START WORRYING.

DETAILS TO FOLLOW:
Eliyahu azzans Neve Shalom as a response to modernity

Noam Sienna, August 15, 2010

Presented to Professor Noam Stillman, RIS course no. 01642, Mideast Minorities in Modern Times

No Amon, hayosheva bayeorim1: Introduction

The Jews of Egypt were profoundly impacted by their contact with the modernizing forces of the 19th
century, as were all Jewish communities living in the Middle East. This essay proposes to examine the ways
in which modernity affected the Alexandrian Jewish community2, using the lens of the halakhic work Neve
Shalom, published in Alexandria in 1893 by Eliyahu Bekhor azzan (chief rabbi of Alexandria, 188819083). In this work, subtitled Minhagei No Amon [Customs of No Amon], azzan describes the
customs of the Jewish community of Alexandria from a halakhic standpoint, offering an approving opinion
of some but disapproving of others. Within his examination, he also describes some of the changes in the
Jewish community of Alexandria, including responses to the new technologies and ideologies presented by
the modern era. In his treatment of these changes, he shows a progressive yet moderate stance, advocating
for openness towards the changes necessitated by modernity while remaining within the traditional religious
1 No Amon, who sits on the banks of the Nile. Nahum 3:8. All translations in this essay, unless otherwise noted, are by the
author. While No Amon was traditionally used as a name for Alexandria, modern scholarship identifies it with the ancient
Egyptian city of Thebes.
2 The city of Alexandria, located in the Nile Delta of northern Egypt, on the shores of the Mediterranean, was home to a
significant and important Jewish community from ancient times. If we are to trust Josephus, the Jewish community of Alexandria
dates back to its very founding: , ,
: [For if the Jews had held
on {to their quarter in Alexandria} by force, without being driven out, then this would surely be a sign of their valour. owever,
Alexander gave them that place to settle in, and there they obtained equal honours with the Macedonians], Contra Apionem,
2:4. Somewhat diminished during the Mamluk and early Ottoman periods, it was revitalized by massive immigration in the 19 th
century (Miriam Frenkel, "Alexandria", Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, 2010). By the end of the century,
Alexandria was one of two main centres of Egypts Jewish community (the other being Cairo), and it represented almost half the
community (10,000 Jews out of some 25,000 in all of Egypt). See Frenkel, EJIW, 2010, and Zvi Zohar, alakhic and Rabbinic
Literature in Egypt in the Last Two Centuries, Peamim 86-87 (2001), pg. 176.
3 See Zvi Zohar, Elijah Bekhor azzan, EJIW, 2010.
1

framework. This attitude is significantly documented in his other works, especially his collection of
responsa, Taalumot Lev [Mysteries of the eart], published in Livorno in four volumes, 1879, 1893,
1903, and 19074.
The arrival of Napoleon and the French forces in Alexandria in 1798, followed by the British in 1801,
heralded an era of great changes for the city. The power vacuum left after the conflict was quickly filled by
the wli Muhammed (or Mehmet) Ali, the quondam Albanian commander of the Ottoman army, who began
a series of long-ranging projects of reformization and modernization. These initiatives ranged from the
military to agriculture, transportation, urban development, and manufacturing. The reforms of Muhammed
Ali were continued by his sons and successors, and the modernization of Egypt was furthered by the British
annexation of Alexandria in 18825.
Six years later6, Eliyahu Bekhor azzan arrived in Alexandria as the new khm bsh (chief
rabbi), a post which he had previously held in Tripoli. The rabbi was already a respected scholar, a published
author and well-traveled. e was born around 1846 in Izmir [Smyrna], Turkey, where the azzans were a
well-known rabbinic family, which included rabbis and rabbinic emissaries in Turkey, Palestine, Corfu,
England, and Italy7. The young Eliyahu azzan moved to Jerusalem with his grandfather in 1855, and was
appointed a member of the bet din [rabbinic court] there in 1865. From Jerusalem, azzan traveled as an
emissary through Europe, meeting with philanthropists in England, France, and Italy, and then North Africa,
spending time in Tunis, Algiers, and finally Tripoli, where he was appointed the first khm bsh of
Libya (then the Ottoman province of Tripolitania) in 1874. In Tripoli, where he spent 14 years, he attempted
to introduce modern reforms in the educational system, advocating for the teaching of foreign languages

