Understanding Chinese Women
Understanding Chinese Women
Understanding Chinese Women
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Most foreign men, prior to visiting Chinaparticularly ones who have never dated an Asian girl beforehold a
stereotype of Chinese women that portrays them as these soft, demure, reserved, shy, alluring, and near
ethereal-like "creatures." What Western men encounter instead is often something much closer to the polar
opposite. Although it is difficult, if not nearly impossible, to generalize about women from any specific country or
culture, there is a great deal of strong anecdotal evidence, as well as data from a few empirical research studies,
to suggest that many Chinese women do share certain culturally-influenced and induced characteristics.
This unit will attempt to describe and explain the various factors at play that influence the psychosocial
development of women in China today and how these express themselves in relationships with men.
Confucian Tradition
Confucian philosophy and doctrine still very much influence values and beliefs in current day China. According to
Confucius, relationships among family members must follow a hierarchy of status according to generation, age,
and gender. The elder family members hold a higher position than do younger members and men are absolutely
superior to women (Baker, 1979). The enormous social importance of the relative status of each family member
by age, gender, and generation is reflected in the Chinese language itself: There are no less than 52 different
words in Mandarin used to describe family kinship as opposed to just 17 in English (Huang and Jia, 2008).
Historically in China, only the number of a man's sons would be used to refer to the size of his family. When a
woman married, she was expected to leave her family to live with her husband in his hometown, where the wife
was subordinate to the whims of her mother-in-law. In many non-urban regions of China, not much has changed.
It wasn't until the year 1912, after the revolution of Sun Yat-Sen, that the binding of womens feet was banned
but that practice continued unofficially throughout the countryside well into the 50s, until Chairman Mao
eradicated it for good. One scholar estimates that 40 to 50% of Chinese women during the 19th century had their
feet bound and, for the upper classes, that figure was as high as 100% (Lim, 2007). Certainly, one can still find
women alive in China today whose feet were bound some 60 to 90 years ago.
It is undoubtedly true that many Chinese women today enjoy new personal freedoms that were previously, up
until very recently, denied to them. But in mainland China, what is a matter of law does not necessarily equate to
for this finding are the profound discrepancy in social status as well as the relatively high rate of domestic
violence that women in China endure. Surveys conducted by the United Nations Development Fund for Women
found that 35% of all women in China had been the victims of domestic violence and that China ranks 81 out of
177 listed countries in the Gender Development Index (2007). As a matter of social policy, domestic violence is
primarily regarded in China as a private family affair and the authorities are reluctant, at best, to intervene.
Particularly for poor and uneducated women in China, suicide is perceived as the only way to extricate
themselves from a miserable existence.
Chinese
standards
of
female
attractiveness
women is 160cm (about 5' 3") as compared to 170cm (about 5' 7")
for Chinese men.
In their quest to attain these features, more than 20,000 Chinese women flocked to just one public hospital in
Shanghai alone over the course of a single year for cosmetic surgical procedures that mostly included
blepharoplasty (eyelid surgery), rhinoplasty (nose job), malar augmentation (cheek implants), and augmentation
mammoplasty (ABC News, 2008). In the latest statistics released by the Chinese government in 2005, it was
estimated that US$2.4 billion dollars is spent annually on cosmetic surgery in China and that number has risen
each year subsequent to China's removal of the ban on plastic surgery in 2001 (Chen, 2008).
In what is an annual multi-billion dollar industry, more than half of all Asians (mostly women), aged 25 to 34 years,
use skin whiteners on a regular basis (CNN.com, 2002). The Chinese preference for clear, white or pale skin is
pervasive and ubiquitous and, as such, Chinese women avoid exposure to the sun whenever possible and most
carry parasols with them during the summer months (you will even see women riding bicycles with a parasol in
one hand). For this reason primarily, you will rarely observe Chinese arriving at pools or the seaside before 5:00
p.m., i.e., when the sun begins to set. In addition, eating disorders, particularly bulimia nervosa (binge eating
followed by purging), are increasing in prevalence in China at an alarming rate, especially among girls from higher
income families aged 12 to 22 (Chen and Jackson, 2007). A revealing human interest story featured on the AllChina Women's Federation website about two American-born Chinese (ABC) girls studying in Beijing, highlights
their difficulties adjusting to cultural differences in regard to both weight and skin tone. The article notes that
whereas both girls wore small sizes in the United States, in China they are considered "fat" (and are readily told
so by both friends and casual acquaintances) and can only fit into large sizes (Martin, 2007). Whereas their skin
tone would be considered healthy-looking by American standards, here they are both regarded as being way too
"dark."
advertisements
that
conspicuously
feature
either
Summary
Day-to-day life in China is not easy for anyone, but it is fair to say that it is far more difficult for women than it is
for men. Especially following the advent of the 1979 single-child policy, girls in China face a very unusual set of
culture-specific dynamics unknown to the same degree in other societies. On one hand, their arrival into this
world will be met with profound disappointment, especially by their fathers who may regard and resent them as a
lost opportunity to perpetuate the family name, and both parents will fear an uncertain future in their old age. On
the other hand, as their only child, they will still be, nevertheless, terribly pampered and spoiled. This particular
constellation of factors results in an ideal cultural environment for producing an entire generation of women with
profound narcissistic injury, i.e., women who suffer from a sense of constitutional damage coupled with an
extreme sense of entitlement.
The following unit will describe and discuss in detail the two types of pathological narcissism, as well as the
compensatory behaviors of control and dominance, that are common among many women in China.
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