bastet,
1966.
Simulacrum valde
ridiculosum~ Amsterdam,
Friedlander, (note 7), pp. 364-7.

eh. 12: 'hanc autem propter mirandam speciem et nescio
quam magicam persuasionem ter coactus sum revisere, cum
ab meo hospicio duobus stadiis distaret'.
L. Olschki, Storia letteraria
Florence, 1937, pp. 125-6.
delle scoperte
geografiche~
See chapter on Central Greece, Athens.

D. Comparetti, Virgil im Mittelalter~ Leipzig, 1875, p.259;
in the popular imagination of the Middle Ages such objects
were generally regarded as the work of the 'magician' Vergil.
Cf. K. Dieterich, 'Neugriechische Sagenklange vom alten
Griechenland', Neue Jahrbucher far das klassische Altertum~ Geschichte und deutsche Literatur~ 9 (1906), pp. 91-7.
471

21
A few examples from Greece: Athens: see Niccolo da Martoni;

Chios: Homer's schola; Cos: Hippocrates' house; Rome: a
Casa, torre or schola of Vergil. Cf. Comparetti, op. cit.
p. 295.
22
Dieterich, op. cit., pp. 93ff; cf. Clari's description o f

the statues in the Hippodrome.
22a
We1ss,
23
24
(note 1), passim.
Friedlander, (note 7), p. 331.

C. C. Coulter, 'Boccaccio's Archaeological Knowledge',
41 (1937), pp. 397-405; Weiss, (note 1), pp. 43-7.
AJA.
25
26
27
28
29
3 0
Coulter, op. cit., especially p. 399 and p. 405.

Weiss (note 1), p. 46; Coulter, op. cit., p. 400 and p.405.
W.S. Heckscher, 'Relics of Pagan Antiquity in Mediaeval
Settings', Journal of the Warburg Institute~ 1 (1937-1938),
pp. 205-7; Th.E. Mommsen, 'Petrarch's Conception of the
'Dark Ages', Speculum~ 17 (1942), pp. 226-42.
Weiss,
Petrarca,
p. 35.
32
33
Rerum Senilium
A. Magnaguti,
di
31
(note 1), chapter 3: The Age of Petrarch.

Zibri~
V, 1; cf. Weiss (note 1)
'Il Petrarca numismatico',

20 (1907), pp. 155-7.
Rivista italiana
numismatica~
Weiss, (note 1), p. 31.

Petrarca, Rerum familiarum libri~ VI, 2; a letter adressed
to the Dominican Giovanni Colonna, with whom Petrarch had
made his first wanderings through Rome in the spring of
1337. Cf. Weiss, (note 1), pp. 32-7 and Mommsen, (note 27),
pp. 232-4.
Published in J. Beckmann, Litteratur der alteren
I, Gottingen, 1807, p. 251.
Oblectat me, Roma, tuas spectare ruinas,
Ex cuius lapsu gloria prisca patet.
Sed tuus hie populus muris defossa vetustis,
Calcis in obsequium marmora dura coquit.
Impia ter centum si sic gens egerit annos,
Nullum hinc indicium nobilitatis erit.
Reise-
beschreibungen~
34
Cf. Weiss (note 1), in which 12 chapters are devoted to

the development of classical studies in Italy, and only
one to Greece.
472
35
36
37
38
See the biography of Niccolo da Martoni in Part I, Pilgrims.

Also R. Weiss, 'The Greek Culture of South Italy in the
Later Middle Ages', Proceedings of the British Academy~ 37
(1951), pp. 23-50.
For some literature about Cyriacus of Ancona: Central
Greece, Athens + note 72.
This romantic view is represented particularly by Emil
Jacobs; see for more details: chapter Constantinople,
statue of Justinian I+ note 157. This view is also found
in Weiss, (note 1), p. 141 and note 6.
'KupLaxo~
'A~CTn~ 'H 6DBv uncpEaCa
-rou d~ -IT}v auA:r)v l:"OU oouA.-ravou M!.rl.~E-5 -rou IIop{Jrj-rou ){Cl.[. o
xoOVO~ -roD fu\Xl.-rou l:"OU', 'ErtETnPt~ 'E-raLpECa~ Bub:av-rL\M"V
Ch. G. Patrinelis,
Enouawv, 36 (1968), pp. 152-60.

Also: Ph. Williams Lehman, 'Theodosius or Justinian?
A Renaissance Drawing of a Byzantine Rider', The Art
Bulletin~ 41 (1959), pp. 49-50 and note 61-3.
39
F. Babinger, 'Mehmed II., der Eroberer und Italien',

21 (1951), pp. 145ff.
Byzantion~
L. Ross, 'Anonymi Viennensis descriptio urbis Athenarum

nebst den Briefen des Zygomalas und Kabasilas', Jahrbucher der Litteratur~ 90 (1840), Anzeige Blatt~ pp. 1641; also in: L. de Laborde, Athenes aux xve~ XV~ et XVI~
siecles~ I, Paris, 1854, pp. 17-20.
~ 1 Weiss,
~2
(note 1), p. 142.
E. Ziehbarth, "Ein griechischer Reisebericht des XV.

Jahrhunderts', AM. 24 (1899), pp. 72-88; also Weiss
(note 1), pp. 142-4 and note 8 on p. 142.
Weiss,
(note 1), p. 144.
~~Cf. C. Mango, 'Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder',

DOP. 17 (1963), pp. 67-9; also J. von Schlosser, 'Die
hofische Kunst des Abendlandes in Byzantinischer Beleuchtung' ,
Mitteilungen des Instituts fUr Osterreichischer Geschichtsforschung~ 17 (1896), p. 455. See also C. Mango, The Art
of the Byzantine Empire~ 312-1453~ Englewood Cliffs, 1972,
passim.
~5
Mango, Antique Statuary (note 44), p. 68. An ecphrasis is

a practice piece of a rhetorician.
NOTES TO PP.
46
3~1
- 315
C.P. Bracken, Antiquities acquired~

Greece~ London, 1975, p. 10.
47 D.M. Nicol,
473
The Spoliation of
'The Byzantine View of Western Europe , Greek~

Studies~ 8 (4), (1967), especial!
Roman and Byzantine

pp. 316-24.
48
49
A. Ban, Le Peloponnese byzantin jusqu'en 1204~ Paris,

1951, p. 153 and p. 165 points to the total disappearance
of reminders of classical antiquity in the works of
Byzantine authors on the few rare occasions when they do
say anything about the Peloponnesus.
idem, p. 119.
From
51
the great quantity of literature on this subject I

will quote only a few recent studies: H. Stern, Christian
Art from de Catacombs to Byzantium, in: Larousse
Encyclopedia of Byzantine and Medieval Art~ R. Huyghe (ed.)
London 2 , 1974, pp. 23-37; J. Lassus, The Early Christian
and Byzantine World~ London, 1967, passim; Cambridge
Medieval History~ IV, 2: eh. 29: Byzantine Architecture
and Art, pp. 306ff.; J. Beckwith, The Art of Constantinople~
London 2 , 1968, passim.
R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture~

Penguin Books, 1965, especially pp. 151-2.
52
See Part II, Central Greece, Athens.
53
Cf. Buondelmonti on the islands of Crete and Cos.
54
Berger de Xivrey, 'Memoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de

l'empereur Manuel Paleologue', Memoires de l'Academie des
Inscriptions et Belles Lettres~ 19 (2), 1853, p. 56; M.
Jugie, 'Le voyage de l'empereur Manuel Paleologue en
Occident (1399-1403)', Echos d'Orient~ 15 (1912), pp.
323-4.
55
56
57
58
See Ludolf van Sudheim in Part I, Pilgrims, and Athens in

Part II.
Berger de Xivrey, op. cit., p. 63 note 1.
For the confused political situation in those years and
the great power of the Turks: Cambridge Medieval History~
IV, 1, pp. 368ff.
Mango, (note 44), passim.
NOTES TO PP.
474
59
60
61
62
63
6 4
3~5
3~9
The last imports date from the reign of Justinian I

(527-565 A.D.).
Mango (note 44), pp. 57-9.
idem, pp. 67-8.
Ch. Diehl, 'De quelques croyances byzantines sur la fin
de Constantinople', BZ. 30 (1930), pp. 192ff.
Mango, (note 44)! p. 56.
Scriptores originum
constantinopoZitanarum~
T. Preger
(ed.), New York 2 , 1975.
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
The work was incorrectly attributed to the 14th-century

author Georgius Codinus; cf. Cambridge MedievaZ History~
IV, 2, p. 238.
Diehl, op. cit., p. 192.
Comparable with the magician Vergil in Rome.
Diehl, op. cit. passim.
See Part II, Central Greece, Athens.
H. Hunger, 'Von Wissenschaft und Kunst der frtihen
Palaiologenzeit', Jahrbuch der osterreichischen byzantinischen GeseZZschaft~ 8 (1959), pp. 128ff.
For the Greek text: Hunger, op. cit., pp. 136ff.
Cf. I. Dujcev, 'Die Krise des spatbyzantinischen Gesellschaft und die tlirkische Eroberung des 14. Jahrhunderts',
Jahrbucher fur Geschichte Osteuropas~ (N.F.), 21 (1973),
p. 492.
Hunger, op. cit., pp. 147ff.
C. Wendel, 'Planudea: Antike Ruinenstatten in den Briefen
des Planudes', BZ. 40 (1940), p. 432; Cyzicus in the 55th
letter, 1294 or a little later; p. 436: Priene in the 120th
letter, 1296.
Too optimistic about the attitude of the Greeks to their
own past is: J. Draseke, 'Aus dem Athen der Acciajuoli',
BZ. 14 (1905), pp. 241-2: 'mit den Alterttimern ihrer Vaterstadt wohlvertrauten Athener, die einen Stolz darin setzten
..... altertumsbegeisterte Abendlander mit den Bildwerken
und Baudenkmalern der Vergangenheit Athens bekannt zu
machen'.
The drawing of people and animals was not forbidden by
475
Mohammed, as is often thought. Only in the strictly

religious sphere is figurative representational art
suppressed for fear of idolatry. Cf. E. Grube, De wereld
va:n de Islam~ Den Haag, n.d., pp. ~1-2.
77
Ludolf mentions that entrance money was charged for

entrance to the grave!
78
Clear preference for the Turks in Bertrandon de la

Broquiere and Pero Tafur.
79
See Constantinople, statue of Justinian I.
Comparetti,
NaturgefuhZ.
(note 19), pp. 221-2; W. Ganzenmuller, Das

im Mittelalter~ Leipzig-Berlin, 1914, pp.
206-7.
81
See Part II, Central
Greece, Athens.
Conclusion
Cf. J. Berg, Aeltere deutsche Reisebeschreibungen~ I

Giessen, 1912, pp. 17-8 and p. 51.
It is striking that most of the medieval descriptions are

written in an impersonal form; the word "I" is almost always avoided. Cf. Berg, op. cit., pp. 15-6.
W. Jappe Alberts,
de Middeleeuwen'.
1979), pp. 37-8.
'Publiciteit en publiciteitsorganen in
Historiael~ 14 no. 1 (January
Spiegel
W.S. Heckscher, 'Relics of Pagan Antiquity in Mediaeval

Settings', Journal of the Warburg Institute~ 1 (1937 1938), pp. 204ff.
idem, p. 208
Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica~ I, 9. 39a.8: primo quidem

integritas sive perfectio; quae enim diminuta sunt hoc ipso
turpia sunt.
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geschiedschrijvers tot 1160, Assen, 1941.
Comparetti, D.
Virgil im Mittelalter, Leipzig, 1875.
Davidson, H.R.
1976.
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Ebels-Hoving, B.
Assen, 1971.
Byzantium in westerse ogen, 1096-1204,
Ebersolt, J. Constantinople byzantine et les voyageurs du

Levant, Paris, 1918.
Gerland, E. Geschichte des lateinischen Kaiserreiches von
Konstantinopel. I: Geschichte der Kaiser Balduin I und
478
Heinrich
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
(1204-1216), Darmstadt 2
1966.
Go1ubovich, G. Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra

Santa e dell'Oriente francescano, Florence-Quaracchi,
1906--Grabar, A.
'Les Fresques des escaliers a Sainte-Sophie de
Kiev et l'iconographie imperiale byzantine', Seminarium
Kondakovianum, 7(1935), pp. 103-17.
Heckscher, W.S. 'Relics of Pagan Antiquity in Mediaeval
Settings', Journal of the Warburg Institute, 1 (1937/38),
pp. 204-20.
Hertzberg, G.F. Geschichte Griechenlands seit dem Absterben
des antiken Lebens bis zur Gegenwart, 4 vols. Gotha, 18761879.
Heyd, W. Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, 2 vols.
Leipzig, 1885-1886.
A History of the Ottoman Empire to 1730, M.A. Cook (ed.),
Cambridge, 1976.
Itinera Hierosolymitana et descriptiones terrae sanctae
bellis sacris anteriora et latina lingua exarata, I: T.
Tobler and A. Molinier (ed.), Geneva, 1879; II, I: A.
Molinier and C. Kohler (ed.), Geneva, 1885.
Itineraires russes en Orient traduits pour la Societe de 1'
Orient Latin par 1me B. de Khitrowo, Geneva 1889.
Janin, R. Constantinople byzantine. Developpement urbain et
repertoire topographique, Paris, 1950.
Jenkins, R. Byzantium, The Imperial Centuries, A.D. 610-1071,
London, 1966.
Krautheimer, R. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture,
Lethaby W.R. and H. Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia
Constantinople. A Study of Byzantine Building, London,
1894.
Lewis, A.R. Naval Power and Trade in the Mediterranean, A.D.
500-1100, Princeton, 1951.
Mango, C. The Art of the Byzantine Empire, 312-1453. Sources
and Documents, Englewood Cliffs, 1972.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
479
Miller, W. The Latins in the Levant. A History of

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Mliller-Wiener, W. Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls,
TUbingen, 1977.
Nash, E. Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Rom, 2 vols.
TUbingen, 1961-1962.
Nordenskiold, N.A.E. Periplus. An Essay on the early
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Parks, G.B. The English Traveler to Italy, I: The Middle
Ages (to 1525), Rome, 1954.
Paton, J. Morton, Chapters on Mediaeval and Renaissance
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5 vols. Paris, 1841---
Historiens occidentaux,
Riant, P.
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leur transport en Occident', Memoires de la Societe
Nationale des Antiquaires de France, 4e Serie, t. VI (1875)
pp. 1-214.
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Setton, K.M.
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Travlos, J. Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen,
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Vacalopoulos, A.E. Origins of the Greek Nation: The Byzantine
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Vasiliev, A.A. History of the Byzantine Empire: 324-1453,
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480
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Weiss, R. The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity,

Oxford, 1969.
Weiss, R. Medieval and Humanist Greek, collected Essays by
Roberto Weiss, Padova, 1977.
Westermann,
1978.
Grosser
Atlas zur Weltgeschichte, Braunschweig 10 ,
T E X T S
The edition which has been used for making excerpts from it,
is indicated with an *
481
ARCULF
Arculf
c. 675
De locis sanctis.
Title
Gallic bishop.
Author
pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
Motive
c.
675.
Date
Stay in Byzantine empire c. 675.
Visit to
Constantinople.
Text
Editions
22 MSS or more, dating from the 9th

century onwards, (see the edition of
Meehan, pp. 30-4).
- T. Tobler - A. Molinier, Itinera
Hierosolimitana~ I, Geneva, 1879.
- * D. Meehan, Adamnan's de locis
sanctis~ Dublin, 1958.
- P. Mickley, Arculf. Eines Pilgers
Reise nach dem heiligen Lande (urn

6?0)~
Leipzig, 1917.
Constantinople: situation
Returning from Alexandria the oft-mentioned Arculf lodged in the island of Crete for some days, and sailed from
there for Constantinople, where he stayed for some months.
This is assuredly the metropolis of the Roman Empire, and it
is surrounded everywhere by the sea except on its northern
side. The sea in question, an inlet from the great sea,
stretches for 60 miles right up to the wall of the city. And
from the wall of Constantinople as far as the mouth of the
river Danube is a further stretch of 40 miles by the same sea.
A considerable circuit of walls, 12 miles in extent, surrounds
this imperial city, with angles constructed to follow the
line of the sea coast, like Alexandria or Carthage. Moreover,
as in Tyre, the walls are strengthened with several towers,
and there are numerous dwelling houses within the city walls,
of which many are in stone and arise in wondrous magnitude
like the houses in Rome.
Legend about the foundation of Constantinople:
Concerning its foundation the following tradition is
related by the citizens as proclaimed by their ancestors.
The emperor Constantine (they say) collected a countless
482
ARCULF
horde of men and unlimited money from every quarter, practically impoverishing all nations, and began to build a
city under his own name on the Asiatic side, that is in
Cilicia, beyond the sea which is the boundary in that area
between Asia and Europe. Now one night, when throughout the
whole camp the huge armies of workers were asleep in their
tents, all kinds of tools which the artisans of the various
trades were wont to use were suddenly removed in some unknown way. Early in the morning several worried and harried
workers complained to the emperor Constantine himself about
the sudden and unexplained disappearance, and the king then
asked them saying: 'Have you heard whether anything else was
taken from the camp?' 'Nothing', they say, 'except all the
working tools.' Thereupon the king gave orders saying: 'Go
quickly, traverse and search all the places bordering on the
sea on the other side and on this. And if you find the tools
in any quarter, guard them there meantime and do not bring
them back here, but have some of your number come back to me
so that I may know exactly about the discovery.' When they
heard this the workmen obeyed the king's behest, and going
forth as they were bidden, they searched the area bordering
on the sea on both sides, and, lo, on the European side,
beyond the sea, they found the heap of tools gathered into
one place between two seas. Upon the discovery some were
sent back to the king and they told him the tools had been
found in that place. On learning this the king immediately
ordered the trumpeters to sound their instruments throughout the whole circuit of the camp, and he ordered the army
to move saying: 'Let us go forth from here to build a city
in the place divinely indicated to us.' And simultaneously
setting ships in readiness, he made the crossing with the
whole army to the place where the tools had been found, realizing that by transporting the tools God was indicating
the place prepared for him. Straightaway he founded a city
there which is called Constantinople, a name formed by combining his own name with the word for city in Greek, in such
wise that the name of the founder comprises the fi.rst part
of the composition. Let this suffice as a description of the
site and foundation of that royal city.
Hagia Sophia:
However, we must say something about the very celebrated
round stone church in that city. According to the account of
the holy Arculf, who frequented it for a considerable time,
ARCULF
483
it is triple in character, rising up from the very foundations in three walls, and above them it is rounded off on
high by a single dome, exceedingly round and beautiful. This
is borne upon great arches, and between each of the walls
mentioned above there is a wide space quite suitable for
dwelling in, or even for praying to the Lord. In the interior
in the northern part a very large and very beautiful repository is on view. It encloses a wooden chest, and that in turn
encloses a woopen reliquary, where the salutary wood of the
cross is kept on which our Saviour was suspended and suffered
for the salvation of the human race.
(Veneration of the relic of the holy Cross.)
484
722 - 729
WILLIBALDUS
Willibaldus.
Title
(Vita Willibaldi episcopi Eichstetensis).

Author
Anglo-Saxon priest, missionary in
Germany; later bishop of Eichstadt.
Motive
Pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
Date
722-729.
Stay in Byzantine empire 723-4 and 727-9.
Visit to
Constantinople - Nicea - Ephesus Archipelago.
Text
Editions
in the Vita Willibaldi, which is

dated about 780.
- Vita Willibaldi episcopi Eichstetensis, MGH. SS. 15, pp. 80 - 116.
- T. Tobler - A. Molinier, Itinera
HierosoZymitana et descriptiones
terrae sanctae beZZis sacris
anteriora et lingua Zatina exarata~
I, Geneva, 1879, pp. 241-81.
- *Th. Wright, Early Travels in Palestine, New York 2 , 1968, pp. 13-22.
Archipelago - Ephesus
And from there they sailed on the Adriatic Sea to the city of
Manafasia in Slavinia; and from there to the island Choo 1 :
and they left Corinth on their left side; and then they sailed
to the island of Samos, and thence to the town of Ephesus, in
Asia, which is one mile from the sea. They walked thence to
the place where the seven sleepers repose: and onward thence
to John the Evangelist, in a beautiful locality by Ephesus.
They next walked two miles along the sea-side to a large
village which is called Figila,
where they remained one day,
and, having begged bread, they went to a fountain in the
middle of the town, and, sitting on the edge, they dipped
their bread in the water, and so made their meal. They next
walked along the sea-shore to the town of Strobole, seated on
a lofty hill, and thence to the place called Patera, where
they remained till the rigour of winter was past.
probably Keos.
WILLIBALDUS
485
Constantinople: Church of the Hagii Apostoli

Here repose in one altar the three saints, Andrew, Timothy,
and Luke the evangelist; and the sepulchre of John
Chrysostom is before the altar where the priest stands when
he performs mass. Willibald remained there two years, and
was lodged in the church, so that he might behold daily where
the saints reposed.
Nicaea
And then he came to the town of Nice, where the emperor
Constantine held a synod, at which three hundred and eighteen
bishops were present. The church here resembles the church on
Mount Olivet, where our Lord ascended to heaven, and in it are
the pictures of the bishops who were at the synod. Willibald
went thither from Constantinople, that he might see how that
church was built, and then returned to Constantinople.
486
c. 911-913
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
HarOn-ibn-Yahya
Title
Author
Syrian prisoner of war, possibly a

Christian.
HarOn was made captive by the Byzantine
troops and sent to Constantinople.
c. 911-913 (or somewhat later).
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
Empire
Visit to
Remarks
911-912.
Constantinople - Thessalonica - Rome.
Report of his stay in Constantinople
with description of the Hippodrome,
the interior of the imperial palace,
and the procession of the emperor to
the Hagia Sophia.
In the writing of Achmed ibn Rosteh:
Kitab al -A'lah al nafisa.
- *J. Marquart, 'Der Reisebericht des
Harftn b. Jahja', Osteuropaische und
ostasatische Streifzuge~ Leipzig,
1903, pp. 206ss. (the fragment about
Thessalonica).
- A. Vasiliev, 'Harun-ibn-Yahya and
his description of Constantinople',
Seminarium Kondakovianum~ 5 (1932),
pp. 149-63.
- *M. Izeddin, 'Un prisonnier arabe a
Byzance au IXe siecle: Harftn-ibnYahya', Revue des etudes islamiques~
(1941-1948), pp. 41-62.
Text
Editions
Constantinople
Great size of the city:
... [Constantinople estJ une grande ville de douze parasanges
carres. On dit que le parasange (farsakh) est egal a un mille et
demi 1 La mer entoure Constantinople par l'est; a l'ouest
s'etend une plaine deserte par laquelle on va a Rome.
1
incorrect; 1 farsangh
=3
miles (c. 5 km.)
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
487
Golden Gate and Pege Gate:

Elle est entouree d'une enceinte fortifiee. La porte d'ou
l'on part pour Rome est en or. A la porte il y a quelques gens
qui la gardent. Elle s'appelle la Porte d'Or. Sur la porte se
dressent cinq statues en forme d'elephants et celle d'un
homme debout qui tient les renes de ces elephants. La ville a
une porte la reliant a la presqu'ile et qu'on appelle la porte
Bigas, lieu ou l'Empereur vase promener; cette porte est en
fer.
Hippodrome:
Pres de l'eglise, au milieu de la ville, se trouve le Palais, c'
est-a-dire un chateu imperial, et, sur le cote, un lieu appele
al-Bzroun, qui ressemble a un m~da:n (place) et ou s'assemblent
les patrices; l'Empereur les voit du haut de son palais qui
s'eleve au milieu de la ville. Dans le palais (!'Hippodrome)
se dressent des statues de bronze, avant la forme de chevaux,
d'hommes, de betes sauvages, de lions, etc ... Dans la partie
occidentale de ce mtdan, du cote de la Porte d'Or, s'ouvrent
deux portes ver lesquelles on conduit huit chevaux avec deux
chars dores, qu'on attelle de quatre chevaux chacun. Le char
est occupe par deux hommes revetus d'habits tisses d'or qui
lancent l'attelage a toute vitesse jusqu'a ce qu'ils sortent
de ces portes. Le depart a lieu a partir desdites portes et la
course se fait trois fois autour des statues. Celui qui a
devance son compagnon re~oit un collier d'or et un poids d'or,
qui lui sont jetes de la tribune du Palais [cathisma]. Tous les
habitants de Constantinople viennent a ce m~dan et suivent le
spectacle.
Imperial palace with three gates:

Le Palais imperial a un mur qui encercle les batiments tout
entiers sur une longueur d'un parasange; sa partie occidentale touche a la mer. Ce mur a trois portes en fer; l'une d'
elles s'appelle la Porte de al-Bidroun; la seconde, la Porte
de al-Mankana, et la troisieme, la Porte de la mer 2 . A la
Porte du Bidroun, on entre dans un vestibule long de cent pas
et large de cinquante. Sur les deux cotes du vestibule sont
places des sieges couverts de tapis de brocart, de matelas et
2
the harbour of the Bucoleon
palace.
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
488
de coussins. Il y a la des noirs chretiens, tenant en mains des

boucliers et des lances dorees. Quant a la Porte de al-Mankana,
elle donne sur un vestibule long de deux cents pas et large de
cinquante, et qui est pave de marbre 3 Sur les deux cotes du
vestibule se trouvent des sieges sur lesquels sont assis un
grand nombre de Khazares, avec un arc a la main. Dans le
vestibule on voit quatre prisons: l'une pour les Mahometans,
la seconde pour les gens de Tarsous [Tarse], la troisieme pour
les gens du peuple, la quatrieme est celle du commandant de la
garde 4 . A la Porte de la mer, on entre dans un vestibule long
de trois cents pas et large de cinquante, dont le sol est
couvert de briques rouges. Dans ce vestibule, a gauche et a
droite, sont disposes des sieges ornes de tapis, ou se tient
un groupe de Turcs ayant en mains arc et bouclier. Vour traversez le vestibule et atteignez une cour qui a trois cents pas
de tour. Vous arrivez alors a un rideau suspendu au-dessus de
la porte qui conduit au Palais.
Rich church near the imperial palace

(identification remains uncertain):
A gauche de !'entree est l'eglise imperale, qui a dix
portes, quatre d'entre elles sont en or et les six autres en
argent. Dans la loge (al-makqourah)ou se tient l'Empereur, un
emplacement de quatre coudees carrees est incruste de perles
et de rubis. Le coussin sur lequel il s'appuie est egalement
orne de perles et de rubis. La porte de l'autel a quatre colonnes de marbre monolithes. L'autel devant lequel le pretre
dit ses prieres a six empans en longueur et six en largeur.
C'est un bloc de bois d'aloes incruste de perles et de rubis,
devant lequel officie le pretre imperial. L'eglise est entierement faite d'arceaux en or et en argent. Cette eglise a quatre
cours, longues de deux cents pas chacune et larges de cent. En
ce qui concerne la cour situee au Levant, elle renferme un
bassin creuse dans le marbre, de dix coudees carrees. Ce bassin
est place au sommet d'une colonne de marbre haute de quatre
coudees. On a construit au-dessus une coupole en plomb et, pardessus cette coupole, une autre en argent. Cette derniere est
3
Chalce(?)
Numera prison(?)
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
489
supportee par douze colonnes dont chacune a quatre coudees.

Au sommet de l'une d'elles est figure un faucon; sur la
seconde, un agneau; sur la troisieme, un taureau; sur la
quatrieme, un coq; sur la cinquieme, un lion; sur la sixieme,
une lionne; sur la septieme, un loup; sur la huitieme, une
perdrix; sur la neuvieme, un paon; sur la dixieme un cheval;
sur la onzieme, un elephant, et sur la douzieme, un ange.
Cisterns:
A cote de cette coupole, dans cette cour d'honneur, a
une distance de deux cents pas, se trouve une citerne, dont
l'eau est conduite aces statues au sommet des colonnes.
Quand vient le jour de fete, cette citerne est remplie avec
dix mille jarres de vin et mille jarres de miel blanc; le
tout est alors epice de nard, de clous de girofle et de
cannelle en quantite egale a une charge de chameau. La citerne
est couverte de telle sorte qu'on ne puisse rien voir en dedans. Quand l'Empereur quitte le Palais et entre a l'eglise,
il regarde ces statues et le vin qui coule de leur bouche et
de leurs oreilles, le vin s'amassant dans le bassin jusqu'a
ce qu'il soit rempli. Et chaque homme de sa suite qui avance
avec lui vers la fete re9oit de ce vin une large rasade.
Reception of the moslim captives in the palace:
Si vous levex le rideau et entrez dans le Palais, vous
verrez une immense cour d'honneur, de quatre cents pas carres,
dallee de marbre vert; ses murs sont ornes de mosaiques et de
peintures variees. A droite de l'entree, a l'interieur, se
trouve le tresor imperial; en dedans, il y a la statue d'un
cheval en pied et monte par un cavalier; ses yeux sont faits
de rubis rouge. A gauche de l'entree s'etend une salle longue
de deux cents pas et large de cinquante 5 .A l'interieur de
cette salle se trouvent une table de bois, une table d'ivoire
et face a l'entree, une table d'or. Quand les fetes se termine~t et que l'Empereur quitte l'eglise, il vient dans cette
salle et prend place en face, a la table d'or. C'est ce qui
a lieu le jour de Noel. Il fait amener les captifs mahometans,
et on les fait asseoir a ces tables. Lorsque l'empereur s'est
5
probably the little Hippodrome inside the palace.
490
HARUN.-IBN-YAHYA
assis en face, on lui apporte quatre plats d'or, et chacun

d'eux est transporte sur un petit chariot. Un de ces plats
orne de perles et de rubis a, dit on, appartenu a Salomon,
fils de David (la paix soit sur lui!); le second pareillement
orne, a David (la paix soit sur lui!); le troisieme plate, a
Karoun, et le quatrieme, a l'empereur Constantin. Ils sont
mis vis-a-vis de l'Empereur, mais nul ne doit manger dessus.
Ils restent la aussi longtemps que l'Empereur est a table;
mais, quand il se leve, on les remporte. On introduit alors
les Mahometans. Sur les tables se trouvent beaucoup de plats
chauds et froids. Puis le heraut imperial fait une proclamation en ces termes: "Je jure sur la tfHe de 1 'Empereur que
dans ces mets il n'y a point du tout de pore". Les mets sont
alors passes aux invites sur de grands plats d'or et d'argent.
Organ and musicians
~n
the imperial palace:
On apporte ensuite une chose que l'on appelle a~-Ourkana
[orgue]. C'est un extraordinaire objet en bois, en forme de

pressoir a huile; et cette presse est recouverte de solide
cuir. On place alors jusqu'a moitie de leur longeur soixante
tuyaux de cuivre a l'interieur, avec leurs sommets tournes
vers le haut. Plus haut que le cuir ces tuyaux sont recouverts
d'or. On n'en voit qu'une petite partie a proportion de leur
dimension., les uns etant plus longs que les autres. Sur un
cote de cet objet carre il y a un trou dans lequel on place
un soufflet comme celui d'un forgeron. Puis on apporte trois
croix, dont deux sont mises aux deux extremites de l'orgue et
une au milieu. On fait venir ensuite deux hommes qui manoeuvrent
le soufflet. A ce moment l'organiste se tient debout et presse
sur les tuyaux; et chaque tuyau, selon son accord et la
pression du maitre, change louange a l'Empereur. Ace moment
tous les gens sont assis aux tables. En meme temps vingt hommes
entrent avec des cymbales aux main~. Ils jouent aussi longtemps
que les convives continuent a manger. De tels festins se font
pendant douze jours 6 Quand arrive la derniere journee, chaque
captif mahometan re9oit deux dinars et trois dirhems. Alors
l'Empereur se leve et s'en va par la porte de al-Bidroun.
Procession to the Hagia Sophia:

L'Empereur ordonne que sur son chemin, depuis la parte
du Palais jusqu'a l'Eglise destinee au peuple et situee au
6
OWOEXafn..LEPOV (from Christmas to Epiphany).
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
491
milieu de la ville, des nattes soient etendues, que sur elles

on repande des plantes aromatiques et du feuillage vert et
que a droite et a gauche de ce passage les murs soient ornes
de brocart. Il est alors precede de dix mille 7 vieillards portant des vetements de brocart rouge; leur chevelure atteint
leurs epaules et ils ne portent pas de bonnet. Puis derriere
eux viennet dix mille jeunes gar~ons vetus de brocart blanc;
tous vont a pied. Apres eux dix mille jeunes gens habilles de
brocart vert. Viennent ensuite dix mille serviteurs portant
des habits de brocart azure; dans leurs mains ils ont dus
haches couvertes d'or. Derriere eux suivent cinq mille
eunuques d'un age moyen et richement vetus d'habits blancs
mi-soie du Khora~an; ils tiennent en mains des croix d'or.
Puis derriere eux viennent dix mille adolescents Turcs et
Khazares, avec des cuirasses faites de lamelles; ils tiennent
en leurs mains des lances et des boucliers entierement dores.
Puis cent des plus hauts dignitaires patriciens habilles de
brocart de couleur; ils tiennent en mains des encensoirs d'or
ou brule de l'aloes. Viennent ensuite douze chefs patriciens
avec un habit tresse d'or; chacun d'eux tient une baguette
en or. Puis cent adolescents avec un vetement horde de pourpre
et orne de perles (mouchahharah); ils portent un coffre en or
ou se trouve la robe imperiale pour la priere de l'Empereur.
Devant l'Empereur marche un homme appele al-Rouhoum qui fait
taire le peuple et crie "Silence!" 8 Puis vient un vieillard
tenant a la main une cuvette d'or et une aiguiere du meme
metal ornee de perles et de rubis. L'Empereur suit enfin,
vetu de son costume de fete, c'est-a-dire un habit de soie,
decore de bijoux; sur sa tete il porte une couronne; il a
deux chaussures dont l'une est noire et l'autre rouge. Le
premier ministre le suit. L'Empereur tient dans une main une
petite boite en or ou se trouve un peu de terre 9 Il va a
pied. Toutes les fois qu'il a fait deux pas, le ministre dit
dans son langage: "Men remoU:net itadtra" 10 , dont la traduction signifie "Souvenez-vous de la mort!", Quand le ministre
lui dit cela, l'Empereur s'arrete, ouvre la boite, regarde la
terre, l'embrasse et pleure. Il agit ainsi jusqu'a ce qu'il
atteigne la porte de l'eglise. Alors le vieillard presente la
cuvette et l'aiguiere, et l'Empereur se lave les mains et dit
au ministre: "En verite, je suis innocent du sang de tous les
hommes; que Dieu ne me rende pas responsable de leur sang,
7 ~up~o~
'
8
(very many)
silentiarios
cb<roc.Ca
10 ~s~vnuvs
'
~a.
""-
'
~ou ~va~ou
(remind your death)
492
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
car je le place sur votre cou". Il met ensuite ses habits

sur son ministre, prend l'ecritoire de Blatis [Pilate] c'est l'ecritoire de l'homme qui se proclame lui-meme innocent du sang du Christ (paix soit sur lui!) - la place sur
le cou de son ministre et lui dit: "Gouverne avec justice
comme Pilate gouvernait avec justice". On porte alors ce
ministre aux alentours dans les rues de Constantinople en
proclamant: "Gouverne avec justice, puisque l'Empereur t'a
charge des affaires du peuple".
L'Empereur commande alors d'amener a l'eglise les captifs mahometans. Ils regardent cette magnificence et cette
puissance et crient trois fois: "Puisse Dieu prolonger la
vie de l'Empereur pendant de nombreuses annees!" Puis il ordonne qu'ils soient habilles.
Legend about some horses:
Derriere lui on tient en main trois chevaux gris bien
dresses, sur lesquels il y a des selles d'or, garnies de
perles et de rubis, et des harnachements de brocart ornes
pareillement. L'Empereur ne monte pas dessus. Ils sont introduits dans l'eglise, ou on a suspendu des brides. Si le
cheval prend la bride dans sa bouche, on dit: "Nous avons
gagne une victoire au pays de l'Islam". Quelquefois le cheval
s'approche, flaire la bride, recule et ne s'approche plus a
nouveau. On dit que ces chevaux descendent du cheval qui
apparti~t a Avastate 11
Statue of Justinian I:
L'Empereur va alors de l'eglise vers son palais.
A dix pas a l'ouest de l'eglise se dresse une colonne
haute de cent coudees; elle est batie colonne sur colonne,
et est entouree de chaines d'argent. Au sommet de la colonne
se trouve une table de marbre carree, de quatre coudees
carrees; il y a dessus un tombeau de marbre dans lequel git
Astilyanos [~rustinien] qui bati t cette eglise. Sur la tombe
figure un cheval de bronze et sur le cheval est la statue de
Justinien, il a sur la tete une couronne d'or ornee de perles
et de rubis. On dit que la couronne a appartenu a cet empereur. Sa main droite est levee comme s'il appelait le peuple
a Constantinople.
11
Julianus Apostata(?)
493
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
Horologium (near the Hagia Sophia):

A la porte occidentale de l'eglise s'eleve un
dans lequel s'ouvrent vingt-quatre petites partes,
empan carre; il y en a une pour chaque heure de la
jour. Quand une heure prend fin, une porte s'ouvre
meme. On dit que c'est l'oeuvre de Bolonious 12
edifice
chacune d'un
nuit et du
d'elle-
Talismans of the city of Constantinople:

ces chevaux sont bien dresses: ils ne quittent pas
leur place et n'ont pas besoin que personne les tienne,
quand les officiers en sont descendus; ni ils ne hennissent,
ni ils ne font quelque dommage. Que quelqu'un leur dise seulement: "Chta!" [Sta: Halt!], et ils restent la jusqu'a ce que
leur maitre quitte l'Empereur. J'interrogeai les gens ace
sujet, alors ils me menerent vers trois statues de bronze
representant des chevaux et placees a la porte du Palais
imperial. Le sage Bolonious les a faites comme talismans pour
les chevaux afin qu'ils ne hennissent pas nine se battent
entre eux 13
A la Porte imperiale se trouvent aussi quatre serpents
en bronze, dont les queues sont dans leurs gueules, comme talisman contre les serpents afin qu'ils ne fassent aucun mal.
Un enfant vient vers un serpent et le prend, et celui-ci ne
lui fait aucun mal.
Forum Amastrianum; arch, legend and talismans:
Dans la partie de la ville qui touche a la Porte d'or,
il y a une coupole arquee batie au milieu d'une place publique.
Sur cette coupole se dressent deux statues: l'une fait un signe
avec ses mains comme si elle disait: "Viens ici!"; !'autre
fait de meme: "Attendez un moment!". Ce sont deux talismans.
Des captifs sont amenes et places entre ces deux statues, dans
l'attente de leur pardon. Pendant ce temps un messager va en
aviser l'Empereur. Si, au retour du messager, les captifs
sont restes la, ils sont ramenes a la prison; mais si le
messager revient vers eux et les voit depasser les statues,
ils sont tues et parsonne parmi eux n'est laisse vivant.
12
Apollonius of Tyana
13
probably the four horses in Venice (San Marco)
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
494
Aqueduct:
Il y a a Constantinople un aqueduc ou l'on a amene l'eau
du pays appele Bulgarie. Cette eau coule vers l'aqueduc d'une
distance egale a un voyage de vingt jours; et, lorsqu'elle
penetre dans la ville, elle se divise en trois sections: une
partie va vers le Palais imperial, une deuxieme partie dans
les prisons des Mahometans et la troisieme partie dans les
bains des patrices, et la population de la ville boit de
cette eau qui est legerement salee.
Many monasteries in the vicinity of Con&tantinople:
Autour de Constantinople il y a des monasteres de moines.
A une parte de la ville se trouve un monastere appele le
monastere de Satra 14 , dans lequel vivent cinq cents moines.
La riviere qui entre dans la ville et se divise en trois
branches passe au milieu du monastere.
A une distance d'un parasange, au nord de la ville est
un monastere appele Mounis 15 , ou se trouvent mille moines.
Quatre parasanges a l'est de Constantinople, il y a un lieu ou
sont situes quatre monasteres, avec douze mille moines: le
premier c'est Mounis, le deuxieme Phou9adir, le troisieme
Koukiya~ et le quatrieme le monastere de Maryam [Marie]. A
l'ouest de ville, il y a deux monasteres, ou vivent six mille
moines.
Thessalonica:
Von Konstantinopel kommt man durch eine kahle Ebene
mit Saatfeldern und Dorfern 12 Tagereisen, bis man zu einer
Stadt gelangt, die Saluqija (Saloniki) heisst. Es ist eine
grosse bedeutende Stadt; im Osten der Stadt is das Gebirge
und westlich von ihr das Meer. Sie hat vier Flusse (Kanale?),
die sie bewassern, und es befindet sich in ihr ein Kloster,
Marqus (Markos) genannt, mit 12 000 Monchen. Von hier reist
man an der Meereskuste entlang drei Stationen durch eine
Ebene, in der es keinerlei Anbau gibt, <bis man zu einer
Stadt kommt namens Qutron>.
14
st.
15
John in Petra
monasterium
HARUN-IBN-YAHYA
495
Es ist eine grosse Stadt, in welcher es Markte und ringsum

zahlreiche Fltisse (Kanale?) gibt; es bewassern sie Kanale.
Um sie sind zwei Mauern und ein Graben, der die Stadt umgibt.
496
LIUDPRAND OF CREMONA
949 and 969
Liudprand of Cremona
Title
Author
Motive
Date
a. Antapodosis.
b. Legatio Constantinopolitana.
Bishop of Cremona.
ambassador to the Byzantine court
with missions of the Longobardian
king (949) and the German emperor
Otto I (969).
first journey in 949 - 950; second
journey in 969-970.
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
c. 950 and in 969.

Constantinople and Northern Greece.
Text
Editions
- G.H. Pertz,
Liudprandi episcopi
Cremonensis opera omnia~ Hannover,
1839.
Die Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit~
- W. Wattenbach,
Bd. XXVIII-XXXVIII; Zehntes Jahrhundert: Bd. 2 . Aus Liudprands

Werken~ Leipzig, n.d.
- *these fragments in English
translation have been taken from:
C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine
Empire~
312-1453~
Documents~
Sources and
Englewood Cliffs, 1972,
pp. 209-10.
Audience with Constantine VII 1n 949 1n the Magnaura

palace:
There is at Constantinople, next to the palace, a building
of extraordinary size and beauty which the Greeks call
Magnavra (the letter V taking the place of the digamma), i.e.,
"strong breeze" (magna aura).
For the sake of some Spanish envoys who had recently arrived
as well as of myself and Liutefred,
Constantine gave orders
that this building should be decked out in the following
manner. In front of the Emperor's throne was set up a tree of
gilded bronze, its branches filled with birds, likewise made
of bronze gilded over, and these emitted cries appropriate to
497
their different species. Now the Emperor's throne was made in

such a cunning manner that at one moment it was down on the
ground, while at another it rose higher and was seen to be up
in the air. This throne was of immense size and was, as it
were, guarded by lions, made either of bronze or wood covered
with gold, which struck the ground with their tails and roared
with open mouth and quivering tongue. Leaning on the shoulders
of two eunuchs, I was brought into the Emperor's presence. As
I came up, the lions began to roar and the birds to twitter,
each according to its kind, but I was moved neither by fear
nor astonishment .... After I had done obeisance to the
Emperor by prostrating myself three times, I lifted up my head,
and behold! the man whom I had just seen sitting at a moderate
height from the fround had now changed his vestments and was
sitting as high as the ceiling of the hall. I could not think
how this was done, unless perhaps he was l~fted up by some
such machine as is used for raising the timbers of a winepress. . ..
Banquet in the imperial palace:

Next to the Hippodrome, in a northerly direction, is
a hall of remarkable height and beauty called Decanneacubita.
It obtained this name not from its nature (ab re)~ but for
an apparent reason: for "deca" is Greek for "ten", "ennea" is
"nine", and "cubita" means couches that are flat for lying
down on, and have curved ends. This is so because on the day
when Christ was born according to the flesh nineteen tables
are set up there. The Emperor and his guests do not sit up at
dinner, as they do on other days, but recline, and on this
occasion they are served not in silver vessels, but only in
gold ones. After dinner fruit is brought in three golden
vessels which are so immensely heavy that they are carried not
by hand, but on trolleys covered with purple cloth. Two of
them are put on the table in the following manner. Three ropes
covered with gilded leather and provided with golden rings are
let down through apertures in the ceiling and are inserted
into the handles that project from the platters. With the help
of four or more men stationed below, these are swung on to the
table by means of a rotating device that is above the ceiling,
and are then removed in the same manner.
498
Journey through the mountains of Northern Greece
in 969:
By donkey, on foot and on horseback, hungry and thirsty,

moaning and groaning and ready to drop, I arrived at Naupactus.
IBN HAUQAL
950 - 973
Ibn Hauqal
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Remarks
Text
Edition
499
Kitab Surat al-Ard.

geographer- travelling merchant.
geographical studies, trade and
missionary activities.
2th part lOth century.
passage on the Byzantine empire

and on Athens as the city of many
philosophers.
various versions dating from 967,
977 and 988.
J.H. Kramers and G. Wiet, Configuration de Za terre~ 2 vols, Paris,
1964.
Athens:
Au- dela de ce canal, vers l'occident, on parvient aux
regions d'Athenes et de Rome. Chacune de ces metropoles sert
de chef-lieu a des cantons, des districts ruraux, des
localites et des villes, qui en dependent et les font vivre,
des champs cultives, des chateaux-forts et des forteresses,
l'ensemble est gouverne par des princes en quantite
considerable. Les villes de Rome et d'Athenes constituent
des centres de reunion pour les chretiens; elles sont proches
de la mer. Athenes a ete le foyer de la philosophie des
Grecs, le lieu ou se conservaient leurs sciences et leurs
doctrines, Rome .....
MA90UDI
500
c. 955
Ma~oudi.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Remarks
Text
Edition
Muruj al-Dhahab.
geographer - historian.
wanderings through the world of the
Islam.
c. 955.
passages on the cities of Constantinople and Ephesus in the history of

the Roman and Byzantine empire.
C. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de
Courteille, Les prairies d'or~ 2
vols, Paris, 1863.
Constantinople: situation and walls:

Le canal baigne Constantinople de deux cotes, a l'orient et
au nord; le cote occidental de la ville tient au continent.
C'est la que s'eleve la Porte d'or qui est ornee de battants
en bronze; ce cote de la ville est defendu par plusieurs enceintes et par un chateau; la partie la plus elevee des murs
de l'ouest a trente coudees, la moins haute a dix coudees
environ; mais c'est au sud que lemur a le plus d'elevation.
Le cote qui longe le canal n'est entoure que d'une seule
muraille, coupee par un chateau et plusieurs bastions et
tourelles. La ville a un grand nombre de portes, tans du cote
de la mer que du cote de terre, et plusieurs eglises l'environnent. Les uns lui donnent trente portes, les autres n'en
comptent moins de cent, petites ou grandes. Au surplus, c'est
une ville malsaine, d'une temperature tres-variable et le
voisinage des deux mers y fait regner une humidite continuelle.
Ephesus: Cave of the Seven Sleepers:
under Valens: c'est, dit-on, de son temps que les hommes de la
Caverne sortirent de leur long sommeil, ainsi que
Dieu (beni soit son nom~) l'a raconte dans le
MAQOUDI
501
verset" "ils envoyerent l'un d'eux a la ville

avec leur argent". 1 Ces dormants etaient
originaires de la ville d'Ephese, dans le pays
de Roum.
under Decius: c'est lui qui fuyaient les Compagnons de la
Caverne.
See Koran, 18,18.
502
982
PERSIAN ANONYMOUS GEOGRAPHICAL TREATISE
Persian anonymous geographical treatise.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Remarks
Text
Edition
Hudud al-'Alam.
Persian geographer.
geographical treatise about the world
of the lOth century.
c. 982.
Athens mentioned as centre of

philosophy.
V. Minorsky,
A Persian
A.D.~
The Regions of the World.

372 A.H. - 982
Geography~
London, 1937.
Athens:
Yunan (Greece) was in the days of old a town of this Athens
(corrupt passage!) and all the sages and philosophers arose
from this region of Athens.
FOUCHER. OF CHARTRES
c.
1100
503
Foucher of Chartres.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Interesting for
Text
Edition
Historia Hierosolymitana
chaplain in Chartres; after 1097 he
remained in Palestine.
participant in the first crusade
1096
1096 - 1097.
Northern Greece (Thessalonica) and
Constantinople.
eulogy of Constantinople.
Fulcheri Carnotensis Historia

Hierosolymitana (1095-1127)~ H. Hagenmeyer (ed.), Heidelberg, 1913.
Journey through Northern Greece:

And after crossing the river Bardarius the next day we
put up our tents in front of the city of Thessalonica, a city
with all sorts of good things. We rested there for a period of
four days, and then we continued through Macedonia, through
the valley of the Philippenses, and via Chysopolis and
Christopolis ... and come to Constantinople.
Constantinople:
And in ront of the walls of the city we put up our tents,
and rested for 14 days. And because we could not enter the
city - because the emperor would not permit it, being afraid
perhaps, that we would do him some harm - we had to purchase
our daily victuals outside the walls ; the townspeople brought
them out to us on the commands of the emperor. And we were not
permitted to go into the city, except five or six of us at a
time, each hour; when one group left the city the other group
went in to pray in the churches.
Constantinople, eulogy:
Oh, how great is that noble and beautiful city! How many
504
FOUCHER OF CHARTRES
monasteries, how many palaces are there, fashioned in a

wonderful way! How many wonders there are to be seen in the
squares and in the different parts of the city! I cannot
bring myself to tell in detail what great masses there are
of every commodity: of gold, for example, of silver, of manyshaped garments and relics of saints. All the time merchants,
with busy shipping traffic, were bringing in everything that
people needed. I believe there are more than 20,000 eunuchs
living there permanently.
505
BARTOLF OF NANGIS
c.
1100
Bartolf of Nangis
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Interesting for
Text
Edition
Gesta Francorum expugnantium Iherusalem.

French crusader from Nangis (lle-deFrance); after 1097 he lived in Palestine-Syria.
participant in the first crusade.
this chronicle is dated c. 1108-l109.
1096-1097.
Northern Greece (Thessalonica) and
Constantinople.
eulogy of Constantinople with emphasis
of the cosmopolitan character of the
city.
RecueiZ des Historiens des

Ill, Paris, 1866, pp.
Croisades~
490 ss.
Journey through Northern Greece:

Vfuen they had crossed the river(Bardarius) they reached the
city of Thessalonica, greatly pleased, the next day; it is a
city which is rich in all sorts of goods, and is densely populated. They pitched their tents in front of the city, and
rested for four days with joyful feasting.
Next they went through Macedonia via de valley of the
Philippenses and Lucretia .... and came to Constantinople.
There they pitched their tents and rested for 15 days, and
they bought victuals and whatever they needed from the townspeople, who offered them for sale in plenty.
Constantinople, eulogy:
Oh, how great is that city, how noble, how pleasant! and
how full of wonderfully built churches and palaces. What a
spectacle, what miracles of bronze and marble one finds there!
The city goes down to the sea on one side, and has there an
impregnable wall; but on the other side it is fortified by
ramparts and a double moat, and a wall of immense size and
strength and towers all round. The citizens are continually
506
BARTOLF OF NANGIS
plentifully provided by busy shipping traffic, with what they

need. Cyprus, Rhodes, and Mytilena and Corinth and very many
islands serve this city. Achaia and Bulgaria and Graecia take
trouble to provide for this city, and send precisely their best
to it. Moreover, the cities of Romania in Asia, and Europe and
the cities of Africa, never cease to send gifts to Constantinople.
In the city there are Greeks, Bulgarians, Alans, Comans,
Pigmaticans, Italians, Venetians, Roumanians, Dacians, Angles,
Amalfitans, even Turks and many heathen peoples, and also Jews and
proselytes, Cretans and Arabs, and people of all nations meet
together there.
cf. Acts of the Apostles, 2,11.
GUIBERT OF NOGENT
c. 1109
507
Guibert of Nogent
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Gesta Dei per Francos.

abbot of Nogent-sous-coucy (near Laon).
chonicle of the first crusade.
this chronicle is dated c. 1109.
Remarks
- data based on information by participants (see chapter on Crusades).

- positive description of the city of
Constantinople.
- chronicle with much influence in
western Europe in the 12th century.
Text
Edition
Recueil des Historiens des
Croisades~
IV, Paris, 1879, pp. 115 ss.
Constantinople:
The city does not only excel on account of its monuments
of the saints, but also occupies a prominent position because
of the name and the merit of its founder, especially in view
of the fact that because of a revelation from heaven he made
this city, from being a very old little town, into an example
to the whole world, a second Rome; and if it were possible
the whole world would go there, and the city would deserve
the support of them all.
508
ROBERT OF RHEIMS (ROBERTUS MONACHUS)
c. 1110 - 1120
Robert of Rheims (Robertus Monachus).
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Historia Iherosolimitana.
monk in the monastery of St.-Remy.
chronicle of the first crusade.
this chronicle is dated c. 1112-1118.
Remarks
- data based on information by participants.

