Hazlitt Foundations of Morality PDF

THE
FOUNDATIONS
OF
MORALITY
THE
FO UNDA TIONS
OF
MORALITY
by HENRY HAZLITT
The Foundation for Economic Education

Irvington-on-Hudson, New York 10533
Henry Hazlitt (1894-1993)
Henry Hazlitt's distinguished career began in 1913 when he was hired by The Wall Street Journal. He
went on to write for several newspapers, including The New York Evening Post, The New York Evening Mail, The
New York Herald, and The Sun. In the early 1930s he was literary editor of The Nation, and succeeded H.L.
Mencken as editor of the American Mercury in 1933. From 1934 to 1946 he served on the editorial staff of The
New York Times. While at The Times, he wrote a series of courageous editorials opposing the trend toward radical
intervention by all levels of government. From 1946 to 1966 he was the "Business Tides" columnist for Newsweek.
Mr. Hazlitt will be remembered as an eloquent writer, an incisive economic thinker, and a tireless defender
of freedom. His best known book was Economics in One Lesson, which has sold more than one million copies
since its first publication in 1946. He wrote or edited seventeen other books, including The Failure of the "New
Economics" (1959) and The Foundations of Morality (1964). He was a Founding Trustee of The Foundation for
Economic Education.
Originally published 1964 by D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 72-81850

ISBN 1-57246-007-5
Hazlitt Centennial Edition Copyright 1994

The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc.
irvington-on-Hudson, New York 10533
Copyright 1994
To preach morality is easy,
to give it a foundation is hard.
ARTHUR SCHOPENHAUER
Preface
It would be enormously presumptuous for any writer, in a
subject that has engaged the earnest attention of the world's
greatest minds over twenty-five centuries, to claim very much
originality. Such a claim would, moreover, probably be more
presumptuous in ethics than in any other subject; for as I point
out in my Introduction, any ethical system that proposed a
"transvaluation of all (traditional) values" would be almost
certainly wrong.
Yet progress in ethics is none the less possible, and for the
same reasons that it is possible and has been achieved in other
branches of knowledge and thought. "A dwarf sees farther than
a giant can, if he stands on the giant's shoulders." Because we
stand on the shoulders of our great predecessors, and have the
benefit of their insights and solutions, it is not unreasonable to
hope that we can formulate more satisfactory answers to at least
a few questions in ethics than the answers they were able to
find. This progress is most likely to consist in achieving greater
clarity, precision, logical rigor, unification, and integration with
other disciplines.
I was myself originally led to write the present book by the
conviction that modern economics had worked out answers to
the problems of individual and social value of which most con-
temporary moral philosophers still seem quite unaware. These
answers not only throw great light on some of the central prob-
lems of ethics, but enable us to make a better analysis of the
comparative moral merits of capitalism, socialism, and com-
munism than ethical specialists have hitherto been able to offer.
After I decided to write this book, however, and began to
think and read more about the problems of ethics, I became
increasingly impressed with the enormous amount, also, that
ethical theory had to learn from what had already been discov-
ered in jurisprudence. It is true not merely that law enforces a
"minimum ethics," that "law is a circle with the same center as
moral philosophy, but with a smaller circumference." It is true
vm
also that jurisprudence has worked out methods and principles
for solving legal problems that can be extremely illuminating
when applied to ethical problems. The legal point of view leads,
among other things, to explicit recognition of the immense
importance of acting in strict accordance with established gen-
eral rules. I have sought here to present a "unified theory" of
law, morals, and manners.
Finally I was increasingly struck by the falsity of the antithesis
so commonly drawn by moral philosophers between the inter-
ests of the individual and the interests of society. When the
rightly understood interests of the individual are considered in
the long run, they are found to be in harmony with and to
coincide (almost if not quite to the point of identity) with the
long-run interests of society. And to recognize this leads us to
recognize conduciveness to social cooperation as the great cri-
terion of the Tightness of actions, because voluntary social co-
operation is the great means for the attainment not only of our
collective but of nearly all our individual ends.
On the negative side, I have been depressed by the excessive
preoccupation of most of the serious ethical literature of the
last thirty and even sixty years (if we begin with G. E. Moore's
Principia Ethica) with purely linguistic analysis. I have touched
on this (in Sections 7 and 8 of Chapter 23) only enough to point
out why most of this hair-splitting and logomachy is a digression
from the true business of ethics.
In a field that has been furrowed as often as ethics, one's
intellectual indebtedness to previous writers must be so exten-
sive as to make specific acknowledgment seem haphazard and
arbitrary. But the older writers from whom I have learned most
are the British Utilitarians beginning with Hume, and running
through Adam Smith, Bentham, Mill, and Sidgwick. And the
greatest of these is Hume, whose insistence on the utility of
acting strictly in accordance with general rules was so strangely
overlooked by nearly all of his classical Utilitarian successors.
Much of what is best in both Adam Smith and Bentham seems
little more than an elaboration of ideas first clearly stated by
Hume.
My greatest indebtedness to a living writer (as I think will
be evident from my specific quotations from his works) is to
Ludwig von Miseswhose ethical observations, unfortunately,
IX
have not been developed at length but appear as brief incidental

passages in his great contributions to economics and "praxeol-
ogy." Among contemporary moral philosophers I have learned
much, even when I disagreed with them, from Sir David Ross,
Stephen Toulmin, A. C. Ewing, Kurt Baier, Richard B. Brandt,
J. O. Urmson, and John Hospers. And in tracing the relations
between law and ethics, my chief sources have been Roscoe
Pound, Sir Paul Vinogradoff, and F. A. Hayek.
I am deeply indebted both to Professor von Mises and Profes-
sor Hospers (in addition to the help I have received from their
writings) for kindly reading my manuscript and offering their
criticisms and suggestions. Whatever the defects of my book
may still be, and however much I may have fallen short of
appreciating the full force of some of their criticisms, or of
making adequate correction, I am sure this is a much better
book than it would have been without their generous help.