4 This attitude towards modernity is examined and eloquently summarized by Norman Stillman, Sephardi Religious
Responses to Modernity, 1995, pp. 29-48, et passim.
5 See Zohar, 2001, pp. 175-176.
6 There is some confusion here regarding dates. Zohar (2001) gives 1848 for his birth (Zohar 2010 gives 1846), and 1888 for his
arrival in Alexandria. Bashan (1981) gives 1845 for his birth and 1889 for his arrival in Alexandria, and Stillman (1995) gives
1847 for his birth and 1878 for his arrival. The dates used here are from Zohar, EJIW, 2010.
7 See Yaron Ben Naeh, azzan family, EJIW, 2010.
2

with the support of local scholar and teacher Mordekhai haKohen8. After his arrival in Alexandria, he served
as the chief rabbi there (declining an invitation to serve as chief rabbi of Jerusalem) until his death in 1908.
In 1903 he described his community for the article Alexandria - Modern in the Jewish Encyclopedia9.
is major works are his collection of responsa, Taalumot Lev [Mysteries of the eart], and his
semi-autobiographical novel Zikhron Yerushalayim, a fictionalized account of his travels as an
emissary. In these works, he attempts to balance an openness to modernity with a commitment to tradition, a
stance which Stillman terms modernist traditionalist10. is moderate stance led him to criticize both
Maskilim in Europe, whom he saw as overzealous, anti-traditionalist, and assimilationalist11, as well as
rabbis of his milieu, whom he saw as extremist, close-minded, and unreasonably unaccommodating12.
This attitude is consistent with the descriptions of customs that we find in Neve Shalom. This paper
suggests four main themes which characterize the ways in which Neve Shalom interacts with modernity.
The first and most prominent theme is:
1.

The representation of technological, ideological, and social innovations. azzans treatment

of these issues are compatible with his stance as a modernist traditionalist, as seen from his other works.

Other themes are:

2.

The inclusion of references to the realia of daily life (i.e. the physical and social details of

material life, the names of foods, items of clothing, local places, etc.) in Alexandria at the end of the 19th
century. These help us learn of the relative integration of Alexandrian Jews into the general society.
8 arvey Goldberg, The Book of Mordechai: A Study of the Jews of Libya. Selections from the Highid
Mordekhai of Mordechai Hakohen, 1980, pg. 9.
9 Zohar, EJIW, 2010.
10 Stillman, 1995, pg. 29.
11 Eliezer Bashan, Rabbi Eliahu azzan, Hagut Ivrit beArot haIslam, 1981, pp. 414-415.
12 Zohar, 2001, pg. 205.
3

3.

The relationship between azzan and his community, including the various edot and

Jewish sub-communities. This gives some context to the reception of azzans proposed reforms within
the Jewish communities of Alexandria.
4.

The treatment of the relationship between Jews and non-Jews. This adds to the picture of a

Jewish population struggling with the challenge of modernity, and the pull of integration versus a
traditional ideal of distinction.

Nitadsha halakha: Dealing with Modernity

Throughout Neve Shalom, it is clear that azzans rulings have been impacted by their contact with
technological, social, and ideological innovations of the modern era. is references to these innovations
balance an awareness of the inevitability of change with the commitment to the eternal truth of Gods Torah.
Zohar quotes azzan as having written in his Zikhron Yerushalayim: since the Torah was given to
physical human beings, forever subject to changes stemming from differences in history and time... its words
are couched in profoundly wise ambiguity. Their interpretation is bound up in time, whereas the Torah of
truth, inscribed by Gods finger and engraved upon the Tablets of the Law, will never change and need never
be renewed13.
In Neve Shalom, azzan noted in discussing the laws of mourning that some countries bury their
dead immediately, while others wait 24 hours or even 48 hours, and therefore it is necessary to determine the
exact time of burial, to begin mourning. In the discussion, he makes the following point (45:17):
.
,...
Regarding those whose way it is to send the deceased to another country to be buried, and do not know when the
burial will take place: today, since there have been innovations in the telegraph cables, and through all the land
their line goes out, and to the ends of the earth their words14, the halakha must innovate, with regards to someone
who is in a distant place and then dies there...