- Constantinople as treasure chamber
for innumerable relics.
- chronicle with much influence in
western Europe in the 12th century.
Text
Edition
Recueil des Historiens des
Croisades~
III, Paris, 1866, pp. 717 ss.
Constantinople:
The emperor never gave them permission to enter the city,
because he continually mistrusted the courage of the
Christian troops, and particularly the Franks. He did allow
them to have a market, however, such as there also was in the
city.
But they destroyed churches and palaces and whatever was
in them they carried off; they ripped off the lead with which
buildings were covered, and sold it to the Greeks.
And so Constantine directed the building of the city from
its foundations onward, and he named it Constantinople after
himself. By means of the high walls and the fine construction
of the buildings he made it equal to Rome and he gave this city
equal fame and honour on earth. Just as Rome is the capital
city of the West, so this city must be that of the East.
The city is situated between the Adriatic Sea and the sea
strait which is now called the Bracchium Sancti Georgii; along
the strait are the walls of the city. This city is more
prosperous than all other cities, because of the fertility of
the ground and all its trade in wealth from the sea. Therefore
let no one doubt that this city was founded with God's favour.
ROBERT OF RHEIMS (ROBERTUS MONACHUS)
509
For God foresaw what would happen, but we see only what has
happened. Indeed if no such city had been founded, where would
eastern Christendom have found a refuge? Now all the most holy
relics of holy prophets, apostles and innumerable martyrs all
have a place of refuge there, because they were taken there
out of the hands of the heathens .....
That, therefore, is why the imperial city of Constantinople
is laid out in such a way that it is a very safe home for the
holy relics of which we have spoken above. And that is why this
city should be made equal to Rome in the value of its shrines
and its imperial glory, except that Rome is superior because of
the crown of the Pope; therefore Rome is the head and the sum of
all Christendom.
510
1102 - 1103
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
SAEWULF
Saewulf.
Anglo-Saxon pilgrim.
1102-1103.
1102 and 1103.
Ionian Islands - Corinth - Archipelago
(Patmos, Cos, Rhodes), west coast of
Asia-Minor -Dardanelles.
Remarks
preference for places mentioned in the

Bible.
Text
1 MS., Cambridge, Corpus Christi

College, No. 111 (2th part of 12th
century).
-M. d'Avezac, 'Relation des voyages
de Saewulf a Jerusalem et en Terre
Sainte pendant les annees 1102 et
1103', Recueil de voyages et de
Editions
memoires~
de
puhlie par la Societe
Geographie~
IV~ Paris, 1839,

pp. 817-54.
- *Th. Wright, Early Travels in
Palestine~ New York 2 , 1968, pp.
31-50.
Corfu - Cefalonia - Patras:

We then went to Brandia, and again our ship, being refitted, set sail on an unlucky day, and reached the town of
Corfu, on the eve of St. James the Apostle. From thence we
were driven by a tempest to the island of Cephalonia, which we
reached on the 1st of August. Here Robert Guiscard died; we
also lost some of our party, which was the cause of sadness
to us. We next touched at Polipolis; after which we came to
the celebrated island of Patras, the city of which we entered
for the sake of praying to St. Andrew the Apostle, who suffered
martyrdom and was buried here, but was afterwards translated
to Constantinople
SAEWULF
511
Corinth:
From Patras we went to Corinth, which we reached on the
eve of St. Lawrence. St. Paul preached the word of God here,
and wrote an epistle to the citizens. In this place we
suffered many contrarieties. Thence we sailed to the port of
Hosta; from which place we proceeded, some on foot, others on
asses, to the city of Thebes, vulgarly called Stivas. On the
eve of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, we came to Nigropont 1 where
we hired another ship.
Athens: Parthenon with ever burning lamp:
Athens, where the Apostle Paul preached, is two days'
journey from Corinth; St. Dionysius was born and taught there,
and was afterwards converted by St. Paul. Here is a church of
the blessed Virgin Mary, which has a lamp that burns always
and never wants oil.
Archipelago - Ephesus:
We went afterwards to the island of Petalion 1 , thence to
Andros, where are made rich sindals and samits and other stuffs
of silk. We then touched successively at Tinos, Syra, Miconi,
and Naxia, near which is the famous island of Crete. Next we
came to Carea (Khero), Amorgo, Samos, Scio, and Meteline. We
then proceeded to Pathmos, where St. John the Apostle and
Evangelist, banished by Domi tian Caesar, wrote the Revelat._ions.
On the side towards Smyrna, a day's journey distant, is Ephesus,
where he afterwards entered the sepulchre living; the apostle
Paul, moreover, wrote an Epistle to the Ephesians.
Cos:
Then we came to the isles of Lero and Calimno, and afterwards to Ancho 2 , where Galen, the physician most celebrated
among the Greeks, was born. Thence we passed over to the port
of Lido 3 , a city destroyed, where Titus, the disciple of St.
2
3
Spili
Cos, where the doctor Hippocrates was born.
probably Cnidos
512
SAEWULF
Paul, preached. Next, to Asus 4
which is interpreted silvery.
Rhodes:
Our next station was the famous island of Rhodes, which
is said to have possessed one of the seven wonders of the
world, the idol called Colossus, which was a hundred and
twenty feet high, and was destroyed by the Persians, with
nearly all the province of Romania, when they were on their
way to Spain. These are the Colossians, to whom St. Paul
the Apostle wrote his epistle.
Patara - Myra:
Hence, it is a distance of one day to the city of Patera,
where St. Nicholas the archbishop was born, and where we
arrived in the evening, after escaping a violent storm. Next
morning we sailed to an entirely desolate town called
Mogronissi of St. Mary, which means Long Island, which it
would appear by the churches and other buildings had been
inhabited by the Christians, after they had been driven by
the Turks from Alexandria. Then we came to the city of Myra,
where St. Nicholas was archbishop, and which is the port of
the Adriatic Sea, as Constantinople is the port of the
Aegean Sea. After having worshipped at the sepulchre of the
saint, we sailed,
Rhodes - Chios - Samos - Smyrna:
Then directing our course along the coast of Romania
and passing the towns of Stamirra and Patras of St. Nicholas,
we with difficulty reached the island of Rhodes on the eve of
St. John the Baptist, after a narrow excape from wreck in the
bay of Satalia. At Rhodes we hired a smaller ship, that we
might proceed more rapidly, and then returned to the coast of
Romania. We then came to Stromlo 5 , a very fair city, but
entirely laid waste by the Turks, and there we were detained
many days by a strong contrary wind. Then we came to the island of Samos, and having bought provisions there, as we did
in all the islands, we arrived at length at the island of
Scio, where we parted with our ship and company and undertook
the journey to Constantinople, to perform our devotions there.
After leaving Scio, we passed by the great town of Smyrna,
and came to the island of Meteline,
4
5
Symi.
Stampalia
513
SAEWULF
Tenedos and the
ru~ns
of Troy:
and then to Tenit, near which, on the coast of Romania,

was the very ancient and famous city of Troy, the ruins of
the buildings of which, as the Greeks say, are still
apparent over a space of many miles.
Dardanelles:
After leaving this place, we came to the narrow sea
which is called the arm of St. George, which divides the
two lands, Romania and Macedonia, through which we sailed
to St. Phemius, having Greece to the right, and Macedonia
to the left. The city of St. Phemius the bishop is on one
side of the arm, in Macedonia, and another city, which is
called Samthe, stands on the other side in Greece, so that
two or three arbalist-shots would reach from one city to
the other. They are said to be the keys of Constantinople.
Gallipoli Raclea, where Helen is said to be raped by Paris:

Then we sailed by Callipolis, and Agios Georgios, and
Paniados, and other notable castles of Macedonia, and came
to the city of Rothostoca, after Michaelmas. We came next to
the noble city of Raclea, whence, according to the Greeks,
Helen was ravished by Paris Alexander.
SAGA OF SIGURD
514
after 1111
Saga of Sigurd.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
anonymous saga poet in Scandinavia.

saga with information about the
Byzantine empire, brought to Scandinavia by the men of King Sigurd.
Sigurd travelled as pilgrim to
Jerusalem and Constantinople; there
many of his men went into the
Byzantine army.
1107-1111.
c. 1110-1111.
Constantinople
Remarks
in the saga some elements which made

a deep impression on Sigurd and his
men are told: the enormous riches of
Constantinople, the Golden Gate, the
statues in the Hippodrome.
Text
in the Saga of Sigurd J6rsalafara

(Hierosolymipetae).
Editions
-c. Rafn.,Antiquites russes d'apres

les monuments historiques des
islandais et des anciens scandinaves~
I-II, Copenhagen 1850-1852:

a. Extrait de la Heimskringla de
Snorre Sturlason, Ex Historia
Sigurdi Hierosolymipetae, I.
pp. 380-90.
b. Saga Sigurdar KonUngs J6rsalafara
(Extraits de la Saga de Sigurd
Jorsalafare), II, pp. 62-73.
- W. Morris -E. Magnusson, The
Stories of the Kings of Norway~

called the Round World (Heimskringla) by Snorri Sturluson~ Ill, London,
1895, pp. 249-310.
- *Th. Wright, Early Travels in Palestine~ New York 2 , 1968, pp. 50-62.
- Also: R.M. Dawkins, 'The Visit of King
Sigurd the Pilgrim to Constantinople',
Eis mnemen S. Lamprou, Athens, 1935,
pp. 55-62.
SAGA OF SIGURD
515
Arrival at Constantinople;
entrance through the Golden Gate:
All the people turned out to see king Sigurd sailing past.
The emperor Alexius had also heard of king Sigurd's expedition,
and ordered the city port of Constantinople to be opened,
which is called the Gold Tower, through which the emperor
rides when he has been long absent from Constantinople, or had
made a campaign in which he has been victorious. The emperor
had precious cloths spread out from the Gold Tower to Loktiar,
which is the name of the emperor's most splendid hall. King
Sigurd ordered his men to ride in great state into the city,
and not to regard all the new things they might see; and this
they did. The emperor sent singers and stringed instruments to
meet them; and with this great splendour king Sigurd and his
followers were received into Constantinople. It is told that
king Sigurd had his horse shod with golden shoes before he
rode into the city, and managed so that one of the shoes came
off in the street, but that none of his men should regard it.
Reception by the emperor 1n the imperial palace:
When king Sigurd came to the magnificent hall, everything was in the grandest style; and when king Sigurd's men
had come to their seats, and were ready to drink, the emperor's messengers came into the hall, bearing between them
purses of gold and silver, which they said the emperor had
sent to king Sigurd; but the king did not look upon it, but
told his men to divide it among themselves. When the messengers returned to the emperor, and told him this, he said,
"This king must be very powerful and rich not to care for
such things, or even give a word of thanks for them;" and
ordered them to return with great chests filled with gold.
They come again to king Sigurd, and say, "These gifts and
presents are sent thee from the emperor". King Sigurd said,
"This is a great and handsome treasure, my men; divide it
among you". The messengers return and tell this to the emperor. He replies, "This king must either exceed other kings
in power and wealth, or he has not so much understanding
as a king ought to have. Go thou now the third time, and
carry him the costliest purple, and these chests with ornaments of gold:" to which he added two gold rings. Now
the messengers went again to king Sigurd, and told him the
516
SAGA OF S IGURD
emperor had sent him this great treasure. Then he stood up,
and took the rings, and put them on his hand; and the king
made a beautiful oration in Greek, in which he thanked the
emperor in many fine expressions for all this honour and
magnificence, but divided the treasure again very equitably
among his men. King Sigurd remained here some time.
Offer of games in the Hippodrome:

The emperor Alexius sent his men to him to ask if he
would rather accept from the emperor six skifpound [one ton]
of gold, or would have the emperor give the games in his
honour which the emperor was used to have played at the
Padreimr. King Sigurd preferred the games, and the messengers
said the spectacle would not cost the emperor less than the
money offered. Then the emperor prepared for the games, which
were held in the usual way: but this day every thing went on
better for the king than for the queen; for the queen has
always the half part in the games, and their men, therefore,
always strive against each other in all games. The Greeks
accordingly think that when the king's men win more games at
the Padreimr than the queen's, the king will gain the victory
when he goes into battle. People who have been in Constantinople tell that the Padreimr is thus constructed: -
Description of the Hippodrome:

A high wall surrounds a flat plain, which may be compared
to a round bare Thing-place , with earthen banks all around at
the stone-wall, on which banks the spectators sit; but the
games themselves are in the flat plain. There are many sorts
of old events represented concerning the Asers, Volsungers,
and Giukungers, in these games 1 and all the figures are cast
in copper, or metal, with so great art that they appear to be
living things; and to the people it appears as if they were
1
I think this translation is not correct; 'in these games' must

be: 'in this place', for not the contents of the games is
described but the situation and aspect of the Hippodrome. The
Latin version by Rafn has:eo loco varias res priscas depictas
esse.
SAGA OF SIGURD
really present in the games. The games themselves are

so artfully and carefully managed, that people appear
to be riding in the air; and at them also are used shotfire,
and all kinds of harp-playing, singing, and music
instruments.
517
ODO.OF DEUIL
518
1147
Odo of Deui1.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
De profectione Ludovici VII in

Orientem.
French priest, chaplain of king
Louis VII.
crusade to the Holy Land.
1147-1149.
1147-1148.
Constantinople - Nicomedia - Ephesus.
Remarks
description of Constantinople with

accent on positive and negative
aspects.
Text
1 MS. in Montpellier, College de

Medicines, No. 39, (codex from the
late 12th- early 13th century).
- M. Guizot, Collection des Memoires
Editions
relatifs
a l'histoire
de
France~
XXV: Foucher de Chartres et Odon de

Deuil, Paris, 1825.
- *V.G. Berry, Odo of Deuil~ De pro-
fectione Ludovici VII in
Orientem~
New York, 1948.
Constantinople: Situation:
Constantinople, the glory of the Greeks, rich in renown
and richer still in possessions, is laid out in a triangle
shaped like a ship's sail. In its inner angle stand Santa
Sophia and Constantine's Palace, in which there is a chapel
that is revered for its exceedingly holy relics
Moreover,
Constantinople is girt on two sides by thP sea; when approaching the city we had the Arm of St. George on the right and
on the left a certain estuary, which, after branching from the
Arm, flows on for about four miles.
Blachernae palace:
In that place the Palace of Blachernae, although having
foundations laid on low ground, achieves eminence through
excellent construction and elegance and, because of its
ODO OF DEUIL
519
surroundings on three sides, affords its inhabitants the triple

pleasure of looking out upon sea, fields, and city. Its exterior is of almost matchless beauty, but its interior surpasses anything that I can say about it. Throughout it is decorated
elaborately with gold and a great variety of colors, and the
floor is marble, paved with cunning workmanship; and I do not
know whether the exquisite art of the exceedingly valuable
stuffs endows it with the more beauty or value.
Walls, gardens inside the walls, water supply:

The third side of the city's triangle includes fields,
but it is fortified by towers and a double wall which extends
for about two miles from the sea to the palace. This wall is
not very strong, and its possesses no lofty towers; but the
city puts its trust, I think, in the size of its population
and the long period of peach which it has enjoyed. Below the
walls lies open land, cultivated by plough and hoe, which contains gardens that furnish the citizens all kinds of vegetables.
From the outside underground conduits flow in, bringing the
city an abundance of sweet water.
Negative aspects of the city:

The city itself is squalid and fetid and in many places
harmed by permanent darkness, for the wealthy overshadow the
streets with buildings and leave these dirty, dark places to
the poor and to travelers; there murders and robberies and
other crimes which love the darkness are committed. Moreover,
since people live lawlessly in this city, which has as many
lords as rich men and almost as many thieves as poor men, a
criminal knows neither fear nor shame, because crime is not
punished by law and never entirely comes to light. In every
respect she exceeds moderation; for, just as she surpasses
other cities in wealth, so, too, does she surpass them in
vice.
Many churches with relics:

Also, she possesses many churches unequal to Santa Sophia
in size but equal to it in beauty, which are to be marveled
at for their beauty and their many saintly relics. Those who
had the opportunity entered these places,
some to see the
520
ODO OF DEUIL
sights and others to worship faithfully.
Visit of king Louis VII to the emperor:

Conducted by the emperor, the king also visited the
shrines and, after returning, when won over by the urgency
of his host's requests, dined with him. That banquet afforded
pleasure to ear, mouth, and eye with pomp as marvelous,
viands as delicate, and pastimes as pleasant as the guests
were illustrious.
Prohibition to enter the city; problems on

the market:
Although the Greeks furnished us no proof that they were
treacherous, I believe that they would not have exhibited
such unremitting servitude if they had had good intentions.
Actually, they were concealing the wrongs which were to be
avenged after we crossed the Arm. However, it was not held
against the Greeks that they closed the city gates to the
throng, since it had burned many of their houses and olive
trees, either for want of wood or by reason of arrogance and
the drunkenness of fools. The king frequently punished offenders by cutting off their ears, hands, and feet, yet he could
not thus check the folly of the whole group. Indeed, one of
two things was necessary, either to kill many thousands at
one time or to put up with their numerous evil deeds.
As
I was saying, a ship supplied us an ample market, and in front
of the palace and even in the tents we had a rate of exchange
which would have been adequate if it had lasted; namely, less
than two denarii for one stamina and a mark for thirty staminae
(three solidi). But after we had traveled three days beyond the
city we paid five or six denarii for one stamina and lost a
mark on twelve solidi.
Constantinople, city of contrasts:

Constantinople is arrogrant in her wealth, treacherous
in her practices, corrupt in her faith; just as she fears
everyone on account of her wealth, she is dreaded by everyone because of here treachery and faithlessness. If she did
not have these vices, however, she would be preferable to
all other places because of her temperate climate, rich
ODO OF DEUIL
521
fertility of soil, and location convenient for propagating

the faith. In fact she commands the Arm of St. George, which
is at one and the same time a body of water teeming with
fish and salt and a stream so small that it can safely be
crossed seven or eight times in one day.
Weakness of the Byzantine empire:
mercenaries in the army:
Romania, a land which is very broad and exceedingly rugged
with stony mountains, lies beyond, extending to Antioch on the
south and bordering Turkey on the east. Although all Romania
was formerly under Greek jurisdiction, the Turks now possess a
great part and, after expelling the Greeks, have devastated another part; but where the Greeks still hold castles the two
peoples divide the revenues. In such subjection the Greeks retain the territory the Franks procured because they went in
quest of Jerusalem; and the lazy people would have lost all if
they had not defended themselves by importing knights from
various nations, thus compelling gold to redeem gold. Nevertheless, they always lose (but since they possess much they
cannot lose all at once), for mercenaries do not suffice a
people without forces of its own.
Nicomedia:
Nicomedia first showed us this; set among thorns and
brambles, her lofty ruins testify to her former glory and
her present masters' inactivity. In vain does a certain
estuary of the sea, which terminates in the city three days
after rising in the Arm, offer her the advantage of good
transportation.
Ephesus:
Thus, at last, after Smyrna and Pergamon we came to
Ephesus, which, among the ruins of her ancient glory, has
the venerable relics of her former state, the tomb of St.
John, located on a certain mound of earth and surrounded
by a wall erected in order to keep out the pagans.
522
c. 1150
NICHOLAS, ABBOT OF THINGOR
Nicholas, abbot of Thingor
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Remarks
Text
Editions
Icelandic priest, abbot of the

monastery of Thingor.
c. 1150 (before 1154).
c. 1150.
Constantinople.
The Hagia Sophia as the most beautiful and greatest church in the world.
c . Rafn, Antiqui tes russes d 'apres

Zes monuments historiques des isZandais et des anciens scandinaves~ II,
Copenhagen, 1852: Annotations geographiques dues a l'abbe Nicolas, pp.
394-415.
another version with identical
contents:
E. Werlauff, SymboZae ad Geographiam
medii aevi ex monumentis
isZandicis~
Hauniae, 1821, pp. 3-4 and 10-1.
Constantinople: Hagia Sophia .

..... the realm of the king of the Greeks, the capital of which
is Constantinople, which we call Miklagardus. In Miklagardus
there is a church called, in the language of the inhabitants,
Agiosophia; the Normans call it Aegisifa. By reason of its construction and its size this church is the most splendid and the
most magnificent of all the churches in the world.
Bulgaria falls under the authority of the King of the Greeks,
and a great number of islands which are called Greek islands;
the most famous of these are Crete and Cyprus.
IDRI'SI
ea. 1150
Abu Abdallah Mohammed ibn Mohammed al-Idrisi.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Remarks
Text
Edition
523
Kitab Nuzhat al-Musjtak fi' Chtirak

al-Afak.
Arab geographer from Ceuta in Morocco.
travels to collect material for his
geographical compendium.
Idrisi was born in 1100 and died in
1166.
first half of the 12th century.
Peloponnesus, Constantinople, Asia
Minor.
- many data based on the works of
ancient Greek geographers (e.g. on
Athens, Corinth, Sparta, Crete).
- description of the walls of
Constantinople and the Hippodrome.
Geographie
d'Idrisi~ A. Jaubert (ed.),

Paris, 1837-1841 (2 vols.).
Peloponnesus:
Le Peloponese, grande presqu'ile entouree par les eaux
de la mer sur un espace de 1000 milles, sans autre communication avec le continent que par un isthme de la largeur de 6
milles; isthme sur lequel l'un des empereurs romains fit construire une muraille de meme longeur, c'est-a-dire de 6 milles.
Corinth:
Quant a Corinthe, c'est une ville grande et populeuse,
batie sur le rivage de la mer, a 30 milles (de l'entree) du
detroit.
524
IDRISI
Patras:
De la a Batra, promontoire ou sont une eglise et une ville,
40 milles.
Modon and Koron:
Motonia, ville defendue par un fort qui domine la mer.
Coronia, petite ville avec un fort qui domine la mer.
Sparta:
Lacedemone est une ville considerable et florissante,
situee a 6 milles de la mer.
Monemvasia:
Maliassa, ville defendue par un chateau tres-eleve qui
domine la mer, d'ou l'on aper9oit l'ile de Crete, a la distance de 90 (autres disent de 68) milles.
Crete:
Cette ile, grande, peuplee et fertile, contient
diverses villes florissantes.
Samos:
Same est une ile considerable, peuplee et boisee, ou l'on
trouve des boeufs et des moutons. Il y a une jolie ville. On
y receuille la gomme de mastiki, qui se mache, et dont il se
fait une grande consommation, tant dans les contrees voisines
que dans les pays lointains. Cette ile est tres-giboyeuse.
Constantinople:
Constantinople est une grande ville, tres-peuplee, remplie d'edifices et dont les environs sont bien cultives. Elle
est situee a 40 milles de Filibobolis; on traverse une riviere
dans l'intervalle.
IDRISI
525
Athens:
Athina, ville maritime peu eloignee du detroit du
Peloponnese.
Athenes est une ville populeuse, environnee de jardins et
de champs cultives.
Thessalonica:
La mer forme ici un golfe peu considerable a l'extremite duquel est batie Salonique, ville agreable, celebre
et possedant une nombreuse population.
Constantinople: situation
walls and Hippodrome:
Cette capitale est batie sur une langue de terre de forme
triangulaire. Deux de ses cotes sont baignes par la mer; le
troisieme comprend le terrain sur lequel s'eleve la porte Doree.
La longeur totale de la ville est de 9 milles. Elle est ceinte
d'une forte muraille dont la hauteur est de vingt et une coudees et revetue d'un parapet haut de dix coudees, tant du cote
de la terre que de celui de la mer. Entre ce parapet et la mer il
existe une tour qui s'eleve a la hauteur d'environ cinquante
coudees rechachi. La ville a environ cent portes dont la principale est celle qu'on nomme la porte Doree; elle est en fer
recouvert de lames d'or; et l'on n'en connait pas qui lui sont
comparable en grandeur dans toute l'etendue de l'empire romain.
Cette ville renferme un palais renomme par la hauteur, la vaste
etendue et la beaute de ses constructions, et de plus un
hippodrome par lequel on arrive a ce palais, cirque le plus
etonnant qui existe dans l'univers. On y marche entre deux rangs
de statues en bronze d'un travail exquis, representant des
hommes, des cheveaux, des lions etc., sculptees avec une perfection de nature a faire le desespoir des artistes les plus
habiles. Ces figures sont d'une stature plus haute que la grandeur naturelle. Le palais contient egalement un grand nombre
d'objets d'art infiniment curieux.
Nicomedia:
.... actuellement ruinee.
526
IDRISI
Ephesus:
Ephese, actuellement ruinee, etait batie sur le penchant
d' une mont agne;
BENJAMIN OF TUDELA
1161-1162
~7
Benjamin of Tudela
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
----- (Itinerarium?).
Spanish Jew from Tudela in Navarre.
Pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Bagdad;
visit to many Jewish communities in
southern Europe and Asia Minor.
1160-1173.
1161-1162.
Ionian Islands, Patras, Corinth,
Thebes, Euboea, Thessalonica,
Constantinople, Gallipoli, Archipelago (Chios, Samos, Rhodes).
Remarks
- positive view of Constantinople.

- the number of Jews in various
places is mentioned.
- much attention to trade and industrial activities.
Text
the text as we have it, is probably

an excerpt from a work containing
Benjamin's travel reports.
In the 13 - 15th centuries the work
is known; but the first printed
edition appeared not before 1543 in
Constantinople.
Editions
- *The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of

Tudela~
translated and edited by A.

Asher, London/Berlin, 1840 (2 vols.).
- Th. Wright, Early Travels in
Palestine~ New York 2 , 1968, pp. 63-126
From Corfu to Corinth:

From thence you cross over in two days to the island of
Corfu, containing but one Jew, a dyer, of the name of R.
Joseph. Unto this place reaches the kingdom of Sicily. Two
days' voyage by sea brings you to the coast of Arta, the
confines of the empire of Manuel, king of Greece. On this
coast lies a village with about a hundred Jewish inhabitants,
the principal of whom are R. Shelachiah, and R. Hercules.
Two days to Achelous, containing ten Jews, of whom the
528
BENJAMIN OF TUDELA
principal is R. Shabthai. Half a day to Anatolica on the gulf.

One day by sea to Patras. This is the city of Antipatros,
king of Greece, one of the four kings who rose after king
Alexander. It contains large and ancient buildings, and about
fifty Jews reside there, of whom R. Isaac, R. Jacob, and R.
Samuel are the principal. Half a day by sea to Lepanto, on
the coast. The principal of the hundred Jews who reside there
are R. Gisri, R. Shalom, and R. Abraham. One day's journey and
a half to Crissa. Two hundred Jews live there by themselves
on mount Parnassus, and carry on agriculture upon their own
land and property; of these, R. Solomon, R. Chaim and R.
Jedaiah are the principal. Three days to the city of Corinth,
which contains about three hundred Jews, of whom the chief
are R. Leon, R. Jacob, and R. Ezekias.
Thebes - Negropontum
Three days to the large city of Thebes, containing about
two thousand Jewish inhabitants. These are the most eminent
manufacturers of silk and purple cloth in all Greece.
Among them are many eminent Talmudic scholars and men as
famous as any of the present generation. The principal of them
are, the great rabbi R. Aaron Koti, his brother R. Moses, R.
Chija, R. Elijah Tareteno, and R. Joktan. No scholars like
them are to be found in the whole Grecian empire, except at
Constantinople. A journey of three days brings you to Negropont, a large city on the coast, to which merchants resort
from all parts. Of the two hundred Jews who reside there, the
principal are R. Elijah Psalteri, R. Emanuel, and R. Khaleb.
From thence to Jabustrisa is one day's journey. This city
stands on the coast, and contains about one hundred Jews, the
principal of whom are R. Joseph, R. Samuel, and R. Nethaniah.
Rabenica is distant one day's journey, and contains about one
hundred Jews, of whom R. Joseph, R. Eleasar, and R. Isaac are
the principal. Sinon Potamo, or Zeitun, is one day's journey
further; R. Solomon and R. Jacob are the principal of its
fifty Jewish inhabitants.
Through Northern Greece to Constantinople:
Here we reach the confines of Wallachia, the inhabitants
of which country are called Vlachi. They are as nimble as deer,
and descend from their mountains into the plains of Greece,
committing robberies and making booty. Nobody ventures to make
BENJAMIN OF TUDELA
529
war upon them, nor can any king bring them to submission,
and they do not profess the Christian faith. Their names
are of Jewish origin, and some even say that they have been
Jews, which nation they call brethren. Whenever they meet
an Israelite, they rob, but never kill him, as they do the
Greeks. They profess no religious creed.
From thence it is two days to Gardiki, a ruined place,
containing but few Jewish or Grecian inhabitants. Two days
further, on the coast, stands the large commercial city of
Armiro, which is frequented by the Venetians, the Pisans,
the Genoese, and many other merchants. It is a large city,
and contains about four hundred Jewish inhabLtants; of whom
the chief are R. Shiloh, R. Joseph the elder, and R. Solomon, the president. One day to Bissina;the principal of the
hundred Jews who reside here are the rabbi R. Shabtha, R.
Solomon, and R. Jacob. The town of Salunki is distant two
days by sea; it was built by king Seleucus, one of the four
Greek nobles who rose after Alexander, is a very large city,
and contains about five hundred Jewish inhabitants. The rabbi R. Samuel and his sons are eminent scholars, and he is
appointed provost of the resident Jews by the king's command.
His son-in-law R. Shabthai, R. Elijah, and R. Michael, also
reside there. The Jews are much oppressed in this place, and
live by the exercise of handicraft. Mitrizzi, distant two
days' journey, contains about twenty Jews. R. Isaiah, R.
Makhir, and R. Eliab are the principal of them. Drama,
distance from hence two days' journey, contains about one
hundred and forty Jews, of whom the chief are R. Michael and
R. Joseph. From thence one day's journey to Christopoli,
which contains about twenty Jewish inhabitants. Three days
from thence by sea stands Abydos, on the coast.
Constantinople - Manuel I Comnenus:
It is hence five days' journey through the mountains to
the large city of Constantinople, the metropolis of the whole
Grecian empire, and the residence of the emperor, king Manuel.
Twelve princely officers govern the whole empire by his
command, each of them inhabiting a palace at Constantinople,
and possessing fortresses and cities of his own. The first of
these nobles bears the title of Praepositus magnus; the second
is called Megas Domesticus, the third Dominus, the fourth
530
BENJAMIN OF TUDELA
Megas Ducas, the fifth Oeconomus magnus, and the names of

the others are similar to these 1
Constantinople as an important trade centre:
The circumference of the city of Constantinople is eighteen miles; one half of the city being bounded by the continent, the other by the sea, two arms of which meet here; the
one a branch or outlet of the Russian, the other of the
Spanish sea. Great stir and bustle prevails at Constantinople
in consequence of the conflux of many merchants, who resort
thither, both by land and by sea, from all parts of the world
for purposes of trade, including merchants, from Babylon and
from Mesopotamia, from Media and Persia, from Egypt and
Palestine, as well as from Russia, Hungary, Patzinakia, Budia,
Lombardy, and Spain. In this respect the city is equalled
only by Bagdad, the metropolis of the Mohammedans.
Hagia Sophia and Hippodrome:
At Constantinople is the place of worship called St.
Sophia, and the metropolitan seat of the pope of the Greeks,
who are at variance with the pope of Rome. It contains as
many altars as there are days of the year, and possesses innumerable riches, which are augmented every year by the contributions of the two islands and of the adjacent towns and
villages. All the other places of worship in the whole world
do not equal St. Sophia in riches. It is ornamented with
pillars of gold and silver, and with innumerable lamps of
the same precious materials. The Hippodrome is a public place
near the wall of the palace, set aside for the king's sports.
Every year the birthday of Jesus the Nazarene is celebrated
there with public rejoicings. On these occasions you may see
there representations of all the nations who inhabit the
different parts of the world, with surprising feats of
jugglery. Lions, bears, leopards, and wild asses, as well as
birds, which have been trained to fight each other, are also
exhibited. All this sport, the equal of which is nowhere to
be met with, is carried on in the presence of the king and the
queen.
cf. pseudo Kodinos,de officiis
BENJAMIN OF TUDELA
531
Blachernae palace, recently built by Manuel I:

King Manuel has built a large palace for his residence on
the sea-shore, near the palace built by his predecessors; and
to this edifice is given the name of Blachernes. The pillars
and walls are covered with pure gold, and all the wars of the
ancients, as well as his own wars, are represented in pictures.
The throne in this palace is of gold, and ornamented with precious stones; a golden crown hangs over it, suspended on a
chain of the same material, the length of which exactly admits
the emperor to sit under it. This crown is ornamented with
precious stones of inestimable value. Such is the lustre of
these diamonds, that , even without any other light, they
illumine the room in which they are kept. Other objects of
curiosity are met with here which it would be impossible to
describe adequately.
Riches of the city:

The tribute, which is brought to Constantinople every
year from all parts of Greece, consisting of silks, and purple
cloths, and gold, fills many towers. These riches and buildings are equalled nowhere in the world. They say that the tribute of the city alone amounts every day to twenty thousand
florins, arising from rents of hostelries and bazaars, and
from the duties paid by merchants who arrive by sea and by
land. The Greeks who inhabit the country are extremely rich,
and possess great wealth in gold and precious stones. They
dress in garments of silk, ornamented with gold and other valuable materials. They ride upon horses, and in their appearance
they are like princes. The country is rich, producing all sorts
of delicacies, as well as abundance of bread, meat, and wine.
They are well skilled in the Greek sciences, and live comfortab1y, "every man under his vine and his fig tree". The Greeks
hire soldiers of all nations, whom they call barbarians, for
the purpose of carrying on their wars with the sultan of the
Thogarmim, who are called Turks. They have no martial spirit
themselves, and, like women, are unfit for warlike enterprises.
532
BANJAMIN OF TUDELA
Position of the Jews: Jewish quarter in Pera:

No Jews dwell in the city with them; they are obliged to
reside beyond the one arm of the sea, where they are shut in
by the channel of Sophia on one side, and they can reach the
city by water only, when they want to visit it for purposes
of trade. The number of Jews at Constantinople amounts to two
thousand Rabbanites and five hundred Caraites, who live on
one spot, but divided by a wall. The principal of the Rabbanites, who are learned in the law, are the rabbi R. Abtalion,
R. Obadiah, R. Aaron Khuspo, R. Joseph Sargeno, and R. Eliakim
the elder. Many of them are manufacturers of silk cloth, many
others are merchants, some being extremely rich; but no Jew
is allowed to ride upon a horse, except R. Solomon Hamitsri,
who is the king's physician, and by whose influence the Jews
enjoy many advantages even in their state of oppression, which
is very severely felt by them; and the hatred against them is
increased by the practice of the tanners, who pour out their
filthy water in the streets and even before the very doors of
the Jews, who, being thus defiled, become objects of contempt
to the Greeks. Their yoke is severely felt by the Jews, both
good and bad; for they are exposed to be beaten in the streets,
and must submit to all sorts of bad treatment.
Still the Jews are rich, good, benevolent, and religious men,
who bear the misfortunes of their exile with humility. The
quarter inhabited by the Jews is called Pera.
From Constantinople to Rhodes:

Two days from Constantinople stand Rodosto, containing a
congregation of about four hundred Jews, the principal of whom
are R. Moses, R. Abijah, and R. Jacob. From hence it is two
days to Gallipoli. Of the two hundred Jews of this city the
principal are R. Elijah Kapid, R. Shabthai the little, and R.
Isaac Megas; this latter term in the Greek language means tall.
To (Kales, or) Kilia, two days. The principal of the fifty Jews
who inhabit this place are R. Juda, R. Jacob, and R. Shemaiah.
It is hence two days to Mitilene, one of the islands of the sea.
Ten places in this island contain Jewish congregations. Three
days from thence is situated the island of Chio, containing
about four hundred Jews, the principal of whom are R. Elijah,
R. Theman, and R. Shabthai. The trees which yield mastic are
found here. Two days bring us to the island of Samos, which
contains about three hundred Jews, the chief of whom are R.
Shemaria, R. Obadiah, and R. Joel. These islands contain many
BENJAMIN OF TUDELA
533
congregations of Jews. It is three days hence by sea to Rhodes.

The principal of the four hundred Jews who reside here are R.
Aba, R. Chananel, and R. Elijah. Hence it is four days to
Cyprus.
534
AL-HARAWI
2th part 12th century
Aboul Hassan Aly al-Harawi
Title
(in French) le livre des indications

relatives a la connaissance des lieux
qui doivent etre visites en pelerinage.
Arab traveller with touristical interests.
wanderings through the Near East,
Egypt, Italy and the Byzantine Empire.
c. 1160-1174(?).
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Text
Editions
----- (?)
Constantinople.
in 3 MSS. (el Escorial, Oxford and
Paris).
a. Ch. Schefer, 'Aboul Hassan Aly el
Herewi, Indications sur les lieux
de Pelerinage', Archives de Z'
Orient Zatin~ 1 (1881), pp. 587609.
b. fragments from the work Les monu-
ments des pays et Z'histoire des

serviteurs (de Dieu) by the Persian geographer Zakarija al-Kazwini
in: A.A. Vasiliev, 'Quelques remarques sur les voyageurs du MoyenAge a Constantinople', Melanges Ch.
DiehZ~ Paris, 1930, pp. 294-6.
Constantinople: Mosque:
En dehors des murs de la ville, dit-il, se trouve le tombeau d'Abou Eyoub el An9ary, un des compagnons du Prophete. La
grande mosquee, elevee par Maslamah fils d'Abdel Melik, est dans
l'interieur de la ville. On y voit la tombe d'un descendant de
Hussein fils d'Aly, !ils d'Abou Thalib.
Many monuments which cannot be found
world of the Islam:
~n
the
On admire a Constantinople des statues en bronze et en

marbre, des colonnes, des talismans merveilleux, des obelis-
AL-HARAWI
535
ques et des monuments qui n'ont leurs pareils dans aucun des
pays de l'islamisme.
Hagia Sophia:
La grande eglise parte le nom d'Aya Sofia. Elle est, diton, gardee par un ange et l'endroit ou il se tient est entoure
d'une grille en or. Il y a, a ce sujet, une legende extraordinaire que je rapporterai en son lieu. Je parlerai egalement,
en detail, de !'ordonnance de cette eglise, de son plan, de sa
hauteur, de ses partes, de son etendue en longueur et en largeur et de ses colonnes. Je ferai !'enumeration des merveilles
que renferme Constantinople; je decrirai ses grands palais, la
parte d'or, ses tours, ses marbres, ses grands chevaux de
bronze, les restes admirables de l'antiquite et les statues de
!'Hippodrome. Tous ces details trouveront place, s'il plait a
Dieu, dans mon Livre des merveiZZes.
The colossal city of Constantinople should be
the capital of the Islam:
Constantinople est une cite plus grande encore que ne le
proclame la renommee. Que Dieu, dans sa grace et dans sa
generosite, daigne en faire la capitale de l'islamisme!
Monumental columns; obelisk of Theodosius and
the Stone obelisk: 1
(Aly el Herewy, dans les pages qu'il consacre a Alexandrie,
donne quelques renseignements sur les colonnes dont la vue 1'
avait frappe a Constantinople). Le phare d'Alexandrie, ecrit-il,
ne presente plus rien de remarquable; il n'est plus qu'une tour
de garde qui s'eleve sur le bord de la mer. Mais les colonnes
dignes d'exciter !'admiration sont celles que l'on voit a Constantinople. Il y en a une dans le Bodrom (!'Hippodrome) qui est
la place ou l'on fait courir les chevaux, dont la construction
a ete rendue plus solide par l'emploi du plomb et du cuivre et
qui, au souffle du vent, incline sur sa base, dans la direction
de l'est, de l'ouest, du nord ou du sud. Il y a, egalement dans
cette place, une colonne en bronze fondue d'un seul jet; on ne
peut monter dans l'interieur.
Schefer, op.cit, p. 589, notes 4-5 identifies these monuments

as the stone obelisk and the serpentine column resp., but I do
not believe this interpretation to be right.
536
AL-HARAWI
Statue of Justinian I on horseback:

Une troisieme colonne s'eleve non loin de l'hopital; elle
est entierement recouverte de bronze. C'est le tombeau de
Constantin sur lequel est placee la statue equestre de ce
prince. Les pieds du cheval sont solidement soudes a la pierre
avec du plomb, a !'exception du pied droit qui est releve comme
s'il marchait. Constantin a la main droite etendue vers le
ciel, la paume ouverte et il designe, par son geste, le pays de
l'islamisme. Il tient un globe dans la main gauche. Les navigateurs aper~oivent en mer cette colonne, a la distance de pres
d'une journee. Les opinions varient au sujet de ce monument.
Selon les uns, ce globe est un talisman dont la puissance empeche les chretiens de penetrer dans les contrees de l'islamisme ou ne permet pas aux musulmans d'envahir la chretiente. SeIon les autres, ce globe porte une inscription conyue en ces
termes: "J'ai possede le monde et je l'ai eu dans ma main comme
ce globe; neanmoins, je l'ai quitte sans rien emporter".
Column of Theodosius:
Il y a egalement, dans le marche appele Istoborin (EC~
~ov ~V) une colonne en marbre blanc, entierement couverte
de personnages sculptes en relief avec un art admirable. Elle

est entouree d'une grille d'une seule piece et on y voit un
talisman. Quand on monte au haut de cette colonne, la vue embrasse la ville dans toute son etendue. Je donnerai dans mon
Livre des merveiZZes~ la description de cette colonne. J'en
marquerai la hauteur, la circonference et je dirai le nombre
des degres qu'il faut monter pour arriver jusqu'au sommet. Je
parlerai aussi de la veneration que les habitants de la ville
professent pour elle et pour les figures qui la couvrent.
Anemodoulion:
Je rapporterai les opinions diverses relatives aux statues
de bronze et de marbre; je parlerai du talisman qui tourne aux
quatre vents, de la dalle de l'ange, de la croix folle et de la
legende qui s'y rattache. Cette croix est placee dans la direction de la Qibleh des musulmans. Je decrirai les hopitaux de la
Yille, ainsi que les statues qui se trouvent dans le marche du
change.
AL-HARAWI
537
Tous ses details se trouveront dans le Livre des merveilles,

car la presente relation ne les comporte pas.
Fragments preserved in the work by Al-Kazwini:

Hippodrome: obelisk of Theodosius:
Aux merveilles du monde dont parle al-Harawy (appartient)
le phare de Constantinople. C'est un phare affermi par le plomb
et le fer; il se trouve dans !'Hippodrome (our sur une place?).
Lorsque les vents soufflent, ils l'inclinent sur sa base dans la
direction du Sud, du Nord, de l'Est et de l'Ouest; et les gens
apportent de la vaisselle de terre (des tessons d'argile?) et
des noisettes dans la fente de ce batiment et les ecrasent
(moulent?)
Horologium
Dans le phare, se trouve une horloge dans laquelle, conformement au nombre des heures, sont faites douze petites
partes, chaque battant de la parte etant d'un empan de haut.
Lorsqu'une heure de la nuit ou du jour passe, une parte s'
ouvre et en sort une figure, qui reste debout jusqu'a ce que
l'heure soit finie; lorsque l'heure finit, cette figure rentre
par la parte. Alors, s'ouvre une autre parte, et en sort une
autre figure de la meme fa~on. Les Grecs racontent que (cette
horloge) est l'oeuvre de sage Blinas (Appollonius).
Three bronze horses near the imperial palace:

Pres de la parte du Palais imperial, se trouvait un talisman, - trois images de bronze - en forme de chevaux. Elles
furent faites par Apollonius, pour empecher les chevaux (de la
ville) de faire du bruit ou de hennir a la parte de l'empereur.
ANTHONY OF NOVGOROD
538
c. 1200
Anthony of Novgorod
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
(possibly: le livre du pelerin

... ;or: La description des lieux
saints de Constantinople).
Russian pilgrim; Russian saint with
feast on February 10; after 1211
archbishop of Novgorod; his family
name was Dobrynia Iadreikovitch.
pilgrimage to Constantinople.
c. 1200.
c. 1200.
Constantinople.
Remarks
the Hagia Sophia before the spoliation by the Crusaders.
Text
6 MMS. in Leningrad, Moscow and

Copenhagen.
- *B. de Khitrowo, Itineraires russes
en Orient~ Geneva, 1889, pp. 85-111.
- M. Ehrhard, 'Le livre du pelerin d'
Antoine de Novgorod', Romania~ 58
(1932), pp. 44-65.
Editions
Hagia Sophia: light giving stone:

A cote de la parte se trouve une grande image representant
l'empereur Kyr Leon le Sage, et il a une pierre precieuse sur
le front, qui eclaire Sainte-Sophie la nuit.
Hagia Sophia: bolts with healing powers:

Les principales partes d'entree ont un romanision en cuivre
ce qui veut dire verrou, avec lequel on ferme les partes d'
entree; on met ce verrou dans la bouche des hommes et des femmes,
car, si quelqu'un d'entre eux a mange du venin de serpent ou un
poison quelconque, il ne peut oter le verrou de la bouche jusqu'
a ce que tout le venin soit sorti avec la salive.
ANTHONY OF NOVGOROD
539
Rota in the Hagia Sophia:

A Sainte-Sophie, pres de l'autel, a droite, se trouve un
marbre rouge sur lequel on met un trone en or; sur ce trone on
couronne l'empereur. Cet endroit est entoure de cuivre, afin
que personne ne puisse marcher dessus; mais le peuple le baise.
No church bells, but a semantron:
On n'a pas de cloches a Sainte-Sophie, mais, un petit
battoir hagiosidere a la main, avec lequel on frappe pour les
matines, et on ne frappe ni pour la messe ni pour les vepres,
tandis que dans d'autres eglises, on frappe et pour la messe
et pour les vepres; c'est d'apres les preceptes de l'Ange qu'
ils ont ce battoir: quant au latins, ils sonnent les cloches.
Cisterns, portraits of emperors and patriarchs:
Il y aussi beaucoup de citernes a Sainte-Sophie. Au-dessus
des tribunes se trouvent les citernes et les entrepots des patriarches et de l'eglise. Les legumes de toute espece destines
a la table des patriarches, les melons, les pommes et les poires
sont conserves au fond des citernes dans des paniers attaches
par des cordes; quand le patriarch veut en manger, on les en
retire tout frais; ainsi les mange aussi l'empereur. Le bain du
patriarche est aussi au-dessus des tribunes; l'eau des fontaines
monte par des tuyaux, et l'eau pluviale est conservee dans les
citernes. Sur les tribunes sont peints tous les patriarches et
empereurs de Constantinople et ceux qui partageaient leurs
heresies.
540
1203-1204
GEOFROY DE VILLEHARDOUIN
Geoffroy de Villehardouin.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Histoire de la conqu~te de Constantinople.

french noble, marechal de Champagne;
one of the leaders of the Fourth
Crusade.
Crusade to the Holy Land.
1203-1204.
1203-1204.
Constantinople.
Remarks
- emphasis on the very rich city with

palaces and monasteries.
- the prophetical signs on the Column
of Theodosius.
Text
many MSS.; only in Paris (BN.): six

MSS.
N. de Wailly, Histoire de la Conquete
Editions
de Constantinople par Geoffroi de
Villehardouin~ Paris 3 , 1882.

A. Pauphilet, Historiens et chroni-
queurs du Moyen-Age: Robert de

Villehardouin~ Joinville~
Commynes~
Clari~
Froissart~
Paris, 1938.
J. Dufournet, Les ecrivains de la IVe
croisade: Villehardouin et
Clari~
Paris, 1973 (2 vols.).

*M. R. B. Shaw, Joinville
hardouin~
and VilleChronicles of the Crusades~
The Crusaders before the walls of Constantinople;

admiration for the size and beauty of the city:
They therefore pitched their camp on the other side of the
harbour, where they lived in peace and quiet, with a good and
plentiful supply of food.
Many of our men, I may say, went to visit Constantinople, to
gaze at its many splendid palaces and tall churches, and view
all the marvellous wealth of a city richer than any other since
GEOFFROY DE VILLEHARDOUIN
541
the beginning of time. As for the relics, these were beyond all
description; for there were at that time as many in Constantinople as in all the rest of the world. The Greeks and the French
thus became on friendly terms with each other in all respects,
including trade and other matters.
The palaces of Bucoleon and Blachernae;
immense booty for the army:
The Marquis de Montferrat rode straight along the shore
to the palace of Bucoleon. As soon as he arrived there the
place was surrendered to him, on condition that the lives of
the people in it should be spared. Among these were very many
ladies of the highest rank who had taken refuge there, including the Empress Agnes, sister of the King of France, the
Empress Marie, sister of the King of Hungary, and a number of
other noble ladies. Words fail me when it comes to describing
the treasures found in that palace, for there was such a store
of precious things that one could not possibly count them.
In the same way that the palace of Bucoleon was surrendered
to the Marquis de Montferrat, so the palace of Blachernae was
yielded to the Comte de Flandre's brother Henri, and one the
same conditions. There too was found a great store of treasure,
not less than there had been in the palace of Bucoleon. The
Marquis de Montferrat and Henri de Flandre each garrisoned the
castle surrendered to him, and set a guard over the treasure.
The rest of the army, scattered throughout the city, also
gained much booty; so much, indeed, that no one could estimate
its amount or its value. It included gold and silver, tableservices and precious stones, satin and silk, mantles of
squirrel fur, ermine and miniver, and every choicest thing to
be found on this earth. Geoffroy de Villehardouin here declares
that, to his knowledge, so much booty had never been gained in
any city since the creation of the world.
Capture and punishment of Alexius V Murzuphlus:
Round about this time the Emperor Murzuphlus whose eyes
had been put out - the same who had murdered the Emperor
Isaac's son Alexius, whom the crusaders had brought with them
542
GEOFFROY DE VILLEHARDOUIN
to Constantinople - fled secretly across the straits with only

a very small company of men. But Dietrich von Los, having heard
of his flight from someone who informed against him, had him
arrested and brought him back to the Emperor Baudouin at
Constantinople. The Emperor was delighted at his capture, and
asked his people what he should do with a man who had so
treacherously murdered his lord.
It was agreed to inflict the following punishment: Towards the centre of Constantinople there stood a marble column,
one of the highest and most finely carved that ever man's eye
has seen. Murzuphlus was to be taken to the top of that column,
and made to leap down in the sight of all the people, because
it was fitting that such a signal act of justice should be seen
by everyone. Murzuphlus was led to the column, and taken to the
top, while all the people in the city flocked to the place to
see that amazing sight. Then he was cast down, and he fell from
such a he!ght that every bone in his body was broken as soon as
he reached the ground.
Now let me tell you of a marvellous coincidence. On that
column from which Murzuphlus fell were figures of various kinds,
carved in the marble, and among them was one representing an
emperor falling headlong. Now a very long time before it had
been prophesied that an emperor would be cast down from that
very column. Thus the prophecy, as portrayed in the marble
figure, came true.
ROBERT DE CLARI
1203-1204
543
Robert de Clari
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
La conquete de Constantinople.
French noble from Picardy.
Crusade to the Holy Land.
1203-1204.
1203-1204.
Constantinople.
Remarks
- important description of Constantinople in 1204.