A question that may occur to some readers at the very begin-
ning, and must haunt many a writer on ethics at some time
during the course of his study and composition, is: What is the
use of moral philosophy? A man may know what is right and
still fail to do it. He may know that an action is wrong and
still lack the strength of will to refrain. I can only offer for
ethical theory the defense offered by John Stuart Mill in his
Autobiography for the usefulness of his System of Logic, that
"whatever may be the practical value of a true philosophy of
these matters, it is hardly possible to exaggerate the mischiefs
of a false one."
HENRY HAZLITT
December 1963
Preface to the Second Edition
I wish to express my gratitude to the Institute for Humane

Studies for making this new edition possible.
No changes have been made from the original edition of 1964
except to correct a few typographical errors. This does not mean
that my ideas on ethics have undergone no change whatever in
the last nine years, but simply that these have not been im-
portant enough to justify rewriting and resetting.
Moral philosophers often have second thoughts. The ideas of
Bertrand Russell underwent such frequent and radical changes
that in 1952 he wrote to two anthologists (Sellers and Hospers)
who reprinted an essay of his published in 1910: "I am not quite
satisfied with any view of ethics that I have been able to arrive
at, and that is why I have abstained from writing again on the
subject." (Later, however, he did.)
I have no such violent reversals to report. I cannot think of a
single change, for example, that I would make in my views as
summarized in the final chapter. Yet if I were writing the book
afresh, there would no doubt be changes in emphasis and in
minor points. In discussing the ultimate goal of ethics I would
use the word "happiness" less frequently and more often sub-
stitute "satisfaction" or "well-being" or even simply "good." In
fact, I would give less attention to trying to specify the ultimate
goal of conduct. As social cooperation is the great means of
achieving nearly all our individual ends, this means can be
thought of as itself the moral goal to be achieved.
If I have anywhere written a sentence which seems to imply
that individuals are or should be always actuated by exclusively
egocentric or eudemonic motives, I would now modify or with-
draw it. I would emphasize even more strongly than I do in the
section which runs from page 123 to page 127 that though the
ideal rules of morality are those best calculated to serve the
interest of everyone in the long run, there will nevertheless be
occasions when these rules will call for a real sacrifice of his
immediate interests by an individual, and that when they do so
Xll
this sacrifice must be made because of the overriding necessity

of maintaining these rules inviolate. This moral principle is no
different from the universally acknowledged legal principle that
a man must abide by a valid contract even when it proves costly
for him to do so. The rules of morality constitute a tacit social
contract.
Is the moral philosophy advocated in these pages "utilitarian"
or not? In the sense that all rules of conduct must be judged by
their tendency to lead to desirable rather than undesirable social
results, any rational ethics whatever must be utilitarian. But
when the word is used it seems most often to arouse in the minds
of readers some specific nineteenth-century writer's views, if not
a mere caricature of them. I found it extremely discouraging
to have my ideas characterized in one so-called scholarly journal
as "straight utilitarianism" (whatever that may mean) even
though I had pointed out (p. 359), however facetiously, that
there are probably more than thirteen "utilitarianisms," and in
any case had unequivocally rejected the "classical" ad hoc
utilitarianism implicit in Bentham, Mill and Sidgwick, and
espoused instead a "rw/^-utilitism" as earlier propounded by
Hume. The review just cited only reinforced the conviction I
expressed (also on page 359) that the term Utilitarianism is
beginning to outlive its usefulness in ethical discussion. I have
called my own system Cooperatism, which seems sufficiently
descriptive.
Henry Hazlitt
August, 1972.
Acknowledgments
The following publishers have kindly allowed me to quote

from the works mentioned: The Bobbs-Merrill Co., The Meas-
ure of Man, by Joseph Wood Krutch; The Clarendon Press at
Oxford, The Law of Nations, by J. L. Brierly; Routledge &
Kegan Paul, Ltd. of London, The Common Sense of Political
Economy, by Philip H. Wicksteed; Simon and Schuster, Inc.
Human Nature in Ethics and Politics, by Bertrand Russell;
The University of Chicago Press, The Constitution of Liberty,
by F. A. Hayek; and the Yale University Press, Human Action,
by Ludwig von Mises.
I have to thank the administrator of the estate of Morris
Raphael Cohen for permission to quote from his Faith of a
Liberal and A Preface to Logic, both published by Henry Holt
and Co.
Finally, I wish to thank the Curtis Publishing Co. for per-
mitting me to include, as an appendix, a signed editorial of
mine, "Johnny and the Tiger," which appeared in the June
10, 1950 issue of The Saturday Evening Post.
Other acknowledgments will be found in footnotes.
H. H.
Contents
PREFACE vii
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 1
2 T H E MYSTERY OF MORALS 7
3 T H E MORAL CRITERION 11
4 PLEASURE AS THE END 15
5 SATISFACTION AND H A P P I -
NESS 21
6 SOCIAL COOPERATION 35
7 LONG RUN VS. SHORT RUN 44
8 T H E NEED FOR GENERAL
RULES 53
9 ETHICS AND LAW 62
10 TRAFFIC RULES AND MORAL
RULES 70
11 MORALS AND MANNERS 75
12 PRUDENCE AND BENEVO-
LENCE 81
13 EGOISM, ALTRUISM,
MUTUALISM 92
14 T H E PROBLEM OF SELF-
SACRIFICE 108
15 ENDS AND MEANS 128
16 DUTY FOR DUTY'S SAKE 139
17 ABSOLUTISM VS. RELATIVISM 150
18 T H E PROBLEM OF VALUE 159
19 INTUITION AND COMMON
SENSE 176
20 VOCATION AND CIRCUM-
STANCE 188
21 " T H E LAW OF NATURE" 203
22 ASCETICISM 207
23 ETHICAL SKEPTICISM 223
XVI
24 JUSTICE 248
25 EQUALITY AND INEQUALITY 262
26 FREEDOM 266
27 FREE W I L L AND DETERMIN-
ISM 269
28 RIGHTS 279
29 INTERNATIONAL ETHICS 288
30 T H E ETHICS OF CAPITALISM 301
31 T H E ETHICS OF SOCIALISM 325
32 MORALITY AND RELIGION 342
33 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 354
APPENDIX 361
NOTES 363
INDEX 387
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
1. Religion and Moral Decline
Like many another writer, Herbert Spencer wrote his own
first book on morals, The Data of Ethics, under a sense of
urgency. In the preface to that volume, in June 1879, he told
his readers that he was departing from the order originally set
down for the volumes in his "System of Synthetic Philosophy"
because: "Hints, repeated of late years with increasing fre-
quency and distinctness, have shown me that health may perma-
nently fail, even if life does not end, before I reach the last part
of the task I have marked out for myself."