13 Zohar, EJIW, 2010.

14 A creative use of Psalms 19:5.
4

This is a clear statement of the philosophy that where the reality has changed, the halakha must change
with it. is final decision is that upon receiving a telegraph notifying one of a death, the recepient must wait
48 hours to begin mourning, to be sure that the deceased has been buried. This is a valid halakhic response
to a new modality: the potential of instant notification of a death, even in a distant country. azzan does not
abandon the halakha, nor does he reject the existence of the new technology; rather, he accepts the new
reality and then attempts to construct a way to interact with it within the framework of tradition and
halakha. e also discusses the possibility of using a telegraph to send notification of a divorce (64:13).
azzan reacted similarly to the new technology of travel by railway, which also presented a new
modality: the potential of rapid travel. As he wrote (46:18):
, .
.... ,
. ...
. , ,
, , ,
. . ,
.
Regarding one who has an immediate relative die: if they are somewhere close, which is within a distance of ten
parasangs [parsa, a traditional Talmudic unit of measurement borrowed from Persia; its exact length is unknown],
and it is possible for them to come in one day, [they must come]. Now, since there have been innovations in the
railway15, and it is possible to arrive in one day even if they are at a distance of more than one hundred parasangs,
the necessity to calculate the number of parasangs has fallen, in light of the speed of the travel by railway... And
Rabbi [Pallache]16 asks [whether this is valid] and answers, that we cannot calculate [the distance] in any way other
than a natural way, and not by ruses or innovations, since otherwise the ways of Torah would be changed on a daily
basis; look it up there. And he has [my] apologies [for his mistake], for the railway is not a ruse contrary to nature,
but is rather something natural and explainable, which was [always] possible and was now brought into reality. And
as for what he fears, that the ways of Torah might change, heaven forbid: there is no need to fear this. For the rabbis
made an estimate of how far it was possible to travel in one day, and this estimate is still valid and standing for all
the laws of the holy Torah. Only in their time, the estimate [of one days travel] was ten parasangs, and now [the
distance possible to cover in one day] has increased. And if [the railway] was something uncommon and
encountered infrequently [i.e. unreliable], such as a swift camel, you would be right. But it is known that wherever
the railway has been established it does not abandon its post, even for a short moment.

ere too, azzan presents a stance of using the tradition as a framework to understand and use the change of
reality in a way that is halakhically productive. e also challenges the attitude of one of his colleagues, and
asserts that his viewpoint is a valid understanding of Torah, which, as he wrote in Zikhron
15 The Alexandria-Cairo railway, the first in Africa, was begun in 1851 by Robert Stephenson, and the full line from Alexandria
to Cairo finished in 1856. See Frederick Ayrton, Railways in Egypt, 1857, pg. 23.
16 Rabbi Avraham ben ayyim Pallache, 1809-1899, chief rabbi of Izmir. azzan is referencing a responsum in his work
VaYaan Avraham [Avraham Answered], published in Izmir in 1886, chapter Yore Dea, section 38. See D Gershon Lewental,
Pallache Family (Turkish Branch), EJIW, 2010.
5

Yerushalayim, is both eternally true and also eternally ambiguous, and thus necessitates continuous
interpretation in response to the changing realities. In the reality of the Talmud, one days travel meant ten
parasangs; but in azzans day, one days travel could be much more. On the one hand, azzan asserts, it
does not mean that the Talmudic concept of one days travel is no longer valid; on the other hand, it does
not mean that we must restrict ourselves to the Talmudic definition of one days travel, since our reality is
different than theirs.
Another new reality of the modern era was the advent of gas lighting, which dramatically changed the
perception of light and dark. Gas lighting allowed for longer hours into the night, the invention of
nightlife, and the illumination of whole cities with bright gas-powered street lamps17. azzan discussed
whether it is permitted to slaughter by night, noting that it was permitted by torch, and if so, then certainly
by gas lamps18 which burn so brightly, they are certainly considered as a torch, since they illuminate more
brightly than ten candles (30:6). Elsewhere azzan discussed the use of gas lighting on Shabbat, and
clearly recognized how profound an impact this new modality has had on the perception of darkness (16:4):
, .
, , ...
, . ,
, .
One does not light a light for Shabbat other than with oil that is drawn up the wick. Regarding the issue of lighting
with petroleum19, that is, gas, on Shabbat, the great rabbi [Moses] Pardo20 expanded on this in his book Shemo
Moshe21... owever, now the custom has already spread everywhere to light with [gas lights on Shabbat]. Since
they have already become used to its brilliant light on weekdays, if they were not to light it on Shabbat, it would
seem to them as if they were walking in the dark. I follow this custom as well. owever I also do not avoid using
olive oil, and it is my custom to light seven oil lamps with olive oil, as the custom of my forefathers, and the gas
lamp stands in its place as it does during the week, and in this way our [need for light] is fulfilled by both of them,
which is reasonable.