- emphasis on the rich palaces and
churches.
- much attention to wonders, oracles
and prophesies.
Text
1 MS. in Copenhagen, Royal Library,

No. 487, f. 100-128, dating from the
early 14th century.
- *Ph. Lauer, Robert de Clari~ la
conquete de Constantinople~ Paris,
1924.
- A.Pauphilet, Historiens et chroni-
Editions
queurs du Moyen-Age: Robert de

Clari~ Villehardouin~ Joinville~
Froissart~ Commynes~ Paris, 1938.
Roberto di
Clari - La conquista di Costantinopoli (1198-1216)~ Genova, 1972.
- J. Dufournet, Les ecrivains de la
IVe croisade: Villehardouin et
- A. M. Nada Patrone,
Clari~
Paris, 1973 (2 vols.).
A chain across the Golden Horn:

Or estoit li pors de Constantinople molt bien fermes d'une
molt grosse chaine de fer, qui tenoit en la cite et d'autre
part du port tenoit a la tour de Galata. Icele tour estoit molt
fort et molt bien deffensable et molt bien garnie de gent
deffensable.
544
ROBERT DE CLARI
The capture of very rich churches, palaces

and monasteries:
Si fist li Marquis prendre le palais de Bouke de Lion, et
le moustier Sainte Sophie, et les maisons le patriarche; et li
autre haut homme, si comme li comte, fisent prendre les plus
riches palais et les plus riches abbayes que on y peut trouver.
Car puis que la ville fu prise, ne fist on mal ne a povre ne
a riche; ains s'en ala qui aler s'en vault, et qui vault si
remest. Si s'en alerent li plus riche de la ville.
The enormous riches found in Constantinople:
LXXXI. Apres si commanda on que taus li avoirs des gaaings 1
fust aportes a une abbaye qui en la cite estoit; et prist on
dix chevaliers haus hommes des pelerins, et dix Veniciens que
on cuidoit a loiaus, si les mist on a eel avoir garder. Et tant
y avoit de riche vaissellement d'or et d'argent, et de dras a
or, et tant de riches joiaus, que c'estoit une fine merveille.
Mais puis que cis siecles fu estores 2 , si grans avoir, ne si
nobles, ne si riches, ne fu veus ne conquis, ne au temps Alexandre, ne au temps Charlemagne, ne devant ne apres. Ne je ne
cuit 3 mie, au mien escient, que es quarante plus riches cites
du monde eust tant d'avoir comme on trouva en Constantinople.
Et si tesmoignoient li Grieu que les deux pars de l'avoir du
monde estoient en Constantinople, et la tierce estoit esparse
par le monde.
Et cil meisme qui l'avoir devoient garder si prenoient
les joiaus d'or et ce qu'il vouloient, et embloient 4 l'avoir;
et prenoit chascuns des riches hommes ou joiaus d'or ou dras
de soie a or, ou ce qu'il amoit mieux, si l'en portoit. Einsi
commercierent l'avoir a embler, si que on ne departi onques au
commun de l'ost, ne aus povres chevalier ne aus serjans qui 1'
avoir avoient aidie a gaaignier, fors le gros argent, si comme
des poeles 5 d'argent que les dames de la cite portoient aus
1
du butin
depuis que ce monde fut cree
3
pense pas
4
volaient
5
bass ins
545
ROBERT DE CLARI
bains. Mais toutes eures 6 en eurent li Venicien leur moitie;

et les pierres precieuses et li grans tresors qui remest a
partir 7 ala si males voies comme nous vous dirons apres.
Bucoleon palace:
LXXXII. Quant la cite fu prise et li pelerin se furent
herberge si comme je vous ai dit, si trouva on tant de richesses
es palais qui trop. Si estoit li palais de Boucoleon si riches
et si fais comme je vous dirai.
Il avoit bien dedens ce palais, que li Marquis tenoit,
cinq cens mansions, qui toutes tenoient l'une a l'autre et
estoient toutes faites a ore musike 8 , et si y avoit bien trente
chapeles, que grans que petites. Si en y avoit une que on apeloit la Sainte Chapele 9 , qui si estoit riche et noble qu'il n'
y avoit ne gond ne veruele 10 ne autres membres 11 qui a fer apartenissent, qui tout ne fussent d'argent; ne si n'avoit colonne
qui ne fust ou de jaspe ou de pourfire ou de riches pierres
precieuses. Et li pavements de la chapelle estoit d'un blanc
marbre si lisse et si cler qu'il sembloit qu'il fust de cristal.
Dedens cele chapele trouva on de molt riches saintuaires 12 : que
on y trouva deux pieces de la Vraie Croix aussi grosses comme
la jambe a un homme, et aussi longues comme une demi toise.
(Description of some very famous relics)
Blachernae palace:
Au palais de Blakerne si y avoit bien vingt chapeles et
bien deux cens mansions, qui toutes tenoient ensement l'une a
l'autre, et estoient faites a ore musike. Et estoit cest palais
si riches et si nobles que on ne le vous sauroit mie descrire
ne aconter. En eel Palais trouva on molt grant tresor et malt
riche: que on y trouva les riches corones qui avoient este aus
empereurs qui par devant y furent, et les riches joiaus d'or,
le s riches dras de soie a or, et les riches robes emperiaus,
et les riches pierres precieuses. Et tant d'autres richesses
que on ne sauroit mie nombrer le grant tresor d'or et d'argent
que on trouva es palais et en molt de lieux ailleurs en la cite.
6
toutefois
qui restait a partager
8
mosaique d'or
9
St. Maria. of the Phare
7
10
verrou
11
pieces/parties
12
reliques
546
ROBERT DE CLARI
Admiration of de Crusaders: many wonders ln

the city of Constantinople:
LXXXIV. Apres, li pelerin esgarderent la grandeur de la
ville, et les palais, et les riches abbayes, et les
riches moustiers, et les grans merveilles qui estoient
en la ville; si s'en merveillierent molt durement. Et se
merveillierent molt du moustier Sainte Sophie, et de la
richesse qui y estoit.
Hagia Sophia:
LXXXV. Or vous dirai du moustier Sainte Sophie comme
fais il estoit. Sainte Sophie en grieu, c'est sainte
Trinite en fran9ois. Li moustiers estoit trestous reons.
Si y avoit unes 13 voutes par dedens le moustier entour a
la reconde, qui estoient portees d'unes grosses colonnes
molt riches, que il n'y avoit colonne qui ne fust ou de
jaspe ou de porphire ou de riches pierres precieuses. Ne
si n'en y avoit nule de ces colonnes qui ne portast medecine: tele y avoit qui guarissoit du mal des reins quant
on s'y frotoit, tele qui guarissoit du mal du flanc, et
teles qui guarissoient d'autres maladies. Ne n'y avoit
huis 1 ~ en ce moustiers, ne gonds, ne verueles, ne autres
membres qui a fer apartenissent, qui tout ne fussent d'
argent.
Li maistre autel du moustier estoit si riches qu'on
ne le porroit mie esprisier 15 . Car la table qui sur l'
autel estoit ert d'or et de pierres precieuses esquartelees et moulues 16 , tout jete 17 ensamble, que uns riches
empereres fist faire; si avoit bien cela table quatorze
pies de long. Entour l'autel avoit unes colonnes d'argent
qui portoient un habitacle sur l'autel, qui estoit aussi
fais comme un clochier, qui tous estoit d'argent massif,
qui estoit si riches qu'on ne peust mie nombrer l'avoir
qu'il valoit. Li lieus la ou on lisoit l'evangile estoit
si riches et si nobles que nous ne le vous saurions mie
descrire. Apres contreval le moustier 18 pendoit bien cent
13
quelques
porte
15
estimer
16
perles
17
fondu
18 descendant du haut des vofites
1~
547
ROBERT DE CLARI
lampiers; si n'y avoit lampier qui ne pendist a une grosse

chaine d'argent, aussi grosse comme le bras
un homme; si y
avoit en chascun lampier bien vingt et cinq lampes ou plus,
et si n'y avoit lampier qui ne vausist 19 bien deux cens
mares d'argent.
A l'anel du grant huis du moustier, qui tous estoit
d'argent, pendoit uns buhotiaus 20 que on ne savoit de quele
21
despoise
il estoit; si estoit il de la grandeur a une
fleuste dont ces pasteurs fleustent. Icest buhotiaus avoit
tele vertu comme je vous dirai. Quant uns enferm22 hom qui
avoit mal dedens le corps, si comme d'enfle, qui dedens le
ventre estoit enfles, le metoit en sa bouche, ja si peu ne
l'y eust mis que cis buhotiaus le prenoit, si li su~oit
toute cele maladie, et ce venin lui faisoit courre hors par
mi la gueule; si le tenoit si fort qu'il le faisoit esrouiller23 et li faisoit les yeux torner en la teste, ne ne
s'en povoit partir devant la que li buhotiaus li avoit sucie
la maladie toute hors. Et quant uns hom qui n'estoit mie
malades le metoit a sa bouche, ja ne le tenist ne peu ne
grant 24 .
LXXXVI. Apres, devant ce moustier de Sainte Sophie,
avoit une grosse colonne, qui bien avoit trois brassees a
un homme de grosseur, et si avoit bien cinquante toises de
haut; si estoit faite de marbre, et puis de cuivre par desur
le marbre, et estoit molt bien liee de bonnes bendes de fer.
Lassus, sur le bout de cele colonne, si avoit une pierre qui
bien avoit quinze pies de long et autant de le. Sur cele
pierre si avoit un empereur jete de cuivre sur un grant cheval de cuivre, qui tendoit sa main vers paienisme; et avoit
lettres sur lui escrites, qui disoient que juroit que ja li
Sarrasin n'auroient treves de lui; et en s'autre main tenoit
une pome d'or et une croix sur la pome. Et disoient li Grieu
que c'estoit Heracles li empereres; et avoit bien, que sur
la croupe du cheval que sur la teste que entour, dix aires de
19 valut
20
embouchure (bolt) cf. P. Dembowski, 'En marge du vocabulaire
de Robert de Clari, <<buhotiaus, conterres, syndoines>>',
Romance Philology, 15 (1961), pp. 12-18.
21
alliage
22 malade
23 rouler les yeux
24 ni peu ni beaucoup
ROBERT DE CLARI
548
herons, qui iluec airoient 25 chascun an.

tthe Hagii Apostoli church which has not been
visited by Robert)
The gate with the statue called Manteau d'Or:
LXXXVIII. Or avoit ailleurs en la cite une parte qu'on
apeloit le Manteau d'Or. Sur cele porte si avoit un pomel
d'or qui estoit fais par tel enchantement que li Grieu disoient que ja tant comme li pomeaus y fust, coup de tonnerre ne
charroit 26 en la cite. Sur eel pomel avoit une image jetee
de cuivre, qui avoit un mantel d'or afuble, si le tendoit
avant sur son bras, et avoit lettres escrites sur lui qui
disoient que "tout cil qui mainent 27 en Constantinople un an
doivent avoir mantel d'or aussi comme je ai".
Golden Gate:
LXXXIX. Ailleurs en la cite a une autre parte que on apele
Parte Ore. Sur cele parte avoit deux olifants jetes de cuivre,
qui si estoient grant que c'estoit une fine merveille. Icele
port.e n' estoi t onques ouverte devant la que li empereres revenoit de bataille et que il avoit terre conquise. Done si venoit
li clergie de la cite a pourcession encontre l'empereur, si
ouvroit on cele parte, si li amenoit on un curre d'or, qui estoit aussi fais comme uns chars a quartre roues. Ens en mi ce
curre avoit un haut siege, et sur le siege avoit une chaiere 28 ,
et entour la chaiere quatre colonnes qui portoient un habitacle qui aombroit la chaiere, qui sambloit qu'il fust tout d'
or. Si seoit li empereres en cele chaiere, tout corones, si
entroit en cele parte, si le menoit on sur ce curre, a grant
joie et a grant feste, jusques en son palais.
25
nichaient
tomberai t
27
qui demeurent
28
chaire
26
ROBERT DE CLARI
549
Hippodrome:
XC. Or en un autre lieu en la cite avoit une autre merveille: que il y avoit une place qui pres estoit du palais de
Boucoleon, qu'on apeloit les Jeux l'Empereur. Icele place a
bien arbalastee et demie de long, et pres d'une de le; entour
cele place si y avoit bien trente degres ou quarante, la ou
li Grieu montoient pour esgarder les jeux. Et par desur ces
degres y avoit une loges molt cointes 29 et molt nobles, ou li
empereres et l'empereris se seoient quant on jouait, et li
autre haut homme et les dames. Si y avoit deux jeux 30 ensamble
quant on jouait; si se gageoient li empereres et l'empereris
que li uns des jeux joueroit mieux de !'autre, et tout cil
ensement qui les jeux esgardoient. Du long de cele place avoit
une masiere 31 qui bien avoit quinze pies de haut et dix de le;
desur cele maisiere si avoit il images d'homme et de femmes,
et de chevaux et de buefs et de chameaux et de ours et de lions
et de molt de manieres de bestes, jetees de cuivre, qui si
estoient bien faites et si naturelement formees qu'il n'a si
bon maistre en paienisme ne en crestiente qui seust mie pourtraire ne si bien former images. Et soloient ya en arriere~ 2
jouer par enchantement, mais ne jouaient mais nient. Et ces
Jeux l'Empereur esgarderent li Franyois a merveille quant il
les virent.
Two bronze statues of women:
XCI. Or avoit ailleurs en la cite une autre merveille.
Il avoit deux images jetees de cuivre en forme de femme, si
bien faites et si naturelment et si beles que trop; si n'avoit
cele qui n'ait bien vingt pies de haut. Si tendoit l'une de
ces images sa main vers Occident, et avoit lettres escrites
sur elle qui disoient: "De vers Occident viendront cil qui
Constantinople conquerront". Et !'autre image tendoit main en
vilain lieu, si disoit: "Ici les boutera on". Ces deux images
seoient devant le change, qui molt soloit estre riche illuec,
et si y soloient estre li riche changeur qui avoient devant eus
les grans mons de besans et les grans mons de pierres preci29
elegantes
30 equipes
31
muraile (= Spina)
32
avaient l'habitude autrefois
550
ROBERT DE CLARI
euses, devant que la cite fust prise; mais il n'en y avoit

tant adonc quant la cite fu prise.
Two hermits on top of the columns of

Arcadius and Theodosius:
XCII. Encore y avoit il ailleurs en la cite une greigneur 33
merveille: que il y avoit deus colonnes, si avoit bien chascune trois bracieses a homme de grosseur, et si avoit bien chascune cinquante toises de haut; et sur chascune de ces colonnes
manoit uns hermites lassus 34 en petis habitacles qui y estoient;
et si y avoit huis par dedens les colonnes par ou on y montoit.
Columns with 'prophetical' images:

Par dehors ces colonnes, si estoient pourtraites et escrites par prophetie toutes les aventures et toutes les conquestes qui sont avenues en Constantinople, ne qui avenir y
devoient. Ne ne povoit on savoir l'aventure devant la qu'ele
estoit avenue; et quant ele estoit avenue, si y aloient muser
la gent, si veoient et apercevoient done a prisme 35 l'aventure.
Nis 36 ceste conqueste que li Fran9ois conquisent y estoit escrite et pourtraite. et les nefs dont on assailli, par quoi la
cite fu prise; ne ne le purent li Grieu savoir devant la que
ce fu avenu. Et quant ce fu avenu, si ala on [re]garder et
muser en ces colonnes: si trouva on que les lettres qui estoient escrites sur les nefs pourtraites disoient que de vers
38
Occident viendroient une gent haut tondue 37 a costeles
de fer,
qui Constantinople conquerroient.
Conclusion of Robert de Clari: admiration for

the city of Constantinople:
Toutes ces merveilles que je vous ai ci acontees, et encore assez plus que nous ne vous povons mie aconter, trouverent
33
34
35
36
37
38
plus gran de
au sommet
de prime abord
me me
aux cheveux coupes longs
cottes
ROBERT DE CLARI
551
li Fran~ois en Constantinople quant il l'eurent conquis. Ne je

cuit 39 mie, par le mien escient, que nus hom conteres 40 peust
nombrer mie toutes les abbayes de la cite, tant y en avoit il,
que de moines que de nonnains, estre les autres moustiers de
la ville hors 41 ; et si nombroit on qu'il y avoit bien largement en la cite trente mile prestres, que moines que autres.
Des autres Grieus, des haus, des bas, de povres, de riches,
de la grandeur de la ville, des palais, des autres merveilles
qui y sont, vous lairrons nous ester a dire. 42 Car nus hom
terriens, qui tant eust mes 43 en la cite, ne le vous po.rroit
nombrer ne aconter, que qui vous en conteroit 44 la centiesme
part de la richesse, ne de la beaute, ne de la noblesse qui
estoit es abbayes et es moustiers et es palais et en la ville,
sambleroit il que ce fust men~onge, ne ne croiriez vous mie.
Legendary origin from Troy:
CV!. Or avions oublie a conter une aventure qui avint
a monseigneur Pierre de Bracheux. Il avint que li empereres
Henri estoit en ost, et Jehans li Blaks et li Commain estoient
couru en la terre l'empereur, et s'estoient logie bien deux
lieues ou moins loin de l'ost l'empereur. Et avoient molt oi
parler de monseigneur Pierre de Bracheux et de sa bonne chevalerie; et tant qu'il manderent un jour monseigneur Pierre
de Bracheux par messages qu'il parleroient molt volentiers a
lui un jour et par conduit 45 Et messire Pierre respondi que,
s'il avoit sauf conduit, qu'il y iroit volentiers parler a eus.
Et tant que li Blaks et li Commain envoierent bons ostages a
l'ost l'empereur tant que messire Pierre fust revenus. Adonc
si ala messire Pierre, lui quart de chevaliers 46 , si monta sur
un grant cheval; si comme il vint pres de l'ost aus Blaks et
Jehans li Blaks seut qu'il venoit, si ala encontre lui et des
39
pense
40
aucun homme conteur
41
outre les monasteres situes hors de la ville
42
nous renoncerons a vous le dire

tant soit-il reste
44
si bien que quiconque vous en conterait
45
sauf-conduit
46
quatrieme
43
552
ROBERT DE CLARI
haus hommes de Blakie avec; si le saluerent et bienveignierent;

et si l'esgarderent a molt grant peine, car il estoit molt
grans, et parlerent a lui d'unes chases et d'autres, et tant
qu'il li disent: "Sire, nous nous merveillons molt de vostre
bonne chevalerie, et si nous merveillons molt que vous estes
quis 47 en cest pais, qui de si lointaines terres estes, qui
ci estes venu pour conquerre terre. De n'avez vous", fisent il,
"terres en vos pays dont vous vous puissiez guarir?" 48
Et messire Pierre respondi: "Ba!" fist il, "de n'avez
vous oi comment Troie la Grant fu destruite, ne par quel tour?
- Ba ouil", fisent li Blak et li Commain, "nous l'avons bien
oi dire, molt a que ce ne fu 49 . - Ba!" fist messire Pierre,
"Troie fu a nos ancisseurs 50 et cil qui en eschaperent s'en
vinrent manoir la dont nous sommes venu; et pour ce que fu a
nos ancisseurs, sommes nous ci venue conquerre terre." A tant
si prist congie, si s'en revint arriere.
Punishment of Alexius V Murzuphlus:

"Il a en ceste ville deux hautes colonnes, n'y a cele 51
qui n'ait tost soixante toises ou cinquante de haut: si le face
on monter en som l'une 52 , et puis si le face on tresbuchier jus
a terre". Or estoit ce ces deux colonnes ou sus li hermite
manoient, et la ou les aventures de Constantinople estoient escrites, si comme je vous ai dit par devant.
A ce que li Dux dist s'accorderent li baron. Si prend on
Murzufle, si le mene on a une de ces colonnes, si le fait on
monter en som par les degres qui dedens estoient. Quant Murzufles
fu lassus, si le bouta on jus a terre, si qu'il fu tous esmies 53
Tele vengeance prist on de Murzufle le traiteur.
47
ce que vous etes venu chercher

faire votre profit
49
il y a longtemps que cela arriva
50
ancetres
51
pas une qui ...
52
au sommet de l'une
53
mis en miettes
48
AYMO DE FAVERSHAM O.F.M.
1234
Aymo of Faversham o.f.m.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in empire of Nicea
Visit to
Text
Edition
553
Disputatio cum Grecis in causa

fidei.
English Franciscan monk.
discussion about the problems of a
church union at the court of emperor
John Vatatzes at Nicea.
1234.
1234.
Nicea; church with the figures of the
participants in the council of 324.
Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell'

Oriente francescano~ I (1215-1300),
G. Golubovich,
Quaracchi-Florence, 1906, pp. 163-4.
January 8, 1234:
..... and when we asked them to take us to the main church to
pray they took us to another church, where previously the
council was held. They showed us the holy council fathers who
had taken part in the council, and who were portrayed on the
walls. Then they took us by a roundabout route through the
city to our lodgings.
554
1287
RABBAN
Rabban 9auma.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
Text
Editions
9ADl~
(in French) Histoire du patriarche

Mar Jabalaha Ill et du Maine Rabban
9auma.
Nestorian christian from China
(Peking).
embassy of the Moghul king Argoun to
the Pope and the western European
kings.
1287-1288.
1287.
Constantinople.
Syrian MS. (17th. c.) from Ourmiah
in Persia, seen and kopied by Bedjan
and lost afterwards.
- P. Bedjan, Histoire de Mar- JabaZaha~
Patriarche~
et de Rabban
9auma~
Paris, 1888.
- *J.B. Chabot, "Histoire du patriarche
Mar Jabalaha Ill et du Maine Rabban
9aume, traduite du syriaque', Revue
de Z'Orient Zatin~ 1 (1893), pp. 567610 and 2 (1894), pp. 73-142, 235-304
and 566-638.
- (English translation of the first
part of the book): J.A. Montgomery,
The History of YabaZZaha III Nestorian Patriarch and of his Vicar Bar
Sauma~ Mongol Ambassador to the
Frankish Courts at the End of the
Thirteenth Century~ New York 2 , 1966.
Arrival at Constantinople:
Apres un certain nombre de jours, il parvint a la grande
ville de Constantinople. Avant d'y entrer, il envoya deux de
ses serviteurs aus palais royal pour faire savoir qu'un ambassadeur du roi Argoun arrivait. Le roi ordonna a ses hommes d'
aller au-devant de lui et de l'introduire avec pompe et
honneur.
Quand Rabban 9auma fut arrive, on lui assigna pour demeure
une maison, c'est-a-dire un palais
555
RABBAN <;::AUMA
Reception at the imperial court:

Apres s'etre delecte en mangeant et en buvant, <;::auma
demanda au roi de voir les eglises, les tombeaux des Patriarches et les reliques des saints qui se trouvaient la. Le roi
confia Rabban <;::auma a des grands de son royaume qui lui montrerent tout ce qu'il avait en ce lieu.
Hagia Sophia:
Il entra premieremment dans la grande eglise de

~~La.
Elle avait trois cent soixante colonnes, toutes taillees dans
le marbre. Quant au dome de l'autel, personne ne peut en parler a celui qui ne l'a pas vu, ni dire quelle est son elevation et sa grandeur.
Il y avait dans cette eglise l'image de Notre-Dame Marie,
peinte par l'evangeliste Luc.
(enumeration of many important relics) .

Hagii Apostoli: imperial tombs:
il vit le tombeau de l'empereur Constantine le Victorieux,
qui etait de matiere rouge, et le tombeau de Justinien, qui
etait en pierre verte; il vit egalement le tombeau des trois
cent dix-huit Peres qui furent tous deposes dans une grande
eglise et dont les corps ne sont pas corrompus, parce qu'ils
ont confirme la foi.
Ils virent encore de nombreux reliquaires des saints
Peres, beaucoup de chefs-d'oeuvre et une image formee de bronze
et de pierre.
Departure from Constantinople:
Or, Rabban <;::auma se rendit pres du roi et dit: "Vive le
roi, a jamais! Je rends graces a Notre-Seigneur de m'avoir
juge digne de voir ces saintes reliques. Maintenant, si le roi
permet, j'irai accomplir l'ordre du roi Argoun qui m'a prescri t de pemetrer chez les Francs".
Le roi le combla alors de bienfaits et lui donna des
presents d'or et d'argent.
556
1273-1321
ABOULFEDA
Aboulfeda
Title
Author
Motive
Takwim al Buldan.
Arab geographer from Damascus.
travels to collect material for a
geographical treatise based on Ptolemy's Geographica.
early 14th century; the book dates
from 1321.
Date
Stay in Byzantine empire;
Latin states
Visit to
Remarks
Text
Edition
passages about Athens as a centre of

philosophy and about the city of
Constantinople.
M. Reinaud, Geographie d'Aboulfeda~
Paris, 1848, (2 vols.).
Athens:
Athenes, ville du quatrieme climat, a ete le sejour des
philosophes grecs; c'est ce qu'on lit dans le Canoun. Ibn-Sayd 1
rapporte que la puissance de Lascaris 2 , empereur de Constantinople, s'etend jusqu'a cette ville.
La situation d'Athenes est une ville voisine de la mer, et
servant de point de reunion aux chretiens; c'etait le foyer de
la philosophie des Grecs et le lieu ou se conservaient leurs
sciences et leurs doctrines philosophiques.
Constantinople:
Constantinople, capitale de !'empire des Grecs (Roum),
est une ville du sixieme climat. On lit dans l'Azyzy que l'
Ibn Sayd; his name was Aboul-Hassan-Nour-eddin-Aly, arab

geographer from Granada, living 1214-1274; he made long
travels through the world of Islam.
2
Lascaris is the successor to the throne living in Nicaea
under the protection of Michael VIII (circa 1260).
ABOULFEDA
557
elevation des murs de Constantinople est de vingt et une coudees,

et que la ville domine sur quatorze provinces. Une personne qui
l'a visitee m'a dit que son enceinte est grande, que sa principale eglise est longue, et que le palais de l'empereur se nomme
Malath-almalek (le pave du Roi). Le palais est a une certaine
distance de l'eglise.
Dans l'interieur de la ville sont des champs ensemences, des
jardins et becaucoup de maisons en ruines; la partie la mieux
habitee est du cote de nord-est. Aupres de l'eglise est une
colonne elevee, ayant plus de trois brasses de tour; au sommet
est un homme a cheval en bronze; d'une main il tient une boule;
son autre main est ouverte et disposee comme pour montrer quelque chose. On dit que cette statue est la figure de l'empereur
Constantin, fondateur de la ville. En effet, suivant la remarque d'Ibn Sayd 1 , c'est Constantin, promoteur de la religion
chretienne, qui batit Constantinople.
seep. 556
note~-
558
c. 1305
Title
Author
Motive
RAMON MUNTANER
Ramon Muntaner
----- (Chronicle?)
Spanish nobleman
Leader of the Catalan Company,
governor of Gallipoli in the years
1305-1309.
the chronicle dates from 1325-1328.
Date
Stay in.Byzantine empire I
Asia Minor
1305-1309
Visit to
Troy, Ephesus, Tyra,(Constantinople)
Remarks
some short passages on monuments and

old traditions in this chronicle, which
contains almost exclusively
historical information.
Text
in a
19th
most
- K.
Editions
small number of MSS.; until the

century this chronicle was alunknown.
Lanz, Chronik des edZen En Ramon
Muntaner~ Stuttgart, 1844.
- *A. Goodenough, Ramon Muntaner~
Chronicle~ London, 1920-21.
Tyra:
(The Turks) made raids in the direction of Tyre, as far as
the church in which rests the body of monsenyer Saint George,
which is one of the most beautiful churches I have ever seen,
and is about two miles from Tyre.
Ephesus:
And in the said place (Ayasaluck, which the Scriptures
name by another name,) Ephesus, is the tomb which monsenyer
Saint John the Evangelist entered when he had taken leave of
the people;
The miracle is that on Saint Stephen's day, every year, at
the hour of vespers, there comes out of the tomb (which is
four-cornered and stands at the foot of the altar and has a
beautiful marble slab on the top, full twelve palms long and
five broad) and in the middle of the slab there are nine very
RAMON MUNTANER
559
small holes, and out of these holes . . . . . . manna like sand

comes out.
Tray:
And this place, Artaqui 1 , which was part of the city of
Tray and one of its gates, was a port in the middle of Boca
Daner, in which there is a very beautiful castle called Paris,
which Paris, son of King Priam, had had built when he had
taken Arena, the wife of the Duke of Athens, by force of arms,
in the island of Tenedos, which is five miles distant from
Boca Daner. And in this island of Tenedos there was, at that
time an idol, and in a certain month of the year all the
important men and ladies of Romania went there on a pilgrimage.
And so it happened that, at that time, Arena, wife of the Duke
of Athens, came ~here on a pilgrimage, accompanied by a
hundred knights; and Paris, son of King Priam of Troy, likewise had come on a pilgrimage, and had with him about forty
knights. And he saw the Lady Arena, and became so enamoured
of her that he said to his men that he must have her and take
her away with him. And as he had set his heart on doing, so
it was done. He and all his company put on their armour and
captured the lady and wanted to take her with him. And those
knights who were with her, wished to defend her against him,
but, in the end, all the hundred died and Paris took away the
lady with him. Afterwards there ensued a great war; and in the
end the city of Troy which has a circuit of three hundred
miles, was besieged for thirteen years and then was invaded
and taken and destroyed.
Cyzicus
SYMON SEMEONIS
560
1323
Symon Semeonis
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece
Visit to
Itinerarium Symonis Semeonis ab

Hybernia ad Terram Sanctam.
Irish Franciscan monk.
pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Mount
Sinai.
1322-1324.
1323.
Peloponnesus, Modon, Cerigo, Crete.
Remarks
- important description of Crete with

emphasis on the way of life, the
appearance of the towns, the nature
etc.
- no information on ruins or old
traditions.
Text
in 1 MS., Cambridge, Corpus Christi

College, no. 407 octavo, f. 1-33
(dated between 1335 and 1352); this
manuscript may be a direct copy from
the original book by Symon; the MS.
in Cambridge, however, is not complete.
- J. Nasmith, Itineraria Symonis
Editions
Semeonis et WiZZeZmi de Worcestre.

Quibus accedit Tractatus de Metro
.... e codicibus MSS.~ Cantabrigiae,
1778 (very unreliable edition).
- G. Golubovich, BibZioteca bio-
bibZiografica deZZa Terra Santa e

deZZ' Oriente francescano~ III,
Florence-Quaracchi, 1919, pp. 237-282.
- *M. Esposito, Itinerarium Symonis
Semeonis ab Hybernia ad Terram
Sanctam~
Dublin, 1960.
Cerigo (Cythera):
From here we sailed to the island of Cerigo which belongs
to Nicholas Vener, a citizen of Venice. Here there is a very
strong citadel, situated on the summit of a hill, and protected
on all sides by formidable rocks and precipices; and on the
south side it has a very deep port well s-heltered from all the
winds.
SYMON SEMEONIS
561
Conteryn- Canea; forest of cypress trees:

20. We next reached the island of Crete, of which the
poet says: 'Saturn came first from the shores of Crete.' The
first locality we came to was Conteryn, which is distant 260
miles from the city of Methone 1 Proceeding thence on foot
we came to the town of Canea, surrounded by a magnificent
forest of cypress trees, in which forest trees of wonderful
height are found, which, like the cedar of Lebanon, surpass
inheightboth towers and steeples. The wood of these trees is
specially suitable for the construction of churches and royal
places by reason of its prodigious solidity, never yielding,
it is said, under any weight, but remaining always firm. Here
the Friars Minor and the other inhabitants commonly burn
acacia wood or cypress wood, and the town is almost entirely
built of these woods. So great is the perfume issuing from
these materials that it seemed to be paradise or an apothecary's preparation.
Candia (Iraklion); way of life of the population:

21. Sailing along the coast past Byohoru 2 , Retimo,
Mylopotamos, we reached the city of Candia, which is
surrounded by a very strong wall and by towers and other
fortifications. It is distant from Conteryn 230 miles 3 Here
and in all the island the Venetians rule in perfect peace,
the Greeks being subdued and deprived of the privilege of
freedom. It is inhabited by Latins, Greeks, and perfidious
Jews, under the sway of a governor who is responsible to the
Doge of Venice. Here the wives of the Latins, like those of
the Genoese, are commonly adorned with gold pearls and other
brilliant gems. And when one of them becomes a widow, she
seldom or never is married again nor is she adorned with a
nuptial garment, but wears a black widow's veil; nor does she
ever walk with a man, or sit upon the same seat either in
church or elsewhere, but with her face veiled and heaving
sighs she ever seeks solitary places, and never ceases to
2
3
Conteryn: Venetian fort on the north-west coast of Crete.

harbour between Cape Drepanon and Hydramon.
in fact ea. 100 miles.
562
SYMON SEI'viEONIS
avoid the society of men, as she would that of serpents. The

wives of the Jews and of the Greeks at Candia adopt a very
singular costume, some being dressed in surplices like the
choristers of the Latins, others wearing cloaks without hoods,
which in front are carefully and curiously embroidered with
gold such as are worn by foreign canons. These they wear
devoutly during religious processions on the more solemn
church festivities. They also usually wear ear-rings of which
they are very proud.
Crete as a very rich island:

22. This city, like those of !stria, Albania, and
Romania through which we passed, abounds in most excellent
wine, in cheese, and in fruit. It exports the famous Cretan
wine to every country of the world. Here also ships and galleys
are loaded with cheese; and also pomegranates, lemons, figs,
grapes, melons, water-melons, gourds, and other most excellent
kinds of fruit can be bought here for a very small price. To
those at sea it presents a beautiful appearance, but is has
nasty, dirty, narrow, tortuous, and unpaved streets. This city
is renowned for its wealth in galleys, ships, and horses.
Relic of St. Titus:

The body of the blessed bishop Titus, St. Paul's disciple
and the patron-saint of the Cretans, who is often mentioned
in the Epistles of Paul and in the Acts of the Apostles~ is
said to be preserved here. At Candia we saw a bishop belonging
to the order of the Friars Minor, who had formerly been a Jew.
Lassithi - plain; comparison with the cities

of Italy:
23. The island of Crete is oblong and covered with very
lofty mountains, among which is one quite inexpugnable, on the
summit of which is a level plain, that can only be reached by
a single narrow and almost impassable path. On this plain live
at least 10,000 Greeks, and everything necessary for human use
is found there with the exception of salt and corn. This
SYMON SEMEONIS
563
settlement is ruled by a certain Greek named Alexius, who holds

sway among the rulers of the earth by reason of the exceptional
strength of the position. It is also worthy of notice that this
island has a circuit of 500 miles according to the mariners who
delineate the islands of the sea. It may be further noted that
the cities of these regions, i.e. Slavonia, &c., however fertile
and well fortified they may be, are, in comparison with the
cities of Italy, both small and unimportant.
564
c. 1330
BROCARDUS / WILHELMUS ADAM
Brocardus I Wilhelmus Adam.
Directorium ad faciendum passagium

transmarinum.
Dominican monk, crusade preacher, latin
Author
archbishop of Smyrna.
Motive
preaching of a crusade.
Date
this writing dates f1om 1330-1332.
Stay in Byzantine empire/
Asia Minor
early 14th century, during 24 years
'causa fidei praedicandae'.
Constantinople - Thessalonia etc.
Visit to
Title
Remarks
violently anti-Greek writing.
Text
3 MSS, one of which is in Paris, B.N.

MS. 5138 Lat. (1330) and another in
Oxford, Magdalens College, No. 43
(1332).
C.R. Beazley, "Directorium ad faciendum
passagium transmarinum', American
Historical Review~ 12 (1906-07), pp.
810-57 and ~3 (1907-08), pp. 66-115.
Edition
Constantinople:
The city of Constantinople is situated on level ground; the
city is shaped like a triangle, each side being six miles long.
One side is land; the other two are sea. The city has walls on
all sides, and at a certain place there are double walls; the
walls are not high, but they are intact and undamaged. Although
the city is large only a modest number of people live there, in
relation to its size. For barely a third of the city is inhabited.
The rest consists of gardens or fields or vineyards, or waste
land. The population consists of fishermen, merchants, artisans
or diggers; the nobles are few in number, and are as weak as
women and as fearful as Jews, like people who have never learned
to go into battle, to fight in formation or to wage war against
any enemy.
565
Constantinople, houses of wood:

- and then the houses in the city, which are, with the
exception of a few palaces, made of wood, will go up in a sea
of flame.
Constantinople, bones near the Bucoleon

palace:
- for when, as has already been said, Palaeologus gained
control of the realm, he cruelly murdered all the Franks he
could find in Constantinople and a wide area round about. The
great cruelty and frenzy with which, both then and on other
occasions, the Greeks went for the Franks is testified to by
a pile of bones of slain men and women in a crypt inside the
city walls, near the Boucoleon palace, which anybody who
wishes can see. Up to the present day they have not permitted
these people to be buried, out of hatred of our faith and out
of their aversion to westerners.
Thessalonica:
- And although the walls of that city - which incidentally are broken in places - are of a great length, yet inside
these walls the city has a small, insignificant, fearful
population, devoid of military strength.
Because this city is on a plain and is situated on the sea it
can be attacked from all sides.
Ephese: Amazons:
- The Amazons and the women who built the city of Ephesus
in the afore-mentioned Turquia are said to have overcome many
tyrants and kings.
566
Per a:
- The Genoese, however, have one strong, walled city,
called Pera; this place is well-populated, and is situated
immediately next to Constantinople at such a short distance
that only the harbour separates the two cities from each
other.
567
IBN BATTUTA
1332
Ibn Battuta
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Byzantine
empire
Visit to
-----(Voyages?).
Arab traveller with touristical
interests.
Ibn Battuta visited Constantinople in the
train of a Greek princess, who went
back from Central Asia to her birthplace.
between 1325 and 1354.
1332.
Constantinople.
Remarks
special attention to the daily life,

trade, appearance of the city, clothes
of the people etc.
Text
in various MSS.and in abbreviated

versions.
- C. Defremery - B.R. Sanguinetti,
Ibn Battuta~ Voyages~ 4 vols., Paris,
1853-1858.
- *H. A. R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn
Battuta~ A.D. 1325-1354~ Cambridge,
1958-1971, (3 vols).
- abbridged edition:
H. A. R. Gibb, Ibn Battuta~ Travels
Editions
in Asia and
Africa~
1325-1354~
London, 1929.
Ephesus, Basilica of Mary and of St. John

Baptist:
We went on to the city of Ay~ Suluq, a large and ancient
city venerated by the Greeks, in which there is a great church
built with huge stones, each measuring ten or less cubits in
length and most skilfully hewn. The congregational mosque in
this city is one of the most magnificent mosques in the world
and unequalled in beauty. It was formerly a church of the
Greeks, greatly venerated among them, which they used to visit
from all parts, and when the Muslims captured the city they
made it a congregational mosque. Its walls are of marble
of
different colours, and it is paved with white marble and
568
IBN BATTUTA
roofed with lead. It contains eleven domes, differing in size,

with a water pool in the centre of [the area under] each dome.
The city is traversed by the river, which has on either side
of it trees of different species, grapevines, and trellises
of jasmine, and it has fifteen gates.
Pergamon, house of Plato(!),
(i.e. Galenus):
We set off again in the morning, and came to the city of

Barghama, a city in ruins, with a great and formidable fortress on top of a hill. It is related that the philosopher
AflatUn [Plato] was an inhabitant of this city, and his house
is known by his name to the present day.
Constantinople: entrance to the Blachernae

palace:
On the fourth day from our arrival at Constantinople, the
khatUn sent her page Sumbul the Indian to me, and he took my
hand and led me into the palace.
We passed through four gateways, each of which has porticoes
in which were footsoldiers with their weapons, their officer
being on a carpeted platform. When we reached the fifth gateway the page Sumbul left me, and going inside returned with
four Greek pages, who searched me to see that I had no knife
on my person.
Decoration of the audience room:

Then after they had searched me, the man in charge of the
gate rose, took me by the hand, and opened the door. Four of
the men surrounded me, two holding my sleeves and two behind
me, and brought me into a large audience-hall, whose walls were
of mosaic work, in which were pictured figures of creatures,
both animate and inanimate. In the centre of it was a waterchannel with trees on either side of it, and men were standing
to right and left, silent, not one of them speaking.
IBN BATTUTA
569
Request for a guided tour through the city:

I asked him to designate someone to ride about the city
with me every day, that I might see its wonders and curious
sights and tell of them in my own country, and he designated
such a guide for me. It is one of the customs among them that
anyone who wears the king's robe of honour and rides on his
horse is paraded through the city bazaars with trumpets,
fifes and drums, so that the people may see him. This is most
frequently don~ with the Turks who come from the territories
of the sultan Uzbak, so that they may not be molested; so they
paraded me through the bazaars.
Constantinople, situation, Golden Horn,

bazaars, imperial palace:
Account of the City. It is enormous in magnitude and

divided into two parts, between which there is a great river,
in whi~h there is a flow and ebb of tide, just as in the wadi
of Sala in the country of the Maghrib. In former times there
was a bridge over it, built [of stone], but the bridge has
fallen into ruin and nowadays it is crossed in boats. The name
of this river_is Absumi 1 One of the two parts of the city is
called A~tanbul, it is on the eastern bank of the river and
includes the places of residence of the sultan, his officers
of state, and the rest of the population. Its bazaars and
streets are spacious and paved with flagstones, and the members
of each craft have a separate place, no others sharing it with
them. Each bazaar has gates which are closed upon it at night,
and the majority of the artisans and sellers
in them are
women. The city is at the foot of a hill that projects about
nine miles into the sea, and its breadth is the same or more.
On top of the hill is a small citadel and the sultan's palace.
This hill is surrounded by the city wall, which is a formidable
one and cannot be taken by assault on the side of the sea.
Within the wall are about thirteen inhabited villages. The
principal church too is in the midst of this section of the
city.
from n:6tnlJDs ?
570
IBN BATTUTA
Galata, important harbour:

As for the other section of it, it is called al-Ghalata,
and lies on the western bank of the river, somewhat like Ribat
al-Fat~ in its proximity to the river. This section is reserved
for the Christians of the Franks dwelling there. They are of
different kinds, including Genoese, Venetians, men of Rome and
people of France, and they are under the government of the King
of Constantinople, who appoints over them [as his lieutenant]
one of their number whom they approve, and him they call the
Qums. 2 They are required to pay a tax every year to the king
of Constantinople, but they often rebel against his authority
and then he makes war on them until the Pope restores peace
between them.They are all men of commerce, and their port is
one of the greatest of ports; I saw in it about a hundred
galleys, such as merchant vessels and other large ships, and
as for the small ships they were too numerous to be counted.
The bazaars in this section are good, but overlaid with all
kinds of filth, and traversed by a small, dirty and filthladen stream. Their churches too are dirty and mean.
Hagia Sophia, exterior:
Account of the Great Church. I can describe only its

exterior; as for its interior I did not see it. It is called
in their langua~e Aya $Ufiya, and the story goes that it was
an erection of A~af the son of Barakhy~, who was
the son of
the maternal aunt of Solomon (on whom be peace). 3 It is one of
the greatest churches of the Greeks; around it is a wall which
encircles it so that it looks like a city [in itself]. Its
gates are thirteen in number, and it has a sacred enclosure,
which is about a mile long and closed by a great gate. 4 No one
is prevented from entering the enclosure, and in fact I went
into it with the king's father, who will be mentioned later;
it is like an audience-hall, paved with marble and traversed
by a water-channel which issues from the church. This [flows
between] two walls about a cubit high, constructed in marble
inlaid with pieces of different colours and cut with the most
skilful art, and trees are planted in rows on both sides of
the channel
2
comes or consul(?)
v1z1er of King Solomon in Jewish and moslem legends
4
atrium to the west side
3
571
IBN BATTUTA
From the gate of the church to the gate of this hall there is
a lofty pergola made of wood, covered with grape-vines and at
the foot with jasmine and scented herbs. Outside the gate of
this hall is a large wooden pavilion containing platforms, on
which the guardians of this gate sit,
and to the right of
the pavilions are benches and booths, mostly of wood, in which
sit their qa9is and the recorders of their bureaux.
Pavilion of the judges near the Hagia Sophia:

In the middle of the booths is a wooden pavilion, to
which one ascends by a flight of wooden steps; in this pav~l~on
is a great chair swathed in woollen cloth on which their qaQi
sits. We shall speak of him later. To the left of the pavilion
which is at the gate of this hall is the bazaar of the druggists.
The canal that we have described divides into two branches, one
of which passes through the bazaar of the druggists and the
other through the bazaar where the judges and the scribes sit.
Hagia Sophia, (continued):

At the door of the church there are porticoes where the
attendants sit who sweep its paths, light its lamps and close
its doors. They allow no person to enter it until he prostrates
himself to the huge cross at their place, which they claim to
be a relic of the wood on which
the double of Jesus (on whom
be peace) was crucified: This is over the door of the church,
set in a golden frame about ten cubits in height, across which
they have placed a similar golden frame so that it forms a
cross. This door is covered with plaques of silver and gold,
and its two rings are of pure gold. I was told that the number
of monks and priests in this church runs into thousands, and
that inside it is another church exclusively for women, containing more than a thousand virgins consecrated to religious
devotions, and a still greater number of aged and widowed
women. It is the custom of the king, his officers of state,
and the rest of the inhabitants to come to visit this church
every morning, and the Pope come to it once in the year. When
he is at a distance of four nights' journey from the town the
king goes out to meet him and dismounts before him;
when he
enters the city, the king walks on foot in front of him, and
comes to salute him every morning and evening during the
moslem idea that not Christ but another man in his place has
been crucified.
IBN BATTUTA
572
whole period of his stay in Constantinople until he departs.
The foundation of several monasteries by

members of the imperial family:
Account of the monasteries in Constantinople. A manistar

(which is pronounced like maristan [i.e. 'hospital']' only with
the n and the r interchanged) is among them what a zawiya is
among Muslims. There are a great many of such monasteries in
the city.
They display great magnificence in building these monasteries,
constructing them of marble and mosaic work, and they are very
numerous in this city.
Great number of monks and nuns in the city:
In his 6 company I entered churches in which were virgin
daughters of the principal men of the city, and churches in
which were aged and elderly women, and churches where there
were monks, numbering a hundred men or more or less in each
church. Most of the inhabitants of this city are monks, devotees,
and priests, and its churches are numerous beyond computation.
The men of the city, both soldiers and others, small and great,
carry over their heads huge parasols, both in winter and summer,
and the women wear voluminous turbans.!
(abdication of emperor Andronicus II, who past

his last years in a monastery)
Departure with a present from the emperor;
negative view of the Byzantine money:
She sent for me and gave me three hundred dinars in their
gold coinage (they call this aZ-barbara 7 , and it is not good
money); two thousand Venetian dirhams, a length of woollen cloth
6
the guide
hyperpera
IBN BATTUTA
573
of the work of the girls (this is the best

kind of such cloth),
ten robes of silk, linen, and wool, and two horses, this being
the gift of her father. She commended me to Saruja and I bade
her farewell and left, having spent one month and six days in
8
their city.
October 24, 1332.
574
1332
Wilhelm von Boldensele.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Constantinople, Asia
Minor
Visit to
Itinerarius Guilielmi de Boldensele in

terram sanctam.
German noble; part of his life Dominican
monk in Minden.
pilgrimage to the Holy Land; at the same
time the gathering of information for a
planned crusade.
1332 - before 1336.
in the summer of 1332.

Athens (?) - Archipelago (Rhodes, Chios)
- Constantinople - west coast of Asia
Minor (Troy, Ephesus etc.) - Sinai and
Egypt.
Remarks
- important on account of its contents

and its vision in the pilgrim
litterature of the mid-fourteenth
century.
- mention of an inscription on a pyramid
in Egypt.
Text
in various MSS; there are also translations in French and German.

H. Canisius, Antiquae Zectiones~ V (2),
Ingolstadt, 1604, pp. 95-143.
J. Basnage, Thesaurus monumentorum
Editions
eccZesiasticorum et historicorum sive

Henrici Canisii Lectiones Antiquae~ IV,
Amsterdam, 1725, pp. 332-57.
E.L. Grotefend, 'Die Edelherren von
Boldensele oder Boldensen', Zeitschrift
des historischen Vereins filr Niedersachsen~
1852 (1855), pp. 209-86.
Constantinople, situation:
This Bracchium Sancti Georgii divides Europe from Asia Minor,
which is part of Asia as a whole. This Bracchium is popularly
called Bucca Constantinopolitana, because on its European shore
575
stands the famous city of Constantinople, also sometimes

called Nea Roma. This highly important city is built on the
best site in the world: it has a very large and excellent harbour, and is surrounded by extremely strong walls. It is
triangular in shape, two sides bordering on the sea, the third
on land. In this city there are many churches, and there used
to be more, all outstandingly beautiful, with mosaics and
slabs of marble, and remarkable because of their unusual
construction. And in the same city there are several very
beautiful palaces.
Hagia Sophia:
The most important place in the city, however, is
occupied by the church of Holy Sophia, or Wisdom (i.e. Christ);
it was founded by the very saintly emperor Justinian, and he
bestowed on the church extraordinary privileges and honours.
I believe that since the Creation no such building has even
been completed on earth, that in importance, size, etc. can
be compared to this one.
Constantinople, statue of Justinian:

Opposite this very rich church stands a statue of Emperor
Justinian on horseback, cast in bronze, with an emperor's crown
on his head, and gilded with great quantities of gold. In his
left hand he holds an apple, symbolizing the world, with a
cross on top of it; the right hand is stretched out towards the
East, like that of a monarch threatening rebels. The base on
which the statue stands is very high, and is made of large
blocks of rock fastened together with very strong cement.
Troy:
But where the straits run into the Mediterranean Sea, on
the Asian side Troy used to stand, that famous, old and powerful city. It stood on beautiful, level ground, and the wide
view it has in the direction of the sea is very attractive. It
does not appear to have had a good harbour, but ships could
anchor in a river that flowed into the sea just opposite the
576
city. Because of its great age hardly any traces of this once
so great city can be found.
The journey to Troy from Naulon:

So then, with God's favour, I made a good crossing to this
region of Troy, after I had sailed from Naulon past the coasts
of Lombardy and Tuscany, Campania, Calabria and Apulia, and
after I had passed between the famous Italian islands of
Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily, and after I had crossed the
Adriatic Sea, or Gulf, which is now called the Gulf of Venice;
it is a stormy area between Italy and Greece. And as we were
sailing along the coast of Greece itself I cruised past Achaia
and the province of Athens, the mother of philosophy, and past
Macedonia and the other parts of Greece which are now popularly
known as Romania.
Archipelago:
Then continuing further from the region of Troy I visited
the islands of the Greeks in Asia, and the coast of Asia Minor,
very thoroughly. I went onto the island of Chios, where the
mastic grows; it is said that it does not grow anywhere else.
It is a resin which comes from small trees when at a certain
moment an opening is made in the baste with a sharp object.
Then I came to the island of Patmos, where the book of the
Apocalypse was written by Christ's most beloved disciple, when
this most holy man was in exile on the island.
Ephesus:
Then I came to Ephesus, where the holy Apostle and
Evangelist, St. John, who I have already mentioned, retired,
still living, into a tomb. At this place a very large and
beautiful church stands over his grave; it is covered with
lead, and is in the shape of a cross; the church is richly
decorated with mosaics and marble. The city of Ephesus, however, stands on a beautiful, strong and fertile site, a few
miles from the sea. The Saracens, who are called Turks, are
in possession of this place, and of almost the whole of Asia
Minor; they have driven out the Christians, killed them or
577
made slaves of them, and they have destroyed the magnificent

churches which are mentioned in the Apocalypse, except for the
church of St. John the Evangelist, in which behind the altar,
I saw his tomb; this they have left undamaged, and they have
adapted the building to their profane cult according to the law
of Mohammed; and since Asia Minor has been occupied by the Turks,
it has lost its former name, and is now called Turchia, after
its depraved inhabitants.
Patmos - Myra:
From there I continued past many islands, of which there
are great numbers spread here and there throughout that stretch
of sea; formerly they were inhabited and were very wealthy; now
they are mainly deserted, on account of the Turks. In Asia Minor
I came to the place called Patara, close to the sea, where St.
Nicholas came from, and then to the city of Myra, where later,
by the divine will, he was consacrated bishop. With his numerous
miracles this holy confessor made the province famous.
Crete - Rhodes:
After that I saw the famous island of Crete, and Rhodes.
The island of Rhodes was taken from the emperor of Constantinople by force of arms by the Knights of the Order of St. John
of Jerusalem, and they have their headquarters there, and have
established the seat of their Order there. The place is healthy
and delightful, situated not far from Turchia, and separated
from it by a sea strait.
The Pyramid text
~n
Egypt:
Beyond Babylonia (Cairo) and the river of paradise, in

the direction of the desert that lies between Egypt and Africa,
there are several monuments of the ancients, shaped like
pyramids; two of them are amazingly large and high, with very
large, polished stones, and on these I found characters inscribed in different languages. In one monument I came across
the following Latin verses, chiselled in stone:
578
Vidi pyramidas sine te, dulcissime frater,

Et tibi, quod potui, lacrimas hie moesta profudi,
Et nostri memorem luctus hanc sculpo querelam.
Sit nomen Decimi Cetianni pyramide alta
Pontificis comitisque tuis, Trajane, triumphis
Lustra sex intra censoris consulis esse.
I have seen the pyramids in stone without you, beloved brother,
and for you I have grieved here as much as I could, and shed my
And mindful of our grief I chisel this lament:
tears;
May the high pyramid know the name of Decimus Cetiannus,
The pontifex and companion of your triumphs, Trajanus,
(Who within six lustra was both censor and consul??).
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
1336
579
Ludolf von Sudheim
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
De itinere Terrae Sanctae liber.

German parish priest from Westfalen.
pilgrimage to the Holy Land as
chaplain of a German noble.
1336-1341.
1336 and 1341.

Constantinople - west coast of AsiaMinor (Troy, Ephesus, Patara, Myra)
Archipelago (Rhodes, Chios, etc.)
- Sinai and Egypt.
Remarks
- important on account of its contents

and its vision in the pilgrim
litterature of the mid-fourteenth
century.
- mention of an inscription on a pyramid
in Egypt.
- legend of the thirty pieces of silver.
Text
2 versions: short version (Osnabrlicker

Fassung), c.1341-1349.
long version (Paderborner
Fassung), c.1349-1361.
many MSS. and translations because of
the use as pilgrim's guide.
(Osn.) G.A. Neumann, 'Ludolphus de
Sudheim, De itinere Terre Sancte',
Editions
Archives de Z'Orient
Zatin~
(1882), Documents, pp. 305-77.

(Pad.) F. Deycks, Ludolphi rectoris
ecclesiae parochialis in Suchem~

De Itinere Terrae Sanctae Ziber~
Stuttgart, 1851.
I. von Stapelmohr,
Ludolfs van
Sudheim Reise ins Heilige Land~
Lund, 1937.
580
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
Constantinople, situation:
The city of Constantinople is magnificently beautiful, and
very large; it has a perimeter of 8 miles and is triangular in
shape. In shape and size it resembles Rome; and on two sides
it borders on the sea strait which is called 'of St. George',
while the third side borders on land. The city is surrounded
by many things of beauty; Emperor Constantine built the city
and gave it the name of Constantinople; and the Greeks call it
Bolos (i.e. Polis).
Constantinople, Hagia Sophia:

In this city there is a church of wonderful size and beauty;
in my opinion it is the greatest in the whole world. For a ship
in full sail could enter it easily, and its immense size is such
that I dare not give a complete description of it. This church
is dedicated to Hagia Sophia, in Greek, which means in Latin the
Transfiguration of Our Lord. And the church is rich in many
great and varied valuable relics, such as .....
Constantinople, statue of Justinian:

In front of this church, in the centre, stands a great
marble pillar, and on top of it there is a statue of Emperor
Justinian on horseback, made of copper and very well gilded.
The rider wears an imperial crown and royal garments, and
carries a golden apple in his left hand like a king, while
with his right hand he threatens the rebels in the East.
Troy:
When I was travelling thus from place to place with my
galley, and from harbour to harbour, I came as far as
Constantinople, of which I have already spoken, and after
leaving that city on the coast of Asia Minor (I arrived) at
the place where formerly the famous city of Troy used to stand.
There is no longer any trace of it to be found, except for a
few foundations under the sea, and in some places there are
still stones and other marble columns lying about covered with
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
581
earth. But when these are found they are shipped off to other
places. In this connection it should be said that in the city
of Venice there is not a stone, column or other piece of stone
work to be found that was not taken there from Troy. Next to
the place where Troy used to be a small town has been built;
this is called in Greek Ayos Yamos, and is inhabited by Greeks.
The city of Troy lies on the coast in the Phrygian area, and
is not far from Calcedonia; the place does not seem to have
had a very good harbour.
Patras - Athens - Corinth:

And it should be said that that former country of Achaia
is now called the Morea. The Catalans took this area from the
Greeks by force. In that country there is a beautiful city
called Patras, where the holy apostle St. Andrew was martyred.
St. Anthony and other saints lived there at one time, and
originated from that place. Not far from Patras is Athens,
where at one time Greek studies flourished. This city was
formerly very important, but is now practically deserted. For
in the city of Genoa there is not a single marble column or
other piece of stone work that was not taken there from Athens,
just as Venice was built with stone from Troy. In this same
country of Achaia is the beautiful and very strong city of
Corinth; it stands on top of a mountain, and its equal in
strength would be hard to find. For even if the whole world
should wish to beleaguer this city, it would never feel the
lack of corn, wine, oil or water. St. Paul wrote several
letters to this city.
Galata:
Not far from Corinth lies the city of Galatas, to which
St. Paul also wrote letters. And 'gala' is in Greek what 'lac'
is in Latin. For the inhabitants of this city are wither than
the other people in the area, because of the natural conditions
of the place; and this city which was formerly called Galatas
is now known as Pera.
582
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
Chios and Patmos:

In Achaia, or the Morea, there were also the monks of the
Teutonic Order, who had very strong fortresses there. They were
permanently engaged in warfare against the Duke of Athens and
the Greeks. From Achaia, or the Morea, one continues and comes
to various Greek islands, and sailing along the coast of Asia
Minor one comes to an island called Sya. This is a very special
island, on which mastic grows; it does not grow anywhere else
in the world, although the same trees do thrive in other
places, but then there is still no fruit found on them. The
mastic grows like a sort of rubber, that leaks out of the trees,
and from that island it is taken all over the world. The
island also has a bishop, who belonged, in my time, to the order
of preachers. From Chios the voyage continues to the deserted
island of Patmos, to which, under Domitianus, St. John the
Evangelist was exiled, and where he saw the secrets of the
heavens and wrote the Apocalypse. From Patmos the voyage
continues and one reaches the coast of Asia-Minor, at Ephesus,
if one so wishes. That area, which used to be called Asia
Minor, is now known as Turchia.
Ephesus:
It should be said that the real city of Ephesus lies four
miles from the sea. In this city there is a magnificent church,
in the form of a cross, covered over with lead, decorated with
mosaics and with marble; up to the present time it has remained
in good condition. Here the beloved disciple entered his tomb,
when he had reached the evening of his days, and he never reappeared. This same tomb stands near the high altar, and is
displayed in a rock, after whoever enter& has first given a
denarius to the Turks. In the church the Turks now sell silk,
wool and corn and other such wares. The city of Ephesus used
to be situated in a remarkable manner in between two mountains,
and had its outskirts on these two mountains and its centre in
the valley. The church where the tomb of St. John is, is about
one bowshot away from the city; the church stands on the top of
a mountain, and because the site next to the church is stronger,
the city of Ephesus has now been moved by the Turks, for fear
of the Christians, and the ancient city is now deserted.
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
583
Ephesus nova:
And it should be said that the former Ephesus was later
called Theologus by the Greeks, and now Altelot, i.e. altus
locus, because the city was moved to the site next to the
church, as I have said. At a distance of four miles from
ancient Ephesus, along the coast at the place where the harbour
is, a new city has now been built, and this city is inhabited
by Christians who were driven out of Lombardy because of
dissension. They have churches and Minorites; they live as
Christians, although formerly, together with the Turks, they
did great harm to the Christians.
Patara - Myra:
After all these places one travels further along the
coast of Asia Minor or Turchia, and arrives at Patara, a once
fine and important city which has now, however, been destroyed
by the Turks. From this city came the pious bishop Nicholas.
Going on from Patara one comes to another city that was formerly very important, but is now destroyed: Mirrea, where the
famous priest Nicholas was chosen as bishop in a miraculous
manner. He made the whole area in which he was born famous on
account of his many virtues and miracles.
Crete:
From Mirrea one continues, if one wishes, and comes to a
very fine and important place, Creta, which since long ago has
been autonomous, but which does not possess many cities or
fortresses; its largest city is called Candia. In the greater
part of the island the herb sage is burnt instead of firewood.
The Venetians have taken this island from the Greeks by force.
Rhodes:
From Crete one journeys on to another very important,
beautiful, healthy and lovely island, which used to be called
Colos, and which has a metropolitan seat which is called
Colocensis. It was to this island St. Paul wrote his letters.
584
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
Now, however, the island is called Rhodes, because of having

the seventh climate in the world, which only that island has,
and it is precisely that climate that is the island's
distinction. From this island came the destruction of the
highly important city of Troy, for it is said that that is
where the ram with the golden fleece lived, as is described
more fully in the histories about Troy. The island of Rhodes
is very wealthy, very mountainous and lies in an excellent
climate zone; it has a wealth of animals in the woods, which
are called "damae' (deer). Whichever direction one comes from
over sea, one has to go either past Rhodes or across it. On
this island there is a very fine and strong city, called
Rhodes. It is impregnable, on account of the heavy walls and
fortresses; these fortifications are built of ~uch large blocks
of stone that it would be out of the question to say that they
were placed there by human hands.
The pyramid text:

To one side of New Babylonia (Cairo) across the Nile in
the direction of the Egyptian desert stand several monuments
of amazing size, which were formerly very beautiful; they are
built of great blocks of tooled stone. Of these monuments there
are two that are very large, and that were formerly very
beautiful; they are square tombs. On one wall of one of these
monuments there are letters chiselled out in Latin, on the
second wall in Greek, on the third in Hebrew; on the fourth wall,
however, there are many characters which are unknown. But on the
first wall, where the Latin is, is carved- insofar as can still
be made out, because of its age - the following:
Vidi pyramides sine te, dulcissime frater,
Et tibi quod potui lacrimas hie moesta profudi
Et nostri memorem luctus hanc sculpo querelam.
Sit nomen Decimi Anni pyramidis alta
Pontificis comitisque tuis, Trajane, triumphis,
Lustra sex intra censoris consulis esse.
I leave the explanation of these verses to the judgement of
the reader. These monuments were called by the native population the granaries of Pharaoh.
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
585
The legend of the 30 pieces of silver:

In a history of the eastern kings who offered gifts to the
Lord, one reads that Thara, the father of Abraham, had made money
or denarii at the behest of king Ninus of Mesopotamia, and that
he had received thirty silver pieces as his salary. He gave
these to Abraham, who spent them while in exile, and so the
denarii passed from hand to hand until they came into the hands
of the Ishmaelites, and with them Joseph was bought from his
brothers. Later, when Joseph was ruler over Egypt, these same
coins came into Joseph's hands, from the brothers, for corn,
and when he had given them back to his brothers the brothers
gave them to Joseph's steward, who sent them to Sheba in payment
for merchandise. When Solomon's time the Queen of Sheba came
from the East, hearing of his wisdom, she gave the thirty coins
in the temple. In the days of Roboam, when Nebuchadnezzar
plundered the temple and bore off the treasures, he gave these
thirty silver pieces, with other treasures, to the king of
Godolia, who was in his army; and so they remained, with other
things of value, in the treasure-chamber of the king of Godolia
until the birth of Christ. Then the kingdom of Godolia passed
over to the kingdom of Nubia. After the birth of the Lord king
Melchior of Nubia saw in a star that Christ was born of a
Virgin. He took the thirty denarii, because he could find no
more valuable gold in his treasure-chamber, and according to
the will of God he presented them to Christ. But later, when
the holy Virgin Mary flied to Egypt for fear of Herod, she lost
the thirty denarii, along with the other gifts of the Magi, in
a place where the garden of balsem now stands; a shepherd found
them and kept them for thirty years. And when the fame of Jesus
grew, this same shepherd went to Jerusalem, and Jesus released
him from his troubles. He offered the thirty denarii and the
other gifts of the Magi to Christ., who was preaching and
teaching in the temple, but Jesus refused them, and charged him
to sacrifice the coins in the temple, and to place the other
gifts on the altar; and the shepherd did so. The Jews threw the
thirty denarii in the charcoal, and later they gave them for the
betrayal of Jesus. And when they were brought back by Judas they
bought the potter's field for 15 denarii, and they gave the
other 15 to the soldiers who guarded the tomb of Christ; and
when that which was predestined had happened to the coins, they
were immediately separated from each other, and spread all over
586
LUDOLF VON SUDHEIM
the place. But before ~hat which had to happen to them had
taken place they remained together, as you have heard. But
the Scriptures say that the denarii were made of silver,
because in olden times people called all metal silver; but
there is no doubt that they were gold pieces.
JACOB OF VERONA
1335
587
Jacob of Verona
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece
Visit to
Liber peregrinationis fratris Jacobi

de Verona.
Italian Augustine monk.
1335.
1335.
Ionian Islands - Peloponnesus - Crete
1 MS, Cheltenham Lat. 6650, II, par. 2.
- R. Rohricht, 'Le Pelerinage du moine
Augustin Jacques de Verona', Revue de
l'Orient latin~ 3 (1895), pp. 155-302.
- U. Monneret de Villard, Liber
Text
EditiOLS
peregrinationis di Jacopo da
Verona~
Rome, 1950.
Voyage
1n
Greek waters:
We left the city of Otranto on Sunday, June 18, and with

a favourable wind we sailed past Corfu and followed the coast
past Clarenza, Cefalonia and other cities in the principality
of Armoree (the Morea); we sailed past Modon and Koron in
Romania, places which are now under the rule of the Venetians,
and came to the islands of Cericum and Citericum (Cerigo and
Cerigotto); and we stayed on those islands for two days because
we did not have a favourable wind. And there in the middle of
the sea there are two rocky spars or reefs which stand up about
30 armlengths out of the sea, and which are called Doa and As.
There many ships run into danger at night because they do not
notice these reefs; and twenty miles away there is another reef
called Porrum, about 40 ells above the sea, and there, too,
ships often run into danger. These reefs are a hundred miles
or more from the mainland. We came to within half a mile of
these reefs, by day, because at night we could have been in
danger, and with a favourable wind we departed from these
islands.
588
JACOB OF VERONA
Pirates:
- and in the middle of the sea we met a large ship from
Cyprus and heading for Venice, completely rifled by a Catalan
ship. God sent that ship to us, for if it had not been there
we would have fallen into the same danger; the name of the
ship was Dolphin. Then, when we had conferred with them, we
abandoned that route; we had actually been intending to sail
between Crete and Barbaria, but now we left those waters and
set our course between Crete and Romania; and with God's help
we arrived on the birthday of St. John the Baptist in the
harbour of Candia, a city in the province of Crete.
Candia:
This is a fine and charming city, full of all sorts of
lovely things; Candia is under the rule of the Venetians,
along with Cania and Orechino (Rethymnon) and Schecia (Sitia),
towns in Crete; and the whole island, which is 700 miles round,
is also charming and beautiful. From Crete to Venice is a
distance of 1500 miles, measured from the city of Candia. On
this island of Crete there is one very high mountain, which is
already visible from far out to sea. There St. Paul rid himself
of the snake or adder which was attacking him, as can be read
in Acts 28, verse 6; 1 and in the same place, so it is said, he
bestowed immunity to snake-bites upon the man who received him
hospitably, and to his descendants; and the mountain was called
the Mountain of St. Paul; I saw it myself, for it was nearby,
at a distance of 15 miles, though from the sea the mountain can
be seen from a distance of 60 miles. On the birthday of John
the Baptist we boarded our ship in the evening and with a
favourable wind we left the island of Candia.
1 In fact this happened in Malta
STEPHANUS OF NOVGOROD
c. 1349
589
Stephanus of Novgorod
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Constantinople
Visit to
Russian Monk.
pilgrimage with 8 companions to
Constantinople and Jerusalem.
c. 1349; (Stephanus mentions patriarch
Isidorus I Coccinus, 1347-1349).
c. 1349.
Constantinople.
Remarks:
the statue of Justinian I is mentioned

before all churches and relics.
Text
in 1 MS., Moscow, Roumiantzev Museum,

fonds Roumiantzev.
Two more MSS. from the 17th century were
lost before 1889.
Edition
Itineraires russes en Orient~ traduits

pour la Societe de l'Orient latin par
Mme B. de Khitrowo~ Geneva, 1889, pp.
113-25.
Constantinople: statue of Justinian I:

Nous arrivames a Constantinople [pendant] la semaine sainte
& allames a Sainte Sophie. Voici ce que nous vimes: il y a la
une colonne vraiment merveilleuse, d'une epaisseur, hauteur &
beaute telles qu'on l'aper9oit de loin; & sur son sommet le
grand Justinien, vraiment admirable, est assis a cheval comme
vivant, vetu de costume sarrasin, effrayant a voir & tenant en
main une grande pomme en or, & sur cette pomme une croix; la
main droite superbement etendue vers le midi, vers la terre
sarrasine, vers Jerusalem.Il y a aussi dans la ville beaucoup
d'autres colonnes en marbre, couvertes du haut en bas d'inscriptions profondement gravees, (&, de ces mots, les uns sont dores
& les autres noircis). Il y a bien de quoi s'emerveiller et l'
esprit ne peut se dire comment depuis tant d'annees cette pierre
se conserve inalterable.
Cistern under the Hagia Sophia:

Sainte Sophie possede une quantite de puits d'eau douce
sans compter ceux qui sont dans les murs de l'eglise & entre
590
STEPHANUS OF NOVGOROD
les murs, & ils ne depassent pas le niveau du sol qui s'appelle:
pave de l'eglise. (Au-dessus de ces puits,) des anneaux en fer
sont enfonces dans le marbre & ce marbre se nomme pierre unie.
Column of Constantine:
Passant de Sainte Sophie devant les colonnes de Justinien,
& devant les trois petites, & devant saint Theodore, on gravit
une montagne par une grande rue, par le chemin imperial. Un
peu plus loin qu'une bonne portee de fleche, se trouve la
colonne de l'empereur orthodoxe Constantin, faite d'une pierre
rouge apportee de Rome: une croix est fixee sur son sommet;
dans cette colonne tout autour se trouvent les douze cophines
de pain; la est aussi le cognee de Noe & la passe l'ete le
patriarche.
Imperial palace:
Il y a la un edifice appele: Palais de l'empereur orthodoxe
Constantin; les murs en sont grands et tres eleves, plus hauts
que les murailles de la ville; il est semblable a une grande
ville et se trouve pres de l'Hippodrome au bard de la mer.
Hagii Apostoli: tombs of Constantine and

other emperors:
L'autel est tres grand & est au milieu de l'eglise;
derriere l'autel, tout droit du cote de l'orient, on voit, dans
l'eglise, le tombeau de l'empereur Constantin; il est tres
grand, d'une pierre semblable a l'ardoise; beaucoup d'autres
tombes imperiales se trouvent la, mais taus les empereurs ne
sont pas des saints, & nous, pecheurs, nous les baisames &
venerames.
Pantocrator mosaic in the Pantocrator

monastery:
De la nous allames au couvent du grand Sauveur appele:
Tout-Puissant. Penetrant par la premiere parte, on voit audessus le Sauveur en mosaique, tres grand & tres haut;
JEAN DE 1\iANDEVILLE
c. 1350
591
Jean de Mandeville.
Title
Author
see the biography by A. Bovenschen,

'Untersuchungen liber Johann von Mandeville
und die Quellen seiner Reisebeschreibung',
Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde

zu Berlin~ 23 (1888), pp. 177-306.
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece; Asia
Minor
Visit to
forgery about Asia Minor and Central Asia

based on information in works by many
other authors.
c. 1350.
Remarks
the information about Greece/Asia Minor

is mostly taken from Boldensele's
description.
Text
more than 300 MSS; many translations in

different languages.
- G.F. Warner, The Buke of John Maundevill
Editions
being the Travels of Sir John

knight~
Mandeville~
1322-1356~ Westminster, 1889.
N.A. Cramer, De reis van Jan van MandeLeiden, 1908.