"This last part of the task it is," he continued, "to which I
regard all the preceding parts as subsidiary." And he went on
to say that ever since his first essay in 1842, on The Proper
Sphere of Government, "my ultimate purpose, lying behind all
proximate purposes, has been that of finding for the principles
of right and wrong, in conduct at large, a scientific basis."
Moreover, he regarded the establishment of rules of right
conduct on a scientific basis as "a pressing need. Now that moral
injunctions are losing the authority given by their supposed
sacred origin, the secularization of morals is becoming impera-
tive. Few things can happen more disastrous than the decay and
death of a regulative system no longer fit, before another and
fitter regulative system has grown up to replace it. Most of
those who reject the current creed appear to assume that the
controlling agency furnished by it may safely be thrown aside,
and the vacancy left unfilled by any other controlling agency.
Meanwhile, those who defend the current creed allege that in
the absence of the guidance it yields, no guidance can exist:
divine commandments they think the only possible guides."
Spencer's fears of more than eighty years ago have been in
large part realized, and at least partly for the reason he gave.
Along with the decline of religious faith since his day, there
has been a decline in morality. It is seen almost throughout the
l
2 THE FOUNDATIONS OF MORALITY
world in the increase of crime, in the rise of juvenile delin-
quency, in the increasing resort to violence for the settlement
of internal economic and political disputes, in the decline of
authority and discipline. Above all, and in its most extreme
form, it is seen in the rise of Communism, that "religion of
immoralism," x both as a doctrine and a world political force.
Now the contemporary decline in morality is at least in part
the result of the decline in religion. There are probably mil-
lions of people who believe, with Ivan Karamazov in Dostoyev-
sky's novel, that under atheism "everything is permissible." And
many would even say, with his half-brother Smerdyakov, who
took him with tragic literalness, that "If there's no everlasting
God, there's no such thing as virtue, and there's no need of it."
Marxism is not only belligerently atheistic, but seeks to destroy
religion precisely because it believes it to be "the opium of the
people"i.e., because it supports a "bourgeois" morality that
deprecates the systematic deceit, lying, treachery, lawlessness,
confiscation, violence, civil war, and murder that the Commu-
nists regard as necessary for the overthrow or conquest of cap-
italism.
How far religious faith may be a necessary basis of ethics we
shall examine at a later point. Here I wish merely to point out
that historically at least a large part of ethical rules and customs
have always had a secular basis. And this is true not only of
moral customs but of philosophical ethics. It is merely necessary
to mention the names of such pre-Christian moralists as Con-
fucius, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, Democritus, Socrates, Plato, Aris-
totle, and the Stoics and Epicureans, to recall the extent to
which this is true. Even the churchmen of the Middle Ages, as
represented pre-eminently by Thomas Aquinas, were indebted
for more of their ethical theory to Aristotle than to Augustine.
2. A Practical Problem
But granted that moral custom and moral theory can have an
autonomous or partly autonomous base apart from any specific
religious faith, what is this base, and how is it to be found? This
is the central problem of philosophic ethics. As Schopenhauer
has summed it up: "To preach morality is easy, to give it a
foundation is hard."
INTRODUCTION 3
It is so very hard, indeed, as to seem almost hopeless. This
sense of near hopelessness has received eloquent expression
from one of the great ethical leaders of our century, Albert
Schweitzer:
Is there, however, any sense in ploughing for the thousand and
second time a field which has already been ploughed a thousand
and one times? Has not everything which can be said about ethics
already been said by Lao-tse, Confucius, the Buddha, and Zara-
thustra; by Amos and Isaiah; by Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle; by
Epicurus and the Stoics; by Jesus and Paul; by the thinkers of the
Renaissance, of the "Aufklarung," and of Rationalism; by Locke,
Shaftesbury, and Hume; by Spinoza and Kant; by Fichte and
Hegel; by Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and others? Is there any pos-
sibility of getting beyond all these contradictory convictions of
the past to new beliefs which will have a stronger and more last-
ing influence? Can the ethical kernel of the thoughts of all these
men be collected into an idea of the ethical, which will unite all
the energies to which they appeal? We must hope so, if we are not
to despair of the fate of the human race.2
It would seem enormously presumptuous, after this list of
great names, for anyone to write still another book on ethics,
if it were not for two considerations: first, ethics is primarily a
practical problem; and secondly, it is a problem that has not yet
been satisfactorily solved.