As he demonstrates here, his own personal custom is a compromise between tradition and modernity: the
old-fashioned olive oil lamps, for the sake of minhag avoteinu, and the new gas lamp, for the bright
17 See the fascinating new study of the history of artifical light: Jane Brox, Brilliant: the evolution of artifical light, 2010.
18 As he writes, , literally oil lamps of gaz oil.
19 Since azzan transliterates it as , it would appear that he was thinking of the Spanish petroleo, petroleum.
20 azzans immediate predecessor, Moses ben Raphael Pardo, chief rabbi of Alexandria from 1871-1888. See Emil irsch,
Egypt, Jewish Encyclopedia, 1903.
21 His Name is Moses, a collection of responsa published in Izmir in 1878.
6

light to which he was now accustomed. azzan is clearly not opposed to using modern technology in a
halakhically productive way. Another example is his use of the modern post system to send a get
[certificate of Jewish divorce] by mail22 (64:10, 64:11).
It was not just modern technology that affected the Jewish community of Alexandria, but also
ideological and social changes that accompanied modernization. azzan dealt with a man who had separated
completely from his wife, with a legal separation from a civil court23 but without a get. azzan exempted
him from mourning after the death of his ex-wife, noting that in this way, done by the government, he is not
her inheritor... since they have already been separated completely, of their own wills, by the laws of the
government (45:16). azzan noted that the Jewish community already does not live in a particular quarter,
but is spread out among the nations in all parts of the city (15:3). Once in their new neighbourhoods,
azzan wrote that the Jewish community now comes to the synagogue on Sukkot to eat in the sukka [a
temporary booth, built for the holiday of Sukkot, where it is traditional to eat, and even sleep, in the
sukka], because the buildings have changed and the new courtyards have no room to build a sukka;
furthermore, it is not possible to go up to the roof without having to climb up many difficult and dangerous
stairs, and the roof is shared with the other residents of the building, mostly non-Jewish (26:1).
The Jews had adopted European dress24 as well, and azzan wrote (15:2): It is now customary to send
the shirt and the cuffs and the collar, once laundered, to the craftmans house to pass over them a reed and
hot iron [i.e. have them ironed], and sometimes the clothes are returned from the craftsmans house on the
morning of the holy Sabbath, and they wear [the ironed clothes] on that same day; these people have
something to rely on [i.e. there is a halakhic opinion that agrees with them]25. The tone here is reminiscent

22 As he writes, ,
23 As he writes: , , ,
i.e. Spanish separacin or French sparation.
24 As azzan writes,
25 e writes:
, ,
. .
7

of contemporary Victorian sensibilities: well-pressed cuffs and collars for Shabbat are sine qua non, even if
it means having the clothes delivered on the holy Sabbath.
azzan also attempted to institute a modern sense of professionality in the Jewish community. e
insisted on having food stamped with an official seal of kashrut, to prevent the selling of food as kosher
without it being certified as such (33:12). e railed against shoatim [ritual slaughterers] being allowed to
slaughter without certification, and instituted a system of yearly inspections (done in the month of Elul) for
shoatim to renew their license to slaughter (29:1 and 29:2). e encouraged mohalim [ritual
circumcisers] to visit the newborns on the seventh day (i.e the day before the circumcision) to give the
children a medical check-up: they are to put their finger in the childs mouth to see if it is cold and moist,
and also that the child sucks at the finger, and they should check the childs nails, palms and soles, which
should be pale, and that the child doesnt have a deep opening to his stomach, and that his umbilical cord has
fallen off (35:2). If there was any question of the childs ill-health, and potential danger in circumcision,
azzan urged the mohalim to think carefully and ask experienced doctors to check the issue carefully;
otherwise they were not permitted to circumcise the child (36:8).
azzan also discussed the practice of meia befe [oral suction, referring to the custom of having
the mohel suck the blood from the circumcision wound orally], and was aware that in his time there were
movements to abolish the custom. e argued that expert doctors have testified that there is no danger to the
child [in meia], and therefore it should be continued, but if it occurs that the mohel has a contagious
disease, then he should not perform meia but allow another to perform it (36:9). That is, his support for
meia is based on his best understanding of the medical issues involved, and he attempts to use those
principles while remaining true to the tradition. e does not cast the use of medical knowledge as
oppositional to the traditional halakha, but he attempts to create a harmony between them, using one to
inform the other. This stance is similar to the way his colleague Mordekhai aKohen dealt with Darwin, as
Goldberg characterizes it: akohen does not build a barrier between himself and the Darwinian line of

inquiry, nor does he suggest that his readers do so. e states his willingness to abandon traditional notions of
they do not stand up to logical and empirical scrutiny... As for Darwin, akohen attempts to meet him, so to
speak, on his own grounds26.