*M. Letts, Mandeville's Travels~ London,
1953, (2 vols.) .
- M.C. Seymour, Mandeville's Travels~
Oxford, 1967.
ville~
Voyage through the Balkans to Constantinople:

And then men pass through the land of Pynceras 1 and come
to Greece to the city of Sternes 2 and to the city of Affynpayn,3 and syne to the city of Bradrenople [Adrianople] and
syne to the city of Constantinople, the which was some time
1 Petchenegs, trihe living south of the Danube.
2
Sofia.
3 Philippopolis.
592
JEAN DE MANDEVILLE
called Bethsamoron [Byzantium], and there dwells commonly the

emperor of Greece.
Hagia Sophia and Statue of Justinian I:

There is the best kirk of the world and the fairest, and
it is of Saint Sophia. And before the kirk of Saint Sophia is
an image of Justinian the emperor, well overgilded; and it is
made sitting upon a horse and crowned. This image was wont to
hold in his hand a round apple of gold; but it is long since it
fell out of the hand. And men say there that the falling out of
the apple is a token that the emperor has lost a great part of
his lordship. For he was wont to be emperor of Romany [Roumania],
of Greece, of Asia the less, of Surry [Syria], of the land of
Judea, in the which is Jerusalem, of the land of Egypt, of
Persia and of Arabia; but he has lost all, out-taken Greece, and
that land only he holds. Men would many time have put the apple
into the image's hand, but it will not abide therein. This apple
betokens the lordship that he had over all the world. The other
hand he lifts up against the west, 4 in token for to menace misdoers. This image stands on a pillar of marble.
(important relics such as relics of the Holy

Cross, and of the Crown of Thorns).
Graves of important saints:
Also at Constantinople lies Saint Anne, our Lady's mother,
whom Saint Helena gert [caused] be brought from Jerusalem;
and there lies also the body of John Chrysostom, that was bishop
of Constantinople. And there lies Saint Luke, the evangelist;
for his bones were brought from Bethany [Bithynia], where he
was graven. And many other reliques are there. And there is of
the vessels of stone, as it were marble, which men call ydrious,
that evermore drops water and fills themself ilk a year.
in other versions: ''against the east".
JEAN DE MANDEVILLE
593
Situation of Constantinople:
Troy in the vicinity:
And I do you to wit that Constantinople is right a fair
city and a good and well walled, and it is three-cornered. And
there is an arm of the sea that men call Hellespont, and some
call it the Bouche of Constantinople, and some Brace Saint
George. And this water encloses two parts of the city. And up
towards the sea upon the same water was wont to be the great
city of Troy in a fair plain; but that city was destroyed with
them of Greece.
Tomb of Aristoteles in Stageira:

In this country was Aristotle born in a city that men call
Strages, a little from Thrace. At Strages lies Aristotle, and
there is an altar upon his tomb. And there make they a solemn
feast ilk a year, as he were a saint. And upon his altar they
hold their great counsel and assembly; and they trow that,
through inspiration of God and him, they shall have the better
counsel.
Olympus and Athos:

In that country are right great mountains towards the end
of Macedonia. And among other there is one that men call Olympus,
that departs Macedonia and Thrace; and it is high above the
clouds. There is also another hill that men call Athos; 5 and
that is so high that the shadow thereof reaches unto Lempny
[Lemnos] the which is therefrom near seventy-seven mile. Above
on those hills is the air so clear and so subtle that men may
feel no wind there; and therefore may no beast ne fowl live
there, so is the air dry. And men say in those countries that
philosophers some time went up on those hills and held to their
noses sponges moisted with water for to catch air, for the air
there was so dry. And also above on these hills in the powder
they wrote letters with their fingers, and at the year end they
cf. Vincentius of Beauvais (VI, 21) about Mount Olympus.
594
JEAN DE MANDEVILLE
went again and found the same letters that they had written
the year before as fresh as they were on the first day without
any default. And therefore it seems well that these hills pass
the clouds to the pure air.
Constantinople: imperial palace and Hippodrome:

In the city of Constantinople is the emperor's palace
right fair and well dight; and there beside is a fair place
ordained for jousting. 6 And there are stages made all about
it and grees [steps] that men may sit on, ilk one above other,
to see the jousting, so that none shall dere [harm] other ne
let other to see. And under the stages are stables vaulted well
for the emperor's horse; and all the pillars are of marble.
Legend about the tomb of Hermogenes:

And in the kirk of Saint Sophia an emperor on a time
would have laid the body of his father when he was dead; and
als they made a grave they found a body in the earth, and
upon that body lay a great plate of gold and thereupon was
written in Hebrew, in Greek and in Latin, Jhesus Christus
nascetur de virgine Maria: et ego credo in eum~ that is to
say, 'Jesus Christ shall be born of the virgin Mary; and in
him trow I.' And the date when this was written and laid in
the earth was two thousand year before the incarnation of
Christ. And yet is that plate in the treasury of the kirk;
and men say that that body was the body of Ermogenes the wise
men.
Voyage from Constantinople to Palestine:

Chios - Patmos - Ephesus - Patara:
Whoso will pass from Constantinople to the Holy Land by
sea, he shall go by the Brace of Saint George, and so, sailing
in the Greek sea by a place where Saint Nicholas lies and by
many other places. And first men come til an isle the which is
called Sylo [Chios]. And in that isle grows mastic upon small
trees; and it springs out of them as it were the gum of plumtree or cherry-tree.
6
not from Boldensele!
JEAN DE MANDEVILLE
595
Syne men pass by the isle of Patmos, where Saint John the
Evangelist wrote the Apocalypse. And ye shall understand that
when our Lord died, Saint John was of eld thirty-two year, and
he lived after the passion of Christ sixty-two year. From Patmos
men go til Ephesus, a fair city and near to the sea; and there
died Saint John and was graven behind the altar in a tomb. And
there is a fair kirk, for Christian men were wont for to have
that city in hand. But now it is occupied with Turks, and so is
all Asia the less; 7 and therefore is Asia the less called
Turkey. In the tomb of Saint John men may find nothing but
manna; for some men say his body was translated into Paradise.
And ye shall understand that Saint John gert make his grave
there in his life and laid himself therein all quick;
and
therefore some say that he died not, but that he rests there
to the day of doom. And forsooth there is right a great marvel,
for men may see there the earth of the tomb many a time stir
and move, as there were a quick thing under.
From Ephesus men pass by many isles in the sea unto the
city of Pateran [Patara], where Saint Nicholas was born, and
so to the city of Marc, where he was chosen to be bishop. There
grows right good wine and mighty, the which men call wine of
Marc. From thence men pass to the isle of Greece, 8 the which
the emperor gave some time to the Genoese. And from thence men
wend to the isle of Cophos, 9 and so by the isle of Lango, of
which isles Ypocras was some time lord.
Lango (Cos);
legend about the daughter of Hippocrates:
And some say that in the isle of Lango is Ypocras'
daughter in likeness of a dragon, the which is a hundred foot
long, as men say, for I have not seen it. And folk there call
her lady of that isle. She lies in an old castle and shows
her thrice in the year; and she does no man harm. She was
changed thus from a fair damsel til a dragon through a goddess
that men call Diana. 10 -And men say that she shall dwell so un7
from Boldensele, but in fact Smyrna was Christian from

1344-1402.
8
probably Crete, although that was under the Venetians.
9
Cohos I Cos 1 Lango.
10
the 'Diana of the Ephesians'.
596
JEAN DE
A~NDEVILLE
to the time that a knight come that shall be so hardy that he

shall dare go to her and kiss her mouth. And then shall she
turn again to her own kind, and be a woman; but she shall live
but little while after. And it is not long since a knight of
Rhodes, the which was a doughty man and a hardy,said that he
would kiss her. And he leaped on his courser and went to the
castle and entered in to the cave where the dragon lay. And she
began to lift up her head against him; and the knight saw it so
hideous, and fast he fled away. And the dragon followed and
took the knight and bare him maugre his [head] til a crag of
the sea, and over that crag she cast him in to the sea; and so
was that knight lost. Also a young man, the which wist nought
of that dragon, went out on a time of a ship for to refresh
him, and walked forth in this isle til he came to the castle,
and entered in to the cave. And so he found a chamber, and
therein he saw a damsel combing her hair and looked in a mirror,
and she had mickle treasure about her. And he supposed that she
had been a common woman, that had dwelled there to keep men that
came through the country; and he stood still there behind her
till she turned her toward him and asked him what he would. And
he said that he would be her paramour. And she asked him if he
were a knight, and he said nay. And she said that then might he
not be her leman; but she bad him go again to his fellows and
make him knight and come again on the morrow, and she should
come out of the cave. And she bad him that he should kiss her
mouth and have no dread of her, what figure so ever he saw her,
for she should do him no harm, if all she were never so ugly ne
so hideous til his sight. For, she said, it was done by
enchantment, for she was such as he saw her that time. And she
said him that, if he kissed her, he should have all that treasure
and be lord of her and of those isles. And he went from her and
came to his fellows to the ship and gert make him knight, and
went again upon the morrow to kiss the damsel. And when he saw
her come out of the cave in likeness of a dragon, he had so great
dread that he fled to the ship, and she followed him. And when
she saw that he turned not again, she began to cry, as a thing
that had mickle sorrow. To the ship she followed him and, when
he was entered in to the ship, she turned again with a hideous
cry; and soon after the knight died. And syne hitherward might
no knight see her, that ne he died soon after. But when a knight
comes that is so hardy that he dare kiss her, he shall not die,
but he shall turn that damsel in to her right shape, and he
shall be lord of her and of the isles beforesaid.
JEAN DE MANDEVILLE
597
Rhodes:
From this isle men pass to the isle of Rhodes, the which
the Hospitallers hold and govern. And this isle they won of
the Emperor of Constantinople. And it was some time called
Colos and so call the Turks it yet.And Saint Paul in his Epistle
wrote to them of that isle ad Colocenses. This isle is eight
hundred mile from Constantinople for to wend by the sea.
IGNATIUS OF SMOLENSK
598
1389-1392
Ignatius of Smolensk.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
Russian monk.
embassy to Constantinople to discuss
the problems about metropolitan Pimen
with the patriarch.
1389-1392 (and later 1405).
1389-1392 and 1405.

Constantinople, Thessalonica, Mount
Athos.
Remarks
- Ignatius climbed up to the dome of

the Hagia Sophia.
- description of the struggle between
the emperors John VII and Manuel II
Palaeologus.
- description of the coronation of
Manuel II in 1390.
Text
in various MSS, dating from the 15th19th century.
Edition
Itineraires russes en Orient traduits

pour Za Societe de Z'Orient Zatin par
Mme B. de Khitrowo~ Geneva, 1889, pp.
127-57.
Constantinople: Hagia Sophia - imperial palace:

Nous passames toute la matinee dans l'eglise, adorant &
admirant les saintes merveilles, & la grandeur & la beaute de
l'eglise. Et apres avoir entendu la sainte messe, nous allames
au palais de Constantin, ou nous vimes l'edifice royal.
Hippodrome with serpentine column:

Il y a la une grande place imperiale de jeux, nommee
Et il y a la une colonne en cuivre a trois branches
tordues. En haut ces trois branches se separent, &, sur chaque
Podrome.
IGNATIUS OF SMOLENSK
599
bout, il y a un tete de serpent; dans la colonne est renferme

le venin des serpents. Il y a aussi beaucoup d'autres colonnes
en pierre 1 & des merveilles en grand nombre. Et nous les regardames longtemps avec surprise.
Hagii Apostoli church with imperial tombs:

De la nous visitames l'eglise des Apotres ou nous
adorames & baisames la sainte Colonne sur laquelle Notre
Seigneur Jesus-Christ fut flagelle. La se trouve aussi la pierre
de Pierre, sur laquelle il pleura amerement son reniement &
nous adorames !'image de la Sainte Vierge qui apparut au saint
ermite dans le desert. Il y avait la les tombeaux imperiaux du
grand Constantin & de Theodose le jeune & de plusieurs autres.
Hagia Sophia: climbing up the dome:

Le trente et unieme jour nous montames dans la coupole
de l'eglise de Sainte Sophie et nous vimes quarante fenetres
autour de la coupole et nous mesurames l'une des fenetres; la
colonne comprise, elle a deux sagenes mains deux pieds, et,
sur tout le parcours de la coupole, il y a de ces fenetres
ayant deux sagenes, la colonne comprise. Et nous nous etonnions
fort, tout ceci etant construit d'une fa9on surprenante et
parfaite.
Visit to Thessalonica in 1405; description as

a nice city:
En l'annee six mille neuf cent treize, 2 Ignace de Smolensk
vint a Salonique & adora saint Dimitri & sainte Theodora, dont
les reliques exhalent une huile odorante, & prit de leur sainte
huile. Et il visita les merveilleux couvents qui sont: Biblotades & Isaac Elathon Apoknia~ & Simoni~ Philocalos~ la metochie
de Khortiat~ Prodrome~ Pontodinamos~ Gorgoniko. Les cathedrales
sont: Sainte Sophie~ la metropole, Akhironitie~ les Saints
Anges & beaucoup d'autres. Quant a la ville, elle est fort belle.
2
et en cuivre.
era starting with the Creation of the world; for days from
January 1 - August 31: x + 5508; from September 1 - December
31:
+ 5509.
600
1389-1391
ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN
Anonymous Russian.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Visit to
Russian monk.
Embassy to Constantinople to discuss
the problems about metropolitan Pimen
with the patriarch.
1389-1391 (according to Mango).
1389-1391.
Constantinople.
Remarks
special attention to statues and

columns.
Text
in two versions:
-long verion ; 3 MSS., one of which is
in Leningrad, formerly Bibliotheque
imperiale de Saint Petersbourg, nouv.
acq. (1889), Q XVIII, no. 184.
- shorter but more accurate version:
1 MS. in Moscow, (16th c.),
Historical Museum, Zabelin collection,
no. 416.
- long version:
Editions

pour Za societe de Z'Orient Zatin par
Mme B. de Khitrowo~ Geneva, 1889,
pp. 223-39.
- short version:
M.N. Speransky,
Iz starinnoi
Novgorodskoi Ziteratury XIV vieka~
Leningrad, 1934, pp. 83-140.
See also: C. Mango, 'The Date of the

Anonymous Russian Description of
Constantinople', BZ. 45 (1952), pp.
380-5.
Constantinople, statue of Justinian I:

On quitte Sainte Sophie par la parte meridionale; a droite,
sur une haute colonne en pierre, est place l'empereur Justinien
a cheval; il est entierement en airain, le cheval aussi, & il
tient en main une pomme en airain qu'il brandit contre la
ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN
601
contree sarrasine; la main droite tient une croix. Trois

colonnes en pierre se dressent devant lui, & sur ces colonnes
sont places trois rois paiens fondus en airain & comme vivants;
ils ont flechi les genoux devant l'empereur Justinien & livrent
leur villes entre ses mains.
Imperial palace:
De la nous nous dirigeames vers le palais imperial de
Constantin; il est situe au midi, au-dessus de la Grande Mer.
Beaucoup de sculptures ornent le palais imperial; il y a une
grande colonne en pierre, au-dessus de laquelle s'elevent
quatre colonnes plus petites, egalement en pierre; sur ces
colonnes est place un bloc en ardoise bleue dans lequel sont
sculptes des lions ailes, des aigles & des taureaux en pierre;
les cornes de ces derniers sont cassees ainsi qu'une des
colonnes; cela a ete fait par les Francs, quand ils avaient
Constantinople en leur pouvoir, & ils ont abime bien d'autres
sculptures. Sous la muraille, au pied de la mer, se trouvent
des ours & des aurochs en pierre & beaucoup d'autres sculptures existent jusqu'a ce jour.
Baths with free entrance, built by Leo the Wise:

Le bain de Constantin est situe pres de la muraille, qui
s'eleve tres haut au-dessus de la mer; l'empereur Leon y avait
fait amener de l'eau & batir un grand reservoir en pierre d'une
fa9on tres sage & ingenieuse; les mendiants de passage se
lavaient dans ce reservoir; un grand tonneau en bois avec des
cercles de fer etait place dans un coin du bain; ce tonneau
avait sept clous & il en decoulait de l'eau telle qu'on
desirait l'avoir; on ne per9evait aucun tribut de ceux qui
se lavaient. Dans le coin oppose, une sentinelle montait la
garde, & c'etait une statue en pierre semblable a un homme;
elle avait en main un arc & une fleche en airain; & si l'on
avait per9u un peage, il aurait tire sur le tonneau & celui-ci
n'eut plus donne d'eau. Pres du tonneau se trouvait une lanterne entouree d'un verre latin, & elle brulait jour & nuit
incessamment. Quelqu'un me dit que trois cents ans apres la
mort de l'empereur Leon, on se lavait encore dans ce bain &
que l'eau ne cessait de couler du tonneau ni la lanterne de
bruler; mais, quand les Francs commencerent a percevoir un
peage, la statue fit partir la fleche qui atteignit le tonneau;
602
ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN
ce dernier se fendit & la lanterne s'eteignit; ils briserent

alors la tete de la statue & abimerent beaucoup de sculptures.
Hagia Sophia:
On compte trente coudees de l'ambon a l'autel, & l'autel
a cinquante coudees de longueur sur cent de largeur; Sainte
Sophie a deux cents coudees de largeur & cent cinquante de
hauteur. La partie superieure est admirablement executee &
ornee. Au-dessus de la premiere porte, il y a Salomon en mosaique, tout comme vivant, dans un cercle azur & or; il semble
avoir six sagenes de hauteur, & en tout il y en a soixante
douze. Les colonnes qui font le tour de l'interieur de l'eglise
sont au nombre de trois cent soixante-huit.
Hippodrome and adjacent buildings:

Du palais imperial je me rendis a !'Hippodrome, vers 1'
ouest. Cet Hippodrome, voisin du palais imperial, etait orne
de bien des merveilles, & il en reste encore beaucoup jusqu'a
ce jour. Il y a trente grandes colonnes apportees de la Grande
Mer; un anneau de fer est fixe a chacune d'elles & les sommets
des colonnes sont reunis par un architrave en pierre, depuis la
premiere jusqu'a la derniere. Ces colonnes depassees, on voit
dans !'Hippodrome, a gauche, au-dessus des partes, deux femmes
en pierre comme vivantes; elles convainquaient les femmes d'
adultere & ne les laissaient pas entrer dans !'Hippodrome, &
celles-ci s'amusaient ailleurs. A quelques pas de !'Hippodrome,
du meme cote gauche, se trouvent trois serpents en cuivre,
& ces serpents se retournent trois fois par an, quand le soleil entre dans le solstice d'ete ou dans celui de l'hiver,
ou quand l'annee est bissextile. Il y a la aussi une enorme
colonne en pierre reposant sur quatre supports en cuivre, qui,
semblables a de grandes constructions, ont ete edifies par
Leon-le-Sage. On compte seize statues d'hommes sur cette
colonne, huit en airain & huit en pierre; chacune d'elles a
en main un balai; nous ignorons si ces balais sont en bois,
mais ils ont l'air d'etre en cire; sous le regne de l'empereur
Leon, ces hommes balayaient les rues de la ville pendant la
nuit & restaient oisifs pendant le jour.
ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN
603
Planetarium:
Il avait pendant son regne une salle dans laquelle le
solei!, la lune & les etoiles se succedaient comme au ciel;
actuellement elle est deserte, ainsi que nous l'avons dit plus
haut.
Column of Theodosius(?):
Pres de !'Hippodrome s'eleve une collone sur laquelle
sont sculptees de petites statues d'hommes. A droite se
trouve un puits tres profond dont l'eau est douce. Des portes
s'ouvrent de chaque cote sur !'Hippodrome.
De la nous nous dirigeames vers l'ouest, par la porte de
gauche, vers le CZou du Christ; a droite de la Grande Rue qui,
de Sainte Sophie~ mene aux Justiciers~ se dresse une colonne
sur le sommet de laquelle sont scelles les Clous du Christ, la
hache de Noe & une des douze corbeilles qui servirent au miracle accompli par Jesus-Christ dans le desert; cette colonne
est entouree de quinze cercles de fer & une croix s'eleve sur
son sommet.
Two marble statues interpreted as Judges:

En suivant plus loin la Grande Rue on voit, a droite de
la Mer Noire~ les Justiciers eriges par Leon-le-Sage d'une
maniere admirable & ingenieuse: quelle gens~ Leurs vetements
sont de forme latine & tous les deux sont en marbre rouge; 1'
un juge equitablement les fausses accusations & l'autre les
emprunts, les causes commerciales & autres; si quelqu'un
accuse faussement une personne & que cette derniere vienne &
verse au premier !'argent dans la main, il ne recevra que ce
qui est du & rejettera ce qui est de trop, & ne jugera pas
les causes commerciales; il suffit que les deux plaignants
mettent leurs mains dans la bouche de cette statue, car elle
abat la main du coupable. Mais les Francs les ont aussi abimees: l'une ales mains et l'autre les pieds, et les mains, et
le nez casses.
604
ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN
Blachernae palace:
En sortant de la, je me rendis au chateau de l'empereur
Kalojean; il a trois entrees; sur la premiere est peint le
crucifiement du Christ, et de l'autre cote le jugement dernier.
Comparison with the former wealth and

prosperity:
Ainsi etait Constantinople demon temps; mais, sous le
regne du grand Constantin et de sa mere Helene, les choses
merveilleuses et les statues etaient bien plus nombreuses.
Mais voici la fin de mon recit.
ALEXANDER
c. 1393
605
Alexander.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Visit to
Russian scribe.
pilgrimage to Constantinople(?); at
the same time Alexander purchased some
articles in that city.
c. 1393 (in the text are mentioned
emperor Manuel II (1391-1425) and
patriarch Antonius (1391-1397).
c. 1393.
Constantinople.
Text
1 MS. in Leningrad, formerly Bibliotheque imperiale de Saint Petersbourg,

fonds Doubrovski, f. 295 (in combination with the so-called Nestor chronicle).
Edition

Mme. B. de Khitrowo~ Geneva, 1889, pp.
159-64.
Constantinople: serpentine column:

A cote (de l'eglise des Saints Serge et Bacchus) se
trouve une place de jeux, ou le venin des serpents est renferme dans trois serpents en cuivre, et beaucoup d'autres
chases.
Constantinople: immense quantity of relics:

Voila les saints couvents et les saintes reliques et les
miracles que j'ai vus; il yen a que je n'ai pas vus; car il
est impossible d'aller partout, ni de voir taus les saints
couvents et toutes les saintes reliques, ni d'en decrire des
milliers de milliers; on ne peut meme pas decrire certaines
reliques et certains miracles.
ANONYMOUS ARMENIAN
606
14th - 15th century
Anonymous Armenian,
Title
(in English); These are the shrines in

Constantinople where the bodies of the
saints are gathered.
Armenian.
pilgrimage to Constantinople.
after c. 1275 - before 1434 but
probably 14th - 15th c.
idem
Constantinople.
Author
Motive
Date
Visit to
Remarks
description of the columns of various

size and different colours in the Hagia
Sophia.
Text
1 MS. in Selly Oak College Library,

collection Arm. 3,
f. 125 -133 .
S. Brock, 'A Medieval Armenian Pilgrim's
Description of Constantinople', Revue
des etudes armeniennes~ N.S. 4 (1967),
pp. 81-102.
Birmin~ham,rMingana
Edition
Constantinople: Hagia Sophia:

These are the shrines (lit vow-places) where the bodies
of the saints are gathered in Constantinople.
1. First, the wonderful and great church Ayea Sofia, which
means Wisdom. It has < 2 > storeys. And on the lower storey
there are 12 columns of green marble; and in the upper storey
are 64 green columns; and 8 columns are purple, and 8 square,
and 12 white. The throne is entirely bound with bronze . And
one of these 4 columns which is on the right side of the church
is (that) of the Illuminator, and the other, of which one face
is green, the height of a man, the two parts of which are of
bronze. And there, they say, are the relics of the Illuminator.
And in the upper storey there are 40 columns, all of green
marble. And in the gallery, on the right side of the church,
on the wall is that marble which comes up to the brickwork
on the one side is the Mother of God, and on the other
ANONYMOUS ARl'tlENIAN
607
the Saviour. Around the dome there are 40 arched windows and
in the middle there hangs down< a lamp >1
And the size of the dome extends from one end (lit. front)
to the other.
And it has a door near the middle of the church. And
ascending into the upper storey there are five turns (?) in
all, and another 35 stairs go up. 2
Hodegetria church:
2. And there is another monastery which is called Kiramos
Mas] where there is an icon painted by Luke the
Evangelist, on one side of which is the Mother of God, and the
Saviour in her arm(s), and on the other side there is another
Christ on the cross on the right, and the Mother of God on the
left. And every Tuesday there is a procession (lit. pilgrimage)
there.
[ = Kyra
Monastery of Lazarus (near the Hagia Sophia):

3. And there is another monastery where there are the
relics of Lazarus, the friend of Christ, whom he raised from
the dead after four days; and of his two sisters, Mary and
Martha. And there are 63 yellow bronze chains;
And the church is beautiful and worthy of honour, with
two storeys, built of marble, and of porphyry work.
3a. And outside the door in front is a great column of
the church, alongside, and on the column is constructed (a
statue of) Justinian in bronze, who built Ayea Sofia and
enlarged the city.
1
2
I prefer: "many lamps". (cf. Clari).

I disagree with Brock, who believes that the description of
the church with a dome has to be connected with the Lazarus
monastery.
608
ANONYMOUS ARMENIAN
Hagii Apostoli:
11. And another great church is called the Holy Apostles.
There, in the middle of the great altar, are the relics of the
holy evangelist Luke, and of the holy apostles Titus 3 and
Timothy. There too are the relics of the patriarch Apirindos 4
and of John Chrysostom. There are also the tombs of the pious
kings, Constantine: its casing is of red marble; and that of
Theodosius the Great, and of Just<in>ian: its casing is of
green marble. And there is the pillar to which they bound
Christ on the night on which they arrested Christ and led him
off to crucify him; and there is the stone which Peter, at the
time of the denial, mounted and remembered the word of the
Lord, and he wept bitterly on the stone. And there is an icon
of the Saviour, which, when a Jew struck it with a knife, blood
came up from that icon.
Column of the angel:

And outside stood a high column, on top of which is
elevated, in bronze, the angel Gabriel, and Constantine the
King.
Blachernae church:
16. And there is a church called Luahernas [ = Blachernai],
beautiful and marvellous, with two storeys, and 6 green marble
columns; 18 in the lower storey and 18 in the upper (one); and
other columns.
18. And there is a high column in the middle of the city,
where are the 7 baskets of the fragments with which Christ fed
the multitude. And the column is of 7 branches . And on the top
is a great iron cross-shape, bound in lead.
3
probably St. Andrew.

Spyridon
NiCCOLO DA MARTONI
1395
Niccolo da Martoni.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece
Visit to
609
Nicolai de Marthono, notarii, liber

peregrinationis ad 1oca sancta.
Italian notary.
1394-1395.
in the summer of 1394 and the spring
of 1395.
Athens - Corinth - Patras - central
Greece - Archipelago.
Remarks
oldest medieval description of the

antiquities of Athens.
Text
1 MS. in the Bibliotheque nationale

(Paris), MMS. fonds latin 6521, fols.
67-103.
L. le Grand, 'Relation du Pelerinage
a Jerusalem de Nicolas de Martoni,
notaire italien (1394-1395)', Revue
de l'Orient latin~ 3 (1895). pp.566
- 669 (reprint Brussels, 1964).
Edition
the passages about Athens:

W. Judeich, 'Athen im Jahre 1395 nach
der Beschreibung des Niccolo da Martoni',
AM. 22 (1897), pp. 423-38.
J. Morton Paton, Chapters on Mediaeval
and Renaissance Visitors to Greek
Lands~
Princeton, 1951.
the visit to Cyprus:
C. Enlart, 'Notes sur le voyage de
Nicolas de Martoni en Chypre', Revue
de l'Orient latin~ 4 (1896), pp. 623-32.
Modon and Koron:

The following day, Friday, July 3 of the same indiction,
we saw towards evening the mountains of the island of Sapientia.
There is nothing on the island except a small fort, high up, in
which there is a garnison for the protection of Koron and Modon;
the latter lies at a distance of 3 miles from.the island of
Sapientia. Koron lies further inland, 40 miles from Modon. The
610
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
Venetians bear rule over these territories. Formerly the area

was under the rule of the king of Italy, who gave them to the
Venetians to protect that part of the sea, as support for the
other adjacent parts of Romania; he did this because of the
marauding Saracens. And under the same pretext the Venetians
remained in possession of these territories.
Cerigo, the abduction of Helen by Paris:

On the island of Citrini (Cerigo) there is one city, and
the Venetians are rulers over it. On that island of Citrini
Paris, the son of the Trojan king Priam, landed when he wanted
to set out to avenge Exion, his sister, who had been stolen away by the Greeks and carried off to their country; he went
against the will of Hector and his other brothers, who foretold the destruction of Tray. But with several ships he went
off to Greece and landed on the island of Citrini, where a
temple stood- and still stands; at that temple he met Helen,
the wife of king Menelaus, who reigned in that part of Romania
that was then Greece; and when he, Paris, and Helen - who, in
her beauty was like a jewel among women - saw each other, they
were seized with violent love for each other; and so in that
temple on Citrini he stole Helen away and took her to Tray.
Archipelago:
On Friday, July 10 we came to the islands of Milos and
others which form the beginning of the Archipelago. To the
south of Milos lies Candia, with a perimeter of 600 miles. On
that island there are good wines and malmsey; the Venetians
bear rule there. After that comes the island of St. George,
which is uninhabitable, and then the island of Santurini, which
is 20 miles round; it is habitable, and belongs to the
Archipelago. This Archipelago is a duchy consisting of more
than 300 islands, some habitable, some not. The duke of the
Archipelago was murdered, and his mother continued as ruler
of some of the islands; the Venetians ruled over the others.
And it should be known that all those islands formerly belonged to Greece, and even now there are Greeks living there.
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
611
Chios - Candia:
In the Archipelago there is an island called Ssiu, on
which mastic grows; and in no other place is it found apart
from there, and therefore each year a great quantity is sold,
for more than 15,000 ducats. The island of Candia can arm, at
will, some sixteen galleys; and on that island of Candia lies
the labyrinth, in which formerly in Minotaur lived.
Stampalia:
On Saturday, July 11 we landed on an island called
Stampalia; it is 30 miles round, and was formerly inhabited,
but it has been devastated by the Turks, and is now uninhabitable. There is still a fort with walls to be seen; and on this
island animals live in the woods, such as stinking goats,
donkeys and other animals.
Lango (Cos) - Nisyros:

The island of Lango, where the Knights of St. John rule,
is habitable; it is 200 miles round, and there are several
fortresses and villages. Near that island is the mainland of
Turchia, and there are high mountains, such as the Mons
Marsicus (near Carinola); the mainland is 15 miles from that
island. And there, nearby the place from which we made the
crossing, at a distance of two miles, is the island of
Niczari; it is 18 miles round, and it looked like the mountains
of Roccecte, and the Mons Fassianus near the town of Carinola.
On that island there are three forts, one near the sea, the
others high in the mountains; there are various villages and
it yields large quantities of crops; but they do not grow
wheat there, but barley. That island is ruled by the Knights
of St. John.
Symi:
Past the island of Niczari we found the island of Ssimie,
on which, so it is said, grow the best wines in the world; they
keep the wines in earthenware vessels, because they have no
wood available. The Knights of St. John rule over the island.
612
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
Each day this island of Ssimie sends great quantities of grapes

to the market at Rhodes; these grapes are of excellent quality;
it is a good market, and we ate many grapes when we were there.
Rhodes:
Before three o'clock on Monday,July 13 we came to the city
of Rhodes. It would be going too far to describe the city in
detail; therefore I say briefly that the city seemed to me to
be about as big as Capua. The centre of the city is separated
from the borgo by high and heavy walls with towers; in the city
proper is the fort and the church of St. John.
Rhodes, borgo:
The borgo of Rhodes is shut off by high walls; its
population is more numerous than that of the fortress. In this
borgo live shopkeepers and merchants, and that is where the
harbour activities take place.
Rhodes, the church of St. Nicholas and an idol:

At the end of the harbour-dam stands a church of St.
Nicholas. A great miracle was told me and corroborated: in
antiquity a great statue of a god used to stand there, so
wonderfully made that it had one leg on the place where St.
Nicholas' church stands, and the other on the end of the
other dam, the one where the windmills are, and the two dams
were half a mile apart. Upon these stood the statue, straight
as a die; its body was so large that ships and other vessels
of every size, when they wanted to sail into the harbour of
Rhodes, sailed under the legs of the statue, in full sail,
and whoever climbed up to the head of the statue, could see
to a distance of lOO miles, so large was the statue. Later it
was destroyed.
And the statue was called Coliseus, and for that reason the
people on the island of Rhodes, to whom St. Paul sent so many
letters to convert them to the catholic faith, were called
Colossians, after the statue known as Coliseus.
No more need be said about Rhodes. On Sunda~ July 19, towards
evening, we left the harbour and set off in the direction of
Alexandria.
NICCOLD DA MARTONI
613
Lango:
On Tuesday, February 2 we could not round the head of the
island of Nizari, which was our direct route, because of the
contrary wind. We came to the island of Lango and towards
evening we arrived in the harbour. Master Antonatius and I
immediately left the ship with the boat that went to fetch
water, so as to see the island and to see the house of the
very famous and learned philosopher and doctor Hippocrates,
who came from Lango. The town of Lango is on the sea and
according to my estimation it is about as large as the town
of Carinola; it has, however, dreadful houses. There is a
fort there, in which the governor, a Knight of St. John,
resides. This fort is right between the sea and a lake that
is about a third as big as the lake of Carinola, and the sea
water streams under the bridge of the fort into the lake, so
that the fort is cut off by the sea and the lake, and is
difficult of access.
Lango, the house of Hippocrates:

The house of Hippocrates lies about two stone throws outside the city. I believe that it formerly lay inside it, because
the area of the city was then larger. And first of all I saw a
fountain, with excellent water, that Hippocrates had had made,
and which is now called Fons Hippocratis; the fountain is near
the house. One can see that the house itself was once a large
complex, like a fort, with many different large buildings. Now,
however, it is in ruins, and in some parts of the complex the
animals of Lango are stabled.
In that complex of buildings there is a large, deep cellar,
about which I was told a remarkable story by Brother Dominicus,
while I was staying in the city of Rhodes. He said that the
daughter of Hippocrates was changed into a snake, that lived
in the cellar and showed itself to people in the form of a
beautiful woman, and she kept asking to be kissed by a man,
while she was in the form of a snake. She promised many great
treasures and great richies to the man, who would kiss her as
a snake, and said she would take him as her husband. The
people of Lango say that the snake is often seen in front of
the cellar. The island of Lango is 150 miles round, and is
very fertile in crops and animals. It brings the governor in
10,000 ducats a year.
614
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
Paros:
On that day we found an island, called Paras. It is
densely populated, and is called Paros, because Paris, the son
of king Priam of Troy, was banished to that island because at
his birth it was foretold that the city of Troy would be
destroyed on account of the one who was fed on milk there by
shepherds.
To Athens:
Constantly thinking of getting back to our fatherland, we
decided to set off for the city of Athens, which shortly after
the death of Master Raynerio of Florence, who had governed the
city and the whole duchy, had come under the power of the
Venetians. Next we wanted to go through Romania to Corinth and
from there to travel with the help of the duke, who was known
to master Antonatius, to Venice or some other place in the
direction of our fatherland.
And so we found the skipper of a small boat, who was prepared
to take us from Thermia to Athens, a distance of 80 miles, for
10 ducats.
We left by night, with great fear for Turkish ships, and sailed
in the direction of the harbour of Athens, which is four miles
of the city; because the wind was against us we could not reach
the harbour, but we landed in another harbour, 24 miles from
Athens, towards evening on February 24.
Porto Rafti:
Close to the harbour, on a hill, stand two marble statues,
one of a man and one of a woman, about which the following
story is told: the male figure was once a human being, who
pursued the woman, a virgin, with dishonest intentions. When
the woman finally saw that she could not escape falling into
the man's hands, she prayed to God that they should both be
changed into marble statues; her prayers were heard, and
there they stand to this very day.
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
615
From Porto Rafti to Athens:

Like exiles, and afraid for the Turks who regularly prowl
about this area, we found two beasts of burden and a horse
among the fishermen who live there. We hired them for one
ducat, to go as far as the city of Athens, and at dusk we left
that harbour, 24 miles from Athens, and all night we walked in
the rain through the mountains and the desolation, and towards
morning on Wednesday, February 24 we reached the city of Athens.
Athens:
The city of Athens, as appears from the old buildings and
from what scholars and writers say about it, was formerly a
great city with great buildings. We saw many columns and many
pieces of marble, which now lie over the area formerly covered
by buildings. The city itself used formerly to extend as far as
the sea, and was 24 miles round, in the time of Emperor Hadrian,
who governed the city. Then after its devastation by the
Trojans the built up area shrank to include only the area
round the fort.
The city lies in between two mountains, which are six miles
apart, and has a beautiful fertile plain stretching for twelve
miles, on which there are several fine olive groves. Now, however, the city contains about a thousand homes.
Athens, two springs for acquiring wisdom:

Because there were some antiquities I wanted to see in
that city, I asked some of the inhabitants to guide me to see
the buildings and ancient remains.
First we came to two famous springs, from which every scholar
was supposed to drink to obtain wisdom, for through that water
from the springs, that people had to drink, the studies of the
great philosophers, such as Aristotle and others in Athens,
took place. The surrounds of the two springs were very beautifully made from blocks of marble.
Next we came to the 'studium Aristotelis', a building made of
marble blocks, 20 feet long and 16 feet wide. It was covered
with beams and sheets of marble, and the whole building was
decorated, all around and on top, with different sorts of
decoration in gold and other fine colours; and thus on both
616
NICCOLO DA 1~RTONI
ends of this building remains of the decoration can still be

seen. Outside the gate there are atria with columns, covered
with beams and sheets of marble, and through these atria, so
built and so decorated with gold, Aristotle used to walk for
pleasure when he was tired of studying.
Next we came to the place where the great 'hospitium' of
Emperor Hadrian is situated. This has been destroyed; there
are now still 20 columns, each about 80 palms high, and so
thick that four men with outstretched arms could them encircle.
On top of these columns are long, thick marble beams, on which
stood a large building.
And in the vicinity there is the entrance to a fortress, built
of beautifully worked marble; this entrance is as beautiful as
the entrance to the city of Capua, but not, it seems to me, as
high.
Outside the city there is a large bridge, with many remains of
buildings nearby. Formerly the soldiers used to hold their
competitions there; they ran at each other from either side,
and the fight took place in the middle of the bridge.
Next we went to the fort of the city, which was high up and
built of marble. Inside is there is a great hall with 13
columns; on these columns are beams, 30 feet long, and on
these beams there are sheets of marble. It is a great and
wonderful sight to see.
After that we came to the great church inside the fort, which
is named after Mary. The church is built of great blocks of
marble, which are all joined together with lead, and the
church is as big as the church in Capua. Around the outside
of the church are 60 large columns. Each of these is higher
than the ladders used for the wine harvest, and so thick it
would take five men with outstretched arms to encircle them.
And on these columns are long, thick marble beams. And on
these stands the atrium of the church. It is impossible for
a human mind to imagine how such great buildings can have
been constructed.
Among the columns there is one column with a mark on it. St.
Dionysius was standing close to it at the time of the Passion
of Christ, and when all the buildings in the world trembled
because of an earthquake, St. Dionysius spoke the following
words: 'Either the whole world is being destroyed, or the Son
of God must be undergoing suffering', and on the column he
drew with his hand the sign of the cross. And that cross is
still on the pillar. The entrance to this church is, I would
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
617
estimate, four rods (cannae) wide and five rods high. In this
entrance there are doors which came from the city of Troy when
it was sacked. The doors of the city gate were taken to Athens
and placed in the church of St. Mary, as gates.
The church has two naves, one behind the other; in the first
nave the first altar of the world was placed, made by St.
Dionysius after his conversion to the catholic faith.
The choir of the church is beautiful, and round the altar are
four jasper columns, all so thick that two men could encircle
them with their arms, and with a height of two rods. On these
pillars rests a large and magnificent canopy, over the altar.
Near the altar is a large and beautiful cistern, into which,
when it rains, large quantities of water pour.
Athens, the icon of Mary painted by St. Luke:

Near the altar in a small chapel on the right is an icon
depicting the holy Virgin Mary, painted by the hands of St.
Luke the Evangelist. This icon is adorned with pearls, gems
and many other valuable jewels, and is carefully guarded under
lock and key.
Around the inside of the church there are 80 marble columns,
on which rest long marble beams with marble sheets; upon these
a supporting beam runs all the way round. In a chink in the
wall of the church a light shines, as if from a lighted fire
that never goes out. It is believed that the body of a saint
is enclosed in the wall just there.
In the church we saw, that day, a number of holy relics, which
were shown us by the custodians of the church.
There was also a book with all the Gospels, written in Greek
on gilded parchment by St. Helena; this book was regarded
there as a costly treasure.
Athens, an
'ydolu~'
outside the Acropolis:
Outside the walls of the fortress there are two large

columns, above which, so it is said, there was formerly a
miraculous closed off space, in which there was a statue with
such powers that if, at that time, ships came to Athens with
hostile intentions, these were immediately destroyed by the
statue, as far out to see as they were visible; if, however,
they came to Athens for its good, no harm at all was done to
the ships by the statue.
618
NICCOLD DA MARTONI
Departure from Athens:

We could not reach the city of Corinth overland, because
of the great dispute between the duke of Cefalonia and the
despot of the Morea, a brother of the emperor in Constantinople,
about the inheritance of their father-in-law, Master Raynerius,
the duke of Athens. The duke had a great army of Turks with him
and had made a treaty with the Turkish Sultan against the despot.
So we left on Thursda~February 25 for the Venetian-ruled island
of Negropontum, in the expectation of finding there a ship from
Venice. We rode all day, on a couple of donkeys, because in
Athens we could not find any horses to hire, and only late in
the evening, in the darkness of the night, did we come to a
fortified place, Zucchamini. On that day Turkish horsemen were
ranging through the territory belonging to that place, and had
captived people and animals; and round about dusk we crossed a
path where just one hour earlier the Turks had passed by. It
was God's will that on that day a man from Athens deceived us
about the donkeys he had promised us. That is why we were so
much delayed, for otherwise we would have fallen into their
hands. Thus the saying that many troubles may sometimes be a
blessing in disguise, is often shown to be true.
Negropontum:
The island of Nigropontum is 300 miles round, and is
separated from the mainland - the duchy of Athens - by a sea
strait with a width of about 12 paces, or a little more. The
city of Nigropontum is built in one corner of the island, near
the strait; the city is smaller than the town of Suessa, but
very densely populated with Franks and Greeks. The island boasts
several forts and villages, and its population amounts to a
total of 14,000 houses. The great church of this town is called
the church of St. Mary, and is a beautiful church. In former
times the town was three times as large; the city has been
devastated by wars. Now the area of the city has been reduced
to a place near the strait. Outside the city houses and ancient
remains can be seen. Across the strait there are two wooden
bridges on each side of the fortress (on an island in the
channel). Over these bridges and through the fortress people
cross to and from the island of Nigropontum. The bridges and
the city gates are carefully guarded by armed men stationed
there. The water flows constantly back and forth through this
NICCOLO DA 1~RTONI
619
strait like a river, moving sometimes in one direction, sometimes in the other; this is why there are two harbours there
for the ships.
Back to Athens:
On the Saturday before Palm Sunday, at about nine o'clock,
we came to the city of Athens, hoping to find there Master
Ludovicus de Prata, the archbishop of that city. We did not
find him, for he was with the duke of Cefalonia in Corinth. We
found his chaplain and some members of his family, who he had
sent to take possession of the goods belonging to his church,
and to administer them. By force of necessity we stayed in his
house that day and the following night, because in Athens no
inns were to be found where we could spend the night.
Athens - Eleusis
Megara - Corinth:
On Palm Sunday, April 4 we attended Mass in the small and

poor church of St. Dominic, where only two clergy were present,
and received the blessed palm branches; then we left, with
several beasts of burden which we had hired, for Castrum Metre,
a place which had recently come into the hands of the Duke of
Cefalonia, in a legacy from his wife, a daughter of Master
Raynerius. The place is 24 miles from Athens and the whole of
that day we travelled, sometimes on foot, sometimes on a pack
animal, in great fear and dread of robbers and Turks, who
constantly made that area unsafe. Towards evening we were 15
miles from Athens, and there came across a fort called
Lipissinox. It was formerly a very large and fine city, as is
apparent from the buildings and the many columns and pieces
of marble lying there. Water flowed to the city carried
through pipes built up on pillars and arches, in which the
water flowed from the mountains to the city. When it was still
intact the city used to have a circumference of 10 miles.
Departure from Megara:

On Monday,April 5 we found a boat, so small that five of
us could harly get into it. For five hyperpera it was to take
us to the harbour of Corinth. We left after breakfast, from
620
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
Castrum Metre - the fortress consists of 80 homes, and is

situated on a fertile plain - and we travelled all day, using
the oars, and at dusk we came into the harbour of Corinth, 15
miles from the city. There, in that harbour we found two
other ships from Castrum Metre, and their crew told us that we
could not get to Corinth without endangering our lives. But
the next morning, April 6, we went into the city of Corinth,
and after paying our respects to the Duke we found the archbishop there with him, and he took us into his house, because
there were no inns to be found and no bread for sale. And
thanks to intervention of the archbishop we got the duke to
let us travel with his ships, which had come to the harbour
of Corinth to take his wife, the duchess, to the island of
Cefalonia.
Corinth:
Many remarkable stories are told in the West about the
city of Corinth, which are not true. But I shall tell the
truth, and make matters entirely clear. It is true that in
former times the city was large and important, in the time of
King Alexander. The city was then in another place, too, on a
plain between the mountain, on which it now stands, and the
harbour, and as the ruins show it was a large and important
place. The city was ten miles in circumference, and all the
houses were covered with lead and other metals. And when at a
certain date the city was besieged by the Romans, who then
ruled the whole world, the city caught fire, and in the blaze
the whole city was burned down. And so lead and the metals
from the burning houses flowed down the streets into the sea,
and so this great and noble city was destroyed. This was the
city which King Alexander, to whom Corinth was dearer than
all other cities, did not wish to part with to anybody.
Now, however, the city stands on a high mountain, and this
mountain is surrounded by delapidated walls. Master Antonatius
and I, who walked round the city, are of the opinion that it
is about two miles round. Inside the walls there are ruined
houses and in many places there are open spaces. I believe
that in all the empty spaces in the city no more than two
thumini of grain were sawn. In the city there are about 50
houses. On a rock inside the city stands a fort, delapidated,
but still difficult of access.
The city lies between two harbours, 15 miles from the one, but
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
621
4 miles from the other one, where the city was formerly
situated. The one harbour lies in a direct line 6 miles from
the other, and they are separated by a piece of land that is
now called Sexmilia. Formerly King Alexander wanted to have a
channel dug across this piece of land from one harbour to the
other, so that Corinth and the whole of the Morea (the
province belonging to it) would become an island. He did not
succeed, however, in digging through that territory, because
it is very stony, and up to the present day traces of the
former excavation work can still be seen.
The Isthmus wall:

And so he had a great high wall built from one harbour to
the other, and thus nobody could get across i t to do harm to
Corinth; this wall is still intact in some places, but in
other places is in a state of decay. And in truth, these were
and are the facts about Corinth.
Before we left we paid a visit to a small, very devout church
of St. Paul, where the saint stayed when he was a prisoner,
when he sent his letters to the Corinthians; he was chained
to a pillar, on which a cross can still be seen that he made
on it with his own hand.
After that we went down to the harbour with a group of people,
but with fear in our hearts. The duchess also went with us;
she boarded one brigantine with her train, and we the other.
The same evening, towards dusk, we came to the town of Patras,
and there we found not a single place or inn to spend the night
at, not even at the church of St. Nicholas, a monastery of the
Minorites. But the archbishop of Patras, an acquaintance and
friend of Master Antonatius, took us all to his beautiful
palace. It has a great hall, 25 feet long, and all the way round
the walls of the hall, the whole history of the sack of the
city of Troy is depicted. The archbishop, one of the order of
the Minorites, rules over the city, and several other areas also
come under his spiritual and secular jurisdiction.
On Tuesday, April 20, towards nine o'clock, we arrived
in the harbour of Corfu. Corfu is a prosperous island, 160 miles
round. Formerly it belonged to the king of Naples, but now the
Venetians are lord and master there. The city is in a corner of
the. island; it is a big city, I think as big as the city of
622
NICCOLO DA MARTONI
Theanum, but for the most part the city has delapidated houses
and extremely narrow streets. It is situated close to the sea,
and there are two harbours. Inside the city there are two
fortresses, standing on two high rocks, one bowshot apart.
From the outside these forts look to be in good condition, and
they are heavily guarded. Outside the city proper is a borgo,
where a great number of people live, and there are the taverns
and the inns.
623
RUY GONZALES DE CLAVIJO
1403
Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
(Relaci6n de la Embajada de Enrique Ill

al Gran Tamorlan?).
Spanish nobleman.
embassy of king Enrique Ill of Castilia
to Timour at Samarcand.
1403-1406.
Winter 1403-1404.
Cythera - Archipelago - Troy Constantinople - Athos.
Remarks
Elaborate description of the interior

and exterior of several churches and
monasteries in Constantinople.
Text
in various MSS, dating from the 15th

century and later.
- C.R. Markham, Narrative of the
Editions
Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo

to the Court of Timour at Samarcand~
A.D. 1403-6~ London, 1859.
*G. Le Strange,Embassy to Tamerlane~
London, 1928.
F. Lopez Estrada,
Madrid, 1943.
Embajada a
Tamorlan~
Cerigo: Paris and Helen:

On Saturday, they were off Cape Matapan, and Cape St.
Angelo, which are on a territory belonging to Venice; and at
noon they passed close to an inhabited island called Cetul, 1
between it and a high rock called Lobo. 2 On this island of
Cetul they saw a small castle, with high towers, on a lofty
rock facing the sea. A little further on, in a plain near the
sea, there appeared a great mass of ruins; and they say that
this is the temple which Paris destroyed, when he seized upon
Helen, and broke the idol, at the time that king Priam sent
him to make war upon Greece. After passing this island, the
vessel sailed between three rocks called Tres, Dos, and As.
1
2
Cerigo
Ovo
624
Rhodes:
This city of Rhodes is not very large; it is built on a
plain near the sea, and it has a large castle, which is partly
without, and partly within the city. Here is the palace of the
grand master, and of his friars, and also a convent, and a
beautiful church, and a great hospital for the sick. The riars
are not allowed to go abroad, without permission from their
superior. The harbour of this city is large, and well guarded
from the walls, and it has two very fine moles, which enter
the sea. On one of these moles there are fourteen windmills;
and outside the town there are many houses, and very beautiful
fruit gardens, and many citron, and lime, and lemon, and
other fruit trees. The people of this city and island are
Greeks, and most of them belong to the Greek church. The city
is a great mart for merchandize, which comes from many
countries; for no ships go to Alexandria, or Jerusalem, or
Syria, without touching at this island; and the land of Turkey
is so near that it can be clearly seen; and on the island there
are other towns and castles, besides the city.
Mytilene - Lesbos:
The town of Metellin is built on a high hill near the sea,
and is surrounded by a wall with many towers; and outside there
is a large suburb. This island is three hundred miles round,
and contains several villages and castles, and there are many
gardens and vineyards in the neighbourhood of the city. Near
the town there have been very large houses and churches, and
it would seem that, in former days, the island was thickly
populated; and at one end of the city, in a plain near the
fountains and gardens, there are the ruins of great palaces,
and in the middle of the ruins there are about forty blocks of
white marble; - they say that on the top of those blocks of
marble, there was once a platform, where those of the city met
in council. The people of this island are Greeks, and were
formerly subject to the empire of Constantinople; but they are
now under a Genoese named Juan de Catalus, whose father married
a daughter of the emperor.
625
Troy:
So they anchored between the land of Turkey and the said
island of Tenio, in a Strait, near which stood the great city
of Troy. From this place they saw the edifices of Troy, with
parts of the wall, having doors at intervals, and towers, and
other buildings like castles. It is built in a plain near the
sea, and extends towards some high mountains; and at the other
side of the city, a high and sharp peak rose up, where it is
said that there used to be a castle, called Elion.
Tenedos:
The island of Tenio, which is opposite the said city, used
to be the port of the city, to which ships resorted. It was
occupied by king Priam, who built a great castle on it, called
Tenedos, for the defence of the shipping. This island used to
be full of inhabitants, but it is now deserted. The boat was
sent from the ship to procure water and wood, and some of the
attendants of the embassy went to see the island, and found
many vineyards and fruit trees, and game such as partridges
and rabbits, and the ruins of a great castle.
Monasteries on Mount Athos:

And from the said island of Tenio they could see a very
high mountain called Monteston, which is in the land of Greece,
and where there is a monastery of Greek monks, who lead very
holy lives, and will not allow a woman, nor a dog, nor a cat,
nor any tame thing which has young, to come near them: and they
do not eat meat. This monastery is very rich, and they say that
it is two days journey from the foot of the mountain to the
summit, where the monastery stands; and, besides this one, there
are fifty or sixty monasteries, where the monks all dress in
black, and do not drink wine, nor eat meat, nor oil, nor fish,
with blood; and these things were related by some Greeks who
were in the said ship, who had lived some time on that holy
mountain.
626
Arrival at Constantinople (October 28, 1403);

request to the emperor for a guided tour
through the city:
On Tuesday, the 30th of October, the ambassadors sent to
the emperor to say that, as they were desirous of seeing the
city, and the churches and relics which it contained, they
hoped that he would graciously order them to be shown; and the
emperor directed his son-in-law, a Genoese named Ilario, who
was married to one of his illegi.timate daughters, to accompany
them, and show them what they wanted.
Church of St. John Baptist in Petra:

The first thing they went to see, was the church of St.
John the Baptist, which they call St. John of the stone, and
which is near the emperor's palace. On the top of the first
doorway of this church there was a very rich figure of St.
John, well designed in mosaic; and near this doorway there
was a lofty capital, 3 raised on four arches; and the roof and
walls are covered with beautiful images and figures in mosaic.
This mosaic work is made of very small stones, which are
covered with fine gilt, and blue, white, green, or red enamel,
according to the colour which is required to depict the figures,
so that this work is very marvellous to behold.
Beyond this place there is a great court, surrounded by
houses, and containing many cypress trees: and opposite the
door into the body of the church there is a beautiful fountain,
under a canopy raised upon eight white marble pillars, and the
pipe of the fountain is of white stone. The body of the church
is very lofty, and near the entrance there are three small
chapels, each containing an altar, and the door of the centre
chapel is plated with silver; and by the side of the door there
are four marble columns inlaid with small jaspers, and silver
crosses, and precious stones: and there are curtains of silk
across these doors, placed there that the priest may not be
seen when he goes in to say mass. The roof is very rich, and
inlaid with mosaics. On the roof of the body of the church
there is a figure of God the Father; and the walls are inlaid
3
cupola
627
in the same manner nearly to the ground; and the floor is enriched with jaspers. The chapel was surrounded by seats of
carved wood, and between each chair there was a brazier with
ashes, into which the people spit, that they may not spit on
the ground; and there are many lamps of silver and of glass.
Church of Mary Peribleptos:

The same day they went to see another.church called
Peribelico, dedicated to St. Mary. At the entrance to this
church there is a great court, containing many cypresses,
walnut trees, elms, and other trees. The outer walls of the
church are covered with images and other figures, in gold,
blue, and other colours. On the left hand side of the entrance
to the church there are many figures, and amongst them an
image of St. Mary, with one of the emperor and another of the
empress on each side. At the feet of the image of St. Mary
there are representations of thirty castles and cities, with
the names of Grecian cities written under them. They say that
these cities and castles formerly belonged to this church,
having been given by an emperor called Romanus, who lies
interred here. At the feet of the image there were certain
documents written in steel, and sealed with seals of wax and
lead, which described the privileges enjoyed by this church
over those cities and castles.
There are five altars in the body of the church; which is
very large and lofty, supported on pillars of various coloured
marble, and the walls and floor are inlaid with jasper; and
the ceiling is inlaid with very rich mosaics. On the left hand
side, at the end of the church, there is a handsome stone
monument, where the body of the emperor Romanus is interred:
they said that this monument was formerly covered with gold
and precious stones, but that when the Latins captured this
city, ninety years ago, they plundered this tomb. In this
church there is another great stone tomb, in which another
emperor is interred, and this church also contains the other
arm of the blessed St. John the Baptist, which was shown to
the ambassadors.
628
(legend about the relics of St. John Baptist)

Peribleptos monastery:
Outside the church there is a cloister, where there are
many beautiful representations of history, among which is the
root of Jesse, showing the lineage whence came the blessed
Virgin Mary. It was figured in mosaic; and was so wonderful,
so rich, and so well drawn, that it surpassed all the other
works. There are many monks belonging to the church, who
showed the above things to the ambassadors; and also took them
into a very large and lofty refectory, in the midst of which
there was a table of white marble, very well made, being
thirty-five paZmos long, and the floor was of marble flags.
At the end of this refectory there were two small tables of
white marble, and the ceiling was covered with mosaic work;
and on the walls pictures were represented in mosaic work,
from the salutation of the blessed Virgin Mary by St. Gab+iel,
to the birth of Jesus Christ our God, together with his
journeys with his disciples, and all his blessed life, until
he was crucified. In this refectory there were many flag
stones, made to place meat and other food upon; and in the
monastery there were many cells, where the monks live; and
gardens, and water, and vineyards, so that this monastery is
like a large town.
Monastery of St. John Stoudios:

On the same day the ambassadors visited another church
called St. John, to which a monastery is attached. The first
part of the church is very lofty and richly adorned, and beyond it there is a courtyard, leading to the body of the church,
which is round, and surrounded by three great naves, all under
one roof. It contains seven altars, and the ceiling is covered
with rich mosaic, representing many historical events; and the
body of the church is surrounded by twenty-four marble pillars
of green jasper, and the naves have the same number of pillars.
The walls are adorned with mosaics; and beyond the body of the
church there is a beautiful chapel, embellished with mosaics of
marvellous workmanship, and containing a figure of the holy
Mary, for whose service this chapel was built. The monastery
contains a large refectory,
with a white marble table; and on
the walls there are mosaics representing the last supper, in
which our Lord Jesus Christ is seated at a table with his
629
disciples, and this monastery contains houses, gardens,

fountains, and many other things.
Hippodrome:
On another day the ambassadors went to see a plain called
the Hippodrome, where they joust. It is surrounded by white
marble pillars, so large that three men can only just span round
them, and their height is two lances. They are thirty-seven in
number, fixed in very large white marble bases; and above, they
were connected by arches going from on to the other, so that a
man can walk all round, on the top of them; and there are battlements, breast high, of white marble, and these are made for
ladies, and maidens, and noble woman, when they view the jousts
and tournaments which are celebrated here. In front of these
seats, there is a row of pillars, on which is a high seat,
raised on four marble pillars, surrounded by other seats, and
at each corner there are four images of white marble, the size
of a man; and the emperor is accustomed to sit here, when he
views the tournaments.
Obelisk of Theodosius:
Near these pillars, there are two blocks of white marble,
one on the top of the other, of great size, each one being the
height of a lance, or more; and on the top of these blocks
there are four square blocks of copper. On the top of these
blocks there is an immense stone, sharp at the end, at least
six lances in height. It is not fixed in any way; so that it
was marvellous to think how so great a mass of stone, yet so
sharp and fine, could have been placed there. It is so high
that it may be seen above the city, from the sea. This column
has been placed there in memory of some great event; and on
the base there is an inscription, announcing who it was who
caused this stone to be placed there, and for what reason; but
as the writing was in Greek, and it was getting late, the
ambassadors could not wait to have it read to them. But they
say that it was raised to commemorate some great deed. Beyond
it the range of columns continues, though they are not so high
as the first, and the deeds of the knights are painted on them;
630
Serpentine column:
And between these columns there are three copper figures
of serpents. They are twisted like a rope, and they have three
heads, with open mouths. It is said that these figures of serpents were put here, on account of an enchantment which was
effected. The city used to be infested by many serpents, and
other evil animals, which killed and poisoned men; but an
emperor performed an enchantment over these figures, and
serpents have never done any harm to the people of the city,
since that time.
The plain is very large, and is surrounded by steps, one
rising above the other to a considerable height; and these
steps are made for the people of the city; and below them
there are great houses, with doors opening on the plain, where
the knights who are going to joust are accustomed to arm and
disarm.
Hagia Sophia; exterior:

On the same day the ambassadors went to see the church
which is called St. Sophia, which is the largest, most honoured,
and most privileged of all the churches in the city; and it
has canons who do duty as if it was a cathedral, and a patriarch,
whom the Greeks call MarpoZZit.
Palace built on columns:

In a court, in front of the church, there are nine very
large white marble pillars, the largest I ever beheld, and it
is said that a great palace used to stand on the top of them,
where the patriarch and his clergy held their meetings.
In this same court, in front of the church, a wonderfully high stone column stands, on the top of which there is
a horse made of copper, of the size of four large horses put
together; and on its back there is the figure of an armed
knight, also of copper, with a great plume on his head, resembling the tail of a peacock. The horse has chains of iron
631
round its body, secured to the column, to prevent it from

falling, or being moved by the wind. This horse is very well
made, and one fore and one hind leg is raised, as if it was in
the act of prancing. The knight, on its back, has his right
arm raised, with the hand open, while the reins are held with
the left arm. This column, horse, and knight, are so large and
high, that it is wonderful to see them. This marvellous horse
is said to have been placed here by the Emperor Justinian,
who erected the column, and performed great and notable deeds
against the Turks, in his time.
Hagia Sophia: interior:

At the entrance to this church, under an arch, there is a
small but very rich and beautiful chapel, raised upon four
marble columns; and opposite this chapel is the door of the
church. It is very large and high, and covered with brass, and
in front of it there is a small court, containing some high
terraces;~ beyond which there is another door covered with
brass, like the first. Within this door there is a broad and
lofty nave, with a ceiling of wood, and on the left hand there
are very large and well built cloisters, 5 adorned with slabs
of marble and jasper of various colours. The body of the church
contains five lofty doors, all covered with brass, and the
centre one is the largest. The body of the church is the
loftiest, most rich , and most beautiful that can be seen in
the whole world. It is surrounded by three large and broad
naves, which are joined to it, so that mass may be heard in
all parts of the church. The arches of the naves are of green
jasper, and unite the roofs of the nave with that of the body
of the church; but the summit of the latter rises much higher
than that of the naves. It is dome shaped, and very high, so
that a man must have good eyes who looks up from beneath; and
the church is one hundred and five paces long, by ninety-three
broad; and the dome is supported by four pillars, very large
and thick, covered with flags of many coloured jaspers; and
from pillar to pillar there are arches of green jasper, which
are very high and sustain the dome. In the arches there are
four very large slabs, two on the right hand and two on the
~
galleries of the horologium?

atrium
632
left, which are coloured with a substance made from a powder,

artificially, and called porphyry.
Hagia Sophia: dome:

The dome is covered with very rich mosaic work, and, over
the high altar, the image of God the Father, very large, is
wrought in mosaics of many colours; but it is so high up, that
is only looks about the size of a man, or a little larger,
though really it is so large that i t measures three palmos
between the eyes; but to him who looks at it, it does not
appear to be more nor less than a man, and that is owing to the
very great height it is placed above the ground.
Hagia Sophia: ambo:

On the floor, in the centre of the part under the dome,
there is a pulpit placed on four columns of jasper; and the
sides of it are covered with flags of jasper; and this pulpit
is surmounted by a capital, raised on eight very large jasper
columns; and here they preach, and also say the gospel on
feast days. The walls and floor of the church are lined with
flags of jasper, worked all over with ornaments, very beautiful to behold. The part between the arches, which supports
the dome, was of very handsome white stone, on which many
appropriate figures were inlaid, and above that there was
very rich mosaic. The arched roofs of the naves surrounded
the dome, except where the high altar stood, all which was
worth seeing. The said arched roofs were ninety paces broad,
and four hundred and ten paces round, and they were beautifully
inlaid with mosaics.
Hagia Sophia: cistern:

And in the church of St. Sophia there are vaults and
cisterns, and subterranean chambers, which are strange things,
wonderful to see. Near the church there are many fallen
edifices, and doors leading to the church, closed and ruined.
In the church there is a very large cistern under ground,
633
capable of floating ten galleys. All these works, and many

others in this church, were shown, so that they can neither
be related nor written briefly; and so great is the edifice,
and the wonderful works in the church are so numerous, that
they take a long time to see. The roofs are all covered with
lead. This church is privileged, and any person, either Greek
or of any other nation, who commits a crime, either of robbery
or murder, and take refuge here, may not be taken hence.
St. Georgius in Mangana church:

On the same day the ambassadors went to see another church,
called St. George; in which, after passing the first gate,
there is a large court, in which there are many houses and
fruit gardens, and the body of the church is in the midst of
these gardens. Opposite the church door, outside, there is a
large and beautiful font, over which there is a canopy 6
supported by eight marble pillars, inlaid with many figures.
The body of the church is very high, and is all covered with
mosaic work, and the ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ is
here represented. The floor of this church is wonderfully made,
for it is covered with flags of porphyry and jasper; and the
walls are of the same material. In the centre of the roof is
a figure of God the Father, in mosaic work; and over the door
there is figured the true cross, which an angel showed to the
apostles from the clouds of heaven, when the Holy Spirit
descended upon them in a flame of fire.
It is wonderfully
made, in mosaic work. In this church there is a large tomb
made of jasper, and covered with a silken cloth, where an
empress lies buried.
St. Mary of Blachernae church:

They then mounted on horseback, and went to see a church
called "Santa Maria de la Cherne," which is within the city,
and opposite to a ruined castle, which used to be a lodging,
used by the emperors. 7 The said castle was destroyed by an em6
cupola
Anemon tower
prison
634
peror, because he found his son in it, in a manner that will

be related to you presently.
This church of "Santa Maria de la Cherne" used to be a
chapel of the emperor's, and the interior consists of three
naves, the centre one being the largest and most lofty, and
the other two being lower. They are vaulted, and the arches
connect them together. These naves are adorned in the following manner. They are raised on great pillars of green jasper,
and their bases are of white marble, inlaid with many figures.
The ceilings and the walls, half way up, are covered with
flags of jasper of many colours, with many figures and beautiful works artificially wrought upon them. The ceiling of
the centre nave is very rich, made of timber in squares and
beams, all gilded with very fine gold; and though parts of
the church were much out of repair, this gilded ceiling looked
as fresh and as beautiful as if it was just finished. In the
centre nave there was a rich altar and a pulpit, also very
rich; and all the furniture of the church is very rich and
costly, and the roof was all covered with lead.
St. Maria Hodegetria: icon painted by St. Luke:

In this city of Constantinople there is also a church
"Santa Maria de la Dessetria"; it is small, and some religious
canons live in it, who neither eat meat, nor drink wine, nor
eat grease, nor fish containing blood. The body of the church
is inlaid with very beautiful mosaic work, and contains an
image of the holy Mary, which is said to have been designed
and made by the hands of the glorious and blessed St. Luke.
(weekly procession with the icon on Tuesday).
Cistern (of Philoxenus near the Hippodrome?):

In this city there is a cistern, very beautiful to behold,
which they call the cistern of Mohammed. This cistern is vaulted
with cement, and paved with marble, and the ceiling is raised
upon four hundred and ninety very large pillars; and here they
are accustomed to collect a great volume of water, which suffices
for many people.
635
Aspect of the city:

The city of Constantinople is surrounded by a high and
strong wall, with towers. The wall has three angles, and from
angle to angle there is a distance of six miles, so that the
whole city is eighteen miles in circumference, which is six
leagues; two sides facing the sea, and one facing the land. At
the angle which does not face the sea, on a hill, are the
palaces of the emperor.
Population:
Though the city is so large, it is not all well peopled,
for in the middle of it there are many enclosures, where there
are corn fields, and fruit gardens. The most populous part is
near the sea; and the greatest traffic is from the city, by
the gates which open on the sea, especially the gates leading
to the city of Pera, on account of the ships which go there
to unload; and because those of both cities pass from the one
to the other, with their merchandise.
Decay and many ruins 1n the city:

This city of Constantinople contains many great churches
and monasteries, but most of them are in ruins; though it seems
clear that, in former times, when the city was in its youth, it
was the most renowned city in the world. They say that even now
there are three thousand churches, large and small; and within
the city there are fountains and wells of sweet water;
Water supply: Aqueduct of Valens:

And in a part below the church which is dedicated to the
Holy Apostle, there is a bridge reaching from one valley to
another, over houses and gardens, by which water used to come,
for the irrigation of those gardens.
636
Constantinople - Pera, compared with Sevilla Triana:

The city of Constantinople is near the sea, as you have
been told, and two sides face the sea; and in front is the
city of Pera. Between the two cities is the port, and
Constantinople is thus like Seville, and Pera is like Triana,
with the port and the ships between them; and the Greeks do not
call it Constantinople as we do, but Escomboli.
Per a:
Pera is a small city, but well peopled and surrounded with
a wall, and it contains good and handsome houses. It is inhabited by Genoese, and is a lordship of Genoa. It is peopled
by Genoese and Greeks, and is so close to the sea, that between
the wall and the water there is not sufficient breadth for a
carrack to pass. The wall runs along the shore, and then
ascends a hill, on the top of which there is a great tower,
whence the city is watched. This hill, however, is not so high
as another outside the town, which rises above it; and on that
eminence the Turk encamped when he besieged Pera and
Constantinople, and here they fought, and hurled missiles from
engines. The Turk twice assaulted the city, and blockaded it
by sea and land for six months, with four hundred thousand men
on land, and sixty galleons and ships by sea; but they were
unable to enter, nor even to occupy a suburb, so that it seems
that the Turks are not good combatants, as they could not enter.
Harbour in the Golden Horn:

The sea between Pera and Constantinople is narrow, not
being more than a mile across, which is the third of a league;
and this sea serves as the port for both cities; and I hold it
to be the best and most beautiful in the world, and the most
secure from all winds. Vessels lying in it are also secure
from enemies, who cannot enter if both cities are of one mind.
It is very deep and clear, so that the largest ship can come
close to the walls, and place a gangboard to the shore.
637
NOMPAR II, SEIGNEUR DE CAU.MONT
1418-1419
Nompar II, seigneur de Caumont.
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece
Visit to
Voyaige d'Oultremer en Jherusalem par

le Seigneur de Caumont.
French noble from Caumont (Gascogne).
1418-1419.
1418.
Cythera - Crete
Rhodes.
Remarks
Candia: Labyrinth
Text
Edition
2 MSS. in Perigieux and London.

De la Grange, Voyaige d'Oultremer
Title
cipte de Troye.
Jherusalem par le Seigneur de
en
Caumont~
Paris, 1858 (reprint Geneva, 1975).
Cythera: Helen,
temple of Venus:
Et de cest pais fut entiquemant seigneur le roi Menelaus,

mary de le belle royne de Gresse qui avoit a nom Heleyne, lequelle par force s'en apourta Paris en Troye.
Item, dudit chief de Saint Angel jusques a la ylle de
Setvill: x. milles, lequel antiquemant fut nonpmee Sitaree,
dans lequel ylle est le temple de la deesse Venus, ont la
dessus ditte Helleyne estoit vennue fere oreison ou sacriffice,
quant ledit Paris la prist et lass'enmena, comme dessus est
dit.
Candia: Jupiter-Saturnus -Minas - Minotaurus;

labyrinth = cite de Troye:
Item, au partant de laditte ylle du Sequillo ha .XXX.
milles, trouvey le grant ylle de Candie que huy est jus le
seignorie des Venessiens, lequel entiquemant fut appellee le
ille de Cret, et pour ceste raison est ainssi appellee le
guolf de Cret; et furent seigneurs et rois entiquemant de
ceste, Saturnus et Jupiter, et les deesses Venus et Juno qui
fut suer et fama de Jupiter, lesquelles antiquemant les
gentils colloient pour Dieux; et de leditte ylle fut roy
ycelluy just et doeturier Minus qui en son temps ne apres, en
638
NOMPAR II, SEIGNEUR DE CAUMONT
exerssisse de justice ne eut per; de le moitte duquel fu nee a

celle merveilleuse et orrible best qui fut appelle Minotaur,
qui fut enfermee et enclouse dens celle entrigade meson faite
par Dedelus, merveilleux maquanit, lequelle meson fut nommee Lebarinte et aujourduy par moultz est vulguelmant appelle le cipte
de Troie: en lequel meson estoient condampnes a etre mis les
jeunes filz des Hetenesiens, par vengance de le mort des
Endrogeux, filz dudit roy Minus, jusques tant que, par le sort,
y fut tramis le proux et vaillant Tezeu, fils de Egeu roy de
Attenes, condampne a estre devore par ledit Minotaur, lequel
Tezeu, par consseil et ajude de Adriane, fille dudit roy Minus,
oussit ledit Minotaur et eschapa du perill de leditte meson
Labarinte.
Colchis,island in the v~c~nity of Tarsus;

tradition of the Golden Fleece:
lequel cite de Tersson se tient aujour d'uy par le roy de
Chypre; davant lequel ha une ille qui s'appelle Colquos ou
demouroit le monton en le leyne d'or que conquesta Jeson, roy
de Tessalie.
Rhodes: strong fortification; windmills near

the harbour:
Item, dudit chasteau de Fer et d'Au a la cipte de Roddes:
XXV. milles; ou je fuy de retour au moys d'aust, le .xviije.
jour, et hy demouray presque de deux moys. Cette cipte est en
une ille bien grande et complie de toux biens; et y a de belles
fortalesses qui sont bien guardees pour gens autres que Grecxs;
et aussi faut il mester, pour chouse du pays de le Turquie qui
confronte avec le ditte ille, chiere pour chiere, de le ditte
cipte de Roddes, ou il n'a que ung poy de travers de mer; a
lequelle cipte le mer bat au pie dez murs, et droit ant les
nefs prendent port ha une grant chaussee faite de grans pierres
de massonerie cranellee aus bars, qui se tient en lemur de
le cipte et entre dedens le mer bien .iiij. tretz de dart; et
tout au lone d'icelle sont assis . . XVI. molis de vent, toux d'
un ranc, qui nuyt et jour molent yver et este; et a paynes l'on
les voit toux ensemble molir he toux a ung cop cesser.
NOMPAR II, SEIGNEUR DE CAUMONT
639
Rhodes: old city on the Philerimos mountain:

Item, de Roddes je me levay ung bon matin et m'en alay
pour terre a une haulte montaigne qui est pres de leditte
cipte .V. milles, que l'on appelle le puy de Philermo, ou
jadis solloit estre le cipte de Roddes hediffiee; et en ceu
tamps se solloit apeler Colossensses, ou saint Paul feysoie
les epistoles, et c'est une place moult avantatjose mes est
tout despasti fors que d'un chasteau qui est sur l'entree de
le venue.
640
1414-1422
Cristoforo Buondelmonti
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
a. Descriptio Insulae Cretae.

b. Liber Insularum Archipelagi.
Florentine priest.
geographical studies, including the
drawing of maps.
1414-1422 or later.
1414-1422 or later.
Remarks
- Elaborate description of Crete including many old traditions

- description of many islands of the
Archipelago.
- description of Constantinople.
Text
- long and short version of the

Descriptio Insulae Cretae.
- long and short version of the Liber
Insularum Archipelagi. (see the
chapter on geographers, Buondelmonti).
- Fl. Cornelio, Creta sacra sive de
Editions
Episcopis utriusque ritus Graeci et

Latini in insulae Cretae~ Venice,
1755, pp. 1-18 (short version) and
pp. 77-109 (long version).
- G.L.R. de Sinner, Christoph
Bondelmontii Florentini Liber

Insularum Archipelagi~ Leipzig-Berlin,
1824.
-E. Legrand,
Description des tles de

l'Archipel par Christophe Buondelmonti~
Paris, 1897. (This book contains also

the text of the Descriptio Insulae
Cretae).
BUONDELMONTI; DESCRIPTIO
641
Short vers1.on:
Long vers1.on:
Hierapolis (Hierapetra):
Hierapetra:
Next along the coast is

Hierapolis, now called
Girapetra; it is a place with
a very great number of ruins
and broken columns. In the
vicinity there used to be a
harbour, which due to its
great age and the action of
the sea is completely filled
in, and people plough it.
... a city which lay on the

coast, with a very great number
of buildings and columns. Alas,
I counted immense buildings and
temples within the wide area,
and eagerly noted the busts of
statues strewn far and wide.
Anatospolis:
Here you will find the old city
of Anatospolis, all traces of
which. have vanished, were it not
that you can still see great
brick temples. Here you will not
find masses of marble blocks,
but I express my praise for the
foundations, made from great
blocks of rock.
Pergamea:
... and all around we see all
sorts of buildings mingled together between the roots of the
trees.
Calolimiona - Lapsea:
Calolimiona - Lapsea:
and in the vicinity of

Calolimiona there are the
ruins of houses, and up on
high ground a small town
called Lapsea, which is
surrounded by steep mountains.
In this place there was a
ruined temple with the statue
of a god.
and round about I found very

large houses, which had fallen
down, lying about. Nearly, on
high ground, lay the little
place of Lapsea, which is
surrounded by steep mountains,
and on one protruding side one
could see a temple standing
among the columns.
Matala:
Matala:
... and in the neighbourhood

I saw the ruins of a temple,
lies Matala, a place which is from which a well preserved
completely ruined, and full of mosaic floor could be seen.
642
statues, columns and lumps of

marble.
Nicholas, observe the graves

hacked out of the rocks and the
wonderful sculptures; fields of
grain cover the buildings, and
great marble blocks lie about at
random.
Lineus plain:
Lineus plain:
To the side of this plain one

can see a temple of Diana,
which is not completely in
ruins.
... until one sees a great temple

in the field.
Calenus:
Calenus:
... which showed in the distance

Behind the plain is a steep
rock, on which formerly
an aqueduct descending, and
Succeta stood; now this place columns in stone of all different
is called by the monks Calenus,colours.
and there are still columns
in various colours to be seen, Career of Daedalus:
and an aqueduct.
Before the island of Pacximadi
comes into sight on the left,
there lay, so it is said, the
career of Icarus and Daedalus,
where at the present time remains
of the walls of that prison can
still be seen.
Sfichium:
Sfichium:
... in the other corner is a

bay of the sea; there can be
seen the very old town of
Sfichium, completely delapidated; farmers live, without
any walls, in a part of this
place.
... where I found, among other

cities, the extremely old city
of Sfichium; when I saw it I
wept not a little, at seeing
this place deserted. Alas, how
unhappy are mortal men; they do
their best to raise great
mountains, to fix pieces of marble
together and so build up blocks
of rock. Everything decays to
nothing and is like the fame
that fades within an hour.
643
Anapolis:
Anapolis:
(mountains) in the middle of

which, near the plain, lies
Polirenia, now called Anapolis. From there a splendid
spring flows, in the midst of
great blocks of marble lying
on the ground.
I praised the magnificent water

well, with large blocks of
marble on the ground around it.
Lutro:
Lutro:
In the neighbourhood is found

a very old, decayed city with
columns, and tombs made of
white marble, and a number of
statues.
As we saw that, we arrived in the

harbour of what was formerly
called Phenix, but now Lutro,
and we saw a very old city in
ruins, with columns lying on the
ground. In between them I found
graves of snow-white marble,
near the little huts of the
farmers, in which the swine eat
their food; they throw
magnificent pieces of sculpture
to the ground round about. I
saw there many damaged busts of
statues in between the marble
buildings. I left the place
after seeing immensely large
catacombs, and set off inland
towards open fields, where I
found remains of the old roman
nobility; they take pleasure
in preserving the inscriptions
and arms marked on them, right
to the present day.
Sanctus Romelus, the port of

Phenix:
Romelus (near Phenix).
In this deserted town marble

and porphyry columns are
strewn about everywhere, and
a decayed temple can be seen
there with the remains of
statues of gods, and a piece
Very weary, we came next to the

boundaries of a large city, in
the middle of which I saw a
gigantic temple lying in ruins.
All sorts of marble and pillars
of porphyry lay there, mixed to-
644
of stone on which was chiselled in Greek letters: 'wipe

your feet, cover your head and
enter'.
gether in disarray. I saw busts

of statues without heads, and on
the other side of the temple I
found a statue of Venus or Diana
that I considered the most
magnificent of all.
I turned round in a certain
direction and on the evidence of
a tremendous block of marble we
lifted up stones lying round
about. We saw on them extremely
weather-worn Greek letters, and
then we tried to read them, but
alas; the piece of stone was
cracked. By conjecture I could
make out the following: 'wipe
your feet, cover your head and
enter'. Columns, cisterns and
large buildings are everywhere
to be seen. The famous apostle
Paul stayed here, when he was
taken to Rome with other Christians.
Phelinus:
Selinus:
Outside it Fecilasium used to

be situated, the present-day
Phelinus, where very large and
well-made foundations are to
be seen, and large harbour
constructions.
We admired this great mass, the

colossal and artistic foundations;
finally we admired an aqueduct
and the gigantic harbour
buildings.
Kissamos:
Kissamos:
(the very old harbour) where

at a distance of half a mile
the old white city of
Chissamospolis can be seen,
in the middle of which is a
very rich spring, which
supplies fresh water. There
is a palace to be seen with
a number of columns, all
practically fallen to the
From far off we saw in the middle

the white fort of ancient
Chissamospolis. And when we were
there (in the middle of the city
near the fountain) I saw a
magnificent palace with a number
of columns lying in almost
complete ruins, and as we left I
counted the marble sheets. You
see, my guide said to me, that
645
ground, and nearby is the

river Tiflon with an old
stone bridge.
the river Tiflo has an old stone

bridge; in former times the
river washed the whole city.
Nova ecclesia:
Nova ecclesia (Rhokka):
And when one goes further

south across the middle of the
island, one finds there Nova
ecclesia, in which old
porphyry and marble columns
are kept.
We left there, and crossing the

middle of the island towards the
south we came to a place which
is now called Nova ecclesia.
When we entered it, he said:
'Look at the pavement and see a
mosaic that after so many
centuries has never been damaged
by rain or by moisture from the
ground; it covers the whole of
this vineyard, with all those
many buildings of marble and
porphyry but because such things
are not necessary to us the
farmer will not allow his fruitful vines to be destroyed,
because they bring him great
profit'.
Portus Salinae (Suda):
Suda:
... and nearby, 2 miles to

the south on a mountain,
stands the very old city of
Minoa; this is deserted,
having only fragments of
marble and a few cisterns, one
of which is 45 feet long and
18 feet wide.
Near Salinae, as it is called, on

a mountain to the south we saw
the ancient Minoa. I go there, a
distance of 2 miles up to the top,
and there I find the city, in ruins.
I walk about in the city, through
the undergrowth, and in the middle
I turn over some large marble blocks.
I see temples and get tired of
counting walls, and as I was making
my way through impenetrable bushes
I landed without noticing, in a
cistern many metres deep. Alas, my
hands fell into the depths, and
my limbs became stiff with fright,
until I could regain my former
position. After that I had a look
at these cisterns carved out of
646
the rocks, one of which was

certainly 45 feet long and 18
feet wide.
Pantomatrion:
Pantomatrion:
You come to a high mountain,

where in former times the city
of Pantomatrion stood, in
which a cistern and delapidated temples can be seen, as
well as a large monument of
Amerinus
who was killed
when together with his
brother Chirfoca he attacked
this city.
And as we were cheerfully crossing this road we saw on a high

mountain to the west the former
city of Pantomatrion. By long
and roundabout paths we climbed
up, and there in the city we
found two large cisterns with
columns, cut out of the rock;
they are now overgrown with
trees. Round about we found low
walls and next to a temple I
saw a magnificent monument,
about which my guide told me
the following:
(tale of Amerinus and Chirfoca).
Candia:
Candia:
But when you go down to the

south, across the gently
rolling hills, you come to
what was formerly the very
large and very ancient city
of Philopolis, the presentday Macritico; at that place
there is still a mosaic floor
with many figures, and there
too, so it is said, is the
grave of Caiaphas. A mile
further inside the city stands
a very old temple, built
according to Christian rites,
and there the teaching of
Titus is held in honour.
Three miles to the north, however, on the right of the road
to Mount Jurte, is a cave,
with a small opening in the
rock; it is 42 paces long, and
Next we walked southward through

that area, until by way of low
hills we reached the very large
city of ancient Philopolis, the
present day Macritichon. This
city stands alongside a river,
and near gardens and parks, and
there I found by chance under a
large amount of rubbish, an undamaged mosaic floor with all
sorts of figures, and to the
right we found what is said to
be the tomb of Caiaphas. A mile
further into the town we saw a
very old temple built according
to the Christian rite, and before
that we did honour to Veneranda,
the disciple of Titus.
To the south, among estates and
pleasant hills, close to the
road one can see a cave in the
647
only 4 paces wide. At the back

of this cave is the tomb of
the great Jupiter, with the
letters worn away. This cave
was made in the extremely
hard stone, without any
figurative decoration. Above
it there was a tumulus, and
all round were large buildings, over an area of a
quarter of a mile in each
direction. At the present time
much corn grows in the whole
area and there are many
meadows.
hacked-out rock, 42 paces long

and 4 paces wide. At the back
of it we saw the grave of Jupiter,
with an epitaph which was so worn
that we could hardly make out a
single letter of it. But because
I noticed that it was told just
like this all over the island it
was not difficult to believe
it all. Above this same grave
were large buildings in which
corn was kept.
Jurta mons:
Jouktas mons:
Seen from a distance this

mountain is shaped like a
face, on the forehead of which
one can see the temple of
Jupiter, which is decayed
right down to its foundations.
From a distance this mountain

has the shape of a face. On the
forehead I visited a temple of
Jupiter, ruined down to the
foundations, and in the
surroundings we found an endless number of large blocks
which lay there in rows. Our
opinion is that the maker of
these was no human being.
Dia (island):
Dia:
on which, on the north

side next to the sea there
are marble buildings, lying
in ruins.
We left the deserted, stony,

unbuilt on island of Dia, to
our left; on its north side,
near the sea, I noticed marble
buildings spread over a wide
area.
Chersonesos:
Chersonesos:
(the city of Elados), near

which lies the city of
Chersonesos, surrounded by a
fertile plain. In this city
one sees old palatia, and
buildings with pillars, and
Not far from there we visited

Chersonesus, formerly a very
big place surrounded by an exceptionally fertile plain, and
there I saw old 'palatia' and
buildings with columns and a
648
a magnificent harbour, destroy-harbour which was laid out, but

ed by age, and large aqueducts.decayed with age. From the high
mountains they used to take water
to the city through pipes which
irrigated the whole city.
Molopiexepolis (Spinalonga):
Olopicxopolis:
Moreover there were columns

and delapidated marble buildings, which showed that
formerly the city was very
large and important.
And this appears to be overgrown

now with vegetation and herbs.
I saw nothing else in the whole
area than columns and marble
buildings.
Camara:
Camara:
... a plain, in the middle

of which at the foot of a
small mountain, lay the city
of Camara, which has a stream
in the curve on the south
side. Marble buildings from
this city lie there on the
ground.
And we saw a closely cultivated

plain in the middle of which
under a small hill, was the
city of Camara; it lay in ruins
in a certain corner on the south
side, and a stream flowed
through it.
My companions leave the estates
and the great marble buildings
behind, and we set off through
the high mountains, fragrant
with thymes, for ....
Myrina:
Mirina:
And nearby one sees on an

extremely fertile plain, the
city of Pidiata. Further to
the east, in a valley,
lives a noble gentleman
called Nicholas; he has had a
garden laid out there which
is like paradise, with many
old marble sculptures.
Near (the city of Pidiata), to

the east, in a pleasant valley,
I came upon a magnificent garden
in which a lovely country house
stands, next to a hill. In it
lives a certain nobleman called
Nicholas; he leads a completely
solitary life, without any
descendants. He himself derives
his pleasure from Latin writings,
and sometimes he takes Dante in
his hands. Out of the mouth of
one of the marble figures of a
human being streams living water.
649
To the right and left the fathers

have placed a head of Marc
Anthony and Pompey, and there I
saw many beautiful pieces of marble
which had been taken there from
other buildings.
Gortyn:
Gortyn:
There is also a mountain there

separated from the other, with
a royal palace next to a river
on the north side. A water
conduit coming from the highland sprinkled the entire
city, which can be compared in
size with Florence, but which
had no walls.
In the middle of the city
stands a very high temple,
with brick walls. Close by,
between the palace and the
temple, there used to be a
remarkable church of Titus,
a disciple of the apostle
Paul, who came from Minas.
Traces of this church are
left, with the body of the
saint, which, however, I was
not able to find.
The river had a bridge of
amazing size, like a great
city square. Spread about the
city there are various busts
of idols and of saints. Alongside the river there are now
windmills. Between the houses
one sees marble columns on all
sides, either standing, or
lying on the ground.
To the side of the mountain I

found the largest city and
metropolis on the whole island,
Gortyn, where the famous, very
just king Minas gave judgement.
Alas, what shall I say, or what
shall I talk about, upon seeing
such a situation. Let all Cretans
lament such destruction and let
their wives, with their hair
hanging loose, never tire of
rending their garments! There was
a mountain standing separate
from the others, further north
and close to the water, and round
it were walls, where an undamaged
gate was still to be seen. The
Palace of Minas can be seen, its
decaying windows wide open, and
from there a water conduit
descended from the high mountain
and then sprinkled the whole
city, which is about as big as
our Florence, though Gortyn is
fuller, and has no walls. In
about the middle, between the
east and the south there now
stood a temple, its walls made of
brick. Near the river, towards
the north on the side where the
temple was, is the church of
Titus, the disciple of the
apostle Paul, who was descended
from Minas. Opposite this you
will see a bridge of amazing
size, which reaches to the
650
square near this church; and to

the east you will see two marble
busts of the apostles, of an
astonishing size. In the same
church lies the body of archbishop Titus, and because the
whole of this church now lies
on the ground, all mixed up, it.
cannot be found. In the city,
alongside the river, there now
stand fine windmills. I counted
the marble columns and stones,
upright or lying on the ground,
and there were 1400 of them;
and there were also endless
numbers of marble sheets and
tombs.
Labyrinth:
Labyrinth:
On the north side, close to

what was formerly the very
old city of Gnosia, two miles
inland, so it is said, is the
Labyrinth. The entrance to it
is steep; later it gets wider
and one path continues eastward for 200 paces; another
way going northward is said
to have no end. Many paths
apparently run into the main
path. At a distance of 1100
paces from the entrance there
is a spring, and next to it a
small lake. It is full of
rushes that grow in the waterfilled stone. Beyond this lake
a long path can be seen, which
nobody, or only few people,
dare to go down. Everywhere
in the cave live many bats,
and it is dangerous walking
there because of large stones
falling down. And from the
the entrance to the cave you
come to ...
Two miles inland on the north

side, close to the once important city of Gnosia, is the
Labyrinth. The entrance to it
is narrow, but after that it
gets wider; there is a path that
goes 200 paces eastwards, another goes north, and it appears
to the people there to have no
end. Many paths have been found
that cross each other, and 1500
paces from the entrance there
is a spring, next to which you
can find a small pool with
rushes round it.
On the left you will see an
enormous pillar. Behind the
spring there is a path, but
nobody or only a few people,
formerly went along it. Everywhere there are the arms and
the names of those who went in
there, and there are many bats
to be seen. It is extremely
dangerous to walk through this
labyrinth, for every now and
651
then enormous lumps of stone

hanging from the ceiling of the
passages fall down and often
obstruct obviously every
passage way. Knowing all this,
Nicholas, you must not think
that this is, what people believe
to be the labyrinth, for the
stone taken from this mountain
strongly resembles the stone of
the ancient city, and as in
various parts of this island
there are innumerable caves and
underground passages from similar
quarries to be found, I have
sought all over this island for
the artificial cave which the
ancient authors called the
labyrinth, but nowhere I have
found it.
652
BUONDELMONTI; LIBER INSULARUM
Corfu:
Du cote est, jusqu'a Corfou et au dela, en allant vers le
nord, s'etend une plaine tres riante et habitee par une
population nombreuse. On y voit maintenant encore la ville
antique de Corcyre, embellie de sculptures variees et de colonnes de tous styles.
Mons Phalacron, Dodona, ship of Odysseus:

On aper9oit, de cette ville, une tres haute montagne appelee Phalacron, du sommet de laquelle on decouvre, dans une
plaine, la foret de Dodone.
Au pied du mont Phalacron git un ecueil que les anciens
disaient ressembler au vaisseau d'Ulysse.
Nicopolis-Actium: Temple of Apollo:

Sur la droite, au pied des montagnes, on voit les ruines
d'une ville fort ancienne, qui possedait un antique temple d'
Apollon. Ayant aborde dans cette localite, le Troyen Enee y
laissa ses armes, comme le rapporte Virgile:
Mox et Leucatae nimbosa cacumina mantis
et formidatus nautis aperitur Apollo, etc.
Beaucoup plus tard, Auguste restaura, dit-on, cette ville,

y rebatit le temple d'Apollon et la nomma Nicopolis, apres
avoir vaincu dans ces parages Antoine et Cleopatre.
Ithaca, Val di Compare:

Dirigeons-nous maintenant vers Dulichia, anciennement
appelee Ithaque, et nommee aujourd'hui Val di Compare. Entouree
de tres hautes montagnes, cette ile est presque entierement
improductive et inhabitee; en effet, dans sa partie centrale
seulement une plaine exigue renferme quelques arbres et un
petit nombre de maisons. Elle possede, en revanche, beaucoup
de ports. Sa longueur, du nord au sud, est de trente milles,
sa largeur est de trois milles. Ses deux extremites, formees
1
cf. Vergil, Aeneid, Ill, 274-6.
653
par une echancrure, s'avancent comme deux cornes et sont fort

dangereuses pour les navigateurs.
Cythera: Statue of Aphrodite:

Nous abordons l'ile de Cythere, que tout le monde considere comme etant la premiere de celles qui se trouvent a 1'
ouest de l'Archipel. Elle est presque entierement montagneuse.
Elle possede une ville forte appelee Cythere, ou l'on rendait
a Aphrodite un culte particulier. C'est de cette ville que la
deesse et l'ile elle-meme ont tire leur nom. On y voyait une
statue d'Aphrodite, sculptee sous les traits d'une jeune fille
extremement belle, nageant dans la mer et tenant dans sa main
droite une conque marine; elle etait paree de roses et escortee de colombes voletant autour d'elle. Malgre tous ses charmes,
Aphrodite epousa Hephaestos, dieu du feu, qui etait grossier et
fort laid. Devant elle se tenaient debout trois jouvencelles
d'une merveilleuse beaute, appelees les Graces, dont deux la
regardaient, tandis que la troisieme lui tournait le dos. Pres
d'elle etait Eros, son fils, aile et aveugle, tenant un arc et
des fleches, qu'il decochait de loin a Apollon. Irrites de ce
mefait, les dieux contraignirent l'enfant, effraye, a chercher
un refuge dans le sein de sa mere.
Cythera:Statue of Aphrodite, allegorical

explanation:
AZZegorie. La planete nommee Aphrodite (Venus) est de

complexion feminine; et, pour cette raison, on la represente
sous les traits d'une jeune fille, attendu que la jeune fille
possede un temperament plut6t chaud et humide. Mariee a
Hephaestos, Aphrodite passe pour aimer la mer, parce que c'est
en combinant l'humidite et la chaleur qu'elle enfante Eros, le
dieu de l'amour, c'est-a-dire le plaisir charnel; car l'etoile
de Venus excite les hommes au coit.
Les trois jeunes filles symbolisent trois peches, savoir:
!'avarice, qui enseigne la recherche du gain dans l'acte
venerien; la luxure, qui enseigne l'oeuvre de chair; enfin,
l'infidelite, qui enseigne a se livr~r a l'amour par esprit
de lucre. Eros est dit aile, parce qu'il est prompt a survenir
et a opf~er l'union sexuelle; aveugle, parce que peu lui chaut
l'objet dont il s'eprend.
654
Cythera: Helen
raped by Paris:
C'est de Cythere que Paris, fils de Priam, enleva, avec

son consentement, Helene, femme de Menelas. Celle-ci s'etait
rendue par hasard, un jour de fete, dans un temple situe pres
du rivage et encore reconnaissable aujourd'hui. Quand ils s'
aper9urent l'un l'autre, leur beaute respective fut la cause
determinante de l'enlevement, lequel amena plus tard une
grande calamite. Car tous les chefs des Grecs s'empresserent
de se liguer contre les Troyens, dans l'intention de saccager
leur ville.
Crete: Hekatonpolis:
Cette ile possedait autrefois cent villes; et les fondations de plus de soixante d'entre elles subsistent encore aujourd'hui.
Crete: Tomb of Zeus near Knossos:

Etant venue a mourir, il fut enterre pres de la ville d'
Avlacra, bien qu'il passe pour avoir ete deifie au ciel.
Il y a dans l'ile de Crete une montagne qui parte le nom
de ce Jupiter et au pied de laquelle il y a, vers le nord, ainsi que le rapporte Ptolemee, une grotte creusee de main d'
homme, entierement blanche, longue de quarante coudees, large
de quatre, et ayant un orifice etroit; a l'extremite de cette
grotte, nous avons reconnue le tombeau de Jupiter, grace a l'
inscription qu' il parte, bien qu' ell.e soi t deja endommagee
par le temps.
A l'exterieur de cette grotte, on voit les ruines
considerables d'un temple.
Hierapolis: ru~ns and temple with inscription:

En poursuivant notre route vers le sud, nous apercevons
sur le rivage, du cote de l'est, Hierapolis, avec ses nombreux
edifices construits en marbres extremement grands et beaux;
il y a dans cette ville un temple grandiose sur le fronton duquel on lit en grec cette inscription: "Decouvre ta tete, lave
tes pieds et entre".
655
Messara-plain, Gortyn: Labyrinth:

Au sud, s'etend une vaste plaine, vulgairement appelee
Mesarea, vers le centre de laquelle on voit encore aujourd'
hui des restes considerables de Gortyne, ville celebre et la
principale de toutes celles du roi Minos; elle etait batie
avec art et pourvue d'aqueducs qui alimentaient tous ses
quartiers. J'y ai compte moi-meme deux mille colonnes et
statues renversees par le temps. Comme grandeur, elle est pareille a notre Florence.
Au nord, dans la montagne, est le Labyrinthe avec une
entree creusee par la nature; c'est la que Dedale avait
place le ~tinotaure et que le tua Thesee, grace a la ruse imaginee par Phedre, soeur de Dedale.
Rhodes, Colossus:
-Au temoignage des auteurs qui ont traite de l'antiquite,
cette enceinte etait protegee par deux cents tours, dont
chacune atteignait une hauteur de cinquante coudees et que le
Colosse dominait toutes de son imposante stature; car ce
Colosse avait soixante-dix coudees et portait une banniere
que l'on distinguait a une distance de quatre-vingts milles;
par son elevation, il faisait paraitre plus basses les parties
hautes de la ville. Toutefois, j'ai trouve moi-meme dans un
livre grec que, comme je l'ai deja dit, le Colosse etait une
statue en bronze de soixante-dix coudees, ayant au milieu de
la poitrine un grand miroir dont !'eclat etait assez considerable pour que les navires qui quittaient l'Egypte pussent 1'
apercevoir.
Rhodes: columns, capitals, coins, ceramics:

Il y avait, en outre, plus de mille autres colosses
dissemines par toute l'ile et dresses sur des colonnes; il y
avait aussi une grande quantite de colonnes ou etaient
sculptees des tetes pareilles a celle du cerf.
Nous trouvames a Rhodes, en nous promenant, [des monnaies
a] l'effigie de Cesar avec nombre de vases remplis de cendres
656
de cadavres brules. Ces vestiges conserves jusqu'a nos jours

temoignent suffisamment de l'extreme magnificence de cette
ville.
Rhodes: hoard of 500 statues:

On a recemment trouve dans une vigne, pres de Saint-Antoine
et de Saint-Sauveur, une cachette qui contenait cinq cents
statues de toute sorte.
Rhodes: medieval city:

Si done on la compare avec l'ancienne, la ville actuelle
est bien peu de chose et ne comporte pas meme la comparaison.
Elle regarde le levant et est divisee en quatre quartiers: le
premier est occupe par le grand maitre de l'hopital de SaintJean; le deuxieme par les freres dudit ordre; le troisieme
par l'hopital des chevaliers, edifice ou ceux-ci ont l'habitude de se reunir; le quatrieme et dernier est habite par les
marchands et par les Grecs.
Les Rhodiens sont generalement appeles Colossiens, et ce
nom leur vient du Colosse.
Rhodes: positive opinion about the island:

Rhodes est la plus agreable de toutes les iles de la
Mediterranee; elle a un perimetre de cent cinquante-quatre
milles. Tout son littoral accidental, a partir de la pointe
septentrionale jusqu'au sud, est entierement plat et possede
des villes et de nombreux villages.
Rhodes: wall across the island:

Du cote de l'est, pres de la mer, s'etendait, dit-on, tres
loin autrefois, a travers les montagnes et les forets, une
muraille batie en pierres enormes, laquelle separait l'ile en
deux parties: preuve evidente que Rhodes formait deux Etats
distincts.
657
Lindos: cult of Hercules:

Nous apercevons ensuite la forteresse de Lindos, ou l'on
offrait a Hercule des sacrifices suivant un rite different de
tous les autres; car on lui sacrifiait de la chair comme aux
autres dieux.
Rhodes: city with gardens and flowers:

Nous arrivons ensuite a la tres illustre ville de Rhodes,
ou les arbres sont si verdoyants et le paysage si agreable,
qu'elle charme les regards du spectateur par son merveilleux
panorama. Qui ne serait surtout frappe d'admiration a la vue
du magnifique jardin que les Florentins ont cree en cet endroit?
Letter of St. Paul to the Colocenses:

L'apotre saint Paul adressa une epitre aux Rhodiens, qu'
il nomme Colossiens, a cause du Colosse. Aujourd'hui encore,
on continue de les designer ainsi tant verbalement que par
ecrit, comme nous l'avons deja dit.
Melos: statue of Cybele with allegorical

explanation:
J'ai constate que Cybele etait honoree a Milo; car j'y ai
vu une sculpture qui la represente assise sur un char, coiffee
d'une couronne murale ornee de pierreries diverses; des galli
la suivaient; des lions roux trainaient son char et elle tenait
une clef a la main. Cybele designe allegoriquement la terre et
le char designe l'air, parce que la terre est suspendue en 1'
air; les roues designent l'instabilite et l'inconstance du
monde, qui tourne comme une roue; les lions symbolisent la
piete maternelle et la persuasion, car il n'y ani ferocite ni
cruaute qui ne cedent a l'amour maternel; l'ornementation de
pierreries indique, comme il a ete dit, que la terre est suspendue dans l'air, qui donne a toutes les pierres precieuses
leurs eclatantes couleurs; les galli sont les pretres de
Cybele, qui etaient eunuques et qu'on appelait Corybantes;
les couronnes murales symbolisent les villes qui sont par
toute la terre; la clef que la deesse tient a la main ne signi-
658
fie rien autre chose, je pense, sinon que la terre s'ouvre au

printemps et se ferme en hiver.
Siphnos: statue of Pan with allegorical

explanation:
On dit que Pan etait venere a Siphanos; c'est ce que confirme une statue de ce dieu situee sur une eminence et deja
endommagee par le temps. Quand saint Paul et les autres apotres
parcoururent ces iles et y precherent la parole divine, ils
detruisirent toutes les idoles. Les peintres et les sculpteurs
ont represente Pan cornu et rougeaud. Ses cornes indiquent la
partie superieure du monde; son teint rubicond, le feu et 1'
air; les etoiles qu'il a sur la poitrine symbolisent les astres
du ciel; les sept roseaux qu'il a dans la bouche, les sept
planetes; ses cuisses, les arbres et les plantes; ses pieds de
chevre, les animaux.
Seriphos: statue of Apollo:

Apollon etait venere a Serphini sous les traits d'un enfant. Quand on le represente avance en age, voici quels sont
ses attributs: il a sur la tete un trepied d'or; il porte d'
une main un carquois, un arc et des fleches; de l'autre, il
tient une lyre; il a a ses pieds un enorme dragon a trois tetes,
une de chien, une de loup et une de lion; pres de lui est un
corbeau voletant autour d'un laurier. Tels sont les attributs
de ce dieu.
Allegorical explanation of the statue of

Apollo:
En voici l'explanation allegorique: Apollon symbolise le
soleil, qui. le matin, est enfant, a midi, homme mfir, et, le
soir, vieillard. Il tient un arc et des fleches, parce qu'il
nous darde ses rayons; il porte une lyre, parce que, par sa
melodie celeste, il effemine les gens robustes; un trepied,
parce qu'il procure trois bienfaits a tous les habitants de
cet univers: la lumiere, la chaleur et la force interieure qui
agi t dans tous les e"tres vi vants; le monstre a trois tetes
659
designe les trois temps: le present, le passe et l'avenir;

la tete de chien symbolise l'avenir, car l'avenir seul, pareil
a un chien caressant, nous berce d'esperances; la tete de loup
indique le passe, parce que, semblable a un loup, le passe
ravit et s'enfuit; le tete de lion designe le present, parce
qu'il ne daigne pas fuir, mais se tient fixe comme un lion;
le laurier indique que la Vierge, signe du zodiaque celeste,
fait surtout sentir son influence en ete.
Andros:
ru~ns
and statue of Hermes:
Les evenement importants dont Andros a ete le theatre nous

sont reveles par les ruines encore actuellement existantes; car,
dans toute l'ile, on ne trouve guere que de grandes et magnifiques sculptures de marbre.
Nous savons que Hermes y etait autrefois honore; car sa
statue s'y trouve encore aujourd'hui;il est represente avec
des ailes, ayant entre les mains un sceptre autour duquel s'
enroulent des serpents; il parte un chapeau sur la tete (une
tete de chien) et a devant lui un coq. On represente Hermes
aile, parce que la planete de ce nom opere sa revolution a
des hauteurs fort elevees; on dit qu'il tient un sceptre somnifere, parce qu'il endort les hommes par la douceur de ses
paroles; il a une tete de chien, parce que, dans leurs discours, philosophes et orateurs mordent comme le chien; il
parte un chapeau avec un coq, parce que les marchands, en gens
serieux, circulent partout et savent agir conformement a leurs
interets.
Delos; attempt to erect an enormous statue:

Nous vimes a Delos, dans la pleine, un temple ancien orne
d'un grand nombre de colonnes, ainsi qu'une statue colossale,
gisant a terre et de proportions si considerables, que taus
ensemble, et nous etions plus de mille, nous ne ptimes le remettre sur pied avec les machines et les cordages de nos galeres.
Ayant done perdu tout espoir de reussir, nous la laissfunes a la
meme place.
Nous vimes, en outre, gisant egalement a terre, une foule
d'autres statues executees avec un art merveilleux, et d'autres
660
encore enfouies sous de petits tertres. Il y avait aussi de

nombreuses maisons, dont les portes et les fenetres etaient
tournees vers le temple. Au milieu de ces maisons s'elevait
une tour, dans laquelle, apres la destruction du temple et la
cessation de toutes les ceremonies du culte des idoles, les
habitants se retiraient pour prendre du repos. 2
Paros: Minois:
A l'ouest, se trouvait la ville de Minors, vis-a-vis de
l'ile Delphique: il en subsiste encore bon nombre d'edifices
avec colonnes et dans la pleine un temple de marbre immacule.
On voit, en outre, au pied de la montagne, une tres ancienne
forteresse construite avec des pierres enormes.
Naxos: statue of Bacchus:

La statue de ce dieu se trouvait, en effet, pres de la
ville; il etait represente assis sur deux tigres, enfant au
visage feminin, la poitrine nue, la tete ornee de cornes et
couronnee de pampre nouvellement pousse. On represente Bacchus
sous les traits d'un enfant, parce que, quand il est ivre, il
se comporte sans raison, comme un enfant; avec un visage
feminin, parce que les hommes pris de vin con~oivent le desir
de s'unir charnellement a la femme; sa nudite symbolise la
verite; ses cornes, l'autorite; et les tigres, la fureur que
cause l'ivresse.
Naxos: temple of Apollo:

Il existe dans quelques endroits, a Naxos, des mines d'or,
qui, faute d'ouvriers pour y travailler, restent inexploitees.
A l'ouest de l'ile, s'eleve un tres magnifique temple d'
Apollon, ou etait placee la statue de ce dieu. Dans le V01S1nage se trouvent l'emplacement des salines et une tour deja
ruinee par le temps.
Cos: house of Hippocrates:

On y trouve une multitude d'edifices en marbre et de
2
cf. Vergil, Aeneid, Ill, 79-82.
661
theatres qui font !'admiration des visiteurs, mais laissent

incredules les personnes qui en entendent seulement parler.
Hors de la ville, vers le nord et aux environs de l'etang,
se trouve la magnifique maison d'Hippocrate le celebre medecin.
Pres de cette maison, il y a une source et un etang nomme
Lambi, qui grossit en hiver et prend une extension considerable, mais se desseche en ete.
Le divin Hippocrate apprit son art aupres de son pere
Heraclide et de son grand-pere Hippocrate, mais il ne s'initia
pres d'eux qu'aux principes de la medecine, ce qui constituait
probablement tout leur savoir; quant a cette science entiere,
il l'apprit grace a sa nature divine et il surpassa ses aieux
autant par la noblesse de son ame que par !'excellence de ses
connaissances. Il descendait, dit-on, des dieux par la ligne
masculine et feminine; par son pere, il etait de la race d'
Esculape, et, par sa mere, de la race d'Hercule. Or le susdit Esculape etait medecin et enseigna la medicine a ses fils;
ils ordonna que les enfants l'apprissent de leur pere, afin
que la noblesse de l'art de guerir restat toujours dans la
famille et ne devint pas le partage des etrangers. Il leur
enjoignit, en outre d'habiter au milieu des Cyclades, a cause
de la temperature, mais de passer l'ete les montagnes de Cos.
Cos: legend about the daughter of Hippocrates:
Dans cette localite, se montra, il y a quelques annees,
comme je l'ai appris, un enorme serpent qui devastait tout; il
ne s'attaquait pas seulement aux animaux, mais encore aux gens.
Tous fuyaient epouvantes. Cependant un homme courageux osa,
pour le salut de la population, engager le combat avec le monstre. Lorsque, arme et a cheval, il s'elan9a contre le serpent,
celui-ci saisit le cheval entre ses dents et l'etendit mort sur
le carreau; mais, bien que prive de sa monture, le jeune homme
lutta vaillamment quelque temps et finit par tuer la bete.
On affirme que la fille d'Hippocrate apparait vivante, par
intervalles, qu'elle parle et raconte ses malheurs; qu'elle
prie, en outre, le createur de l'univers de la prendre en pitie et de mettre fin au chatiment qu'elle endure. Elle se montre, tous les six ou huit ans, dans le voisinage de la maison
paternelle, comme beaucoup de gens l'attestent, et pousse d'
une voix forte des cris lamentables.
662
Kalymnos: many ruins:

La prosperite de Calamos dans l'antiquite est encore actuellement attestee par le nombre et la grandeur des edifices
qu'on y trouve. Mais qui pourrait en dire la variete et le
caractere artistique? Car, dans toute l'ile, on ne voit presque exclusivement qu'une multitude d'oeuvres inimitables.
Samos: many
ru~ns:
a statue of Juno:
Au sud, dans une plaine voisine de la mer, il y avait une

ville des plus magnifiques, dont il reste une telle multitude
de ruines et de colonnes que l'on pourrait a peine les enumerer
en une journee. Cette ville possedait, dit-on, un tres grand
temple de Junon, soutenu par une merveilleuse colonnade. On
voit encore aujourd'hui, non loin de la, une statue de la deesse.
Tenosa: ruins:
Nous quittons ces iles privees de port de d~pourvues d'
habitants, et nous nous rendons avec plaisir a Tenosa, que nous
n'abordons pas, toutefois, sans beaucoup de peine. Nous y trouvames parmi les epines et les haies des vestiges d'antiquites.
Chios: tomb of Homer:

On peut y ajouter une autre forteresse avec la Campagne
d'Homere, ou l'on voit le tombeau de ce poete, monument endommage par son excessive vetuste; mais, n'ayant sur ce sujet
rien de veridique a dire, je laisse a ceux qui viendront apres
moi le soin de tirer la chose au clair.
Chios: Nea Moni:

La Nea-Moni est situee dans les montagnes. Ce monastere,
ou plus de trente religieux se consacrent au service de Dieu,
possede une eglise d'une architecture si admirable que je suis
incapable de la decrire. On y voit aussi une citerne construite
avec un art merveilleux. Taus les passants sont heberges gratuitement a la Nea-Moni.
BUONDEUIONTI; LIBER INSULARUM
663
Lesbos: Mytilene:
Il y a sur les cotes de cette ile plusieurs villes fortes.
La plus considerable est Metelin, qui fut dans l'antiquite une
grande et tres puissante cite. Son enceinte, en effet, depassait
quatre milles, bien que presentement elle soit reduite a un
perimetre fort exigu.
Lesbos:
ru~ns:
Au sud de cette magnifique ville se dressent quatre colonnes, avec de superbes edifices et des galeries souterraines,
baties anciennement avec une methode et un art merveilleux.
Troy- Hellespont:
Si l'on dirige ses regards du cote de la plaine de Troie,
on aperyoit distinctement de nombreuses ruines de cette ville.
Nous penetrons enfin sur la gauche et par une etroite
embouchure dans l'Hellespont, a l'entree duquel nous trouvons
les Dardanelles. Dans la plaine voisine de cette ville on voit
une quantite de colonnes debout. La grande cite de Troie
occupait, a mon avis, l'espace compris entre le susdit detrait et les Dardanelles.
Gallipoli: sultan Murad I and his liberality:

Un paysan, qui labourait la terre avec sa propre charrue,
trouva un vase rempli d'argent et le porta aussitot avec sa
voiture au susdit veritablement grand Mourad. Celui-ci, a la
vue des pieces d'or, demanda aux plus ages de son entourage
quel etait le prince dont elles portaient l'effigie; mais,
comme ils ne purent le dire (car elles etaient fort anciennes),
Mourad parla ainsi au paysan (qui n'admirerait la noblesse de
cette ame~): "Mon brave homme, cette effigie n'est pas la
mienne, ni celle d'aucun de mes aieux; c'est pourquoi il ne
me parait pas juste de m'approprier la trouvaille d'un autre.
Elle t'appartient, prends-la done et retire-toi en paix".
664
Nicomedia: discovery of a very rich tomb;

ru~ns:
Au dela de ces iles, vers l'est, il y a, pres de la mer,

une grande ville nommee Nicomedie, ou l'on ne voit presque
rien, sauf des edifices de marbre tombes de vetuste. C'est
dans cette localite qu'un bouvier trouva un cercueil renfermant le corps d'un prince avec une couronne, un sceptre et une
epee doree. Quand, par ordre de l'empereur (car on l'avait
informe de cette decouverte), on essaya de tirer le cadavre
du cercueil, il s'en alla en poussiere.
Constantinople: name of the city, foundation

by Constantine:
Nous arrivons maintenant a la tres infortunee ville de
Constantinople. Bien qu'elle ne forme pas une ile, nous ne
manquerons pas, puisque nous sommes venu jusque-la, de lui
consacrer quelques lignes, afin le lecteur puisse s'en former
une idee.
Le nom qu'elle porte lui vient de Constantin, son fondateur. Ce prince l'ayant reunie a Byzance, en fit une immense
cite. Les empereurs ses successeurs l'embellirent d'eglises
et d'edifices magnifiques, principalement Justinien, le legislateur, qui fit construire Sainte-Sophie, un palais et un
hippodrome.
Shape and size; walls of the city:

Constantinople a la forme d'un triangle et un perimetre
de dix-huit milles. La distance du premier angle, celui de
Saint-Demetrius, a l'angle des Blaquernes est de six milles,
et dans cet espace se dressent cent dix tours; des Blaquernes
a la Porte Doree, il y a cinq milles, avec un double mur et
un fosse rempli d'eau. Le mur, qui est tres eleve, porte
quatre-vingt-seize tours. Enfin, de la Porte Doree a SaintDemetrius, il y a sept milles et cent quatre-vingt-dix-huit
tours.
Dans tout ce parcours, une plaine s'etend sous les murs.
BUONDELMONTI; LIBER INSULARUM:
665
Bucoleon harbour; bones of the murdered Franks;

La se trouvait jadis le port de Vlanga, ou, mus par un
sentiment soit d'envie, soit de crainte, les Grecs donnerent
insidieusement la mort a cinquante mille Francs, en leur faisant manger du pain compose de chaux et de farine. Les innombrables ossements de ces malheureux attestent encore aujourd'
hui leur triste sort.
Constantinople: imperial palace, Nea, Pharos,

street bordered with columns:
Non loin de la est Contoscali, ou se trouve le chantier
maritime. Venait ensuite, sur les murs, le fameux palais de
Justinien, avec une merveilleuse eglise consacree aux Neuf
legions d'Anges, laquelle, tant a cause de sa magnifique architecture et de ses paintures en mosaique d'or que de son pavage
dispose avec un art admirable, est fameuse en tous lieux.
Dans le voisinage de cette eglise, sur une eminence, pres
de la mer, il y avait une vigie d'une hauteur colossale et qu'
on apercevait de fort loin. Cet edifice etait entierement construit en marbre, comme on peut s'en convaincre encore aujourd'
hui par les ruines qui en restent dans la mer, ou i~ s'est
ecroule de vetuste. La aussi, il y a un tres petit part, dit
Port de l'Empereur.
Une route longue d'un mille, avec une double colonnade,
conduisait du Grand Palais a Sainte-Sophie; c'est par cette
route que passait l'Empereur.
Hagia Sophia:
Autour de Sainte-Sophie, il y avait des logements pour huit
cents clercs, qui recevaient, dit-on, a titre de provende, tous
les revenus de la Sicile.
Il ne reste plus actuellement que le dome de l'eglise;
toutes ses dependances sont tombees en ruines et aneanties. Sa
hauteur, a partir du sol jusqu'a la voute, est de cent trentequatre coudees; et celle des fondations, depuis le bas, ou se
trouve la citerne de l'eglise, jusqu'au niveau du sol, est de
vingt-deux coudees. D'un angle a l'autre de l'eglise, la distance est de cent vingt coudees. L'eglise est ronde par le haut et
666
absolument carree a sa base. Mais qui pourrait enumerer la

variete de ses porphyres et de ses marbres, la magnificence de
ses mosaiques d'or diaprees de couleurs et de dessins? Car je
ne sais vraiment pas ou commencer!
A l'exterieur de Sainte-Sophie, du cote sud, se dresse une
colonne de soixante-dix coudees de hauteur, sur le sommet de
laquelle est une statue equestre en bronze de Justinien, tenant
dans sa main gauche une pomme d'or, regardant vers l'est et
menacant de sa main droite.
'
Hippodrome:
Pres de cette colonne se trouve une rangee de six autres
grandes colonnes, au dela desquelles, vers le sud, s'etend 1'
hippodrome (en latin equi cursus), ou les noblesse reunissaient a cheval pour jouter en presence de la foule; on y donnait
aussi des duels et d'autres combats pour !'amusement du peuple.
L'hippodrome a cinq cent quatre-vingt-dix coudees de longueur
et cent vingt-quatre de largeur. Il est entierement bati sur
des colonnes, car au-dessous du sol il y a une citerne d'eau
excellente, de grandeur egale a !'hippodrome lui-meme. En tete
de !'hippodrome, se dressent vint-quatre colonnes, sur lesquelles prenaient autrefois place l'Empereur et les grands
dignitaires; sur les deux cotes etaient des gradins de marbre
destines au peuple; la multitude assise sur ces sieges voyait
sans fatigue tout ce qui se passait dans l'arene.
Au milieu de !'hippodrome, il y avait un mur peu eleve,
qui le divisait dans toute sa longueur. Du cote de SainteSophie, ce mur etait perce d'innombrables fenetres, auxquelles
les femmes se tenaient pour regarder ce qui leur faisait plaisir.
Baths: hospital - obelisk of Theodosius:

Au commencement de ce mur, se trouvait le Grand-Bain, ou
l'on deposait les blesses.
BUONDELMONTI; LIBER INSULARU:M
667
Passe ce bain, on voit une pyramide de marbre, monolithe,

reposant sur quatre cubes de bronze, haute de quarante-quatre
coudees et portant graves sur sa base les vers suivants:
K(ova. -cs-cpin:..\supov, Ent. XOOVt. XE:l~V axoo~, l.J.OUVO~ a;v:xa-cfja:x.t.
8so66aw~ Saat.A.su~ -coA.uf}a:x.~, IIp6xA.cv E:n:sxExA.s-co, xa.t. -c6oo~
EmTJ x(wv f]sA.(ot.~ tv -cpwxov-ra.66o.
Serpentine column;
Non loin de cette pyramide se dressent trois serpents de
bronze entrelaces; de leurs gueules ouvertes sortaient, diton, de l'eau, du vin et de lait destines aux combattants, mais
seulement les jours ou les joutes avaient lieu.
Stone obelisk; imperial loge:

Il y a encore, sur ledit mur de separation, une autre pyramide composee d'un grand nombre de pierres et haute de
cinquante-huit coudees. Et, a l'extremite de ce mur, se
dressent quatre colonnes basses, sur lesquelles l'Imperatrice
se pla9ait les jours de fete et d'ou elle dominait la foule.
Ce fut Theodose qui fit elever tous ces monuments dans
cette illustre ville, ainsi que beaucoup d'autres edifices dignes d'eloges.
Monumental columns:
On trouve encore ajourd'hui a Constantinople d'innombrables colonnes, parmi lesquelles cinq sont particulierement
remarquables pour leur hauteur; car chacune d'elles mesure
cinquante-six coudees. Ce sont, d'abord, la colonne de
Justinien; ensuite celle de la Croix, pres de laquelle se
dressent quatre colonnes de porphyre, qui portaient autant
de chevaux dares, que les Venitiens prirent et transporterent
jadis dans leur patrie, et qu'ils placerent dans l'eglise de
Saint-Marc . Les colonnes sont seules restees. La troisieme
et la quatrieme colonne sont presque au centre de la ville et
668
BUONDELMONTI; LIBER INSpLARUl\1
offrent la representation des hauts faits des Empereurs.
Hagii Apostoli church with imperial tombs:

Pres de l'eglise des Saints-Apotres se dresse la cinquieme
colonne, dont le sommet porte un ange de bronze et Constantin
a genoux.
Ladite eglise, deja ruinee par le temps, renferme les
somptueux tombeaux des Empereurs tailles dans du marbre pourpre,
notamment le vast sarcophage de Constantin. On y voit la
colonne a laquelle le Christ fut attache pour la flagellation.
Monasteries with famous relics:

On conserve, au monaster~ du Pantocrator, la pierre sur
laquelle Joseph ensevelit le Christ dans un suaire propre; au
monastere de Saint-Jean-de-Petra, les vetements du Christ, et
avec eux le roseau, l'eponge, la lance, la couronne d'epines,
des poils de la barbe du Sauveur. Toutes ces reliques sont
soigneusement placees dans un endroit bien protege.
Cisterns:
Constantinople possede, en outre, d'admirables eglises,
de vastes ci te.rnes construi tes avec un art inimitable, mais
que le temps, qui vient a bout de tout, a deja reduites en
ruines. Dans chacune d'elles on a plante des vignes, qui
donnent annuellement quatre tonneaux de vin. Ce sont les
citernes du susdit Saint-Jean, du Pantocrator, des SaintsApotres, de Mahomet, dans laquelle les colonnes sont rangees
avec un art si parfait, que la description en paraitrait
difficile a croire, et plusieurs autres encore.
La principale et la plus vaste des eglises est celle de
Sainte-Sophie, que Justinien fit construire en quinze annees.
Viennent ensuite d'autres eglises qui different entre elles
en grandeur et en beaute. Telles sont: Saint-Georges-deMangana, Sainte-Irene, Saint-Lazare, la Mere-de-Dieu, les
Neuf legions d'Anges, Saint-Pierre-et-Saint-Paul, les
Quarante-Martyrs, avec une citerne d'eau excellente, dont on
ignore la profond.eur, tant elle est considerable, Sainte-
669
Anastasie, la Perivleptos, Saint-Jean-de-Studium, Saint-Andre,

les Blaquernes. Il y a encore a Constantinople beaucoup d'
autres magnifiques eglises, que tout le monde aurait de la
peine a enumerer, mais moi surtout qui suis un etranger nouvellement arrive dans cette illustre ville.
Decay of the city; small number of inhabitants:

Les Constantinopolitains sont fort peu nombreux et hostiles
aus Latins, vis-a-vis desquels ils n'observeront jamais une paix
certaine et durable, en eussent-ils fait dix mille fois la
promesse.
Cette ville autrefois si belle fut un veritable palais ou
regnerent la sagesse et le bon ton. Aujourd'hui, oublieux de
leur ancienne gloire et devenus grossiers, les Grecs ne s'appliquent plus qu'a satisfaire leur gourmandise; c'est la leur unique souci. Aussi,l'enorme consommation de poisson et de viande
qui se fait a Constantinople est-elle cause que le quart de la
population est affecte de la maladie sacree. Les Grecs ont, en
outre, abandonne les enseignements de saint Jean Chrysostome,
de saint Jean Damascene et autres saints Peres renommes pour
leur vertu et leur savoir.
Galata/Pera: important and prosperous Genoese

settlement:
Au nord, se trouve Galata, la ville des Genois, distante
de huit milles de Constantinople, dont elle est separee par la
Corne-d'Or. De cet endroit, il y a dix-huit milles jusqu'a l '
embouchure du Pont-Euxin, laquelle est si etroite que taus les
navires qui la franchissent courent le plus grand danger.
(Mount Athos: description of the monastic life

ln the various monasteries).
Negropontum:
Vis-a-vis du duche d'Athenes, au nord, git l'ile anciennement appelee Eubee et aujourd'hui Negrepont, qui est reliee
au continent par un long pant, sur lequel s'eleve une tour
670
tres fortifiee. Deux fois par jour, il se produit, sous ce pont,

une mouvement des eaux si impetueux que c'est chose merveilleuse
a voir, car il est aussi rapide que le vol d'une fleche. La
profondeur est enorme dans cet endroit. En tete de ce pont ce
trouve la ville qui parte le meme nom que l'ile et passe pour
la plus riche cite de cette region.
Cette ile s'oriente de l'est a l'ouest; elle a une longueur de cent milles et un perimetre de trois cents milles.
La ville de Negrepont est situee au sud. Elle appartenait
autrefois aux Lombards, mais c'est aujourd'hui une possession
venitienne.
ZOSIMOS
1421
671
Zosimus.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Constantinople.
Visit to
Russian deacon from the Sergius monastery

(Moscow).
pilgrimage to Constantinople and the Holy
land.
1419-1421 (or later).
1421 (Zosimus was present at the elevation
of John VIII Palaeologus as eo-emperor).
Constantinople - Athos - Thessalonica.
Remarks
special attention to the monumental

columns in Constantinople.
Text
1 MS. in Leningrad, formerly Bibliotheque

imperiale de Saint Petersbourg, fonds
Tolstoy, XVII Q. no. 76, ff. 73-92.
(16th c.). Two other manuscripts are
known, but have been lost.
Edition

Mme. B. de Khitrowo~ Geneva, 1889, pp.
197-221.
Constantinople: statue of Justinian I:

Devant l'entree de Sainte Sophie s'eleve une colonne sur
laquelle se tient l'empereur Justinien a cheval; le cheval
ainsi que le cavalier sont en airain. Il regarde l'orient &
sa main droite etendue menace les rois Sarrasins. Et les rois
Sarrasins [representes] par des idoles en airain, sont debout
devant lui, leur tribut en main, & lui disent: "Ne nous menace
pas, seigneur! nous commencerions a nous defendre." Dans 1'
autre main il tient comme une pomme en or surmontee d'une croix.
Hippodrome with obelisk of Theodosius:

Plus loin, a la distance d'une portee de fleche, se trouve
Il y a la une colonne sur un piedestal; cedernier a la hauteur de trois hommes environ; quatre soutiens en
marbre y sont poses sous la colonne, qui est d'une seule piece
l'Hippodrome.
ZOSIMOS
672
1
soixante sagenes de hauteur & de trois 2 de largeur. Et toi,

homme, que ceux qui l'ont elevee ne te surprennent pas: c'etaient des artistes.
Hippodrome: serpentine column

A cote, se trouve une colonne en bronze [composee] de trois
tetes d'aspics reunies. Le venin des serpents y est scelle, &
si quelqu'un dans l'interieur de la ville est mordu par un
serpent, il lui sussit d'y toucher pour etre guer1; si, au
contraire, c'est arrive hors de la ville, la guerison n'a pas
lieu.
Un peu plus haut que !'Hippodrome s'eleve une colonne surmontee d'une croix, indiquant !'emplacement du palais de 1'
empereur Constantin; les douze fragments (des pains multiplies
par] le Christ, la hache de Noe avec laquelle il construisit 1'
Arche & la pierre dont Moise fit sortir de l'eau y sont scelles.
'Prophetical' column of Arcadius:

C'est du cote du couvent de Stoudios que se trouve la
colonne entierement couverte d'inscriptions concernant tout ce
qu'il y a dans le monde, qui a ete elevee par l'empereur
Arcadius en sa propre memoire.
Column with statue of an angel near the Hagii

Apostoli:
Devant la grande porte de l'eglise s'eleve une tres haute
colonne, sur laquelle est place un ange terrible & grand, qui
a en main le sceptre de Constantinople 3 &, vis-a-vis de lui,
se trouve l'empereur Constantin tenant dans ses main la Ville
imperiale & la remettant sous la garde de l'ange.
1
(six)
d'une
ZOSIMOS
673
Constantinople: situation:
La Ville imperiale est triangulaire; deux murailles
s'elevent du cote de la mer & la troisieme du cote de l'occident [pour defendre la ville] contre les assauts.
Dans le premier angle, en venant de la Mer Blanche, se
trouve le couvent de Stoudios; dans le deuxieme celui de Sainte
George. C'etait jadis une petite ville, appelee Byzantine~ visa-vis de Scutari. L'endroit qu'on nomme Scutari est un marche
sur le rivage oppose de la mer; les Turcs s'y assemblent d'un
cote & les Grecs & les Francs d'un autre & stipulent des
marches ensemble.
Dans le troisieme angle, est situee l'eglise des
Blachernes; non loin du port, un peu au-dessus de l'eglise, se

trouve le palais, &, au dela du port, la ville franque qui
est tres belle.
GHILLEBERT DE LANNOY
674
1421
Ghillebert de Lannoy.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
Text
Edition
Burgundian nobleman.
ambassador of Philip the Good and the king
of England to southeastern Europe and
the Levant; preparations for a crusade
against the Turks.
1421-1423.
1422.
Constantinople and Gallipoli.
Ch. Potvin,
Lannoy~
Oeuvres de GhiZZebert de
dipZomate et moraZiste~
voyageur~
Louvain, 1878.
Gallipoli:
Gallipoly est situee ou destroit de Rommenie, sur la
Grece, et est ville tres grande, non fermee, et y a ung chaste!
assis assez pres de la mer, quarre, a huit petites tours, et
sont fondees sur haultes douves, 1 quiriez en quarrure. Et sont
les fossez d'entour par devers la terre, haulz, sans eaue,
comme il samble, et ceulz par devers la mer sont bas et y a de
l'eaue. Et droit dessoubz le chaste!, sur la mer, y a ung bon
petit port pour gallees et pour toutes petittes fustes. Et,
pour celui port garder, y a une tres belle grosse tour quarree
sur la rive de la mer, tout bas sur la terre ferme, vers le
chaste!. Et d'autre bende, y a ung mur, fait en la mer, qui
clot ledit port avec aucuns longs peulz 2 et moyennant lesdis
peulz n'y remaint fors 3 une petite entree par ou les galees
entrent et n'y a point de chaienne. - Item~ y avoit oudit port,
quant je y passay, quatre galees et moult grant nombre de petis
1
dounes
pieux
3
sinon
GHILLEBERT DE LANNOY
675
vaisseaulz passaigiers et petites fustes. Et y ont les Turcqs

communement tous leurs plus grans povoirs de galees et de
fustes plus qu'ilz n'ont nulle part aillieurs. - Item~ droit
a l'opposite dudit Galipoly, entre la mer appellee le destroit
de Rommenie, sur la Turquie, y a une tres belle tour ou les
Turcs font communement le passaige de l'un pais a l'autre. Et
est en ce lieu la la mer estroite environ de trois a quatre milles
de large. Et qui auroit ledit chastel et port, les Turcs n'auroient nul sceur passaige plus de l'un a l'autre et seroit
leur pays qu'ilz ont en Grece comme perdu et deffect. -Item~
y a, de Constantinoble a Gallipoly, cent et cincquante milles,
et y a devant ledit Gallipoly, lieu, mer et fons assez sceur 4
et competent a sourdre 5 et mettre l'anchre pour grosses naves
non obstant ce qu'il n'y aye pas droit port pour icelles.
Contantinople:
Et me fist monstrer sollempnellement les dignes relicques
dont plusieurs en y avoit en la cite et mesmes aucunes precieuses qu'il avoit en sa garde, sy comme le saint fer de la
lance et autres tres dignes.
Et me fist monstrer les merveilles et anciennetez de la ville
et des eglises. Laquelle ville est en trepier assise sur la mer
et a dix-huit milles de tour.
4
5
une lieue en mer, fonds assez sceur.

s'enradre.
676
1427
JOHANN SCHILTBERGER
Johann Schiltberger.
Title
Author/Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
German soldier, who was made captive

in the Battle of Nicopolis (1396); he
escaped from the Turkish compulsory
service to Constantinople and returned
from there to Germany in 1427.
1396-1427.
1427 (and before, during his stay in

Turkish service).
Constantinople - Thessalonica Adrianople - Gallipoli - west coast of
Asia Minor.
Remarks
Schiltberger gives a tale about the

statue of Justinian I which cannot be
found elsewhere.
Text
4 MSS. dating from the second part of

the 15th century, in Nurnberg, Heidelberg, Donaueschingen and a fragment at
Sankt Gallen. All these MSS. are copies,
the original book has been lost.
- *J. Buchan Telfer, The Bondage and
Editions
Travels of Johann Schiltberger~ a

Native of Bavaria~ in Europe~ Asia
and Africa~ 1396-142?~ London, 1879.
- V. Langmantel, Hans Schiltbergers
Reisebuch~
Tubingen, 1885.
Constantinople and Pera, situation and size;

Golden Horn:
Constantinopel is a fine large city and well built, and is
quite eighteen Italian miles in extent at its walls, about which
it has fifteen hundred towers. The city is triangular, having
the sea on two sides. The Greeks call Constantinoppel, Istimboli, but the Turks call it Stampol; and opposite to the city,
is a city called Pera, which the Greeks call Kalathan, and the
Infidels call it the same. Between the two cities is an arm of
the sea, quite three Italian miles in length, and half [a mile]
JOHANN SCHILTBERGER
677
or more in breadth; and the arm is crossed from each side,

because the distance by land is far. The said city belongs
to Genaw.
Bosporus, Black Sea, Scutari:

The great Alexander cut through high rocks and mountains
fifteen Italian miles in length, and caused two seas to flow
into each other; and that which flows is called and is the
Great Sea, and it is also called the Black Sea, and the Tunow
and many other great rivers flow into it. In the said sea one
goes to Caffa, to Alathena, to Trabessanda, and to Samson, and
to many other cities and countries that lay around. The arm of
the sea [at] Constantinoppel is called Hellespant by the Greeks,
and the Infidels call it Pages. The Turks also have a shore across the sea, opposite to Constantinople, which they call
Skuter; there, the Turks cross the sea.
Troy:
Also not far from Constantinoppel by the sea, was Troya,
on a fine plain, and one can still see where the city stood.
Constantinople, imperial palace and Hippodrome:

The emperor of Constantinoppel has two palaces in the city;
one is very beautiful, and is much decorated inside with gold,
lapislazuli, and marbles. In front of the palace is a fine
square for tilting, and for all [kinds of] pastime that might
be desired in front of the palace.
In front of the palace is the statue of the emperor
Justinian on a horse; it is placed upon a high piece of marble,
which is a pillar. I asked a burgher of the city of what this
statue was made; he told me it was of bronze, and that both the
horse and the man was entirely of one casting. Some people of
the country say that it is of leather, and yet it must have
stood there quite a thousand years; had it been leather, it
678
JOHANN SCHILTBERGER
would not have stood so long, it would have rotted. At one

time the statue had a golden apple in the hand, and that
meant that he had been a mighty emperor over Christians and
Infidels; but now he has no longer that power, so the apple
has disappeared.
Imbros:
Not far from Constantinoppel there is an island called
Lemprie; in it is a mountain that is so high, it reaches to
the clouds.
Constantinople, Hagia Sophia:

At Constantinoppel is the most beautiful church, so that
nothing like it can be found in India; it is called Sancta
Sophya, and is covered all over with lead, and one can see
one's self on the walls inside the church as if in a mirror,
because the marble and lapis-lazuli on the wall is clear and
clean. In this same church is their patriarch with his priests,
and the Greeks and all those who are under the patriarch go in
pilgrimage, as we, for our sins, go to Rome. When Constantine
had finished the churches, he placed as an improvement in the
church, high up in the middle of the dome, five golden discs,
and each disc is as wide, large, and thick as a mill-stone;
but the emperor took down two during the great war which the
Turkish king Wyasit had with him, when he besieged Constantinoppel for seven years. I myself was at that same time with
the king in Turkey, and I have also seen the three discs [left]
in the church. The church of Sancta Sophia has three hundred
gates.
Impossibility to walk about the city:

I was III months at Constantinoppel in the house of the
patriarch, but I and my comrades were not allowed to walk
about the city, because they were afraid that the Infidels would
recognise us, and would take us before the emperor. I would
gladly have seen it (the city), but it could not be, because
the emperor had forbidden it, but even then we sometimes went
out with the patriarch's servants.
JOHANN SCHILTBERGER
679
Adrianopolis - Thessalonica:
I have also been in Greece; the capital is Adranapoli,
which city has fifty thousand houses. There is also a large
city by the White Sea in Greece, and it is called Salonikch;
and in this city lies Saint Sanctiniter, from whose grave oil
flows. In the middle of the church there is a well, and on his
day the well is full of water, but it is dry on every other
day in the year. I have been in this city.
Serres - Gallipoli:
There is also a mighty city in Greece, called Seres; and
all the territory that lies between the Tlinow and the sea, belongs to the Turkish king. There is a city and a fortress
called Chalipoli; there the high sea is crossed. I myself
crossed there, over to Turkey. This same sea is crossed to go
to Constantinoppel. I was three months in the said city where
people go over into Great Turkey.
Bursa - Ephesus - Smyrna:

The capital of Turkey is called Wursa. The city contains
two hundred thousand houses, and eight hospitals where poor
people are received, whether they be Christians, Infidels, or
Jews. Three hundred castles are dependant on this city, without excepting the chief towns which are herafter described.
The first is called Asia, in which is the grave of St. John
the Evangelist; it is in a fertile country called Edein in the
Infidel tongue; but the natives call it Hohes. The other city
and country that belongs to it, is called Ismira, and Saint
Nicholas was bishop there.
680
1431
MARIANO DA SIENA
Mariano da Siena.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece
Visit to
Text
Edition
(viaggio in Terra Santa?).

Italian noble from Siena.
1431.
1431.
Corfu- Modon -Rhodes.
Del viaggio in Terra Santa

fatto e descritto da Ser Mariano da
Siena nel secolo XV.~ Florence, 1822.
D. Moreni,
Corfu:
The island of Corfu is 300 miles in perimeter. The
Venetians are lords over the whole island. There are many
fortresses but there is only one city, which is called Corfu.
Greeks and Latins live there, and many Jews also reside there.
In the city there are two beautiful and very strongly fortified rocks.
Rhodes: one of the Thirty Pieces of Silver:

one of the thirty coins for which accursed Judas
sold his beloved master, Jesus.
BERTRANDON DE LA BROQUIERE
681
Bertrandon de la Broquiere.
1432
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
(Voyage d'Outremer?).
Burgundian noble.
pilgrimage to the Holy Land; at the
same time espionnage in Palestine and
the Turkish lands; preparation of a
crusade.
1432-1433.
1432-1433.
Archipelago - Constantinople - Pera Northern Greece (Adrianople, Serres,
Aenus, Trajanopolis).
Remarks
- important description of Constantinople

with special attention to the daily
life.
- description of some places in Northern
Greece.
Text
in various MSS; 1 luxurious copy in

Paris, B.N. MS. fr. 9087, dating from
1456; this book may be the copy of duke
Philip the Good.
Ch. Schefer, Le voyage d'Outremer de
Bertrandon de la Broquiere~ Paris, 1892.
Edition
From Corfu to Rhodes:

Et tant exploictasmes par entre les ysles que nous venismes jusques a l'ysle de Corfo ou il y a une asssez bonne ville
qui a nom Corfo ou est ung tresbeau havre et deux beaulx
chasteaux, tout aux Venissiens. Et de la venismes jusques au
pays de la Mouree a une ville des Venissiens qu'on nomme Moudon
qui est bonne et belle, ayant un moult beau havre. Et de la
venismes en l'ysle de Candie qui est tresbonne ysle et moult
fertile de biens. Et illec il y a un gouverneur de par la seignourie des Venissiens que len nomme duc. 1 Mais sa duchie ne
lui dure que trois ans. Les gens de ceste ville sont bonnes
gens de mer, et a en ceste ville ung petit havre ferme.
Item, de la, nous alasmes
in 1432 Marco Giustiniani.
a Rodes
l'une desdictes galees
682
et l'autre s'en ala en Cypre. Je descendy en Rodes seullement

pour veoir la ville: et n'eus pas d'espace d'aller veoir le
chastel pour ce que nostre gallee se partit tantost.
From Scutari to Pera (Galata):

Item, lendemain nous venismes a Escutary qui est ung
villaige sur le destroict que nous appelons le bras Sainct
George, au droit de Pere. Et la passay ledict destroict avec
les dis marchans, et y avoit des Turcs qui gardoient le
passaige et recepvoient l'argent du tribut qu'il falloit
baillier pour passer et passasmes en deux vaisseaulx qui estoient aux Grecs. Et a audit Escutary asses bon lieu pour chargier et deschargier gens et chevaulx, mais assy est il bien
aisie a deffendre la descendue, et y a des roches que on fortefieroit bien pour garder ledit passaige. Et de la arrivay a
Pere, et par la carte marine peut on veoir la largeur dudit
destroict.
Pera: prosperous city:

Pere est une ville moult grande qui est a la seignourie de
Jennes, qui adont se gouvernoit de par le due de Milan qui s'en
disoit seigneur. Elle ne me samble point a veoir bien forte du
coste de la terre, devers une eglise qui est prez de la porte
qui tire selon le bout du havre devers la terre. Et sont en
ceste ville tout la pluspart de Jennevois marchans, qui gouvernent ladite ville. Il y a ung potestat et aultres officiers a
leur maniere. Et y demeurent aussi des Grecz et Juifz; et est
une ville bien marchande et ont grant hantise avec les Turcs,
lesquelz ont en ladite ville une telle franchise comme il me fu
dist que se ung Crestien esclave se eschappoit desdis Turcs et
s'en venist la a refuge et lesdis Turcs l'envoient requerir, il
fauldroit que ilz leur rendissent. Il a, en ceste dicte ville
de Pere, le plus beau havre que je visse oncques et croy qu'il
soit es Chrestiens. Car les plus grosses carraques de Jennes y
peuvent venir mettre escale en terre comme plusieurs gens
s9avent; et pour ce, je m'en deporte de en plus parler.
(Meeting with the ambassador of the Duke of

Milan, Benedetto Folco da Forli).
683
Crossing of the Golden Horn:

Le lle jour que je fus arrive en Pere, je traversay le
havre qui n'est point large, mais il est bien parfond pour aler
veoir ladite cite de Constantinople.
Constantinople: situation; this city built

on seven hills:
Constantinoble est une cite moult grande et spacieuse,
faicte comme ung escu a trois poinctes de quoy l'une est sur
le destroit que nous appellons le bras Sainct Georges. Et a de
l'un des costes devers le midi, ung gouffre asses large qui
dure de la jusques a Gallipoly, et de !'autre, vers le north
est le havre. Et vueult on dire qu'ilz sont trois grosses citez
et en chascune a VII montaignes. C'est Romme, Constantinoble et
Anthioce. Au regard de moy, il me samble que Romme est plus
grande et plus reonde que Constantinoble. Et quant a Anthioce,
je ne la veiz que en passant et ne peus s9avoir combien elle
comprent, fors que les montaignes sont plus grandes que celles
de Romme et de Constantinoble. On dist aussi que ceste cite a
XVIII milles de tour en ses trois quarres. Et !'autre tiers
est sur la terre devers solei! couchant. Et est tresbien fermee d'asses bonnes murailles tout autour et, par especial, la
part qui est vers la terre; laquelle premierement de l'un
coing a !'autre qui sont VI milles, comme dit est, a ung fosse
tout cure, excepte a ung des boutz devers Pere, environ IIc pas
du palais qu'on appelle le Blaquerne pour ce que d'eulx mesmes
les fosses sont asses parfons pour une montaignete qui est au
devant. Et me fu dit que autresfois l'ont cuidie prendre par
icelle place. Et apres ces fosses, environ XVI ou XX piez, il
y a une fausse braye de bonne muraille et haulte. Et apres
sont les haultz murs de la ville, lesquelz sont beaulx et bons
et fors de ce caste.
Tale about the demolished palaces:

Et y souloit avoir aux deux deboutz deux beaulx palais et
fors, comme encoires il y peult ap~aroir par les murailles et
edefices qui y sont. Et me fu dit que ung Empereur les fist
abatre pour ce qu'il se trouva en dangier et prisonnier du
Grant Turc, lequel le volt contraindre de rendre la cite de
684
Constantinoble ou de le faire mourir. Lequel Empereur respondi

qu'il amoit mieulx mourir que faire ung si grant dommaige a la
Crestiente et que sa mort ne seroit point si prejudiciable
comme seroit la perte de Constantinoble, et ainsi eslut il la
mort. Et quant le Turc vit cecy, il luy fist dire qu'il fist
abatre les deux palais et la place qui est devant Saincte
Sophie et il le delivreroit, pensant mais que les ditz palais
feussent abbatus, que aisement apres il concquesteroit ladicte
cite. L'Empereur l'accorda et ainsi le fist faire comme il
appert encoires.
Bucoleon harbour; crypt with bones of

murdered Franks:
Il y a dedans ladite cite ung petit havre pour mettre Ill
ou IIII galees du caste du midi, asses pres d'une parte ou il
y a une montaignette des os des Crestiens qui partirent de
Jherusalem et de la terre de promission et d'Accre apres
Gaudeffroy de Billon, lesquelz Crestiens estoient en grant
nombre et vinrent sur le destroit de Constantinoble et les
Grecz qui les aloient passer, a mesure que ilz les avoient
menes en icelle place qui est bien avant en la ville, hors de
la veue des autres, ilz les tuoient tous. Et eussent tout tue,
se n'eust este ung page qui repassa devers les autres, et leur
dist vraiment que tous ceulx qui estoient passes estoient mors.
Et ainsi le demourant s'en ala autour de la mer Maiour en bien
grant nombre. Et vueult on dire que ce sont ceulx que l'on
appelle maintenant Cercays, Zigues, Gothlans, Avar et Mingrelins.
Et sont toutes ces gens cy gros Crestiens habitans autour de la
mer Maiour. Je n'en s9ay que par ouy dire, car il y a grand
piece que ce fu.
Constantinople, harbour;many open place 1n

the city:
Tout ainsi que les grosses carraques peuvent venir devant
Pere, semblablement font a Constantinoble. Et est ceste cite
cy faicte par villaiges et y a beaucop plus de vuyde que de
plain.
'
685
Hagia Sophia:
Il y a de moult belles eglises, c'est assavoir l'eglise
de Saincte Sophie qui est la maistresse eglise ou le patriarche
se tient et autres gens comme chanoines, laquelle eglise est
asses pres de la poincte, devers le solei! levant, et est
grande eglise faicte sur le reond. Et dist on, anciennement,
elle souloit avoir trois milles de tour. Mais maintenant, elle
n'est pas si ample; et estoit faicte par cloistres, dont il
y en a encoires trois et sont pavez de larges marbres, blancz
et lambroissiez. Et y a des partes d'airain haultes et larges.
Et puis y est le corps de l'eglise de trois estages tous d'une
fachon. L'ung est dessoubz terre, !'autre sur la terre et le
tiers est hault. Et va on tout autour ainsi que en maniere
d'un cloistre et est tout lambroissie et pave de large marbre.
Et sont les pilliers gros et de plusieurs couleurs.
Hagia Sophia: performance of a mystery play:

Je veiz un jour ledit patriarche 2 faire le service a leur
maniere auquel estoient l'Empereur, 3 sa mere, 4 sa femme qui
estoit une tresbelle dame, fille de l'empereur de Trapzonde~
et son frere qui estoit dispot de la Mouree. 6 Je attendi tout
le jour pour veoir leur maniere de faire, et firent un mistere
de trois enfans que Nabuchodonosor fist metre en la fournaise.
Hippodrome; playing horsemen:

Il y a devant ceste eglise de Saincte Sophie une moult
belle place, ou anciennement souloit avoir ung beau lieu en
maniere d'un palais cloz de belles murailles, comme il samble,
ou ilz souloient faire leurs esbatemens comme il me fu dit.
2
Josef II
Johannes II
4
Helena
5
Maria Comnena
6
Thomas Palaeologus
3
686
Et je y veiz le frere de l'Empereur dispot de la Mouree, a XX

ou XXX chevaulx. Chascun portoit son arc et couroit au long de
ladite place a cheval. Et jettoient leurs chapeaulx devant et
puis celluy qui povoit ferir le plus pres en courant, par
derriere, c'estoit le mieulx fait a leur guise. Aussi est ce
une de leurs habiletez et qu'ilz apprenent des Turcz. Et il y
a aupres de ceste poincte l'eglise de Saint George qui est
belle. 7
Et y a devers la Turquie au plus estroict une tour. Et me
samble que a cest endroict, le passaige n'est pas bien large.
Et en alant de l'autre coste devers le ponant, il y a ung moult
hault pillier de pierres quarrees ou il y a des lettres escriptes, lequel est bien hault et dessus est Constantin l'Empereur,
de metail sur ung grand cheval tout de fondure et tient le
sceptre en l'enchlenche main et a le bras droit tendu et la
main ouverte devers la Turquie et le chemin de Jherusalem par
terre, en signe que tout celluy pays jusques en Jherusalem luy
souloit estre obeyssant, et ne s9ay point en quelle maniere on
l'a peu mettre la dessus, veu la grandeur et le poix de quoy il
est.
Three columns upon which the horses of St.

Mark's cathedral, Venice, were placed:
Et asses pres dudit pillier en a Ill autres d'un renc,
chascun d'une pierre sur lesquelx souloit avoir trois chevaulx
dorez lesquelz sont maintenant a Venize.
Pantocrator church, tomb of Helena:

Il y a encoires une belle et gente eglise qu'on appelle
Pantheacrator ou il y a des religieulx qu'on appelle Kalogiros
et sont comme nous dirions moynes de !'Observance. Il y a aussi
7
St. Georgius in Mangana.
'
687
en ceste eglise les sepultures de saincte Helaine mere de

Constantin et de Constantin qui sont elevees de environ VIII
piedz de hault, chascune sur un reond pillier sur la fachon
d'un diamant pointu de IIII quarres. Et autresfois que on dist
que les Venissiens eurent grant puissance a Constantinoble,
ilz emporterent le corps de saincte Helaine a Venize lequel est
tout entier. Et dist on qu'ilz ne peurent oncques ouvrir celluy de Constantin et est asses vraysamblable, car on voit deux
grosses pierres qui sont rompues par la ou on le vouloit ouvrir. Et sont lesditz deux sepultures de la couleur de jaspre
sur le vermeil comme une brique.
Blachernae buildings:
Il y a encoires une autre eglise que on appelle la
Blaquerne pres du palais de l'Empereur et des murs du coste
de la terre, envers Pere, la ou sont les fosses que je dis
qui ne sont pas glacissez. Et me samble que ceste eglise cy,
qui n'est pas grande, d'autant qu'elle contient, est aussi
belle ou plus que nulle de toutes les autres, car elle est
pavee, paincte, lambroissiee et tout ce que faire se peut. Il
me samble qu'il n'y a riens a redire fors qu'elle est ung pou
mal couverte. Je croy bien qu'il y a des autres eglises ou je
n'ay point este.
(Weakness of the Greeks, power of the Turks

and Venetians in Constantinope)
Small area under the power of the Byzantine
emperor:
Et tout depuis la ville de Constantinoble jusques a ladite cite de Salubrie qui sont deux journees, si est en 1'
obeissance de l'Empereur, mais il n'y a que villaiges bien
povres. Et est ceste ville de Salubrie celle que le Turc n'a
oncques peu prendre, et toutes fois n'est elle point trop
forte de la part qui est sur la mer; et il y a ung pou de
havre qui est sur le gouffre entre Constantinoble et Gallipoly.
688
Adrianopolis; rich and important city, residence

of the sultan:
Item, de Zambry, je alay avec ledit ambaxadeur a Andrenopoly qui est une tresbonne ville et la millieure que le Turc
ayt en la Grec. Ceste ville cy est tresgrande et bien marchande et fort peuplee de gens. Et cy se tient le Seigneur
plus que en nulle autre ville de la Grece. Et est ceste ville
sur une moult grosse rivyere que l'on nomme la Marisse. Et
demeurent en ceste ville plusieurs marchans Venissiens,
Cathelans, Jenevois et Flourentins. Cy se tient le seigneur
de la Grece comme nous disons ung lieutenent, et avoit este
esclave du Turc.
Serres; battle of Pharsalus:

Item, je me party de ceste ville de Andrenopoly avec ledit Messire Benedicto pour aler devers le Turc qui estoit a
Lesseres, une grosse ville en Pirrhe vers ou fu la bataille
de Thessale de Jule Cesar et de Pompee, et passay ceste rivyere que l'on nomme la Marisse a bateaulx et alay en ung
villaige qui est pres de ladite rivyere.
Aenus: tomb of Polydorus:

Item, de cy je alay a une ville qu l'en nomme Ayne qui
fu jadis une grant cite du temps de Troye la grant et y souloit avoir ung roy et maintenant en est seigneur le frere du
seigneur de Matelin, lequel est tributaire au Turc; et est
ceste dite ville sur la mer et entre ceste grosse rivyere cy
en la mer, qui a bien deux milles de large.
Item, il y a une sepulture qui est sur une petite montaigne reonde et dient que jadis le Roy Priam envoya ung sien
filz moinsne qu'on appelloit Polidoire avec grant foison de
tresor a ce ray de Ayne, lequel, aprez la destruction de Troye,
tant pour crainte des Grecz que pour la convoitise du tresor,
l'avoir faict morir.
(Visit to the sultan with the Milanese ambassador).
689
Positive op1n1on about the Turks:

Et quant j'euz passe ladite montaigne, je vins en une
ville que l'en nomme Trajanopoly, jadis eddifiee par ung
empereur appelle Trajan, lequel avoit, ce disoient les Grecz,
une oreille ainsi que ung mouton et fu filz de celluy qui
eddifia Andrenopoly. Et fist cest empereur pluseurs autres
choses dignes de memoire. Ceste ville de Trajanopoly est pres
de la mer et de ceste rivyere que l'on appelle la Marisse et
a este asses grande ville et est toute abbatue et n'y demeure
que ung pou de gens; et y a en ceste ville ung baing que l'on
nomme eau saincte et est au pie d'une montaigne qui luy est
devers le soleil levant et la mer luy est devers midy.
PERO TAFUR
690
1437-1438
Pero Tafur
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
Andan9as e viajes de Pero Tafur por

diversas partes del mundo avidos.
Spanish noble.
pilgrimage to Jerusalem; at the same
time he was seeking information about
his family tradition at the Byzantine
court.
1435-1439.
1437-1438.
Peloponnesus - Crete - Archipelago Constantinople - west coast of Asia
Minor - Brusa - Athos - Thessalonica.
Remarks
Text
1 MS. in the Bibliotheca Patrimonial

at Salamanca.
- M. Jimenez de la Espada, Andancas e
Editions
important description of Constantinople in the late Palaeologian period.

- visit to Troy.
viajes de Pero Tafur par diversas

partes del mundo avidos (1435-1439)~
Madrid, 1874 (2 vols.).
- *M. Letts, Pero Tafur. Travels and
Adventures
See also
1435-1439~
London, 1926.
- Ch. Diehl, 'Un voyageur espagnol a

Constantinople au XVe siecle',
Melanges Gustave Glotz~ I, Paris,
1932, pp. 319-27.
- A. Vasiliev, 'Pero Tafur. A Spanish
Traveller of the fifteenth century
and his visit to Constantinople, Trebizond and Italy', Byzantion~ 7 (1932),
pp. 75-122.
- J. Vives, 'Andancas e viajes de un
hidalgo espanol (1436-1439) con una
descripci6n de Roma', Gesammelte Auf-
satze zur Kulturgeschichte

7 (1938), pp. 172-206.
Spaniens~
PERO TAFUR
691
Gulf of Corinth - Isthmus:

This day we passed the Gulf of Patras on the left hand,
and much enjoyed the sight of it. Here the city of Corinth is
situated, a very ancient place with magnificent buildings, now
much depopulated. This gulf strikes inland, and with the other
gulf which enters from the other side it forms the peninsula
of Morea, which in ancient times was called Achaia. It is
governed by the Emperor of Constantinople, and is the patrimony
of the eldest son whom they call Despot of Morea. These two
gulfs eat so far into the land that they say there is not a
space of two miles between them. An Emperor of Constantinople
once wished to make the peninsula into an island, but he
changed his mind on the advice of his counsellors. Nevertheless, he enclosed it with a very strong wall which can be seen
to this day.
(Visit to a group of monks on an island near Modon)

Modon:
On the fourth day we arrived at Modone, which lies between
that island and the island of Sapienza, and there we cast anchor
and landed in order to provision the ship, and to enable the
master and the passengers to transact certain business there,
for they were Venetians and the place belongs to Venice. There
are 2000 inhabitants, and the sea encloses it on both sides. It
is well walled and sufficiently strong, but flat. I saw there
numerous gardens supplied with all kinds of fruit, and the soil
is very productive, like that of Andalucia. Lodging is good,
the language is Greek, but the place is governed from Venice.
Koron:
Six miles away is Corone, which lies in the other gulf of
which I spoke. It is a large town and a powerful fortress.
Here also Greek is spoken, and it is likewise under the seigniory of Venice. The Venetians have these possessions in Morea
because they are vital for their trade. The people are very
wealthy, for these places are the ports of discharge for Greece
and the Black Sea for all classes of merchandise. We remained
there six days.
692
PERO TAFUR
To Candia v1a Cythera:

Then we sailed towards Candia, which was anciently called
Creta, where once King Agamemnon reigned, who led the Greeks
against the Trojans. We left the Archipelago on the left, which
is full of islands both populated and uninhabited, and among
them I saw the island of Cythera, which the Greeks call Cetril.
Here is was that Paris seized Helen and carried her off to Troy.
I saw also a mighty rock which is very smooth, but which rises
to a great height. In the midst of it is a cave, two hundred
fathoms high and more than that in depth.
Candia under Venetian domination:

From Modone to the island of Crete the distance is 350
miles, which we compassed in two days and two nights, after
which we arrived at the harbour of Candia, and because the
Latins of Crete know only the city of Candia they call the
whole kingdom by that name. The island is very fertile and
well supplied with excellent towns and fortresses. The language is Greek, and the government is from Venice. Each year a
Duke is sent as governor, and since, not long ago, the islanders rose against the Venetians, who had to send and recapture the place, an ordinance was issued that in a certain
part of the island nothing should be sown, nor should the
cattle be allowed to multiply. This was done to decrease the
prosperity of the people, since everything is so abundant
there.
Candia: Labyrinth near the city of Candia:

The city of Candia is very large, with many great buildings. They say that three miles away is that Labyrinth, made
by Daedalus, with many other antiquities.
Riches of the island of Candia:

The city is well built, with beautiful gardens and much
water. The harbour is remarkable, with an excellent mole made
artificially. There are also many wind-mills. At a certain
period of the year such multitudes of falcons pass over the
PERO TAFUR
693
island that they can hardly find anyone to buy them. We remained there three days, and then sailed for Rhodes leaving the
Archipelago and numerous islands on the left hand.
From Candia to Rhodes:

The distance from Candia to Rhodes is 300 miles. On the
third day we reached the island, and found there certain
galleys and ships belonging to the King of Aragon, but we
armed ourselves and displayed our pennons for Jerusalem, and
when they saw these they left us at once and sailed away.
Rhodes: palace of the Grand Master and Hospital

of the Knights:
The city of Rhodes is flat, but fortified with a moat and
wall, and on one side is a place apart where the Knights
Hospitallers of Jerusalem have their residence, which is
called the Collachium, and in it is the Hospital from which
they take their name. It is one of the most magnificent
houses of piety which I have ever seen, and, indeed, in the
matter of building and embellishments and supplies it could
not be improved. The Knights receive anyone who is sick, and
a patient dying there is absolved from sin and punishment,
and even for those who visit the Hospital there are certain
indulgences. This Hospital is situated just as one enters
the Collachium on the left hand, and it was built by Don
Anton de Fluvian, Grand Master of the Knights, who was a
Catalan by birth. From there we went to see the city passing
many streets and houses of the Knights, among them certain
hostels where foreigners eat and have their places of meeting,
each nation apart from the others, and a Knight has charge of
each one of these hostels, and provides for the necessities
of the inmates according to their religion.
Rhodes: Church of St. John with famous relics:

At the end of the Knights' quarter, on the left hand, is
the church of St. John, to which they constantly resort to say
their office, and where they hold their council. In this
church there are many relics, including, so they say, the
694
PERO TAFUR
basin in which Our Lord washed His hands, and a large share of
the money for which He was sold, some of the thorns, a nail of
the Cross, and many others, and when they elect the Grand Master,
the Knights swear on these relics that, truly and without
favour, they will elect the one most worthy to hold that
office. In front of this church is the house of the Grand
Master, an ordinary dwelling and not rich. There the Master
is attended by twelve Knights, called companions, who take
counsel with him and eat always at his board.
(Poor and sick are well received by the Knights).