It is no disparagement of ethics to recognize frankly that the
problems it poses are primarily practical. If they were not prac-
tical we would be under no obligation to solve them. Even
Kant, one of the most purely theoretical of theoreticians, recog-
nized the essentially practical nature of ethical thinking in the
very title of his chief work on ethics: Critique of Practical Rea-
son. If we lose sight of this practical goal, the first danger is
that we may lose ourselves in unanswerable questions such as:
What are we here for? What is the purpose of the existence of
the universe? What is the ultimate destiny of mankind? The
second danger is that we may fall into mere triviality and dilet-
tantism, and end up with some such conclusion as that of
C. D. Broad:
We can no more learn to act rightly by appealing to the ethical
theory of right action than we can play golf well by appealing to
the mathematical theory of the golf-ball. The interest of ethics is
thus almost wholly theoretical, as is the interest of the mathemati-
cal theory of golf or of billiards. . . . Salvation is not everything;
and to try to understand in outline what one solves ambulando
in detail is quite good fun for those people who like that sort of
thing.3
Such an attitude tends toward sterility. It leads one to select
the wrong problems as the most important, and it gives no
standard for testing the usefulness of a conclusion. It is because
so many ethical writers have taken a similar attitude that they
have been so often lost in purely verbal problems and so often
satisfied with merely rhetorical solutions. One can imagine how
little progress would have been made in law reform, jurispru-
dence, or economics if they had been thought of as posing
purely theoretical problems that were merely "good fun for
those people who like that sort of thing."
The present fashionable disparagement of "mere practicality"
was not shared by Immanuel Kant, who pointed out that: "To
yield to every whim of curiosity, and to allow our passion for
inquiry to be restrained by nothing but the limits of our ability,
this shows an eagerness of mind not unbecoming to scholarship.
But it is wisdom that has the merit of selecting, from among
the innumerable problems which present themselves, those
whose solution is important to mankind." 4
But the progress of philosophical ethics has not been disap-
pointing merely because so many writers have lost sight of its
ultimately practical aims. It has been retarded also by the over-
hastiness of some leading writers to be "original"to make over
ethics entirely at one stroke; to be new Lawgivers, competing
with Moses; to "transvalue all values" with Nietzsche; or to
seize, like Bentham, on some single, oversimplified test, like
Pleasure-and-Pain, or the Greatest Happiness, and to begin ap-
plying it in much too direct and sweeping a manner to all tra-
ditional ethical judgments, dismissing with short shrift all those
that do not immediately seem to conform with the New Reve-
lation.
3. Is It a Science?
We are likely to make more solid progress, I think, if we are
not at the beginning too hasty or too ambitious. I shall not
INTRODUCTION 5
undertake in this book a lengthy discussion of the vexed ques-
tion whether ethics is or can be a "science." It is enough to
point out here that the word "science" is used today with a
wide range of meanings, and that the struggle to apply it to
every branch of inquiry or study, or to every theory, is chiefly
a struggle for prestige, and an attempt to ascribe precision and
certainty to one's conclusions. I will content myself here with
pointing out that ethics is not a science in the sense in which
that word is applied to the physical sciencesto the determina-
tion of matters of objective fact, or to the establishment of
scientific laws which enable us to make exact predictions. But
ethics is entitled to be called a science if we mean by this a
systematic inquiry conducted by rational rules. It is not a mere
chaos. It is not just a matter of opinion, in which one person's
opinion is as good as another's, or in which one statement is
as true or as false or as "meaningless" or as unverifiable as
another; in which neither rational induction nor deduction nor
the principles of investigation or logic play any part. If by
science, in short, we mean simply rational inquiry aiming to
arrive at a unified and systematized body of deductions and con-
clusions, then ethics is a science.
Ethics bears the same relation to psychology and praxeology
(the general theory of human action) as medicine bears to
physiology and pathology and as engineering bears to physics
and mechanics. It is of little importance whether we call medi-
cine, engineering or ethics an applied science, a normative sci-
ence, or a scientific art. The function of each is to deal in a
systematic way with a class of problems that need to be solved.
Whether ethics is or is not to be called a science is, as I have
hinted above, largely a semantic problem, a struggle to raise or
lower its prestige and the seriousness with which it should be
taken. But the answer we give has important practical conse-
quences. Those who insist on its right to the title, and use the
word "science" in its narrower sense, are likely not only to claim
for their conclusions an unchallengeable inflexibility and cer-
tainty, but to follow pseudo-scientific methods in an effort to
imitate physics. Those who deny ethics the title in any form
are likely to conclude (or have already concluded) either that
ethical problems are meaningless and unanswerable and that
"might is right," or, on the other hand, that they already know
all the answers by "intuition," or a "moral sense," or direct
revelation from God.
Let us agree, then, provisionally, that ethics is at least one o
the "moral sciences" (in the sense in which John Stuart Mill
used the word) and that if it is not a "science" in the exact and
narrower sense it is at least a "discipline"; it is at least a branch
of systematized knowledge or study; it is at least what the Ger-
mans call a Wissenschaft.5
What is the aim of this science? What is the task before us?
What are the questions we are trying to answer?
Let us begin with the more modest aims and move on to the
more ambitious. Our most modest aim is to find out what our
unwritten moral code actually is, what our traditional, "spon-
taneous," or "common sense" moral judgments actually are.
Our next aim must be to ask to what extent these judgments
form a consistent whole. Wherever they are inconsistent, or
apparently so, we must look for some principle or criterion that
would harmonize them or decide between them. After twenty-
five hundred years and thousands of books, it is enormously
probable that no completely "original" theory of ethics is pos-
sible. Probably all the leading major principles have been at
least suggested. Progress in ethics is likely to consist, rather, in
more definiteness, precision, and clarification, in harmonization,
in more generality and unification.
A "system" of ethics, therefore, would mean a code, or a set
of principles, that formed a consistent, coherent, and integrated
whole. But in order to arrive at this coherence, we must seek the
ultimate criterion by which acts or rules of action have been or
should be tested. We shall be inevitably led to this merely by
trying to make explicit what was merely implicit, by trying to
make consistent, rules that were inconsistent, by trying to make
definite or precise, rules or judgments that were vague or loose,
by trying to unify what was separate and to complete what was
partial.