Ein hadaat mityashevet belo kahve: Life in turn-of-the-century Alexandria

Throughout the halakhic rulings of Neve Shalom, we catch glimpses of the daily lives of the Jewish
inhabitants of Alexandria - the foods they ate, the clothes they wore, the tools they worked with, the songs
they sang. These details often reveal similarities between the Jewish community and the world that
surrounded them, forming part of the picture of the modernization of the Jewish community. For example, in
discussing the morning prayers, azzan noted (3:12):
:

.
It is forbidden to begin the days business before reciting the morning prayers, and one must not eat or drink, but
water is permitted. Rabbi [Eliyahu Israel27, author of] Kisse Eliyahu, in this section, permits one to drink kahve
[coffee]28 without ukar [sugar], so that he is able to focus his mind to praying, and especially in the land of Egypt,
where the mind does not settle down without coffee; look it up there. And now, it is already an established custom to
drink coffee with sugar, since without sugar ones mind does not settle down.

The honesty of this detail, an acceptance of the necessity of ones morning coffee before prayers, is
touching. azzan mentions coffee in other places, including: the custom of drinking coffee after birkat
hamazon [blessing after the meal] (14:1 and 14:2), and the question of drinking coffee on Shabbat (16:12
and 17:17).
Other foods mentioned by azzan include: date honey and watermelons, which according to his ruling
both take the blessing shehakol29 (14:6), a type of cheese-filled pastry (14:7), perhaps the same as the
26 Goldberg, 1980, pg. 21.
27 Elijah ben Moses Israel, 1710-1784, rabbi of Alexandria. The work referred to is Kisse Eliyahu [Elijahs Throne], published
in 1811. See Yaron Ben Naeh, Israel family, EJIW, 2010.
28 azzan, no doubt thinking of the Turkish coffee familiar to him from his childhood in Izmir and Ottoman Palestine,
transliterates coffee as [ Turkish kahveh] and not as the expected or [ Arabic qahwa].
29 The blessing, concluding with the formula shehakol nihyeh bidvaro, everything exists by is word, is said over foods
that do not fit into the basic categories of bread, baked goods, wine, ground fruits, or tree fruits, or foods that have multiple
ingredients.
9

pastilles which he mentioned as having been made on Pesah with ground maot (21:21), and a type of
small shore-dwelling bird called in Arabic khhuu dr30, for which the Jews of Alexandria maintained a
tradition of kosher slaughter31 (32:4). e also discusses wine and alcohol, including araq (which he also
calls , i.e. aguardiente), which he only permits if made by a Jew and untouched by non-Jews
(34:3 and 34:4). azzan also mentioned the custom to use an ibrik [a small copper vessel usually used for
coffee] to perform netilat yadayim [ritual handwashing], but forbids the use of anafiya32, because the
water is not poured by the person themselves (13:1 and 13:2).

Vehu minhag nakhon: Communal Relations and Innovations of azzan

An important aspect of Neve Shalom is the way in which azzan interacts with the various groups
comprising the Jewish community of Alexandria. At the end of the 19th century Alexandria was home to
10,000 Jews, and azzan writes that the city had 9 synagogues and 4 Jewish schools33. e describes the
Jews of Alexandria as being of various nationalities, and includ[ing] Syrians, Turks, Rumanians, Russians,
Austrians, Germans, Italians, and Frenchmen, with all the diverse characteristics and customs of each
nation.
In Neve Shalom there are mentions of interaction between various communities, usually in the form
of azzan instructing the correct minhag to a particular group. For example (4:1):
. ...
.
After the repetition of the amida, it is proper to begin the confession immediately afterwards... and this is the
custom of the holy city Jerusalem, may she be rebuilt in our days, and I follow this custom in the Eliyahu haNavi
synagogue. And in the al-Franki synagogue [the synagogue of the Franks, i.e. European Sephardi Jews.] I saw that it
30 azzan writes . I have been unable to determine exactly what bird he is referring to. e writes that it lives on the banks
of the Nile and is very small.
31 In order for birds to be considered kosher, there must be an oral tradition supporting their kosher status and the correct method
of slaughter. azzan describes how he brought two aged shoatim to the bet din to record the kashrut of this bird, and
declares that no shoet may slaughter these birds unless he has gone before them [the shoatim] and they have certified him
to be expert, and shown him the pure variety, so that he does not accidentally slaughter a variety for which there is no tradition.
Unfortunately, these traditions are at risk of dying out today.
32 As he writes, . e explains them as metal taps set in the wall with running water from the Nile.
33 azzan, Alexandria - Modern, Jewish Encyclopedia, 1903.
10

was customary to begin the supplications beforehand, and so I taught them to follow the custom mentioned above,
since it is the correct one.