The fertility of the island:
The island of Rhodes is reasonably well supplied with
bread and wine, and with gardens. Most of the gardens are
for the service of the Master's table, and he portions them
out among the twelve companions who are with him. There is
aslo a fortress in the island called Judigo. Much might be
related of this noble company of Knights, but I leave them
now to speak of other things.
Castelrosso: salt mines:

Driving before the storm, we ran towards Castelrosso and
reached there at three o'clock, and found that the galley had
left scarcely two hours earlier. We landed there in a good harbour, and climbed to the fortress and rested, as became us
after having escaped so great a peril. This castle belongs
to the Knights of Rhodes, and is part of the province of
Armenia, although an island. It is very rocky and no beast
can climb it. Below, at the entrance to the harbour, are
certain salt mines which are a source of great revenue to the
Knights of Rhodes.
(The death of the Grand Master and the choice of

his successor).
PERO TAFUR
695
Excursion from Chios to Troy:

I remained in this island of Chios for twenty days and
had nothing to do. I then departed for Turkey, which is only
a short distance away, to a place called Foja-Vecchi~, which,
they say, is one of the ports of Turkey, where there is a
Genoese settlement, and I found there a friend of mine whom
I had known in Seville, and I asked him, since he had some
influence with the Turks, to send one of his people with me
to Troy, and to hire horses for me, which he did. I travelled
by land for two days to that place which they say was Troy,
but found no one who could give me any information concerning
it, and we came to Ilium, as they call it. This place is situated on the sea opposite the harbour of Tenedos. The whole of
this country is strewn with villages, and the Turks regard
the ancient buildings as relics and do not destroy anything,
but they build their houses adjoining. That which made me
understand that this was, indeed, ancient Troy, was the sight
of such great ruined buildings, and so many marbles and
stones, and that shore, and the harbour of Tenedos over against
it, and a great hill which seemed to have been made by the
fall of some huge building. But I could learn nothing further,
and returned to Chios.
Mastic on Chios:
Here I found my ship refitted, and in two days we set
sail. The island of Chios yields much gum, and has been
populated by the Genoese, who took it from the Greeks, and
the rulers call themselves Mayoneses,
and since they cannot
defend the place, they pay tribute to the Genoese who raise
their standard there. The Genoese have need of that island for
their voyages to the Levant and the Dardanelles.
Mytilene - Tenedos, view on Troy:

We departed and put out to sea, ..... and came to the island of Tenedos, where we anchored and disembarked. While the
ship was being refitted we set out so see the island, which is
some eight or ten miles about. There are many conies, and it is
covered with vineyards, but they are all spoilt. The harbour of
Tenedos looks so new that it might have been built to-day by a
696
PERO TAFUR
masterhand. The mole is made of great stones and columns, and

here the ships have their moorings and excellent anchorage.
There are other places where ships can anchor, but this is
the best, since it is opposite the entrance to the Straits of
Romania [Dardanelles]. Above the harbour is a great hill surmounted by a very strong castle . . . . . .
No ship can enter the Straits without first anchoring there
to find the entrance, which is very narrow, and the Turks,
knowing how many ships touch there, arm themselves and lie in
wait and kill many Christians. From there one sees many buildings of Troy, and certain Greeks who live there can even give
some account of the place.
Through the Dardanelles - Gallipoli:

The next day we departed, and sailing on we entered the
Straits, which are very narrow. On the Turkish side the water
is very shallow. These Straits are called the Dardanelles, and
here was the door and harbour of Troy. On the side towards
Greece the water is very deep. Here stands the tower of
Vituperio where Achilles was found with Patroclus, or so they
say that wish it so. In this place the Straits are so narrow
that on a clear day one can see a standard raised on the other
side. So, passing through these Straits, and leaving certain
villages on the Turkish side and on the Greek side, we reached
the city of Gallipoli, a notable place, and a good harbour with
and excellent castle. This was the first place taken by the
Turks when they passed over into Greece, and they left the wall
and castle standing, which they did not do elsewhere, so that
if they chanced to be defeated they could be succoured from
there.
Sea of Marmara:
We departed from Gallipoli and came to the Sea of Marmora,
which is an inland circular sea of about eight leagues across,
and they call it Marmora, because from it came all the marble
for Constantinople, as well for the walls as for the city, and
it belongs to the Greeks. From there we came to a town called
Eregli, and to another called Silumbria, which two places the
Turks allowed the Emperor to retain in times past out of courtesy and for his support.
PERO TAFUR
697
First Vlew of Constantinople:

Departing from there, the next day at dawn, we saw a very
high mountain, more than a hundred miles off, and they told us
that it was St. Sophia, which is in Constantinople, and we came
to a place about two miles from the city where we remained that
night. The next morning I sent the boat to the city of Pera, to
give news of my coming to the captain of a ship, called Juan
Caro, a native of Seville, who was my good friend and whom I
knew to be there.
Hagia Sophia:
On the day following I went to the Despot, and asked him
if he would be pleased to direct that I should be shown the
church of St. Sophia and its relics, and he replied that he
would do it with pleasure, and that he himself desired to go
there to hear Mass, as did also the Empress and her brother,
the real Emperor of Trebizond. We then went to the church to
Mass, and afterwards they caused the church to be shown to me.
It is very large and they say that in the days of the prosperity
of Constantinople there were in it six thousand clergy. Inside,
the circuit is for the most part badly kept, but the church
itself is in such fine state that it seems to-day to have only
just been finished. It is made in the Greek manner with many
lofty chapels, roofed with lead, and inside there is a profusion of mosaic work to a spear's length from the ground. This
mosaic work is so fine that not even a brush could attempt to
better it. Below are very delicate stones, intermixed with
marble, porphyry, and jasper, very richly worked. The floor is
made of great stones, most delicately cut, which are very
magnificent. In the centre of these chapels is the principal
one which is very large; the height is such that it is difficult to believe that cement can hold it together. In this
chapel there is similar mosaic work, with a figure of God the
Father in the centre. From below it looks the size of an
ordinary man, but they say that the foot is as long as a spear,
and from eye to eye the distance is many spans in length. Here
is the great altar, and here one can see all the grace and
richness appertaining to geometry.
698
PERO TAFUR
A cistern of very large s1ze:

Beneath this chapel there is a great cistern which, they
say, could contain a ship of 3000 botas in full sail, the
breadth, height and depth of water being all sufficient. I
know not if such a statement can be supported, but I never saw
a larger in my life and do not believe that one exists.
Display of the most important relics:

The Despot and the others directed the clergy to bring out
the holy relics. The Despot keept one key, and the Patriarch of
Constantinople, who was there, the other. The third is kept by
the Prior of the church . . . . . . . . .
As we came out we saw at the door of the church a great
column of stone, higher than the great chapel itself, and on
the top is a great horse of gilded brass, upon which is a
knight with one arm raised, pointing with the finger towards
Turkey, and in the other he holds an orb, as a sign that all
the world is in his hand. One day it was blown down in a
great storm, and the orb fell from the hand, and they say that
it is as large as a 15 gallon jar, but from below it looks
like an orange, so that one can judge how high the statue is.
They say that to secure that orb, and to fasten the horse with
chains, to prevent its being blown down in the high winds,
cost 8000 ducats. This knight, they say, is Constantine, and
that he prognosticated that from that quarter which he indicated with his finger would come the destruction of Greece, and
so it was.
Area around the Hagia Sophia:

That day we were occupied until midday admiring that church
and its circuit. Outside this church are great squares with
houses where they are accustomed to sell wine and bread and
fish, and more shell-fish than anything else, since the Greeks
are in the habit of eating them. In certain times of fasting
during the year they do not only confine themselves to fish,
PERO TAFUR
699
but to fish without blood, that is, shell-fish. Here they have
great tables of stone where they eat, both rulers and common
people, together.
The icon of Mary painted by St. Luke:

(in the H. Mary Hodegetria):
The Despot and the Empress and her brother then returned
to the Palace, and I went to my lodging. The next day I went to
the church of St. Mary, where the body of Constantine is buried.
In this church is a picture of Our Lady the Virgin, made by St.
Luke, and on the other side is Our Lord crucified. It is painted
on stone, and with the frame and stand it weighs, they say,
several hundredweight. So heavy is it as a whole that six men
cannot lift it.
(The weekly procession with this icon through

the city)
Ruins of the Blachernae church:
There was a church at Constantinople, not so large as St.
Sophia, but, as they say, much richer, which St. Helena built,
desiring greatly to show her power. At the entrance were certain
arches which were very dark, and they say that people were found
there frequently committing the offence of sodomy, and one day
a thunder-bolt fell from Heaven and set fire to the church, and
not one of those who was surprised in that sin was spared. The
church they called Valayerna, and it is to-day so burnt that it
cannot be repaired.
Pantocrator church and monastery:

There is also a monastery, called Pentecatro, which belongs to the monks of ~he Order of St. Basil (there is no
other Order in those parts), and this also is very richly
adorned with gold mosaics. In it are the vessels which were
filled with wine at the marriage of Architeclinos, and many
other relics, and it is the burial place of the Emperors. On
one side of the city, towards the sea and over against Turkey,
is a monastery for women, on a wall, called St. Demetrius, and
700
PERO TAFUR
one can see Turkey across the narrowest part of the Straits.
Chain
across the Bosporus:
Opposite to it on the Turkish side there is a tower where

a chain was streched from one side to the other, and when it
was made fast the ships could not pass. This was done partly
for display, and partly in order not to lose the tolls which
were collected there, and this they call the Arm of St. George.
At one part the Straits are so narrow that one can see a man
passing on the opposite shore. Moreover, the sea is very
shallow on the Turkish side, and so deep on the Greek side
that a ship of any size, and however large, can lie against the
walls of Constantinople, so that it looks as if one could jump
from the walls on to the ship.
Hippodrome and serpentine column:

There is in Constantinople a great place made by hand, with
porticoes and gateways, and arches below, where the people used
in ancient times to watch the games when they celebrated their
holidays, and in the centre are two snakes entwined, made of
gilded brass, and they say that wine poured from the mouth of
one and milk from the other. But no one can remember this, and
it seems to me that too much credit must not be attached to the
story.
Statue of the Just:

There is a statue of a man in the centre of this square,
also of gilded brass, and they say that when merchants could
not agree as to price they consented to go to this statue, which
they called the Just, and what it signified as correct by
shutting the hand, that was the true price of the goods, and
both parties accepted it. There was once a nobleman who had a
horse which was valued at 300 ducats, and a gentlemen of those
parts desired to buy it, and they could not agree on the price.
They arranged, therefore, to go to the statue to determine the
question, and they went there, and the purchaser took out some
ducats and laid one in the hand of the statue, which thereupon
shut its hand, giving to understand that the horse was not worth
PERO TAFUR
701
more, and the purchaser had the horse and the seller the ducat,
but the seller was so incensed that he took out his scimitar
and cut off the statue's hand, and after that it never judged
again. When the buyer reached home the horse fell dead, and
the hide and shoes fetched just a ducat. But I would place more
faith in anything found in the Evangelists.
Baths (of Zeuxippus?):

On the other side of this square is a bath with doors on
either side opposite each other, and any woman accused of
adultery was ordered by the judges to be brought there, and
they made her go in by one door and come out at the other, and
if she was innocent her skirts and chemise raised themselves
on high without her perceiving it, so that from the middle
downwards everything could be seen. This also it may be no sin
to doubt.
Obelisk of Theodosius:
In the centre of this square there is an obelisk made of
a single stone, in the same manner as that at Rome, where are
the ashes of Julius Caesar, but in fact it is not like that
one, nor is it fine nor ancient. They say that it was made for
the body of Constantine. There are also many buildings about
this square, and inside it, and they call it the Hippodrome.
Situation of the city; strenght of the walls:

The city of Constantinople is made like a triangle, two
parts in the sea and one on land. It is very strongly walled
in a way that is a marvel to see. They say that the Turks came
there and put the city in great straits, and he that had
charge of the mines was amazed, and said to the Grand Turk;
"Lord, this city is not to be taken by mining, for the walls
are of steel and will never fall". (This was said because the
walls are very high and are made of great marble blocks bound
together).
702
PERO TAFUR
Legend of the protection of the city by an

angel on horseback:
But as the Grand Turk was continuing his attempt, they
told him that they had seen a man on horseback riding on the
wall. He then asked a Greek who had been captured what this
marvel was which they saw each night, namely, a knight riding
round the ramparts on a horse, fully armed. He replied: "Lord,
"the Greeks say as follows: when Constantine built his church,
"many men were employed on the work, and one day, as all were
"going to dinner, the chief master-builder ordered a child to
''stay and guard the tools. The child did so, and a very beauti"ful man on horseback appeared and said to him: 'Why do you not
"go to eat with the others?' and the child replied: 'Lord, they
"ordered me to remain here to guard the tools.' But the horse"man replied: 'Go and eat', and the child replied that he dare
"not. Whereupon the horseman said: 'Go without fear. I promise
"'you that I will guard the church and the city until you
"'return. ' And the child went, but afterwards, being afraid of
"punishment, he did not return, so that the horseman remained
"in fulfilment of his promise, and they say that it was an
"angel." But it might be said now that the child had returned,
and the angel had ceased his guard, for the city is now captured and occupied. But for that time the Turk departed.
The palace of the emperor:

The Emperor's Palace must have been very magnificent, but
now it is in such state that both it and the city show well the
evils which the people have suffered and still endure. At the
entrance to the Palace, beneath certain chambers, is an open
loggia of marble with stone benches round it, and stones, like
tables, raised on pillars in front of them placed end to end.
Here are many books and ancient writings and histories, and on
one side are gaming boards so that the Emperor's house may always be well supplied. Inside, the house is badly kept, except
certain parts where the Emperor, the Empress, and attendants
can live, although cramped for space.
703
PERO TAFUR
Maintenance of the court ceremonial

difficult circumstances:
~n
The Emperor's state is as splendid as ever, for nothing

is omitted from the ancient ceremonies, but, properly regarded,
he is like a Bishop without a See. When he rides abroad all
the Imperial rites are strictly observed. The Empress rides
astride, with two stirrups, and when she desires to mount, two
lords hold up a rich cloth, raising their hands aloft and
turning their back upon her, so that when she throws her leg
across the saddle no part of her person can be seen. The
Greeks are great hunters with falcons, goshawks, and dogs. The
country is well stocked with game both for hawking and hunting,
and there are quantities of pheasants, francolins, partridges,
and hares. The land is flat and good for riding.
Population of the city:

The city is sparsely populated. It is divided into
districts, that by the sea-shore having the largest population.
The inhabitants are not well clad, but sad and poor, showing
the hardship of their lot which is, however, not so bad as
they deserve, for they are a vicious people, steeped in sin.
It is their custom when anyone dies not to open the door of
the house for the whole of that year except in case of necessity. They go continually about the city howling as if in
lamentation, and thus they long ago foreshadowed the evil which
has befallen them.
Harbour and docks:

On one side of the city is the dockyard. It is close to
the sea, and must have been very magnificent; even now it is
sufficient to house the ships. In the quarter over against
Pera is a mole made by hand, where the ships are fastened. Here
the salt water comes in and meets a river which enters the sea
at that place. The distance from there to Pera is twice as far
as a man could cast a stone. When the ships come to Pera to
traffic with the Genoese, they first salute Constantinople and
pay tribute, and criminal justice is administered from
Constantinople for Pera and the whole country. These harbours
of entry, the one and the other, are always full of ships, on
account of the great cargoes which they discharge and load.
704
PERO TAFUR
Great fear in the city occasioned by the

passage of a Turkish army close by the walls:
During my stay in the city the Grand Turk marched forth to
a place on the Black Sea, and his road took him close to
Constantinople. The Despot and those of Pera, thinking that the
Turks were going to occupy the country, prepared and armed themselves. The Grand Turk passed close by the wall, and there was
some skirmishing that day, and he passed with a great company
of people. I had the good fortune to see him in the field, and
I observed the manner in which he went to war, and his arms,
horses and accoutrements. I am of opinion that if the Turks
were to meet the armies of the West they could not overcome
them, not because they are lacking in strength, but because
they want many of the essentials of war. On this day a great
present was carried from Constantinople and taken to the place
where the Turks were stationed. I thought that they would sit
down and besiege the city, but they continued their march to
the Black Sea against a people which had rebelled. It was, indeed, what I desired, for we had but few men, and it would have
been difficult to make much resistance. It was, therefore, a
gratifying thing to see so great a host depart without peril
or labour. Would to God that the people of our country were
closer at hand, for there are here neither ships nor fortresses,
nor is there any protection except by fighting.
(Excursion to Brusa:)
Pera (Galata):
The city of Pera has about 2000 inhabitants. It is very
well walled and has a good ditch and rampart. The churches
and monasteries are excellent, and there is a fine exchange,
well built and enclosed. The buildings are notable and lofty,
as in Genoa. The common people are Greeks, but they are
governed by the Genoese who hold all the offices. It is a
place of much traffic in goods brought from the Black Sea, as
well as from the West, and from Syria and Egypt, and the
merchants are all wealthy. Pera was formerly called Galata.
PERO TAFUR
705
The monasteries on Mount Athos:

We then sailed away and turned towards Greece, taking
the route for Salonica. In the sea is a very lofty island,
which they call Monte Santo, which the Grand Turk, father
of the present one, essayed to capture, but the plague fell
on his host, and he was constrained to order all the damage
he had done to be repaired, and to make provision for those
that live there. The place is ordered on this wise. There is
a monastery at the foot of the mountain, another half way up,
and a third at the top, and they receive there no one unless
he is a noble by birth or has borne arms, or is old and infirm, or maimed. These come to this place and are received
and entertained in the first monastery. The monks observe
closely how they live, and if they live well, they send them
up by election to the monastery in the centre. Here the same
rule applies, and when it appears that they are worthy, the
monks send them up again to the third and last monastery. They
say that those who inhabit there have a great reputation for
holiness, and the place is a great resort for pilgrims, and
receives much in alms. But those who visit the place are only
shown the first monastery. The monks are all Greeks, of the
habit and Order of St. Basil. They not only eschew meat, but
all fish having blood.
(The recent capture of Thessalonica by the Turks).
WALERAND DE WAVRIN
706
1444
Walerand de Wavrin.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Stay in Greece, Asia
Minor
Visit to
Jean de Wavrin, French chronicler about

his uncle, the Burgundian admiral
Walerand de Wavrin.
preparations for the crusade of Philip
the Good.
1444-1445.
1444-1445.
Black Sea area (Mangalia) and Hellespont/Dardanelles with Troy.
Remarks
visit to the place of the ancient city

of Troy.
Text
Edition
in the chronicle of Jean de Wavrin.

W. Hardy - E.L. Hardy, Recueil des
croniques et anciennes istories de la

grant Bretaigne 3 a present nomme
Engleterre par Jehan de Waurin V,
3
from A.D. 1447 to A.D. 1471, London,

1891.
Troy:
ilz partirent du port de Venise le vingt deusieme jour de
Jullet lan mil quatre cens et (chincquante trois, 1 ) et le
seigneur de Wavrin environ la fin dudit mois et tant naga quil
vint a Thenedon ung port de mer la ou jadis les princes de
Grece lesquelz alloient assegier Troyes prindrent terre: et
quant le seigneur de Wavrin sceut que cestoit le mesmes port
ou les Grecz avoient arrive, il demanda a aulcuns quy scavoient ces marches, se le lieu ou la grant cite de Troyes avoit
este scituee estoit gueres loingz de la, lesquelz luy dirent
quil ne povoit passer oultre le destroit sans transverser devant le port de Dardanelle quy jadis avoit este le havre principal de la grande cite Troyenne, la ou les Grecz estoient
descendus.
1
this number is a mistake, it has to be: quarante quatre.
WALERAND DE WAVRIN
707
Mangalia on the coast of the Black Sea:

legend of the Amazons:
Et arriverent a ung port appele Panguala lequel estoit
bien estrange; et maintient on que Panthesilee royne d'Amazonnes le fist faire aprez que Hercules et Theseus eurent
entre audit royaulme celeement et combattre Ypolite et Menalipe.
708
c. 1450
IBN AL-WARDI
Sarageddin Abu Hafs Omar Ibn al-Wardi.
Title
Author
Motive
Date
Arab geographer.
cosmographical compilation work.
in the middle of the 15th century but
before 1453.
Stay in Greece,
Minor
Visit to
Remarks
almost completely traditional

description of Constantinople.
Text
Edition
many MSS and Turkish translations.

the fragment about the city of
Constantinople in:
F. Taeschner, 'Der Bericht des arabischen Geographen Ibn al-Wardi liber
Konstantinopel', Beitrage zur histori-
schen Geographie~ Kulturgeographie~

Ethnographie und Kartographie~ vornehmlich des Orients~ H. Mzik (ed.),
Leipzig-Vienna, 1929, pp. 84-91.
Constantinople, situation of the city;

strength of the walls:
Zu den berlihmten Stadten der Rhomaer gehort Konstantinopel (,Qostantinijja). Die Stadt ist von dreieckiger Gestalt,
zwei Seiten liegen am Meere, eine Seite nach dem Festlande zu:
dort liegt das 'Bab ag-gahab' ("das Goldene Tor"). Die Lange
(gemeint is wohl "Umfang") dieser Stadt betragt 9 Meilen. Sie
hat eine feste Mauer von 21 Ellen Hohe. Darum ist eine weitere Mauer, die man ,al-Fa~il ("kleinere Aussenmauer") nennt,
von 10 Ellen Hohe. Die Mauer hat 100 Tore, von denen das
grosste 'al-Bab al-mul?mat' (oder al-mul?ammat', "das festgeschlossene Tor" ist; es ist vergoldet.
IBN AL-WARDI
709
Hippodrome:
In der Stadt ist das Schloss, das zu den Weltwundern gehort;
und zwar deshalb, weil in ihm ein ,Badidun' ist, d.h. soviel wie
der Vorraum zum Schloss; dies ist eine Gasse, in der man zwischen
zwei Reihen von Bildwerken aus Erz, von ausgezeichneter Kunst
nach Gestalten von Menschen Pferden, Elefanten, reissenden Tieren und anderem hindurchgeht. Diese Bildwerke sind grosser als
die Nachbildungen, die den Vorbildern entsprechen (d.h. die
Bildwerke des Hippodroms sind liberlebensgross).
Im Schloss und ringsherum sind noch vielerlei solche Wunder.
Columns and obelisks; obelisk of Theodosius;

stone obelisk of Constantinus Porphyrogenitus:
In der Stadt ist ein durch Eisen und Blei befestigter Turm
(,manara'). Wenn der Wind sich erhebt, neigt er sich nach rechts
und links, nach hinten und vorn von seinem Standpunkt; man legt
Tonware darunter, und er zermalmt sie zu Staub.
In der Stadt ist ferner noch ein Turm aus Erz, aus einem
einzigen Stuck bestehend, ohne eine Tlir.
Ferner ist ein Turm in der Stadt, in der Nahe des Siechenhauses,1ganz mit gelbem Erz wie mit Gold verkleidet, van guter
Machart und Ausarbeitung.
Darauf ist das Grab Konstantins, des Grlinders Konstantinopels; auf seinem Grabe steht die eherne Statue eines Pferdes,
und auf dem Pferde sitzt eine Person van der Gestalt Konstantins, er reitet und die Flisse des Pferdes sind fest in Blei
eingelassen, ausser seinem rechten Vorderfusse; dieser steht
in der Luft. Er hat seine rechte Hand, welche in die Richtung
nach den Landern der Muslime weist, erhoben, und in seiner
linken Hand ist eine Kugel.
Diesen Turm kann man auf eine Tagereise zur See und eine
halbe Tagereise zu Lande sehen.
1
in other Arab sources the Hagia Sophia is mentioned.
710
IBN AL-WARDI
Man sagt, in seiner Hand sei ein Talisman, der den Feind
abwehrt, und dass auf der Kugel auf griechisch geschrieben
steht: ,Ich beherrschte die Welt, bis sie in meiner Hand wie
diese Kugel war; und ich bin nun ebenso aus der Welt gegangen,
ohne etwas von ihr zu besitzen.'
Column of Theodosius; aqueduct of Valens:

Ferner ist in der Stadt ein Turm auf dem Markte ,Istabrin
aus weissem Marmor; von oben bis unten sind Figuren angebracht,
und sein Gelander ist aus einem Stuck von Erz. 2 Dort ist ein
Talisman: wenn jemand zu diesem hinaufsteigt, so blickt er in
die librige Stadt.
Auch ist eine Brlicke dort, die zu den Weltwundern gehort;
ihre Weite setzt den Berichterstatter dermassen ausserstande,
sie zu beschreiben, dass er soweit kommt, der Llige geziehen zu
werden.
Endlich sind Bilder darin soviel, dass sie nicht zu beschreiben sind.
with an iron railing.
INDEX
A
Abdul Ham.id II, sultan, 19th c. (1876-1918), 453-4 n. 142.

Aboulfeda, geographer, 1273-1331, 152, 202, 253, 256, 556-7.
Abydos, 24.
Academy (in Athens), 155.
Acciajuoli, Florentine family, 109-10, 134, 206-7, 211, 212,
215. See also: Angelo II, Niccolo, Franco,
Antonio I, Lapa, Nerio I and II.
Achaea, 131.
Achaea, principality of, 81, 109, 212, 215, 220.
Acheron, 185.
Achilles, 216.
Achilles and Patroclus, legend of, 56, 193.
Acre, (Akko), 65, 86.
Acrostichon, 135.
Adamnanus, Scottish Abbot, 7th c., 14.
Adam, Wilhelmus, (arch)bishop, 14th c., see Brocardus.
Adelard of Bath, philosopher, ea. 1080- ea. 1145, 156.
Adolf von Harff, pilgrim, 15th c., 178.
Adornes; Jean, traveller, 15th c., 343 n. 95.
Adrianople, 56, 94, 193.
Adriatic Sea, 13, 32, 194, 219.
Aegae, 18.
Aegaleus, mountain in Attica, 42.
Aegina, 201.
Aelianus, Claudius, miscellaneous writer, ea. 175- ea. 235,
200.
Aeneid, 94, 193, 295.
Aenus, 94, 193.
Aetheria, see Egeria.
Agam.emnon, 216, 224.
Agnes of France, wife of Alexius II and Andronicus I,
daughter of Louis VII, 12th/13th c., 7.
Alaric, leader of the Visigoths, ea. 370-410, 197, 415 n. 8.
Albertus Magister, author of Annales Stadenses, 20-1.
Albrecht II, German emperor, 1438-39, 62.
Albrecht III, duke of Bavaria, 15th c., 122.
Alexander the Great, king, 336-24 BC., 49, 50, 76, 80, 122,
l90, 192, 213, 215, 216, 297, 311.
Alexander, Byzantine emperor, 912-3, 382 n. 42.
Alexander IV, pope, 1409-10, 133.
Alexander, Russian scribe, 14th c., 605.
712
Alexandria (Egypt), l4, 38, 40, 228, 242.

Alexandria Troas, l23, 293.
Alexius I, Byzantine emperor, l081-1l18, 65, 72, l06, 115,
284.
Alexius II, Byzantine emperor, 1l80-83, 7.
Alexius III Angelus, Byzantine emperor, 1l95-l203, ll4, 261.
Alexius V Ducas (Murzuphlus), Byzantine emperor, l204, 7l,
74, 79, 279.
Alfonso IV, king of Aragon, 1327-36, 26.
Alfonso Fadrique, Aragonese governor of Athens,
son of Frederick II of Aragon, l4th c., l18.
Alfonso Paez de Santa Maria, ambassador, l4th-l5th c., 99.
Alps, l5.
Altaluogo (= Ephesus), l76-7.
Altaner, B, l71.
Amadeus VI, count of Savoy, l343-83, 90, 205, 2l0.
Amalfi, 5, 7, l6, l06, 19~.
Amazons, 88, 96, 30l.
Ampelouzas (near Gortyn), 54, 229-32.
Anastasius, Byzantine emperor, 49l-518, 4.
Anatolia, 65.
Anatolica (near Missolonghi), 24.
Ancona, 5, 16, 6l, l76.
Andronicus II Palaeologus, Byzantine emperor, l282-l328
(d.l332), 98, ll6, l17, l26, l65, 253.
Andronicus III Palaeologus, Byzantine eo-emperor, 1316-28,
emperor, l328-4l, 28, l64.
Andros, ~35, l46.
Angelo II Acciajuoli, (roman) cardinal, l384-l408, 2l5.
Angelos, (legendary) brother of Justin II, llO.
Angevins, French dynasty in Naples, l266-l442, see also
Charles I, l09, l95, 2l2.
Angiolello, Giovanni Maria, l5th c., 276, 455 n. l58.
Anglo-Saxons, l13, ~14, l83.
Anglure, Seigneur de, pilgrim, l4th c., 202.
Angora (Ancyra, Ankara), 91, 99, l21 1 464 n. l.
Anna Comnena, Byzantine princess, 1083- after l148, l58.
Anne of Savoy, wife of Andronicus III Palaeologus, 14th c.,
370 n. 138.
Anonymous, Armenian, pilgrim, ~4th-l5th c., 23, 257-8, 261,
281, 327, 606-8.
Anonymous, of Bordeaux, pilgrim, 4th c., ~3.
Anonymous of Munich, 15th c., 254.
Anonymous, Russian, pilgrim, l4th c., 23, 59, 102, 258, 259,
267, 269, 270, 27l, 274, 280, 282, 288, 289, 305,
600-4.
INDEX
713
Anonymous of Venice, ea. 1470, 310.

Anonymous of Vienna, 15th c., 309-10.
Antapodosis, 98.
Anthony of Novgorod, pilgrim, ea. 1204, 257, 259, 260, 288,
538-9.
Antiochia, 68, 250.
Antiochus IV Epiphanes, king of Syria, 175-163 BC., 46.
Antipater, Macedonian general, 397-319 BC., 215.
Antoni Ballester, archbishop of Athens, 14th c., 205.
Antonio I Acciajuoli, Duke of Athens, 1403-35, 206.
Antonio Fluviano, grandmaster of the hospitallers, 1421-37,
55.
Antwerp, 249.
Aphrodite, statue of, see also Venus, 221
Apollo, 146, 195, 269.
Apollonia, 18.
Apollonius of Tyana (Bolonious), died ea. 97, 121, 164, 289,
316.
Apulia, 27, 51, 156, 186.
Arabs, 6, 105, 108, 119-20, 132, 150-4, 185, 189, 198-9, 227,
229, 242, 243, 274, 290.
Aragon, 117, 118-9, 204-5.
Arcadia, 225, 313.
Archanes, 234.
Archip~lago (Islands of Aegean Sea), 38-9, 81, 88, 134, 136,
137, 138, 140, l43-8, 152, 199, 217, 239-48, 319.
Arculf, Bishop, pilgrim, 7th c., 3, 6, 14, 253, 255, 257, 327,
481-3.
Arethas of Caesarea, lOth c., l85.
Arghun, khan of Persia, l284-91, 98.
Aristotle, philosopher, 384-322 BC., 28, 42-3, 157, 174, 191,
3ll.
Aries, 5.
Armiro, 24, 189.
Artemis, 301.
Ascanius, 233.
Assaf ben Barkhya, 165, 258.
Assisi, 53.
Athena (Parthenos), 1, 207, 243.
Athens, 1-2, 17, 24, 27, 33, 37, 38, 41, 42-7, 48, 51, 52, 64,
81, 82, 85, 88, 90, 107, 110, 111, 113, 118, 125,
l26, 131, 132, 138, 152, 155, 156, 157-9, 171, 175,
176, 186, 197-208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 215, 224,
225, 233, 293, 305, 306, 308, 313-4, 317, 318.
Athens, duchy of, and Neopatras, Burgundian: 1205-1311,
Catalan: 1311-88, 81, 116, 118.
714
Athens,
Acropolis, 1-2, 42, 43, 44-6, 110, 118, 197, 198, 202,
203, 205-6, 207, 212, 308, 313-4, 320, 322.
Agora, 201, 203.
Aqueduct of Hadrian, 43.
Areopagus, 131.
Bridge on Ilyssus, 44.
Capella de San Bartomeu (= Pinacotheca), 204.
Dipylon gate 1 cemetery, 203.
Gate of Hadrian, 42, 43-4.
Gorgoneion, 46.
Lycabettus, 43.
Monument of Lysicrates, 47.
Monument of Thrasyllus, 43, 46.
Olympieion, 43, 203, 204.
Parthenon, 1-2, 41, 45-6, 198, 199, 200, 203, 204-5, 207,
313-4, 320, 327.
Pinacotheca, 45.
Propylaea palace, 44-5, 84, 203, 204, 207, 320.
Seu de Santa Maria de Cetines (=Parthenon), 205.
Statue of Athena Promachos, 203.
Stoa of Attalus, 203.
Studium Aristotelis, 43.
Theatre of Dionysus, 43, 46.
Theseion, 47, 203, 313.
Tower of the winds, 47.
Athos (Hagion Oros), 61, 101, 144, 169, 191-2.
Athos, Iviron monastery, 407 n. 44.
Attica, 17, 41-2, 90, 131, 197, 200, 205, 208.
Augustus, Roman emperor, 31 BC - 14 AD, 297.
Avars, 312.
Avignon, 26, 32, 110, 180-1, 308.
Aymo of Faversham, 553.
B
Babylonian Exile, 1309-77, 308.

Bacchus, 146.
Bacon, Roger, philosopher, ea. 1210-92, 156, 160, 175.
Bagdad, 24, 25, 108, 249, 372 n. 8.
Baiae, 307, 322.
Baile (= Venetian governor), 107, 217.
Baldewin von Steinfurth, bishop of Paderborn, 1341-61, 342 n. 80.
Baldwin I, count of Flanders, Latin emperor of Constantinople,
1194-1205, 71, 81, 82, 159, 193.
Baleares, 137.
INDEX
715
Balkans, 5, 6, 7, 13, 16, 32, 63, 66, 87, 94, 95, 108, 115,
189, 190.
Barbyzes, river near Constantinople, 255.
Bari, 16, 98, 176, 301.
Barlaam and Joasaph, mediaeval tale of 407 n. 44.
Barlaam of Seminars, Greek theologian, ea. 1290-1350, 175,
Barletta, 72, 111.
Bartolomeo da li Sonetti, Venetian geographer, 15th c., 138.
Bartolf of Nangis, chronicler 12th c., 67, 505-6.
Basel, Council of, 1431-42, see also Ferrara - Florence,
Council of, 56, 181, 254, 357 n. 234.
Basil I, Byzantine emperor, 867-86, 259.
Basil II, Byzantine eo-emperor, 963-76, emperor 976-1025,
7, 106, 113-4, 198, 313-4.
Bayaloun, 164, 398 n. 11.
Bayazet I, Ottoman sultan, 1389-1402, d. 1403, 91, 99, 121,
123, 314.
Beazley, C.R., 27, 30.
Bede Venerable, theologian-historian, 672-735, 14, 255.
Bellerophon (and Chimaira), 216.
Belon du Mans, Pierre, traveller, 16th c., 231, 237.
Benedetto Folco da Forli, Milanese ambassador, 15th c., 93.
Benedetto Zaccaria, Lord of Phocaea and Chios, 13th c., 239.
Benedict XII, pope, 1334-42, 26.
Benedictines, 125.
Benjamin of Tudela, rabbi-pilgrim, 12th c., 24-5, 189, 190,
195, 199, 210, 212, 215, 217, 249, 259, 266, 268,
284, 527-33.
Benoit de Sainte Maure, poet, 12th c., 295.
Berardus, Latin archbishop of Athens, ea. 1206, 158, 201, 202.
Berat, Battle of, 1281, 216, 285.
Berengarius II, king of Italy, ea. 945/950 - 963, d. 966, 97.
Bernardus Sapiens, pilgrim, 9th c., 334 n. 5.
Bertha von Sulzbach, (= Irene), wife of Manuel I, 12th c., 7.
Bertrandon de la Broquiere, ambassador- pilgrim, 15th c., 925, 186, 193, 195, 228, 236, 249, 250, 251, 254, 260,
262, 265, 267, 269, 271, 274, 277, 284, 286, 291,
326, 681-9.
Bible, 130, 131, 172, 189, 199, 212, 214, 285, 293, 326.
Bissina, 24.
Black Sea, 16, 19, 61, 80, 95-6, 107-8, 187, 193.
Boardman, J., 241.
Boccaccio, Giovanni, poet, 1313-75, 138, 307.
Bologna, 53, 180.
Bonifatius I, marquis of Montferrat, 1192-1207, 72, 74, 81,
201, 227, 283.
716
Bordeaux, J.3.
Boschini, Italian geographer, 17th c., 392 n. 96.
Bosporus, 14, 66, 122, 1.92, 250.
Boucicaut, Jean II le Meingre, marshal of France, d. 1421, 91.
Bovenschen, A., 167.
Brachium Sancti Georgii = Dardanelles.
Bracken, C.P., 31.1.
Brehier, L., 5.
Breslau, 62.
Breuning von und zu Buochenbach, Hans Jacob, pilgrim, 16th c.,
335 n. 16, 424 n. 88.
Brindisi, J.8.
Brocardus (Burchardus), J.4th c., see also Adam, Wilhelmus,
87-8, 95, 251, 253-4, 283, 290, 301., 564-6.
Brock, S., 257.
Brown, E.A.R., 1.25.
Brunetto Latini, Florentine writer, ea. 1.220-94, 1.69.
Brusa (Prusa-Bursa), 6J., 93, 1.23, 298-9, 468 n. 31.
Brussels, 62.
Buchan Telfer, J., 1.22.
Bulgaria- Bulgarians, 5, 7, 90, 11.3, 1.85, 1.90, 1.98, 287,
31.2' 31.3.
Bulgaroctonus, see Basil II,
Buondelmonti, Christoforo, Florentine geographer, J.5th c.,
2, 54, 58, 1.33-50, 1.60, 1.69, 1.90, 192, 1.94-5, 221,
228, 229, 230, 234, 235, 236, 239, 240-1, 242-4,
246, 247-8, 250, 252, 254, 255-6, 258, 259, 261,
266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 274, 276, 277, 279, 280,
281., 283, 288-9, 294, 298-9, 304, 305, 308, 314,
31.8, 640-70.
Buondelmonti family, see als Lorenzo
Magdalena
Manente
Rainerio
Burchard II, Abbot of Sankt Gallen, lOth c., 1.74.
Burgundio of Pisa, J.2th c., 1.09, 179-80.
Busbecq, Augier Ghislain de, ambassador, J.6th c., 464 n. 1.
Byzantium, see Constantinople.
c
Caesarea (Cappadocia), 464 n. J..
Caiaphas, jewish high-priest, J.stc.AD, 234-5.
Callicrates, architect, 5th c. BC., 2.
Candia (Iraklion), 17, 54, 8J., 1.26, 140, 142, 227, 228, 229,
234, 235.
INDEX
717
Candia, Island of, see Crete,

Capo delle Colonne, see Sounion,
Cappuyns, M., 156.
Capua, 44, 45, 243, 308.
Caracalla, Roman emperor, (198-) 211-7, 112.
Carinola, 37, 345 n. 111.
Carlo Tocco, Count of Cefalonia, 14th-15th c., 47, 49, 50,
350 n. 157.
Cartography, 129-33.
Casal Cagiafa, (Cretan village), 234.
Casola, Pietro (Canon), pilgrim, 15th c., 21.
Cassandrea, 89.
Castrum fata morgane (Euboea), 47.
Catalan company, 1302~ ea. 1387, 116-9, 204-5.
Catalans, 40, 51, 107, 110, 116-9, 132, 202, 204-5, 210.
Cefalonia, 126, 134, 194.
Cephisus, river, 48, 116, 204, 209
Cerigo (Cythera), 17, 38, 54, 99, 146, 220-2, 310, 317, 322.
Chalcedon, 101.
Chalcidice, 144.
Chandler, R., traveller, 18th c., 240-1.
Chanea (Canea), 126, 140, 228.
Chares of Lindus, architect of the Colossus, 4th/3th c. BC.,
436 n. 20
Charlemagne, emperor, 768-8~4, see also Pelerinage de Ch. 8,
60, 76, 80, 286, 304.
Charles I of Anjou, king of Naples and Sicily, 1268-82 (~285),
prince of Achaea 1278-85, 82, ~86, 2~6.
Charles II of Anjou, king of Naples, ~285-1309,
prince of Achaea ~285-89, 403 n. ~9.
Charles VI, king of France, 1380-1422, 90.
Chartres, 434 n. 42.
Chaucer, Geoffrey, poet, 1343 (?)-~400, ~16.
Cherson (Crimea), 198.
Chersonesos (Crete), ~42.
Chios, 24, 27, 29, 33, 38, 55, 146, 152, 239-42, 294, 3~0, 3~7.
Chios,
Daskal6petra, 240.
Schola of Homer, 240-1, 314.
Tomb of Homer, 139, ~46, 240-1.
Chosroes II, king of Persia, 59~-628, 77.
Christopolis, 24.
Chronicle of the Anargyri Monastery, ~97.
Chronicle of the Morea, ~~8, 225.
Chronicle of Novgorod, 259, 36~ n. 40.
Church-union, 66, 87, 92, 94, 100, ~25-7, ~79, l80, 181.
718
Cicero, M. Tullius, 106-43 BC., 155.

Cistercians, 125.
Clarentia, l26.
Clarissans (nuns), 47.
Claudianus, Roman poet, 4th-5th c., 23l.
Clavijo, Ruy Gonzales de, ambassador, 14th-15th c., 99-100,
122, 191-2, 222, 254, 257, 258, 259, 260, 262-5,
267, 268, 270, 271, 273, 274, 285, 287, 288, 289,
291, 293, 623-36.
Clermont, 66.
Coelestinus I, pope, 422-32, l73.
Colchis, 96.
Cologne (Koln), 27, 249.
Colonia Julia Nobilis, see Knossos.
Colossians, 39, l45, l69, 242.
Compostela, Santiago de, 9, 13, 19, ll5.
Conrad III, German king, 1l3S-52, 67.
Conrad, archbishop of Ephesus, 14th c., l8l.
Constans, Byzantine emperor, 64l-68, l98.
Constantina, of Athens, learned woman, l2th c., 157-8, 20l.
Constantine I, Emperor, 306-37, l3, 15, 53, 57, 59, 77, 80,
93, 98, l02, 122, 148, 153, 165, 256, 258, 261, 262,
267, 271, 276-7, 280-1, 3ll, 314.
Constantine V, Byzantine emperor, 74l-75, 76, 297.
Constantine VIII Porphyrogenitus, Byzantine emperor 9l3-20,
944-59, eo-emperor: 920-44, 270.
Constantine VIII, Byzantine emperor, l025-8, 106.
Constantine IX Monomachus, Byzantine emperor, l042-55, 241,
264, 290.
Constantine XI Palaeologus, Byzantine emperor, 1449-53,
Dragas, despotes, 57, 354 n. 203.
Constantine Palaeologus, prince l3th-l4th c., 264.
Constantine Manasses, poet and chronicler, l2th c., 3ll.
Constantine, pope, 767-9, 467 n. 26.
Constantinople, passim,
Constantinople,
Anemodoulion, 289.
Aqueduct, l2l, 153, 287-8.
Augusteion, 57, 59, l49, 269, 27l-8, 453 n. 132.
Baths (thermae) of Zeuxippus, 59, 27l, 288-9, 3l6.
Blachernae church, 58, 94, 264-5, 284, 285-6.
Blachernae palace 25, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 94, 102, l15,
l65, 25l, 255, 262, 282, 284-5.
Bucoleon palace (Bocca di Leone; Boche di Lion; os Leonis),
see also crypt with bones of Franks, 72, 73, 74, 76,
88, 94, l50, 283-4, 286.
INDEX
719
Church of St. John in Petra I Prodromos monastery, 262,

336 n. 22.
Church of St. John in Stoudion = Imrahor Djami, 99, 264,
448 n. 84.
Church of Mary Hodegetria, 265.
Church and Monastery of Mary Peribleptos, 447 n. 77.
= Sulu Monastir, 263-4.
Church of Mary of the phare, 76, 282, 382 n. 40.
Church of Saint Mocius, 314.
Church of the Saints Sergius and Bacchus, 382 n. 40.
Church of Saint Stephen in Daphne, 382 n. 40.
Cisterns, 57, 116, 148, 165, 259, 287-8.
Cistern of Philoxenos (of Muhammed) = Binbirdirek, 288.
Column. of Arcadius, 78-9, 149, 278-80, 316.
Column of the Augusteion see Statue of Justinian.
Column of Constantine, 102, 149, 269, 278, 280.
Column of Michael VIII, 149, 281.
Column of serpents, 58, 93, 99, 102, 121, ~49, 269-70,
289, 320.
Column of Theodosius I, 78-9, 149, 278-80, 316.
Crypt with bones of Franks, 88, 94, 150, 283-4.
Forum Amastrianum, 121.
Forum Tauri, 149, 278.
Golden Gate, 77, 115, 120, 164, 252, 253.
Golden Horn, 16, 25, 60, 75, 87, 106, 107, 165, 250, 251,
254, 255, 284, 290.
Gyrolimne gate, 77, 253.
Hagia Sophia, 14, 18, 25, 28, 32, 56, 57-8, 63, 71, 76,
84, 88, 83, 98, 99, 101, 102, 115, 116, 120, 122-3,
148, 163, 164, 165, 168, 203, 254, 256-60, 266, 271,
278, 283, 288, 289, 311, 312-3, 320, 327, 336 n. 22.
Hagii Apostoli, 15, 77, 148, 149, 261, 272, 281, 287,
311, 336 n. 22.
Hippodrome, 25, 58-9, 72, 77-8, 93, 99, 102, 115, 116,
120, 148, 149, 152, 153, ~64, 165, 266~71, 280,
282, 283, 288-9, 298, 306, 311, 320.
Horologium, 121, 164, 289.
Icon of Mary painted by St. Luke, 265.
Lycusvalley, 250.
Magnaura palace 156.
Mangana area, 282.
Mese, 148.
Milion, 297.
Monastery of St. Andrew, 102.
Monastery of St. George in Mangana, 264.
Mosque, 108, 289-90.
Nea church (New Church), 282, 283, 382 n. 40.
720
Obelisk (of Thutmosis III) on the Hippodrome, 59, 149,

270.
Stone Obelisk (of Constantine VII), 270.
Organ, 120, 282.
Palace of the Emperors, 102, 120, 148, 153, 164, 281-3.
Pantocrator church, 93, 261-2.
Pantocrator monastery, 58, 261-2, 336 n. 22.
Pantocrator (mosaics), 259, 262, 264, 265.
Pege Gate, 120, 252-3.
Planetarium, 102, 289.
Genuese quarter, 107.
Pisan quarter, 107, 109, 180.
Russian quarter, 107.
Venetian quarter, 106, 109, 176, 179, 217.
Statue of Aphrodite, 59.
Statue of Athena, 78.
Statue of Hercules, 73.
Statue of the Just, 58, 271, 316.
Statue of Justinian I, 28, 32, 57, 59, 76-7, 93, 99, 102,
~16, 120, 122, ~49, 150, ~53, ~64, 165, 168-9, 256,
269, 271-8, 311, 316, 320.
Statue of Ramulus and Remus, 73.
Tomb of Constantine I (and Helena), 77, 93-4, 98, 261,
262.
Xerolophoshill, 149, 278.
Constantinus Rhodius, poet, 10th c., 272, 311, 315.
Constantius II, eo-emperor: 323-37, emperor: 337-61, 215.
Cordova, 52, 62.
Corfu, 6, ~8, 24, 51, 54, 61, 93, ~26, 146, 187, 195, 219.
Corinth, 24, 41, 47, 49-50, 54, 110, 126, 131, 185, 186, 198,
199, 200, 211-4, 314, 317.
Corinth, Acrocorinth, ~10, 212, 214, 313.
Corinth, Gulf of, 18, 50.
Cornaro, F., 134.
Coronelli, cartographer, 17th c., 423 n. 80.
Corsica, 32.
Cos (Kos, Lango), 39, 40-1, 144, 145, 146, 169, 245-7, 317.
Cos, Asclepieum, 246.
Cosmographia, 133.
Cremona see Liudprand.
Crete, 14, 17, 32, 39, 54, 61, 64, 81, 86, 89, 93, 125, 131,
135, ~36, 137, 138, 139, 140-3, 144, 152, 160, 187,
198, 219, 222, 227-37, 310, 315, 317, 3~8, 319.
Crete,
Labyrinth, 39, 54, 139, 143, 144, 229-34, 236, 315.
Tomb of Caiaphas, 142, 229, 234-5, 3~5.
INDEX
721
Tomb of Idomeneus and Meriones, 234.

Tomb of Zeus, 139, ~42, ~44, 229, 234, 235-6, 314.
Crissa, 24.
Crusades, 9, 35, 65-75, ~~4, ~30-1, ~89, 227.
Cumae, Cave of the Sibylle, 307.
Curzuola (Korcula), 17.
Cybele, statue of, ~39, ~46, 241.
Cyprianus I, Russian metropolitan, ~4th c., ~01-2.
Cyprus, 14, ~7, 24, 27, 29, 32, 40, 55, 70, 86, 131, 198, 199,
3~0.
Cyriacus of Ancona, traveller, ~5th c., 43, 45, ~38, 161, 192,
207, 208, 2~4, 222, 224-5, 277, 308-9, 3~0.
Cythera, ancient city, 221.
Cythera (island) see Cerigo.
Cythereia see Venus.
Cyzicus, temple of Hadrian, 3~8.
D
Daedalus, 54, 23~.

Dalmatia, ~7, 32-3.
Damietta, 86.
Daniel, 445-6 n. 54.
Danielis, Archontissa in Patras, 9th c., 2~4.
Dante Alighieri, Italien poet, 1265-132~, 9, 306-7, 427 n. 9.
Daphni, 125.
Dardanelles (Hellespont 1 Brachium Sancti Georgii), 56, 6~,
89, ~92-3, 293-4.
Dares (Phrygius), 221, 295.
Datini, Francesco di Marco, Italian trader, ~4th c., ~~0.
David, Jewish king, 297.
David of Dinant, philosopher-theologian, 12th-~3th c., ~57.
Dawkins, R.M., ~~5.
De La Roche, Burgundian family, 8~, 82.
Dead Sea, 27.
Delos, 130, 131, ~32, 147.
Delphi, ~. ~30, 131, ~38, ~87, 269, 3~4.
Demetrius Cydones, teacher of Greek, 14th c., ~60, 3~4.
Demetrius Rendi, notary in Athens, 14th c., 406 n. 43.
Descriptio Insulae Cretae, ~35-6, 137, 138-9, 140-3, ~44,
145, 146, 147, 230, 234-7, 314.
Diana, Statue of, 139, 14~.
Dictys (Cretensis), 295.
Diehl, Ch., 60, 62, 316.
Digenis Akritas, Byzantine medieval epic, 2~6, 287.
Dionysius the Areopagite, bishop of Athens, 45-6, 199, 348
n. 147.
722
Directorium ad faciendum passagium transmarinum, 87-8, 251.

Divina Comedia see Dante.
Dodecanese, 38.
Domenico Michiel, Doge, 1~~8-29, 2~9.
Domenico Silvestris, author, ~4th c., ~38.
Domenican Friars, 125-7, 180-~, ~84.
Domitian, Roman emperor, 81-96, 245.
Draco, legendary son of Hippocrates, 440 n. 47.
Dragas, despotes see Constantine XI.
Drama, 24.
Ducae, rulers of Epirus, 80.
Durazzo, 18.
E
Ebels-Hoving, B., 66.

Ebersolt, J., 260.
Edessa, 83.
Edward the Confessor, king of England, 1043-66, ~56.
Egeria, pilgrim, 4th-5th c., 23.
Egypt, 29-30, 34-5, 55, 6~, 86, 88, 94, ~08, ~67-8.
Eichstadt, 14.
Eleusis (Lippissinox}, 48-9, 209.
Elias de Nabinallis, archbishop of Nicosia, ~332-42, 32,
342 n. 82.
Elis, 84, 220.
Enrique Ill, king of Castilia and Leon, 1390-1407, 99.
Ephesus, ~5, 29, 33, 88, 89, ~23, 13~, 152, 165-6, 293, 29930~.
Ephesus,
Church of Saint John, 29, 33, 89, ~7, ~66, 26~, 300,
319-20.
Church of Saint Mary, 300.
Seven Sleepers, 15, ~3~, ~56, 299.
Epidaurus, 1.
Epirus, 13, 18, 80, 195, ~99.
Eracle, French poem, 12th c., 77.
Erasmus Desiderius, humanist, ea. ~469-1536, 242.
Erik I, king of Denmark, ~095-~103, 379 n. ~7.
Euboea see Negroponte.
Eugenius IV, pope, 143~-47, 53.
Euphrosyne, Princess of Polotsk, pilgrim, ~2th c., 22.
Eurotas, river near Sparta, 224.
Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica, 12th c., ~76, 229, 231.
Eustochium, pilgrim, 4th c., 23.
Evans, A., 235.
Evelt, 3~.
723
INDEX
Examilia see Isthmus.

Expositio totius mundi et gentium, 197.
Eyice, S., 260.
Ezechiel, prophet, 131.
F
Fallmerayer, Jacob, 197, 414 n. 2-3.