And when and if we find this basic moral criterion, this test
of right and wrong, we may indeed find ourselves obliged to
revise at least some of our former moral judgments, and to
revalue at least some of our former values.
CHAPTER 2
The Mystery of Morals

Each of us has grown up in a world in which moral judgments
already exist. These judgments are passed every day by everyone
on the conduct of everyone else. Each of us not only finds him-
self approving or disapproving how other people act, but ap-
proving or disapproving certain actions, and even certain rules
or principles of action, wholly apart from his feelings about
those who perform or follow them. So deep does this go that
most of us even apply these judgments to our own conduct,
and approve or disapprove of our own conduct in so far as we
judge it to have conformed to the principles or standards by
which we judge others. When we have failed, in our own judg-
ment, to live up to the moral code which we habitually apply
to others, we feel "guilty"; our "conscience" bothers us.
Our personal moral standards may not be precisely the same
in all respects as those of our friends or neighbors or country-
men, but they are remarkably similar. We find greater differ-
ences when we compare "national" standards with those of other
countries, and perhaps still greater differences when we compare
them with the moral standards of people in the distant past.
But in spite of these greater differences, we seem to find, for
the most part, a persistent core of similarity, and persistent
judgments which condemn such traits as cruelty, cowardice, and
treachery, or such actions as lying, theft, or murder.
None of us can remember when we first began to pass judg-
ments of moral approval or disapproval. From infancy we found
such judgments being passed upon us by our parents"good"
baby, "bad" babyand from infancy we passed such judgments
indiscriminately on persons, animals, and things"good" play-
mate or "bad" playmate, "good" dog or "bad" dog, and even
"bad" doorknob if we bumped our head against it. Only grad-
ually did we begin to distinguish approval or disapproval on
moral grounds from approval or disapproval on other grounds.
Implicit moral codes probably existed for centuries before
7
they were made explicitas in the Decalogue, or the sacred law
of Manu, or the code of Hammurabi. And it was long after they
had first been made explicit, in speech or writing, in proverbs
or commands or laws, that men began to speculate about them,
and began consciously to search for a common explanation or
rationale.
And then they were faced with a great mystery. How had
such a code of morals come into being? Why did it consist of a
certain set of commands and not others? Why did it forbid cer-
tain actions? Why only these actions? Why did it enjoin or
command other actions? And how did men know that certain
actions were "right" and others "wrong"?
The first theory was that certain actions were "right" and
others "wrong" because God (or the gods) had so decreed.
Certain actions were pleasing to God (or the gods) and certain
others displeasing. Certain actions would be rewarded by God,
here or hereafter, and certain other actions would be punished
by God, here or hereafter.
This theory, or faith, held the field for centuries. It is still,
probably, the dominant popular theory or faith. But among
philosophers, even among the early Christian philosophers, it
met with two difficulties. The first was this: Was this moral
code, then, merely arbitrary? Were certain actions right and
others wrong merely because God had so willed? Or was not
the causation, rather, the other way round? God's divine nature
could not will what was evil, but only what was good. He could
not decree what was wrong, but only what was right. But this
argument implied that Good and Evil, Right and Wrong, were
independent of, and pre-existent to, God's will.
There was a second difficulty. Even if Good and Evil, Right
and Wrong, were determined by God's will, how were we mor-
tals to know God's will? The question was answered simply
enough, perhaps, for the ancient Jews: God himself dictated the
Ten Commandmentsand hundreds of other laws and judg-
mentsto Moses on Mount Sinai. God, in fact, wrote the Ten
Commandments with his own finger on tablets of stone.
Yet numerous as the commandments and judgments were,
they did not clearly distinguish in importance and degree of
sinfulness between committing murder and working on the
Sabbath day. They have not been and cannot consistently be a
THE MYSTERY OF MORALS 9
guide for Christians. Christians ignore the dietary laws pre-
scribed by the God of Moses. The God of Moses commanded
"Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burn-
ing for burning, wound for wound, stripe for stripe" (Exodus
21:24, 25). But Jesus commanded: "Whosoever shall smite thee
on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also" (Matthew 5:39);
"Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them
that hate you" (Matthew 5:44); "A new commandment I give
unto you, that ye love one another" (John 13:34).
The problem then remains: How can we, how do we, tell
right from wrong? Another answer, still offered by many ethical
writers, is that we do so by a special "moral sense" or by direct
"intuition." The difficulty here is not only that one man's moral
sense or intuition gives different answers than another's, but
that a man's moral sense or intuition often fails to provide a
clear answer even when he consults it.
A third answer is that our moral code is a product of gradual
social evolution, like language, or manners, or the common law,
and that, like them, it has grown and evolved to meet the need
for peace and order and social cooperation.
A fourth answer is that of simple ethical skepticism or nihil-
ism which affects to regard all moral rules or judgments as the
product of baseless superstition. But this nihilism is never con-
sistent and seldom sincere. If one who professed it were knocked
down, brutally beaten, and robbed, he would feel something
remarkably similar to moral indignation, and he would express
his feeling in words very hard to distinguish from those of moral
disapproval.
A less violent way to convert the moral nihilist, however,
would be simply to ask him to imagine a society in which no
moral code existed, or in which it were the exact opposite of
the codes we customarily find. We might ask him to imagine
how long a society (or the individuals in it) could prosper or
even continue to exist in which ill manners, promise-breaking,
lying, cheating, stealing, robbing, beating, stabbing, shooting,
ingratitude, disloyalty, treachery, violence, and chaos were the
rule, and were as highly regarded as, or even more highly re-
garded than, their oppositesgood manners, promise-keeping,
truth-telling, honesty, fairness, loyalty, consideration for others,
peace and order, and social cooperation.
Later we shall examine in more detail each of these four
answers.