azzan also instituted ritual changes in his own synagogue, Knesset Eliyahu haNavi: he saw the kohanim
going up to recite the priestly blessing in shoes, and so he instructed the gabbai [synagogue beadle]
Shlomo Barda to purchase slippers ( )and place them under the bench, so that they would be ready for
the kohanim going up for the blessing. azzan concludes that this would be appropriate for the other
gabbaim [of other synagogues] to do as well, and may they receive blessing (3:1).
owever, azzan appears to have been aware of the tensions that existed within his community, and
was careful not to force changes too boldly. In his halakhic decisions he often insisted on the importance of
keeping peace within the community, and he emphasized that unity takes precedence over halakhic zeal. For
example, he preferred that someone who does not know how to read should not be called up for an aliya
[a going up, referring to the honour of making a blessing over a portion of Torah read during the service].
owever, as he writes (6:8):
. ,
, . .
Now it is the custom to bring up to the Torah [for an aliya] complete ignoramuses who have no expertise [in
reading Torah] whatsoever, but obviously it is impossible to object to them. In any case, it is appropriate for the
gabbaim to make an effort to bring them up for additional [i.e. optional aliyot], so that they are not among the
seven [required people honoured] with aliyot, if possible. But if they sense that it will cause arguments, let Israel
be34, for great is peace.

Similarly, in the case of the repetition of the amida, he writes (19:2):

... ,
... . ,
. .
Before I came to serve as the rabbi here in this city, it was the custom in some synagogues on Shabbat to have the
leader recite the amida aloud... And I have tried to return the Torahs crown to its splendour [i.e. to restore the
original, correct custom] but I have not been successful, since they have had this custom [established] by my
predecessors. And the Radbaz35 has written... that if it is not possible to correct them without a dispute, it is better to
not do anything, and allow it to remain as it is. And in any case, in most synagogues here they pray correctly [at
least] twice, may God command them with blessing.
34 A shortening of the rabbinic phrase , Let Israel be, for if they are no prophets they
are at least descended from prophets.
35 Rabbi David ibn Abi Zimra, 1479-1573, a well-respected Sephardi rabbi and halakhist, who spent some time in Egypt. See
Samuel Morell, Ibn Abi Zimra, David (Radbaz), EJIW, 2010.
11

These incidents demonstrate azzans awareness of his position as head of the community, and is a
testament to his prudence and his willingness to prioritize communal peace over strict adherence to his legal
opinion. Stillman characterizes azzans work in Tripoli as having the same aspiration for balance and unity,
steer[ing] a course between the reactionary elements and the more Europeanized radical modernizers. And
true to the role of many a Sephardi akham, he succesfully endeavored to prevent these polar forces from
tearing the communal fabric asunder36.
In Neve Shalom, azzan also demonstrates his interconnectedness with other communities, both
from his personal travels and contacts in other cities, and from the wider net of halakhic literature which
circulated throughout the Jewish world. Jerusalem is constantly mentioned, and it is repeatedly emphasized
where Alexandria follows minhag Yerushalayim [the customs of Jerusalem]. In the Introduction to
Neve Shalom, azzan emphasized the connection between Alexandria and Jerusalem: the majority of
the customs of this city are founded on the customs of the holy city Jerusalem, may she be speedily rebuilt in
our days. azzan also frequently mentions both his birthplace of Izmir and his previous post of Tripoli, and
quotes halakhic precedents and rulings of rabbis in both places. Other places mentioned include:
Constantinople [Istanbul], Corfu, Damascus, Rhodes, Tunis, Amsterdam, and Lublin, and azzan even
answers a question from the capital city, London the glorified (12:4).

Yishmaelim einam ovdei avoda zara: The Relationship with the Non-Jewish
Community
azzan was also aware of the delicate relationship between Jews and non-Jews, and paid careful attention to
how the Jewish community was perceived by its non-Jewish neighbours. At the same time he emphasized
the religious restrictions that separated the Jewish and non-Jewish communities. e cautioned his
community, for example, that non-Jews may not be counted in the minyan [quorum], even though today it
36 Stillman, 1995, pp. 37-38
12

is common for goyim [non-Jews] to come to the synagogue, especially on the igh oly Days, and on
festivals and holidays (2:6).
Non-Jews would also apparently attend the festivities on Purim, and azzan cited this as one of the
reasons to abolish the custom of drowning out amans name (28:7):
...
... ,
... ,
, , , ...
.
There are places where it is customary to hit with ones fist or with ones shoes on the pews of the synagogue, when
the name of aman is mentioned during the reading of the megilla... owever, we have already found many
respected [rabbis] who do not concern themselves with [i.e. support] this terrible custom, which encourages frivolity
in the synagogue and confounds those listening to the megilla reading... And another terrible harm is that sometimes
non-Jews [literally uncircumcised goyim] come to the synagogue, and we would be disgraced in front of our
neighbours when they see this strange and terrible deed... And already in the great city of Izmir, may God protect it,
they abolished this custom with a declaration in the synagogue with all the force in the name of the rabbis... They
did similarly in the city of Rhodes, may God protect it, and also here in this city this custom has almost been
abolished, and if young people occasionally get up to play and hit, the shamash [synagogue official, similar to the
gabbai] of the synagogue quiets them.