Famagusta (Cyprus), 33.
Felix Faber, pilgrim, 15th c., 35, 199, 343 n. 95.
Fiesole, 307.
First Crusade 1096-9, 65-7, 177.
Florence, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 160, 175, 308.
Florence, S. Maria supra Arnum-Church, 134.
Florence-Ferrara, Council of, 1438-9, 53, 62, 357 n. 234.
Foucher of Chartres, chronicler, 11th-12th c., 66-7, 70, 503-4.
Fourth Crusade 1202-4, 16, 7.0-5, 86, 125, 177, 201.
Franciscan monks, 47, 125-7, 180, 181, 184.
Franco Acciajuoli, Duke of Athens, 1455-6 (d. 1460), 206.
Frederick I (Barbarossa), king of Germany: 1152-5,
emperor: 1155-90, 70, 360 n. 29.
Frederick II, King of Sicily: 1197-1250, of Germany: 1212-20,
emperor: 1220-50, 44, 86, 348 n. 142.
Frederick II, King of Sicily (Aragonese), 1296-1337, 118.
Frerioi see Dominican and Franciscan monks.
Frescobaldi, pilgrim, 14th c., 220.
G
Galata see Pera.

Galenus, physician, 130-ca. 210, 166, 174, 245, 301.
Galland, Antoine, traveller, 17th c., 2, 200, 418
29.
Gallio, governor of Corinth, 1s c.AD, 351 n. 167.
Gallipoli, 24, 89-90, 117, 118, 144, 147, 192-3.
Gardiki, 24.
Gasmuli, 83.
Gasparino Barzizza, professor of rhetoric at Padua, 1370-1431,
230.
Gautier d'Arras, poet, 1135-98, 77.
Gautier de Brienne, duke of Athens, 1309-11, 116.
Genua, 5, 16, 33, 52, 53, 61, 107, 111, 175-6, 239.
Genua, San Lorenzo cathedral, 52-3.
Genuese, 7, 16, 61, 106, 107, 133, 150, 189, 203, 227, 239,
290.
Geoffrey de Thoissy, admiral, 15th c., 95.
Geoffroy de Villehardouin, chronicler, d. ea. 1213, 73, 74,
75, 78, 279, 282, 285, 316, 540-2.
n.
724
Geoffroy I de Villehardouin, prince of Achaea, 1210-ca. 1228,

82, 2~1, 2~9.
Geographica see Ptolomaeus.
Geography, 129-33, 150-4.
Georgius Bourtzes, metropolitan of Athens, 12th c., 158.
Geraki, castle of, 216.
Germanus, patriarch of Nicea, 13th c., 409 n. 12.
Ghillebert de Lannoy, envoy, 15th c., 92-3, 95, 98-9, 193,
674-5.
Gibraltar, 52, 1~5.
Gilles, Pierre (Petrus Gyllius), traveller, 16th c., 276,
456 n. 163.
Giordano Orsini, cardinal, 15th c., ~35, ~36.
Giovanni Colonna, friend of Petrarca, 14th c., 471 n. 32.
Giovanni Malpaghini, teacher of Greek, ~4th c., 160.
Giovanni de'Marignolli, papal ambassador, 14th c., 373 n. 17.
Giovanni Tortello, writer of De orthografia, 15th c., 230.
Giselbert, archbishop of Bremen, 13th c., 340 n. 54.
Giustiniani, Genuese rulers in Chios, 239.
Giustiniani, Hieronimo, Chian historian, 16th c., 241.
Godfrey of Bouillon, advocate of the Holy Sepulchre, 1099~100, 284.
Golden Fleece, 96.
G6mez de Salazar, ambassador, ea. ~400, 99.
Gortyn, 142, 143, ~44, 229, 230-1, 322.
Gortyn, palace of Minos, 142, 143.
Gottfried, bishop of Osnabrlick, 1321-49, 342 n. 80.
Gozo-Malta, 38.
Grand camee de France, 112.
Greece, passim.
Gregory I the Great, pope, 590-604, 53, ~73, 352-3 n. ~79.
Gregory XI, pope, 1370-78, 21~.
Gregorius Acindynus, 14th c., 398 n. 11.
Grotefend, E.L., 27.
Grlinenberg, Conrad, pilgrim, 15th c., 438 n. 32.
Guibert of Nogent, chronicler, 1053-~124, 66, 67, ~77, 326,
507.
Guido da Colonna, Sicilian lawyer, 13th c., 295.
Gunther of Pairis, chronicler, 13th c., 466 n. 17.
H
Hadrianus, emperor, ~17-38, 43-4, 48.

Hadwiga, princess of Bavaria, lOth c., ~73-4.
Haiton, Armenian historian, d. after 1307, 168.
Hannibal, 297.
Harald Sigurdsson, king of Norway, d. 1066, 113-4.
INDEX
725
Harawi (Aboul Hassan Aly ibn Abou Bekr al-Harawi), Arab

traveller, l2th c., l63-4, 268, 270, 27l, 273, 275,
278, 279, 289, 305, 534-7.
Hartmann Schedel, geographer, l5th c., 13l, 276.
Hariln-al-Raschid, cal.if, 786-809, 286.
Harfrn-ibn-Yahya, captive, lOth c., ll9-2l, l23, l64, 252, 266,
267, 268, 273, 274, 281-2, 287, 289, 304, 305, 48695.
Hebrews (Three) in the Fiery Furnace, 93, 260.
Hebrus, river, l93.
Heckscher, W.S., 327.
Hector, son of Priam, 297.
Heidenheim, l4.
Heimskringla (sagas), ll4.
Heinrich von Herford, chronicler, l4th c., 25, 26.
Heinrich Martelli, geographer, 15th c., l38.
Hekatonpolis, l40.
Helen (raped by Paris), 38, 54, ll8, 146, l92, 2l6, 22~-2,
295, 3l5.
Helena Angela Comnena, princess, l3th c., l78.
Helena, mother of Constantine, ea. 255-330, 46, 77, 80, 93,
~02, 26l, 286.
Hellas, Byzantine theme, l98, 2l0, 2ll, 3ll.
Hellespont see Dardanelles.
Hendrickx, B., 73.
Henri de Valenciennes, chronicler, l3th c., 203.
Henricus Aristippus, teacher of Greek, ~2th c., ~56.
Henry V, king of England, l4l3-22, 98.
Henry VI, German emperor, ll9~-7, 321.
Henry of Flanders, Latin emperor, ~205-~6, 72, 74, 8l, 82,
203, 285.
Heinrich, count of Bavaria, lOth c., l73.
Heraclea (Raclea), 18, 192, 222.
Heraclius, Byzantine emperor, 6l0-4l, 77, 80, 276, 277.
Hercules, ~46, 243, 297.
Herodotus, historian, 5th c. BC., l78.
Heruli, 42, ~97.
Heyd, W., l05.
Hierapolis, ~44.
Hieronymus, theologian, 347-4~9/420, 13l, 155.
Hilarius of Poitiers, theologian, 3l0/320-367, 155.
Hildeb.ert de Lavardin, bishop of Le Mans l096-ll25,
archbishop of Tours ~l25-34, 304.
Hilduin of Saint Denis, abbot d. 844, 348 n. l47.
Hintzen, J.D., 95.
Hippocrates, physician, ea. 460-377 BC., 40-l, 145, 174, 2457' 3~l' 3.l4' 322.
726
Hippocrates, daughter of, 41, 145, 169, 246-7, 322.

Hippocrene, source, 322.
Hissarlik, 96.
Homer, see also Chios, Tomb of, 139, 174, 240-1, 295.
Hospitallers or Knights Hospitallers of S. John of Jerusalem,
military order, 26, 29, 33, 39, 54, 88, 89, 145,
169, 223, 243, 245, 246-7, 322.
Hudud-al-<Alam, geographical treatise, lOth c., 152, 198, 502.
Hugo, king of the Lombards, 926-47, 97.
Hugo, legendary emperor at Constantinople, 69, 286.
Hugo Illuminator, Irish Franciscan monk, 14th c., 228, 431
n. 13.
Huges de Saint Pol, French count/crusader, d. ea. 1204, 264.
Huizinga, J., 297.
Humanism, 303, 306, 307, 308.
Humbertus de Romanis, Dominican monk, general of the order,
13th c., 407 n. 52.
Hungarians- Hungary, 7, 121.
Hunyadi, John Corvinus, Voivode of Transylvania, 1407-56, 95.
Hymettus, 42.
I
Ialysus (Rhodes), 243.

Ibn Battuta, traveller, 1304-77, 3, 153, 163, 164-6, 253, 254,
255, 256, 258, 265, 285, 289, 290, 291, 300, 301,
567-73.
Ibn Hauqal, geograph.er, d. 977, 152, 154, 198, 499.
Ibn Juzayy, Moroccan scribe of Ibn Battuta 14th c., 166.
Ibn Rosteh, Ahmed, Persian writer of a geographical compendium,
9th-10th c., 120.
Ibn al-Wardi, geographer, 15th c., 153, 252, 271, 287, 708-10.
Ictinus, architect, 2.
Idrisi, geographer, ea. 1100-66, 152, 199, 211, 213, 225, 251,
252, 266, 268, 298, 299, 523-6.
Ignatius of Smolensk, pilgrim, 14th-15th c., 23, 101-2, 190,
259, 261, 270, 282, 598-9.
Igumenitza, 18.
Iliad, 174, 221, 295.
Ile de France, 84.
Ilioupersis, 50, 215-6, 322.
Iliumsee Troy.
Imbros, 135.
Innocent III, pope, 1198-1216, 159, 202.
Iona, monastery of, 14.
Ionian Islands, 5, 17, 134, 144, 194-5, 201.
Ios, tomb of Homer, 240.
INDEX
727
Iraklion, see also Candia, 6, 54.

Irene, wife of Leo IV, empress, 797-802, 94, 198.
Irene Ducas, empress, wife of Alexius I, d. 1134, 262.
Isaac II Angelus, Byzantine emperor 1185-95,
eo-emperor 1203-4, 70, 106-7.
Isabelle of Portugal, 3rd wife of Philip of Burgundy, 13971471, 92.
Istanbul see Constantinople.
Isthmian Games, 212.
1
Isthmus, 50, 54, 152, 212, 213-4, 313, 314.
!stria, 17.
Italy, passim,
Ithaca, 194-5.
Itinerarium Maritimum (1570), 208, 209.
Izeddin, M., 120.
J
Jabustrisa, 24.
Jacob Pliterich von Reichertshausen, pilgrim, 15th c., 399 n. 7.
Jacob of Vitry, (Jacques de Vitry), writer, historian,
bishop of Akko, ea. 1165-1240, 21, 168.
Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia, Florentine, 14th c., 133, 160-1,
309.
Jacques de Voragine, writer of the Legenda Sanctorum,
ea. 1228-98, 168.
James I Jacob of Verona (Jacopo da Verona), pilgrim, 14th c.,
22, 112, 185, 228, 340 n. 63, 43~ n. ~1, 587-8.
Janin, R., 255.
Janus of Lusignan, king of Cyprus, 1398-1432, ~35.
Janus, legendary prince of Troy, 52, 351 n. 175.
Jean de Bourgogne (a la Barbe), 14th c., 167.
Jean Carlier de Pinon, traveller, 16th c., 424 n. 88.
Jean de Lastic, grandmaster of the Hospitallers, 1437-54, 55.
Jean de la Roche, great lord of Athens, 1263-80, 178.
Jean de Wavrin, chronicler, 15th c., 96.
Jenkins, C., 11.
Jerusalem, 3, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27,
60, 63, 69, 131, 228, 233, 286, 310.
Jerusalem, Latin kingdom of, 15, 83.
Jerusalem,
Holy Sepulchre, 20, 26.
Imbomon, (church), 298.
Mosque of Omar, 54, 63, 353 n. 188.
Mount of Olives, 27.
Mount of Olvies, Ascension church, 15, 298.
728
Jews, 4-5, 24-5, 105, 108, 173, 190, 195, 210, 212, 215, 217,
230, 290.
Joan of Arc, 1412-31, 93.
Johann von Hildesheim, writer, 14th c., 36.
Johannes Aegidius, Parisian doctor, 12th c., 157.
Johannes Darius, Venetian diplomat and humanist, 15th c.,
277.
Johannes Parastron, Franciscan translator, 13th c., 384 n. 13.
Johannes de Plano Carpini, traveller/missionary, 14th c., 168.
Johannes Saracenus, collector of MSS, 12th c., 157.
John XXII, pope, 1316-34, 88, 383 n. 3.
John III Vatatzes, emperor at Nicea, 1222-54, 100, 126, 243,
298.
John V Palaeologus, Byzantine emperor, 1341-91, 90, 94, 285,
314.
John VI Cantacuzenus, Byzantine emperor, 1347-54, 89, 285.
John VII Palaeologus, Byzantine emperor, 1390 d. after 1408,
~01.
John VIII Palaeologus, Byzantine eo-emperor 1421-5,

emperor 1425-48, 56, 95, 99, 102, 122.
John I, -Juan I king of Aragon, duke of Athens, 1387-95, 118,
205.
John of Basingstoke, archdeacon of Leicester, 13th c., 157-9,
20~.
John Boyl, bishop of Megara, 14th c., 381 n. 34.

John of Burgundy, count of Nevers, 14th c., 90, 92.
John of Mandeville, (Jean de Mandeville) 14th c., 30, 31, 32,
122, 145, 167-70, 184, 191, 193, 246-7, 253, 275,
302, 591-7.
John of Salisbury, scholar/theologian, ea. 1115-80, 156, 175.
John Scot Eriugena, philosopher, 810-77, 156, 171.
John of Wallachia, king of Bulgaria, 13th c., 79, 296.
John of Wallingford, geographer, 13th c., 131.
Joppe (Jaffa), 17.
Jordan, river, 21.
Joseph, viceroy of Egypt, 29-30, 112.
Joseph of Canterbury, pilgrim, 11th c., 18.
Joseph ben Chorion, chronicler, lOth c., 426 n. 109.
Joshua, 216.
Josipon, Jewish chronicle, see also Joseph ben Chorion, 215.
Josse van Ghistele,
traveller, 15th c., 203
Jouktas, mountain, 142, 235-6.
Juan Fernandez de Heredia, grandmaster, 14th c., 118.
Juana de Horozco, wife of Pero Tafur, 15th c., 62.
Judas Iscariot, 244-5.
Judeich, W., 41, 43, 44.
INDEX
729
Juhanna Ibn-al-Batrik, 9th c., 156.

Julius Caesar, 100-43 BC., 213, 244, 270, 297.
Juno, 146, 213.
Jupiter, 112.
Justinian I, Byzantine emperor, 527-65, see also Constantinople: Statue of, 57, 148, 149, 150, 155, 165, 203,
214, 256, 258, 261, 271-8, 283, 300, 315.
K
Kaffa (Crimea), 56, 61, 107.

Kairouan, 111.
Kalo Pigadi, 48.
Kalymnos, 247.
Kalyvia Kouvaras, 418 n. 31.
Kampouroglos, D.G., 198.
Kandak see Iraklion.
Kapsali, 221.
Kassander, general of Alexander the Great, 358-297 BC., 190.
Kazwini, Zakarija ben Muhammed ben Machmud al-K, Persian
geographer, 1203-83, 164.
Keos, 201.
Khazars, 120.
Khitrowo, B. de, 102.
Kiev, 256, 450 n. 111.
Kilia, 24.
Kissamos, 142.
Kitzinger, E., 83.
Knossos, 1, 54, 143, 231-2, 233, 234, 235.
Kohler, Ch., 87.
Konigsaal (Bohemia), 27.
Konrad von Querfurth, governor of Naples and Sicily, 12th c.,
322.
Konrad von Wurzburg, poet, 14th c., 295.
Koron, 38, 80, 126, 187, 219-20, 310.
Krautheimer, R., 261, 297.
Kyparissia, 225, 313.
L
Labyrinth, see also Crete, 39, 54, 322.

Lagonisi (Attica), 346 n. 130.
Lambert of Saint Omer, cartographer/encyclopedic writer,
ea. 1100, 132.
Lancelot, 246.
Lango, see Cos.
Laodicea, 131.
730
Lapa degli Acciajuoli, 14th c., 134.

Lemnos, 169.
Leo VI, Byzantine emperor, 886-912, 259, 270, 288, 289, 382
n. 42.
Leo of Tripolis, pirate, ea. 900, 409 n. 10.
Leonardo I Tocco, count of Cefalonia, 14th c., 134, 194.
Leonardo da Veroli, chancellor of Achaea, 14th c., 179, 322.
Leontius Pilatus, humanist, scholar, teacher of Greek in
Florence, 14th c., 175, 404 n. 27.
Lepanto, see Naupactus.
Lesbos, see also Mytilene, 99.
Lestocquoy, J., 110.
Leucas, 24, 194-5.
Lewis, Archibald, 5-6.
Liber Insularum Archipelagi, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142,
143-8, 192, 239, 242, 247-8, 277, 305.
Libri Sibyllini, (Sibylline Books), 158.
Lichtenau (Kreis Buren), Sl.
Lille (Rijssel), 93, 96.
Limoges, 110.
Lindus, 1, 145, 146.
At.Gt.xa, 200.
Liudprand of Cremona, bishop/ambassador, lOth c., 1, 2, 6,
97-8, 158, 173, 282, 286, 311, 496-8.
Liutefredus, merchant of Mainz, ambassador, lOth c., 97, 371
n. 2.
Livadia, (Lebadeia), 212.
Livij, Titus, historian, 59 BC.-17 AD, 307.
Loktiarna, see Blachernae.
Lombardy, 27.
Long John of Ypres, chronicler, 14th c., 30, 341 n. 74.
Lorenzo de Buondelmonti, 16th c., 134.
Louis VII, king of France, 1131-80, 7, 67.
Louis IX, king of France, 1226-70, 86.
Lucchino dal Verme, Venetian general, 14th c., 232, 433 n. 38.
Ludolf von Sudheim, pilgrim, 14th c., 22, 29, 30-7, 63, 64,
111, 112, 168, 202, 203, 205, 206, 212, 215, 232,
244, 253, 294, 300, 302, 319, 579-86.
Ludovicus de Rochechouart, bishop of Saintes, pilgrim, 15th c.,
244.
Ludwig IV, Duke of Bavaria, king of Germany: 13.14-28,
emperor: 1328-47, 26.
Lychnidus (lake Ochrid), 18.
Lyons, 5.
Lyons, Second Council of, (1274), 126, 180.
INDEX
731
Macedonia, 13, 94, 131, 193, 194.

Ma9oudi, Arab geographer/historian, lOth c., 252, 299, 500-1.
Magdalena Buondelmonti, aunt of Christofora Buondelmonti,
14th c., 134.
Magister Gregorius, pilgrim, 12th-13th c., 304-5, 306.
Makrisi, historian, 13th c., 290.
Maina, 222, 223.
Manente Buondelmonti, 14th c., 134.
Mangalia (Callatis), 96, 193-4 .
.Mango, C., 102, 263, 272, 277, 315.
Manuel I Comnenus, Byzantine emperor, 1143-80, 7, 25, 68, 106,
114, 163, 284.
Manuel !I Palaeologus, Byzantine eo-emperor: 1373-91,
emperor: 1391-1425, 91, 99, 101, 123, 214, 314, 318.
Manuel Chrysoloras, teacher of greek in Florence, 14th/15th c.,
133, 160, 175, 308.
Manuel Ducas, despotes of Epirus, 13th c., 409 n. 12.
Marathon, 207.
Marc Antony, ea. 82-30 BC., 141.
Marco Polo, traveller/merchant, 1254-1324, 109, 122, 168.
Marco I Sanudo, Duke of Naxos, ea. 1207-ca. 1227, 367 n. 107.
Marcus, legendary hero, 53.
Mariano da Siena, pilgrim, 15th c., 195, 244, 680.
Marino Sanudo (Torcello), Venetian chronicler, d. 1337, 88,
89, 95.
Mar quart, J. , 119, 120.
Marseilles, 5.
Martianus Capella, late-roman geographer, 130, 132.
Martinus of Laon, scholar/teacher, 9th c., 200.
Martin Alfonso de Oliveira, admiral, 15th c., 95.
Martinus Vincentius, pirate, 14th c., 40.
Mary, mother of Christ, 199, 265.
Mary of Poitiers, princess of Antioch (Xena), wife of Manuel I,
12th c., 7, 338-9 n. 49.
Mastic, see Chios.
Matalia, 144.
Matteo Orsini, count of Cephalonia and Zante, 1194-ca. 1260,
194.
Matthew Paris, (Matthaeus Parisiensis), chronicler, ea. 11951259, 130, 157-8.
Matton, R., 54.
Maximus Planudes, philologist and scholar, ea. 1265-ca. 1310,
318, 384 n. 2.
Mecca, 129, 151, 164.
Megara (Castrum Metre), 48, 49, 186, 209.
732
Megale Laura, 191.

Megalopolis, 220.
Melos, 146.
Menelaus, 222, 224.
Mercury, statue of, 139, 146.
Messene, 220.
Michael III, Byzantine emperor, 842-67, 76.
Michael IV, the Paph1agonian, Byzantine emperor, 1034-41, 113.
Michael VIII Palaeologus, Byzantine eo-emperor: 1259-61,
emperor: 1261-82, 16, 81, 107, 126, 178, 216, 224,
239, 253, 263, 281, 282, 283, 285, 290.
Michael Asen, governor of Corinth, 15th c., 214.
Michael Choniates, Metropolitan of Athens, 12th-13th c., 158,
159, 185, 200-1, 209, 317.
Michaelis, A., 45-6.
Michelangelo Buonarotti, 1475-1564, 53.
Michele Sammicheli, architect, 16th c., 430 n. 6.
Miklagard, = Constantinople, 114-5.
Milan, Edict of, 313, 13.
Miller, St., 209.
Miller, W., 82, 179, 204.
Minden, 26.
Minoa, 141.
Minos, legendary king of Crete, 142, 311.
Minotaurus, 39, 229.
Mirabilia urbis Romae, 58, 304-6.
Mistra, 224-5.
Mitaton, see Constantinople Russian quarter, 107.
Mitrizzi (near Amphipolis), 24.
Moawijah, calif, 7th c., 242.
Modon (Methone), 17, 38, 54, 61, 80, 93, 126, 187, 201, 21920, 228, 310.
Monconys, Seigneur de, traveller, 17th c., 252.
Monemvasia, 15, 80, 152, 220, 223-4.
Monogiannis, family of archontes at Monemvasia/Cythera, 220,
223.
Monte Massico, 345 n. 111.
Morea see Peloponnese.
Morosini, Venetian general, 17th c., 113.
Moses of Bergamo, inhabitant of Constantinople, 12th c., 109,
176, 179.
Mucius, legendary hero, 53.
Mliller-Wiener, W., 269.
Muhammed II the Conqueror (Mehmed), Ottoman sultan, 1451-81,
216, 261, 276, 309.
Mummius, Roman general, 2nd c.BC., 350 n. 163.
INDEX
733
Murad I, sultan, 1362-89, 147, 192.

Murad II, sultan, 1421-51, 56, 190.
Murzuphlus, see Alexius V Ducas.
Myra, 123, 301-2.
Mystery-play, 93.
Mytilene, 24, 61.
N
Naples, 5, 15, 16, 307, 308.

Narbonne, 5.
Naulon (near Genua) = Noli, 25.
Naupactus (Lepanto), 1, 6, 24.
Nauplion, 82.
Navarrese company, 14th c., 119.
Naxos, 41, 81, 88, 130, 132, 146.
Neamoni, Monastery (Chios), 146, 241.
Negroponte (Chalkis), 24, 47, 126, 201, 217.
Negroponte (Island), 47-8, 61, 80, 88, 90, 177, 199, 201, 217.
Neopatras, duchy of Athens and-, Burgundian: 1205-1311,
Catalan: 1311-88, 81, 116, 118.
Nerio I Acciajuoli, Lord of Corinth: 1371-94, Duke of Athens:
1388-94, 41, 47, 52, 110, 118, 206, 212, 215, 346
n. 129, 349-50 n. 157.
Nerio II Acciajuoli, Duke of Athens, 1435-?1439, 207.
Nero, emperor, 54-68, 50, 213.
Nestor chronicle (Russian primary chronicle) ea. 1113, 107,
256.
Neumann, G.A., 32-3.
Niccolo Acciajuoli, Grand seneschal of Naples, 1348-65, 212.
Niccolo Cornaro, resident of Crete, 15th c., 141, 322, 319
n. 78.
Niccolo da Martoni, pilgrim, 14th c., 17, 22, 37-52, 63, 85,
90, 145, 169, 185, 186, 195, 200, 202, 206, 207,
208-9, 212, 213, 215-6, 217, 221, 228, 229, 239,
242, 243, 246, 247, 304, 308, 609-22.
Niccolo Niccoli, humanist, ea. 1364-1437, 135, 136, 143, 388
n. 44.
Niccolo of Otranto, interpreter, 13th c., 180.
Niccolo da Poggibonsi, pilgrim, 14th c., 133.
Niccolo da Reggio, translator, ea. 1280-1345, 403 n. 19.
Nicea, 80, 100, 114, 126, 131, 297-8, 314, 317-8.
Nicea, Council of, 325 (May 20-August 25), 15, 100, 297-8.
Nicea, Koimesis Church, 297, 298.
Nicephorus III Botoniates, Byzantine emperor, 1078-81, 263.
Nicephorus Gregoras, historian, 1290-1360, 85, 229, 231-2, 272.
Nicephorus II Phocas, Byzantine emperor, 963-9, 1, 6, 429-30 n.l.
734
Nicetas Choniates, historian, d. ea. 1215, 71, 78, 268, 269,

311.
Nicetas Magister, hagiographer, lOth c., 440 n. 50.
Nicodemus, apocryphal gospel of, 234, 434 n. 47.
Nicolas Macri, notary in Athens, 14th c., 406 n. 43.
Nicolas de la Roche, canon, 13th c., 204.
Nicolas of Thingor, Icelandic abbot/pilgrim, ea. 1150, 115,
522.
Nicolo de Conti, Venetian traveller, 15th c., 55.
Nicomedia, 147, 298-9.
Nicopolis-Actium, Temple of Apollo, 146, 195.
Nicopolis, Battle of, 1396, 40, 86, 91-2, 121.
Nicosia, 32.
Nine Heroes (neuf preux), 297.
Nine Heroines (neuf preuses), 194.
Nisyros, 39.
Nomina Virorum Illustrium, 135.
Nompar de Caumont, pilgrim, 15th c., 222, 233-4, 243, 637-9.
Norden, E., 71.
Normandy, 6.
Normans, see Vikings, 106, 113-4, 189, 198, 211, 304
Norway, 113.
Novgorod, 101.
Nymphaeum, Treaty of, 1262, 16, 107.
0
Odo of Deuil, chronicler, ea. 1150, 68, 69, 250, 251, 254,
282, 284, 287, 298, 300, 314, 518-21.
Odoric of Pordenone, franciscan monk, missionary in Asia,
ea. 1274/1286-1331, 168.
Odysseus, 146, 195, 216, 295, 311.
Oezbeg Khan, 1312-40, 164.
Oikoumene, Statue of, 208-9.
Olympia, 1, 138, 187, 314.
Olympus, 132, 169, 191, 322.
Omar I, Calif, 634-44, 14.
Omar Pasha, Turkish general, 15th c., 422 n. 68.
Orleans, 5.
Orleansville (Algeria), 232, 433 n. 39.
Orpheus, 200.
Othon de la Roche, great Lord of Athens, 1204-25 (d. 1234),
82, 201, 203.
Otranto, 18.
Otto I, king of Germany: 936-62, emperor: 962-73, 1, 97, 173.
Otto II, eo-emperor of_Germany: 967-73, emperor: 973-83, 172.
Otto von Freising, historian/philosopher, ea. 1111/1115-58,
175, 416 n. 16.
INDEX
735
Otto of Nyenhusen, see William of Boldensele.

Oxford, 180.
p
Pachymeres, George, Byzantine historian, 14th c., 272, 311.

Paderborn, 3~.
Padua, 307.
Palaiokastro, 221.
Palaiopolis, 221.
Palermo, 5.
Palestine, 10, 14, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 27, 32, 54, 65, 67,
68, 83, 86, 88, 91, 94, 119, 131, 177, 185, 199.
Palladium, 281, 316.
Pan, Statue of, 139, 146.
Parenzo (Porec), 17, 54, 222.
Paris (town), 5, 28, 156, 159, 180, 249.
Paris, College of Constantinople, 159.
Paris, Monastery of Saint Denis, 156, 172.
Paris (son of Priam), see also Helen, 297.
Parks, Geoffrey B., 9.
Parnassus, mountain, 322.
Paros, 4~, ~46, 247.
Paros, Church of Panagia Katapoliani, 247.
Pasha Vrysi (Chios), 240.
Patara (Lycia), 301.
Paton, J. Morton, 32, 43.
Patmos, 29, 33, 13~, 245.
Patras, 24, 50-~, 85, 110, 126, 186, 199, 200, 201, 214-6,
3~7, 322.
Patras, Gulf of, 54.
Patria Constantinopoleos, 58-9, 305, 3~6.
Paula, pilgrim, 4th c., 23.
Paulinus Minorita, Venetian cartographer, ea. 1300., ~30.
Paulus Silentiarius, poet, 6th c., 311.
Pausanias, traveller/geographer, 2th c., ~74, 403 n. 21.
Paxos, ~94-5.
Pedraza, 53.
Pedro IV, king of Aragon-Catalonia, 1336-87, ~18-9, 205, 308,
322.
Pedro de Valls, Aragonese keeper of the treasury, ea. ~380,
~~9.
Pelagonia, Battle of, 1259, ~78, 223.

Pelerinage de Charlemagne, 69, 286.
Pella, 18.
Peloponnese, 15, ~7, 50, 64, 81, 83, ~08, 109, ~13, 118, 152,
175, ~87, 2~1, 212, 219-25, 228, 3~9.
736
Peloponnesos, Byzantine theme, 211, 311.

Penelope, 216.
Penthesilea, queen of the Amazons, 96, 194.
Pera (Galata), 16, 25, 60, 61, 85, 87, 93, 107, 126, 144,
150, 165, 192, 254, 255, 290-1.
Pera, Church of S. Benedict, 291.
Pera, Galata-tower, 75, 291.
Pergamon, 131, 165, 301.
Pero Tafur, traveller, 15th c., 22, 35, 52-63, 69, 85, 190,
192, 213, 214, 220, 222, 228, 231, 236, 239, 242,
244, 245, 251, 254, 255, 258, 260, 262, 265, 267,
269, 270, 271, 275, 277, 286, 288, 291, 294, 296,
299, 305, 308, 316, 325, 690-705.
Persians, 272, 274, 277.
Perugia, 53.
Petrarch poet/humanist, 1304-74, 36, 138, 175, 307.
Petrus Comestor, theologian, ea. 1100-1178/1179, 169.
Phaiacians, 195.
Phalacrus (Mons), 195.
Pharsalus, Battle of, 48 BC., 94, 194.
Phe.nix, 142.
Phidias, architect/sculptor, 5th c., BC., 2, 207.
Phelerimos (Rhodes), 243.
Philip II (Augustus), king of France, 1180-1223, 70.
Philip VI of Valois, king, 1328-50, 26, 86, 88, 89.
Philip (the Good), Duke of Burgundy, 1419-67, 62, 86, 92-6,
98, 297.
Philippe de Mezieres, french writer, d. 1405, 90.
Phocaea (Fogia), 294.
Photius, theologian-patriarch, ea. 820-91, 156.
Piazza Armerina, 362 n. 56, 445 n. 43.
Piccolomini, Aeneas Silvius, (later pope Pius II), 1458-64,
155, 161, 308.
Pierre de Bracheul, knight, 13th c., 79, 296.
Pietro Cornaro, Archbishop of Patras, 1394-ca. 1400, 215.
Pietro II Orseolo, doge of Venice, 991-1008, 106.
Pimen, Metropolitan of Kiev, 1380-9, 101.
Pindar, poet, 518-438 BC., 174, 243.
Piraeus, 41, 205, 208-9.
Piraeus, runic inscription, 113-4.
Piri Reis, Turkish writer of a handbook for sailing, 16th c.,
191.
Pisa-Pisans, 5, 7, 16, 106, 107, 133, 189.
Pittakis, archeologist, 19th c., 414 n. 3.
Pitton de Tournefort, traveller, 17th-18th c., 230.
Plataeae, 269, 312.
INDEX
737
Plato, philosopher, ea. 429-347 BC., 166.

Plutarch, philosopher/biographer, 46-after 120, 192.
Po, river, 4.
Poccianti, Florentine biographer, 16th c., 386 n. 29.
Pococke, Richard, traveller, 18th c., 235, 240.
Poemonia, Roman matrona, 4th c., 298.
Poggio Bracciolini, Gianfrancesco, humanist, 1380-1459, 353
n. 190.
Pola, 17, 335 n. 19.
Polydorus, prince of Troy, 94, 193, 315, 326.
Polymestor, king of Thrace, 193.
Polyphemus, 311.
Pompey, (Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus), Roman general, 106-48 BC.,
14L
Pontius Pilatus, Roman procurator of Judaea, 26-36 AD., 234.
Portolani, 133.
Porto Leone (Lion) see Piraeus.
Porto Raphti (Attica), 41, 208-9.
Poseidon, 195.
Poseidon, temple of, 1.
Prague, 62.
Prester, John, 55.
Priam, king of Troy, 33, 55, 94, 132, 193, 293, 297.
Priene, 318.
Prince of the captivity (head of the autonomous Jewish
community in Mesopotamia), 2th-11th c., 24.
Procopius, historian, 6th c., 217, 271-2, 273-4.
Proclus, praefectus urbis, 390 AD., 270.
Psellus, Constantinus, scholar/politician, 1018-1078/1096, 200.
Ptolemy, Claudius, greek geographer, 87-150, 129, 133, 138,
142, l51, 174, 235, 236, 308.
Publius Herennius Dexippus, Athenian sophist and statesman,
3th c., 415 n. 6.
R
Rabban Qauma, Nestorian monk/ambassador, 13th c., 98, 261,

554-5.
Rabenica, 24.
Radziwill, Nicolas, pilgrim/Polish prince, 16th c., 231, 239.
tmPl:ll~ I paqrmTTDUAa. 41.
Ragnvald, count of Orkney, pilgrim, 11th/12th c., 114.
Ragusa (Dubrovnik) , .17, 54.
Rainerio Buondelmonti, father of Christoforo~ 14th c., 134.
Ramon Muntaner, chronicler, 14th c., 117-8, 295, 301, 558-9.
Ravenna, 173.
738
Raymond Lullus, Catalan theologian/missionary, 1232-1315/1316,

408 n. 56.
Red Sea, 130.
Renaissance, 303-~0.
Rethymnon, 140, 228.
Rhine, river, 4.
Rhodes, Island of, ~. 2, ~7, 18, 24, 27, 29, 33, 35, 38, 39,
40, 54, 55, 64, 71, 86, 89, 93, 99, 118, 131, 134,
135, 144, 145, 146, 155, 160, 169, 187, 199, 239,
242-5, 247, 310, 319.
Rhodes (town), 39, 54, 93, 145, 243.
Rhodes,
Church of Saint Anthony, 244.
Church of Saint John, 244.
Church of Saint Nicholas, 242.
Colossus, 33, 39, ~45, 242.
Windmills near harbour, 39, 243.
Rhone, river, 5.
Riant, p., 7~, 177.
Richard I (Coeur de Lion), king, 1189-99, 70, 163.
Rinuccio Aretino, humanist/scholar, 15th c., 397 n. 37.
Robert I, king of Naples, 1309-43, 403 n. 19.
Robert de Clari, chronicler, 13th c., 73, 74, 75-80, 252,
253, 255, 257, 259, 266, 268, 274, 277, 279-80, 282,
283, 285, 296, 305, 316, 321, 543-52.
Robert Grosseteste, scholar, ea. 1168-1253, 175, 395 n. 17.
Robert Guiscard, Duke of Apulia, ea. 1015-85, 194.
Robert the Monk (of Rheims), chronicler, 11th/12th c., 66, 67,
70, 255, 326, 508-9.
Rodosto, 24.
Roger II, count of Sicily: 1101-30, king of Sicily: 1130-54,
152, 2ll.
Roger de Flor, leader of Catalans, d. 1305, 117.
Romanus III, Byzantine emperor, 1028-34, 263.
Rome, 3, 9, 13, 15, 19, 53, 55, 59, 120, 173, 215, 249, 250,
280, 303-6, 307-8, 316.
Rome, fourth Lateran Council, 1215, 84.
Rome,
Capitol, 53.
Circus Maximus, 306.
Colosseum, 53.
Column of Trajan, 53.
Obelisk of Vatican, 53, 59, 270.
Palace of Augustus, 53.
Palatine, 53.
INDEX
739
Saint John of Lateran's church, 53.

Saint Peter's church, 9, 53.
Spinario, 305.
Statue of Marcus Aurelius, 53, 352 n. 178.
Tiber bridge, 9.
Rousseau, J.J., 185.
Ross, L., 208, 209, 424 n. 82.
Rovigno, 17.
Rubicon (river), 322.
Rubi6 y Lluch, Antonio, historian, 19th/20th c., 117, 118,
204-5.
Russia, 19, 107-8, 114, 190, 256-7.
Russians, 100-2, 105, 107-8, 113, 256-7.
s
Saewulf, pilgrim, 11th-12th c., 22, 186, 192, 194, 199, 200,
210, 212, 214, 222, 242, 245, 294, 302, 510-3.
Sagas, 113-6.
Saint Andrew, 15, 214-5, 261.
Saint Anthony, 39, 215.
Saint Demetrius, patron saint of Thessalonica, 101, 123, 18990.
Saint Denis, patron saint of France, 45, 349 n. 148.
Saint Elias of Castrogiovanni, 410 n. 13.
Saint Francis, 125.
Saint James, 13.
Saint John Baptist, 262.
Saint John Chrysostomus, 261.
Saint John, Evangelist, 15, 29, 112, 123, 131, 176, 245, 299300, 320.
Saint Leo, 220.
Saint Luke, 15, 46, 58, 261, 265, 336 n. 22.
Saint Meletius, 4~0 n. 13.
Saint Michael, 316.
Saint Nicholas, 123, 301-2.
Saint Paul, 13, 39, 50, 131, 145, 119, 169, 189, 202, 212,
213, 229, 242, 299.
Saint Peter, 13, 112, 215.
Saint Theodore, (San Todaro), 57.
Saint Timothy, 15, 261.
Saint Titus, 131, 142, ~43, 229, 232.
Saint Bertin, monastery of, (Saint Omer), 30.
Saladin, Sultan of Egypt, 1169-93, 16.
Salamanca, ~80.
Salamis, 197, 207.
Samos, 24, ~46, 152, 247.
740
Santa Severina, 156.

Santo Brasca, pilgrim, 15th c., 20, 337 n. 32.
Santorini, 144.
Sapienzia, 133.
Sardes, 131.
Sardinia, 32, 62.
Savary, traveller, 18th c., 230.
Scandinavia, 19, 108.
Scandinavians, 108, .113-6, 132, 183.
Schiller, F., 439 n. 46.
Schiltberger, Johann, captive, 14th-15th c., 91, 121-3, 190,
192, 193, 252, 258, 259, 260, 275, 291, 299, 302,
676-9.
Schnath, G., 31.
Scholica graecarum glossarum, 200.
Scutari, 93, 192.
Scylla and Charybdis, 322.
Sea of Marmara, 56, 250, 252, 254, 282, 283.
Second Crusade, 1147-9, 67-70, 175, 286.
Secreta fidelium sanctae crucis, 88.
Seleucus I, king of Syria, 305-281 BC., 190.
Seljuks, 106.
Serbs, 5, 210.
Seriphos, 146.
Serres, 94, 194.
Setines (=Athens), .176.
Setton, K.M., 157, .178.
Sgourus Leo, Lord of Corinth, d .1208, 81, 185, 201.
Sibilia, queen of Aragon, 14th c., 205.
Sicily, 6, 15, 62, 70, 113.
Sieber, F.W., traveller, 19th c., 231.
Sigismund, King of Hungary: 1385-1437, German emperor: 1433-7,
86' 90-.1' .12.1.
Sigurd, King of Norway, pilgrim, 12th c., 22, 114, 115-6, 252,
266, 267, 268, 284, 514-7.
Sinai, 25, 27, 34, 40, 55.
Sinai, Monastery of S. Catherine, 29, 55.
Siphnos, 146.
Sirmium, 13.
Sitia (Crete), .140, 228.
Skandeia (Cerigo), 22.1, 222.
Skleraina, mistress of Constantine IX, 11th c., 264.
Slavs, 113, .197, .198, 211, 214, 312.
Smyrna (Izmir), 89, .105, 123, 241.
Snorri Sturluson, poet, .1178-1241, 114, 378 n. 10.
Sofia, see Sirmium.
INDEX
741
Solomon, jewish king, 258.

Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 7th c., 14.
Sounion, 1, 90, 210.
Sozomenus, church-historian, 5th c., 200.
Spalato (Split), 120.
Sparta, 64, 131, 138, 152, 187, 224-5.
Spon, J., traveller, 17th c., 200, 222, 349 n. 151, 418 n. 29.
Stageira, 191.
Steinhausen, G., 23.
Stephanus of Novgorod, pilgrim, 14th c., 23, 261, 262, 274,
278, 280, 281, 589-90.
Strabo, greek geographer, ea. 64 BC.-19 AD., 129.
Suleiman I, Sultan, 1520-66, 435 n. 3.
Sutton Hoo, treasures of, (now in British Museum), 4.
Sykaminon (Zucchamini), 47, 48.
Sylvanus, bishop, 5th c., 111.
Symi, 39, 40.
Symon Semeonis, pilgrim, 14th c., 22, 221, 228-9, 232, 560-3.
Synesius, bishop of Cyrene, ea. 400, 197.
Syria, 19, 27, 61, 66, 67, 95, 108, 125.
Syrians, 4, 105, 106.
T
Talleyrand de Perigord, Helias, Cardinal, 1331-64, 26, 89.
Taormina, 322.
Tarsus (Cilicia), 24, 171.
Taygetos (mountains), 222, 224.
Tenedos, 55, 96, 294.
Thebes, 24, 64, 107, 126, 131, 138, 175, 198, 200, 204, 206,
210-1, 212, 313.
Thebes, Kadmeia, 313.
Themistocles, Tomb of, 208.
Theodora, wife of Michael VIII, 13th c., 263.
Theodore Ducas, ruler of Epirus, ea. 1215-25, 81.
Theodore I Lascaris, emperor at Nicea, 1204-22, 80.
Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, 668-93, 171.
Theodorus I Palaeologus, despotes of Mistra, 14th-15th c.,
47, 350 n. 157.
Theodorus Stoudites, abbot, 798-826, 264.
Theodosius I, Roman emperor, 379-95, 59, 149, 235, 270, 272,
276, 277, 278, 279.
Theodosius II, Roman emperor, 408-50, 203, 249, 250, 252, 261,
278, 279.
Theodulus, poet, 9th c., 228.
Theophano, wife of Otto II, ea. 955-91, 172, 372 n. 6.
742
Theophilus, Byzantine emperor, 829-42, 211, 372 n. 8.

Thermia, 41.
Thermopylae, 326.
Thessale see Pharsalus.
Thessalonica, 17, 18, 24, 61, 63, 81, 87, 88, 101, 105, 108,
120, 123, 131, 189-9~, 313, 320.
Thessalonica, Arch of Galerius, 190-1.
Thessalonica, Church of Saint George, 190.
Thessalonike, wife of Kassander, 4th c. BC., 190.
Third Crusade 1~89-92, 70.
Thirty pieces of Silver, 35-6, 54, 244-5.
Thomas Aquinas, theologian/philosopher, 1225-74, 327, 384 n. 14.
Thomas a Kempis, spiritual author, 1379/80-1471, 20.
Thrace, 89, 94, 131, 193, 287.
Three Graces, ~46, 221.
Thucydides, historian, 460/455-ca. 400 BC., 318.
Timur (Tamerlane), Khan, 1369-1405, 91, 99, 121.
Tournai (Doornik), 1~0.
Tragurium (Trau), 33.
Trajanopolis, 94, 193.
Trajan, Roman emperor, 98-117, 53.
Transfeldt, J.G. traveller, 17th c., 347 n. 139.
Travlos, J., 44.
Trebizond, 56, 80, 96, 99, 107.
Tripoli (in Syria), 83.
Troas, 294.
Troilus, 297.
Trojans, 42, 79, 295.
Troy, 29, 32, 33, 37, 45, 52, 55, 79, 89, 93, 94, 96, 99,
111, ~18, ~23, 131, 193, 215, 216, 221, 222, 233,
281, 293-7, 308, 32~, 326.
Tunis, 62, 86.
Turks, 65, 86, 89-92, 95, 96, 105, 108, ~15, 116, 117, 120,
121, ~22, 180, 190, 19~, 206, lll, 212, 214, 216,
217, 2~9, 223, 227, 251, 287, 293, 294, 299, 300,
309, 310, 318, 319-21.
Tyra, (Thyatira), Church of Saint George, ~~7, 293, 301.
Tyrrhenian Sea, 32.
u
Urban II, pope, 1088-99, 6, 65-6.
V
Val di Compare = Ithaca.

Varangerguard, 113, 114, 179.
INDEX
743
Varna, Battle of, 1444, 95, 370 n. 148, 371 n. 149.

Venetian(s), 7, 41, 45, 54, 71, 80, 81, 89, 94, 106, 107, 125,
133, 138, 160, 175, 177, 189, 190, 195, 201, 206,
217, 219, 220, 223, 227-36, 280, 310, 319, 322.
Venice, 5, 10, 16-7, 33, 40, 41, 53, 57, 61-2, 72, 80, 106,
107, 111, 120, 175, 176, 190, 195, 217, 219, 221,
227-36, 294, 307.
Venice, Arsenal, 113.
Venice, Saint Mark Cathedral, 57, 61, 72, 111, 149, 261, 268,
307.
Venice, Tetrarchs, 111.
Venieri, Venetian family, 220, 221, 322.
Ventura, Guilielmus, historian, 13th-14th c., 9.
Venus, 221, 322.
Venus, statue of, 142, 146, 221, 305.
Vergil (Publius Vergilius Maro), poet, 70-19 BC., 140, 193,
233, 295, 307, 322, 326.
Vermeule, C., 209.
Via Egnatia, 18, 189.
Vienna (Wien), 62.
Vienne, 5.
Vienne, Council of, 1312, 180-1.
Vikings, 6. 113-4.
Villani, Giovanni, Florentine historian, d. 1348, 9.
Vincent of Beauvais, scholar, ea. 1190-1264 (?), 168, 169,
191.
Vituperio, 56, 193.
Vives, J., 52.
Von den Brincken, A.M., 131.
w
Walerand de Wavrin, admiral, 15th c., 95-6, 193, 293, 294,
296, 706-7.
Walter Aleman, baron of Patras, 13th c., 215.
Warner, G.F., 167.
Weiss, Roberto, 37, 149, 171, 303, 310.
Weitzmann, K., 83.
Wheeler, R., traveller, 17th c., 222.
Wilhelmus Le Mire, Proven9al doctor/collector of Greek MSS,
12th c., 157.
William I, count of Holland, ?-1222, 86.
William Adam = Brocardus.
William Aleman, Frankish lord at Patras, 13th c., 216.
William of Boldensele (Wilhelm von Boldensele), pilgrim,
14th c., 22, 25-37, 63, 89, 168, 169, 202, 232,
243, 253, 258, 273, 294, 300, 302, 574-8.
744
William
William
William
William
of
of
of
II
Champlitte, crusader, 13th c., 225.

Moerbeke, scholar, ea. 1215-86, 384 n. 14.
Tripoli, writer on Islamica, 13th/14th c., 168.
de Villehardouin, prince of Achaea, 1246-78, 178,
223.
Williams Lehmann, Ph., 272, 277.
Willibaldus, pilgrim, 7th-8th c., 14-5, 223, 261, 297-8, 299,
484-5.
Winnebaldus, brother of Willibaldus, 7th-8th c., 14.
Wolf von Zulnhart, pilgrim, 15th c., 451 n. 123.
Wood, Ch.T., 296.
Woodward, A.M., 230.
X
Xanthoudides, S.A., 234.
z
Zakynthos, 134, 194.
Zara (Zadar), 17, 54, 71.
Zeitun (Potamo?), 24.
Zosimus, Monk/pilgrim, 15th c., 23, 255, 270, 274, 279, 280,
281, 671-3.
745
Plate 1.
Constantinople, Hagia Sophia, 1:1250.

(= Krautheimer, Early Christian Architecture,
figure 61).
Plate 2.
Athens, Interior of the Parthenon in the

Byzantine period (design by Michaelis).
Plate 3.
Athens, Entrance to the Acropolis in the

Middle Ages with the Propylaea palace
(design by Travlos).
Plate 4.
Statue of Justinian I, design in a 15th

century manuscript in the Budapest Library.
Plate 5.
Constantinople, plan of the city made by

Buondelmonti circa 1420, (Vatican Library).
Map 1.
Greece and western Turkey.
Map 2.
The routes of Benjamin of Tudela and Niccolo

da Martoni.
Map 3.
Constantinople.
746
747
TRAVELLERS AND VISITED PLACES
TABLE I
Ill
;::l
Ill
1-t
I
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0
b.O
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Arculf/Bede
Willibaldus
Har1ln-ibn-Yahya
Ibn Hauqal
Mas:oudi
Liudprand of Cremona
H'iidiid-al <AHim
X
X
Cl!
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L C
Ci
A -
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0
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0
X
0
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L C
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L ?
X
X
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p.
MO
1-t 1-t
7th-11th centuries
12th century
Saewulf
Foucher of Chartres
Bartolf of Nangis
Guibert of Nogent
Robert of Rheims
Sigurd
Odo of Deuil
Nicholas of Thingor
Idrisi
Benjamin of Tudela
al-Harawi
X X
X X
X
X
X
L ?
L C
L C
X X
- N
L C
? X
- c
X X
X X
A-
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XX 0 X
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XXX
X
X
0 X
X
0
0
X
0
0
0
X
0
A -
VC
0
0
0
X X
X X
X X
X
X
X
X
X X
X
13th century
Antonius of Novgorod
Villehardouin
Robert de Clari
Aymo of Faversham
Rabban c;auma
Aboulfeda
X
X
X
V N
VN
L C
V C
A -
0
0
0
0
749
TRAVELLERS AND VISITED PLACES
TABLE I
748
I
I
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Muntaner
Symon Semeonis
Brocardus
Ibn Battuta
Wilhelm von Boldensele
Ludolf von Sudheim
Jacob of Verona
Jean de Mandeville
Ignatius of Smolensk
Anonymous Russian
Alexander
Anonymous Armenian
Niccolo da Martoni
> 0>
- X
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X
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Clavijo
Caumont
Buondelmonti I
Buondelmonti 11
Zosimus
De Lannoy
Schil tberger
Mariano da Siena
Bertrandon de la Broquiere
Pero Tafur
Walerand de Wavrin
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CONSTANTINOPLE
TABLE II
750
751
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Mas:oudi
Robert of Rheims
Foucher of Chartres
Bartolf of Nangis
Guibert of No gent
Sigurd
Odo of Deuil
Nicolas of Thingor
al-Idrisi
Benjamin of Tudela
al-Harawi
Antonius of Novgorod
Villehardouin
Robert de Clari
Q) C)
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Wilhelm von Boldensele
Ludolf von Sudheim
Jean de Mandeville
Ignatius of Smolensk
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Alexander
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Clavijo
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Zosimus
Schil tberger
Bertrandon de la Broquiere
Pero Tafur
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PLATES
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Constantinople, Hagia Sophia, 1:1250. ( = Krautheimer, Early Christian Architecture, figure 61).
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Athens, Interior of the Parthenon in the Byzantine period (design by Michaelis).

A. The nave - B. the position of the galleries - C. idem - D. the bema - E. the apse F. the high altar- G. the beautiful door- H. the reading desk (ambo) - J. the bishop's throne-.
K. the narthex (vestibule) - L. the side entrances
'"0
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M.
PLATE Ill
l.TPAYAOL.
i9~8
Athens, Entrance to the Acropolis in the Middle Ages with the Propylaea palace (design by Travlos).
PLATE IV
Statue of Justinian I, design in a 15th century manuscript in the Budapest Library.
TRAYELLERS TO GREECE AND CONSTANTINOPLE
PLATE V
Constantinople, plan of the city made by Buondelmonti circa 1420 (Vatican Library).
~dros
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Greece and western Turkey.
MAPi
The routes of Benjamin of Tudela and Niccolo da Martoni.

------- route followed by Benjamin of Tudela
- - - route followed by Niccolo da Martoni
MAP II
MAP Ill
Bosporus
'
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Sea of Marmara
Constantinople.
1 Wall of Theodosius II
2 Golden Gate
3 Pege Gate (Selymbria Gate)
4 Hagia Sophia
5 Hagii Apostoli
6 Monastery of St. John in Stoudion
7 Church of Mary Peribleptos
8 Monastery of St. Andrew in Krisei
9 Church of Mary of Blachemae
10 Monastery of St. John in Petra
11 Monastery of Pantocrator
12 Church of St. Stephen in Dafne
13 Church of Mary Hodegetria
14 Monastery of St. George of the Mangana
15 Column of Justinian I (Augusteion)
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
Column of Constantine (Forum of Constantine)

Column of Theodosius I (Forum Tauri)
Column of Arcadius (Forum of Arcadius)
Column of Michael VIII
Imperial Palace
Bucoleon palace
Blachemae palace
Hippodrome
Obelisk
Cistern of Philoxenos
Aqueduct of Valens
Forum Amastrianum
Forum of the Bous
Lycus valley
Mese

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PIHANS XLIX

Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut

UITGA YEN VAN HET

TRA YELLERS TO GREECE AND CONSTANTINOPLE

TRA YELLERS TO GREECE AND

NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAEOLOGISCH INSTITUUT

All rights reserved, including the right to translate or

ISBN 90 6258 049 I

It is difficult to give an exact definition of the area to

The Hague, December 1979.

1. The position of Greece in Pilgrimages

The Crusades and the Latin States in Greece

1. Crusaders: 1th-4th crusades

Missionaries and Spiritual Advisers

1. Geographic activity up to about 1400

Chapter VIII. Scholars and students: studies at a Greek

Other travel accounts: Jean de Mandeville

Language and linguistic problems: the know- 171

Part II: The Monuments

Chapter XIII. Central Greece

1. Modon and Koran

Chapter XVII. Constantinople

appearance and situation

Chapter XVIII.Westcoast of Asia Minor

1. The antique monuments in Italy and

Index of names and places

American Journal of Archaeology

Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen

Bulle.tin de Correspondance HelHmique

W. MUller-Wiener (ed.), BiZdZexikon zur TopoIstanbuZs~ TUbingen, 1977

Annual of the British School at Athens

Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum

Compte rendu de l'Academie des Inscriptions

Dumbarton Oaks Papers

Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen

Journal of Hellenic Studies

Journal of Roman Studies

Migne, J-P., PatroZogiaLatina, 221 vols.,

RecueiZ des historiens des croisades~

Revue des etudes grecques

1687 that, after two thousand years, the creation of Iotinus,

Vehicles too, were often deficient; the system of roads and

Travelling before the eleventh century

growth can be observed in the trade traffic of western Europe.

western Europe. In the fifth to seventh centuries there were

see in the north and west an ever-closer network of trade

Changes after the eleventh century

I have tried to divide into groups those whose travels

small groups. In the case of crusades larger numbers of

traveller as a report to his employer.

strikingly put into words what is so valuable in medieval

1. The position of Greece in pilgrimages to Jerusalem

Constantinople occupy an important place. In about 722

with pilgrims on the journey to Joppa, which took about seven

one, which joined up again in Thessalonica. It was possible

2. Constantinople as a place of pilgrimage

Constantinople is not mentioned in the Bible, nor was it

attractive; for them Constantinople was the nearest of the

3. The value and the content of pilgrims' reports