But false theories of ethics, and the number of possible falla-
cies in ethics, are almost infinite. We can deal only with a few
of the major fallacies that have been maintained historically or
that are still widely held. It would be unprofitable and un-
economic to explain in detail why each false theory is wrong
or inadequate, unless we first tried to find the true foundations
of morality and a reasonably satisfactory outline of a system of
ethics. If we once find the right answer, it will be much easier
to see and to explain why other answers are wrong or, at best,
half-truths. Our analysis of errors will then be at once clearer
and more economical. And we shall use such analysis of errors
to sharpen our positive theory and make it more precise.
Now there are two main methods which we might use to
formulate a theory of ethics. The first might be what we may
call, for identification rather than accuracy, the inductive or
a posteriori method. This would consist in examining what our
moral judgments of various acts or characteristics actually are,
and then trying to see whether they form a consistent whole,
and on what common principle or criterion, if any, they rest.
The second would be the a priori or deductive method. This
would consist in disregarding existing moral judgments, in ask-
ing ourselves whether a moral code would serve any purpose,
and if so, what that purpose would be; and then, having framed
the purpose, asking ourselves what principle, criterion, or code
would accomplish that purpose. In other words, we would try
to invent a system of morality, and then test existing moral
judgments by the criterion at which we had deductively arrived.
The second was essentially the method of Jeremy Bentham,
the first the method of more cautious thinkers. T h e second, by
itself, would be rash and arrogant; the first, by itself, might
prove to be too timid. But as practically all fruitful thinking
consists of a judicious mixturethe "inductive-deductive"
methodso we shall find ourselves using now one method and
now another.
Let us begin by looking for the Ultimate Moral Criterion.
CHAPTER 3
The Moral Criterion

Speculative thought comes late in the history of mankind.
Men act before they philosophize about their actions. They
learned to talk, and developed language, ages before they devel-
oped any interest in grammar or linguistics. They worked and
saved, planted crops, fashioned tools, built homes, owned, bar-
tered, bought and sold, and developed money, long before they
formulated any explicit theories of economics. They developed
forms of government and law, and even judges and courts, be-
fore they formulated theories of politics or jurisprudence. And
they acted implicitly in accordance with a code of morals, re-
warded or punished, approved or disapproved of the actions of
their fellows in adhering to or violating that code of morals,
long before it even occurred to them to inquire into the ration-
ale of what they were doing.
It would seem at first glance both natural and logical, there-
fore, to begin the study of ethics with an inquiry into the his-
tory or evolution of ethical practice and judgments. Certainly
we should engage in such an inquiry at some time in the course
of our study. Yet ethics is perhaps the one discipline where it
seems more profitable to begin at the other end. For ethics is a
"normative" science. It is not a science of description, but of
prescription. It is not a science of what is or was, but of what
ought to be.
True, it would have no claim to scientific validity, or even
any claim to be a useful field of inquiry, unless it were based
in some convincing way on what was or what is. But here we
have stepped into the very center of an age-old controversy.
Many ethical writers have contended during the last two centu-
ries that "no accumulation of observed sequences, no experience
of what is, no predictions of what will be, can possibly prove
what ought to be." x And others have even gone on to assert that
there is no way of getting from an is to an ought.
If the latter statement were true, there would be no possibil-
11
ity of framing a rational theory of ethics. Unless our oughts are
to be purely arbitrary, purely dogmatic, they must somehow
grow out of what is.
Now the connection between what is and what ought to be is
always a desire of some kind. We recognize this in our daily
decisions. When we are trying to decide on a course of action,
and are asking advice, we are told, for example: "If you desire
to become a doctor, you must go to medical school. If you de-
sire to get ahead, you must be diligent in your business. If you
don't want to get fat, you must watch your diet. If you want
to avoid lung cancer, you must cut down on cigarettes," etc.
The generalized form of such advice may be reduced to this:
// you desire to attain a certain end, you ought to use a certain
means, because this is the means most likely to achieve it. The
is is the desire; the ought is the means of gratifying it.
So far, so good. But how far does this get us toward a theory
of ethics? For if a man does not desire an end, there seems no
way of convincing him that he ought to pursue the means to
that end. If a man prefers the certainty of getting fat, or the
risk of a heart attack, to curbing his appetite or giving up his
favorite delicacies; if he prefers the risks of lung cancer to giving
up smoking, any ought based on the assumption of a contrary
preference loses its force.
A story so old that it is told as an old one even by Bentham2
is that of the oculist and the sot: A countryman who had hurt
his eyes by drinking went to a celebrated oculist for advice.
He found him at table, with a glass of wine before him. "You
must leave off drinking," said the oculist. "How so?" says the
countryman. "You don't, and yet methinks your own eyes are
none of the best." "That's very true, friend," replied the ocu-
list: "but you are to know, I love my bottle better than my
eyes."
How, then, do we move from any basis of desire to any theory
of ethics?
We find the solution when we take a longer and broader view.
All our desires may be generalized as desires to substitute a
more satisfactory state of affairs for a less satisfactory state. It is
true that an individual, under the immediate influence of im-
pulse or passion, of a moment of anger or rage, malice, vindic-
tiveness, or the desire for revenge, or gluttony, or an overwhelm-
THE MORAL CRITERION 13
ing craving for a release of sexual tension, or for a smoke or a
drink or a drug, may in the long run only reduce a more satis-
factory state to a less satisfactory state, may make himself less
happy rather than more happy. But this less satisfactory state
was not his real conscious intention even at the moment of act-
ing. He realizes, in retrospect, that his action was folly; he did
not improve his condition, but made it worse; he did not act
in accordance with his long-run interests, but against them.
He is always willing to recognize, in his calmer moments, that
he should choose the action that best promotes his own interests
and maximizes his own happiness (or minimizes his own unhap-
piness) in the long run. Wise and disciplined men refuse to
indulge in immediate pleasures when the indulgence seems only
too likely to lead in the long run to an overbalance of misery
or pain.