azzan also warned against unnecessary interaction with the non-Jewish community, especially in matters
of religious observances. e exhorted his community not to buy meat from Ishmaelite [i.e. Muslim]
butchers, who only slaughter their meat after turning their face to the qibla [i.e. towards Mecca, the
traditional direction of Muslim prayer] (30:5), and not to send meat to the butchers by a non-Jewish
servant; if they must, it is best to send a Jewish boy along with the servant to accompany them (31:1). e
opposed the local custom of having a non-Jew come to synagogue on holidays to write down the sums of
money offered by each worshipper for honours in the service or aliyot (17:15 and 23:11). e also opposed
the custom of having non-Jewish musicians play musical instruments at Jewish celebrations (circumcisions,
engagements, a new Torah scroll) on Shabbat, noting that it is neither appropriate nor necessary to have nonJews participate in a Jewish celebration; since he arrived in Alexandria, every new Torah scroll that was
brought to the synagogue was accompanied only by Jewish musicians singing music with their mouths and
specifically praising God37 (17:20).
37 e writes, , i.e. songs performed a capella with specific Jewish content.
13

At the same time, he permitted the consumption of Muslim wine, saying that it is exempt from the
prohibition on libation wine (yayin nesekh), since Muslims are not idol-worshippers (34:1). e also
encouraged conversion, especially as an alternative to, or resolution of, intermarriage (38:1-39:2), a position
on which he expanded in his later halakhic work, Taalumot Lev38. It would appear that while he
disapproved of intermarriage generally, he understood the need to allow those couples ways back into the
Jewish community. e wrote (39:2):
.
,
... .. .
, .
When the [potential] convert comes to convert, we check, in the case that he is a man, if perhaps his eye alit upon a
Jewish woman, and in the case that she is a woman, if perhaps her eye alit upon a Jewish man. For in our
generation, although it does not seem suitable, many have gone and become enraptured by non-Jewish women, and
after days or years a pure spirit enters them and they come to convert their women; sometimes they have already
had children and so they bring those to convert as well... And certainly the rabbis [who permitted this] based their
opinions on what our great rabbi Maimonides wrote, in his answer in Peer haDor, section 130... And if our rabbi
said this, in his time, all the more so, and how much more so, in this time of freedom and liberty, which leads, may
God protect us, to the destruction of religions [i.e. religious boundaries].

Veyashav ami bineve shalom39: Conclusion

Neve Shalom, while perhaps less significant than Taalumot Lev as a contribution to halakha, and
perhaps less significant than Zikhron Yerushalayim as a work of Jewish thought, is nonetheless worthy
of examination, as a window into a community on the cusp of modernity. azzan, regarded as one of the
foremost Sephardic halakhists and religious thinkers of his time40, demonstrates in Neve Shalom the
same moderate attitude familiar to us from his other prominent works: an attempt to balance his openness to
modernity with his commitment to tradition. azzan was a worldly, well-traveled scholar, open to the
surrounding society, who by all accounts was fluent in at least five languages. In Neve Shalom he
translates the instructions and texts for sending a get into Arabic, Spanish [or possibly Ladino, since it is
written in ebrew characters], and Italian (59:5-63:7). Throughout the work, he shows a tremendous

38 Zohar, EJIW, 2010.

39 And my people shall dwell in an oasis of peace, Isaiah 32:18.
40 Zohar, EJIW, 2010.
14

sensitivity to the needs of his community and the ways they interacted with each other and with the nonJews around them.
In his treatment of modern innovations, azzan engaged with them on their own grounds (in
Goldbergs phrase), and attempted to find ways to use them within a halakhic framework, creatively and
productively. e proclaimed that the halakha must innovate in response to innovations in society, and he
firmly stated that the Torah and its laws necessitate reinterpretation in response to changing circumstances.
is decisions regarding technological innovations, such as the telegraph, the railroad, and gas lighting, as
well as social developments, such as the respect for modern medical knowledge and the desire for modern
industry standards in Jewish professions, show an understanding of the ineluctability of change. is stance
demonstrates [the] clear comprehension that the modern era was a time of fundamental change, that it
provided an unprecendented existential situation that required creative Jewish responses, and that it was not
a temporary phenomenon that had merely to be waited out41.
One surprising omission from Neve Shalom is azzans stance on modern education, which is a
prominent theme in his other activities and writings. We know from aKohen that azzan was very
involved in fighting for educational reform in Tripoli42, and it takes up a significant part of Taalumot
Lev43. Bashan examines azzans stance on the study on foreign languages, and identifies ten arguments
with which azzan justifies the study of foreign, and specifically European, languages from a halakhic
perspective44. While the general tone of Neve Shalom is compatible with this idea, nowhere in the work
does he discuss education or foreign languages (with the exception of the translations of the get mentioned
above, where he merely offers the translations without any commentary), nor does he mention any of those
specific arguments in any other context. The only place where education is mentioned in Neve Shalom is