T o repeat and to sum up: It is not true that "no amount of
is can make an ought." The ought rests, in fact, and must rest,
either upon an is or upon a will be. The sequence is simple:
Every man, in his cool and rational moments, seeks his own
long-run happiness. This is a fact; this is an is. Mankind has
found, over the centuries, that certain rules of action best tend
to promote the long-run happiness of both the individual and
society. These rules of action have come to be called moral rules.
Therefore, assuming that one see!.s one's long-run happiness,
these are the rules one ought to follow.
Certainly this is the whole basis of what is called prudential
ethics. In fact, wisdom, or the art of living wisely, is perhaps
only another name for prudential ethics.
Prudential ethics constitutes a very large part of all ethics.
But the whole of ethics rests upon the same foundation. For
men find that they best promote their own interests in the long
run not merely by refraining from injury to their fellows, but
by cooperating with them. Social cooperation is the foremost
means by which the majority of us attain most of our ends. It
is on the implicit if not the explicit recognition of this that our
codes of morals, our rules of conduct, are ultimately based.
"Justice" itself (as we shall later see more clearly) consists in.
observance of the rules or principles that do most, in the long
run, to preserve and promote social cooperation.
We shall find also, when we have explored the subject fur-
ther, that there are no irreconcilable conflicts between egoism
and altruism, between selfishness and benevolence, between the
long-run interests of the individual and those of society. In most
cases in which such conflicts appear to exist, the appearance
exists because only short-run consequences, and not conse-
quences over the long run, are being taken into consideration.
Social cooperation is, of course, itself a means. It is a means
to the never completely attainable goal of maximizing the hap-
piness and well-being of mankind. But the great difficulty of
making the latter our direct goal is the lack of unanimity in the
tastes, ends, and value judgments of individuals. An activity
that gives one man pleasure may be a great bore to another.
"One man's meat is another man's poison." But social coopera-
tion is the great means by which we all help each other to attain
our individual ends, and so to attain the ends of "society."
Moreover, we do share a great number of basic ends in common;
and social cooperation is the principal means of attaining these
also.
In brief, the aim of each of us to satisfy his own desires, to
achieve as far as possible his own highest happiness and well-
being, is best forwarded by a common means, Social Coopera-
tion, and cannot be achieved without that means.
Here, then, is the foundation on which we may build a
rational system of ethics.
CHAPTER 4
Pleasure as the End

1. Jeremy Bentham
The doctrine that pleasure is the sole ultimate good, and
pain the sole evil, is at least as old as Epicurus (341-270 B.C.).
But the doctrine, from the beginning, has been denounced as
heretical by the bulk of orthodox or ascetic moralistsso much
so, that it almost disappeared until it was revived in the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries. The writer who then stated it
in its most uncompromising, elaborate, and systematic form was
Jeremy Bentham. 1
If we may judge by the number of references to him and his
doctrines in the literature of the subject, even though most of
them are critical, angry, or derisive, Bentham has been the most
discussed and influential moralist of modern times. It seems
profitable, therefore, to begin with an analysis of the hedonistic
doctrine as he states it.
His best known (as well as his most authentic) 2 statement is
in his Principles of Morals and Legislation. The paragraphs
with which he opens that book are bold and sweeping.
Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sov-
ereign masters, pain and pleasure. It is for them alone to point out
what we ought to do, as well as to determine what we shall do.
On the one hand the standard of right and wrong, on the other
hand the chain of causes and effects, are fastened to their throne.
They govern us in all we do, in all we say, in all we think: every
effort we can make to throw off our subjection, will serve but to
demonstrate and confirm it. In words a man may pretend to ab-
jure their empire: but in reality he will remain subject to it all
the while. The principle of utility recognizes this subjection, and
assumes it for the foundation of that system, the object of which
is to rear the fabric of felicity by the hands of reason and law.
Systems which attempt to question it, deal in sounds instead of
sense, in caprice instead of reason, in darkness instead of light.
It will be noticed that in the second sentence of this para-
graph Bentham draws no distinction whatever between what has
15
since come to be known as the doctrine of psychological hedon-
ism (the doctrine that we always do take the action which we
think will give us the greatest pleasure) and the doctrine that
has come to be known as ethical hedonism (the doctrine that
we ought to take the action which will result in the greatest
pleasure or happiness). But we may leave the disentanglement
of this knotty problem to a later chapter.
Bentham goes on to explain that:
The principle of utility is the foundation of the present work.
. . . By the principle of utility is meant that principle which ap-
proves or disapproves of every action whatsoever, according to the
tendency which it appears to have to augment or diminish the
happiness of the party whose interest is in question. . . . I say of
every action whatsoever; and therefore not only of every action
of a private individual, but of every measure of government.
By utility is meant that property in any object, whereby it tends
to produce benefit, advantage, pleasure, good, or happiness (all
this in the present case comes to the same thing), or (what comes
again to the same thing) to prevent the happening of mischief,
pain, evil, or unhappiness to the party whose interest is consid-
ered: if that party be the community in general, then the happi-
ness of the community: if a particular individual, then the hap-
piness of that individual.3
Bentham later modified his ideas, or at least their expression.
He acknowledged his debt for the "principle of utility" to
Hume, but came to find the principle too vague. Utility for
what end? Bentham took over from an essay on Government by
Priestley in 1768 the phrase "the greatest happiness of the great-
est number" but later substituted both for this and for "utility"
the Greatest Happiness Principle. Increasingly, too (as revealed
in the Deontology) he substituted "happiness" and "greatest
happiness" for "pleasure," and in the Deontology he arrived at
the definition: "Morality is the art of maximizing happiness: it
gives the code of laws by which that conduct is suggested whose
result will, the whole of human existence being taken into
account, leave the greatest quantity of felicity." 4
2. The Charge of Sensuality

It is against the statement of his theory in the form found in
his Morals and Legislation, however (and against popular mis-
PLEASURE AS THE END 17
conceptions of what he believed or continued to believe), that
the great storm of criticism has been directed.