41 Stillman, 1995, pg. 38.

42 Goldberg, 1980, pg. 9.
43 Zohar, 2001, pg. 202.
44 Bashan, 1981, pp. 415-417
15

in a short ruling45 that a bachelor teacher should not be fired, despite worries of inappropriate interaction
with the mothers of his charges, since firing him would impinge on the childrens education; rather, the
mothers should refrain from coming to school (49:7).
At the end of Neve Shalom, azzan attached two ebrew songs of his composition; one, Shir
Sion [A Song of Zion] declaring his eternal love for Jerusalem, and the other, Kevod Melekh [The Kings
onour] in honour of the reigning sultan, Abdul amid II. The opening of this song declares: Protect, O
merciful God/ the crown of Ottoman kings/ efendimiz [my master] Sultan/ Ghazi Abdul amid Khan.
The song goes on to ask God to protect the sultan and his kingdom, to call upon all Jews and all nations to
honour him, and to proclaim the majesty and eternity of his dynasty. This juxtaposition of the remembrance
of Jerusalem with the recognition and praise of the Ottoman leadership is a fitting conclusion for azzans
work, which similarly encapsulates respect for both the bounds of halakha and the innovations of
modernity.

45 This anecdote is also related in Taalumot Lev, and referenced in Bashan, 1981, pg. 414 no. 13.
16

Bibliography
Ayrton, Frederick. Railways in Egypt: communication with India. London: Ridgeway, 1857.
Bashan, Eliezer. Rabbi Eliyahu azzan, rabban shel Tripoli veAleksandria, veyah aso leaskala,
[Rabbi Eliyahu azzan, rabbi of Tripoli and Alexandria, and his relationship to the askala] in Hagut
Ivrit beArot haIslam, ed. Menah em Zohori. Jerusalem: Brit Ivrit Olamit, 1981, pp. 410418
[ebrew].
Ben Naeh, Yaron. azzan family. Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World. Executive
Editor Norman
A. Stillman. Brill, 2010.
Ben Naeh, Yaron. Israel family. Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World. Executive Editor
Norman A.
Stillman. Brill, 2010.
Brox, Jane. Brilliant: The Evolution of Artifical Light. Boston: oughton Mifflin arcourt, 2010.
Frenkel, Miriam. Alexandria. Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World. Executive Editor
Norman A.
Stillman. Brill, 2010.
Goldberg, Harvey. The Book of Mordechai: A Study of the Jews of Libya. Selections
from the Highid Mordekhai of Mordechai Hakohen. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of
uman Issues, 1980.
azzan, Eliyahu. Alexandria - Modern. The Jewish Encyclopedia. Funk and Wagnalls, 1903.
azzan, Eliyahu. Neve Shalom: Minhagei No Amon [Oasis of Peace: Customs of No
Amon]. Alexandria: Farag ayyim Mizrah i, 1893 [ebrew].
Hirsch, Emil, W. Max Muller, and Richard Gottheil. Egypt. The Jewish Encyclopedia. Funk
and
Wagnalls, 1903.
Lewental, D Gershon. Pallache Family (Turkish Branch). Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic
World.
Executive Editor Norman A. Stillman. Brill, 2010.
Morell, Samuel. Ibn Abi Zimra, David (Radbaz). Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World.
Executive
Editor Norman A. Stillman. Brill, 2010.
Stillman, Norman. Sephardi Religious Responses to Modernity. London: arwood Academic
Publishers,
1995.
Zohar, Zvi. azzan, Elijah Bekhor. Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World. Executive
Editor Norman
A. Stillman. Brill, 2010.
Zohar, Zvi. ayes ira hahilkhatit vehatoranit shel rabbani Mis r ayim bimaatayim hashanim haah aronim
[alakhic and Rabbinic Literature in Egypt in the Last Two Centuries], Peamim 8687 (2001):
175213 [ebrew].

17