As the primary purpose of these early chapters will be to lay
the foundation for a positive theory of morals, I shall here dis-
cuss only a few of the respects in which that criticism was either
valid or unjustified; and I shall discuss them, not so much as
they apply to the specific doctrines of Bentham, but to hedon-
istic or eudaemonic doctrines in general.
The most frequent objection to hedonism or utilitarianism
on the part of anti-hedonist and anti-utilitarian writers is that
the "pleasure" which it makes the goal of action refers to a
purely physical or sensual pleasure. Thus Schumpeter calls it
"the shallowest of all conceivable philosophies of life," and
insists that the "pleasure" it talks of is merely the pleasure
epitomized in eating beefsteaks.5 And moralists like Carlyle
have not hesitated to call it a "pig philosophy." This criticism
is immemorial. "Epicurean" has become a synonym for a sen-
sualist, and the followers of Epicurus have been condemned as
the "swine" of Epicurus.
Closely allied to this criticism, and sharing almost equal
prominence with it, is the accusation that hedonism and utili-
tarianism preach essentially the philosophy of sensuality and
self-indulgence, the philosophy of the voluptuary and the liber-
tine.
Now while it is true that there are people who both practice
and preach the philosophy of sensuality, it receives very little
support from Benthamor, for that matter, from any of the
leading utilitarians.
So far as the charge of sensuality is concerned, no one who
has ever read Bentham can have any excuse for making it.6 For
in his elaborate enumeration and classification of "pleasures,"
he lists not only the pleasures of sense, in which he includes
the pleasure of health, and the pleasures of wealth and power,
including those both of acquisition and of possession, but the
pleasures of memory and imagination, or association and expec-
tation, and the pleasures of amity, of a good name, of piety, and
of benevolence or good will. (He is also realistic and candid
enough to list the pleasures of malevolence or ill will.)
And when he comes to the question of how a pleasure should
be measured, valued, or compared, he lists seven criteria or
"circumstances": (1) Its intensity. (2) Its duration. (3) Its cer-
tainty or uncertainty. (4) Its propinquity or remoteness. (5) Its
fecundity (or the chance it has of being followed by sensations of
the same kind). (6) Its purity (or the chance it has of not being
followed by sensations of the opposite kind). (7) Its extent (that
is, the number of persons to whom it extends).7
The foregoing quotations do, I think, point to some of the
real shortcomings in Bentham's analysis. These include his fail-
ure to construct a convincing "hedonistic calculus" (though his
elaborate effort to do so was itself highly instructive). They in-
clude his tendency to treat "pleasure" or "pain" as something
that can be abstracted and isolated from specific pleasures or
pains and treated like a physical or chemical residue, or like a
homogeneous juice that can be quantitatively measured.
I will return to these points later. Here I wish to point out
that Bentham and the utilitarians generally cannot be justly
accused of assigning to "pleasure" a purely sensual meaning.
Nor does their emphasis on promoting pleasure and avoiding
pain necessarily lead to a philosophy of self-indulgence. The
critics of hedonism or utilitarianism constantly talk as if its
votaries measured all pleasures merely in terms of their inten-
sity. But the key words in Bentham's comparisons are duration,
fecundity, and purity. And the greatest of these is duration. In
discussing the virtue of "self-regarding prudence," Bentham
constantly emphasizes the importance of not sacrificing the
future to the present, the importance of giving "preference to
the greater future over the less present pleasure." 8 "Is not
temperance a virtue? Aye, assuredly is it. But wherefore? Be-
cause by restraining enjoyment for a time, it afterwards elevates
it to that very pitch which leaves, on the whole, the largest
addition to the stock of happiness." 9
3. Of the Greatest Number

Bentham's views have been misunderstood in another impor-
tant respectthough this is in large part his own fault. One of
the phrases he is thought to have originatedwhich was once
most often quoted with approval by his disciples but is now the
most frequent target for his criticsis "the greatest happiness
of the greatest number." But first, as we have seen, this was not
PLEASURE AS THE END 19
Bentham's original phrase, but taken by him from Priestley
(who was in turn anticipated both by Hutcheson and Beccaria);
and secondly, Bentham himself later abandoned it. When he
did reject it he did so with a clearer and more powerful argu-
ment (so far as it goes) than any I have seen by any critic. It is
quoted by Bowring in the final pages of the first volume of the
posthumous Deontology, from which I paraphrase it:
The principle of the Greatest Happiness of the Greatest
Number is questionable because it can be interpreted as ignor-
ing the feelings or fate of the minority. And this questionable-
ness becomes greater the greater we conceive the ratio to be of
the minority to the majority.
Let us suppose a community of 4001 persons of which the
"majority" numbers 2001 and the minority 2000. Suppose that,
to begin with, each of the 4001 possesses an equal portion of
happiness. If, now, we take his share of happiness from every
one of the 2000 and divide it among the 2001, the result would
be, not an augmentation, but a vast diminution of happiness.
The feelings of the minority being, according to the "greatest
number" principle, left out of account, the vacuum thus left,
instead of remaining a vacuum, may be filled with the greatest
unhappiness and suffering. The net result for a whole commu-
nity would not be a gain in happiness but a great loss.
Or assume, again, that your 4001 persons are at the outset in
a state of perfect equality with respect to the means to happi-
ness, including power and opulence, with every one possessing
not only equal wealth, but equal liberty and independence.
Now take your 2000, or no matter how much smaller a minor-
ity, reduce them to a state of slavery, and divide them and their
former property among the 2001. How many in the community
will actually have their happiness increased? What would be the
result for the happiness of the whole community? The questions
answer themselves.
To make the application more specific, Bentham then went
on to ask what would happen if, in Great Britain, the whole
body of the Roman Catholics were made slaves and divided
among the whole body of Protestants, or if, in Ireland, the
whole body of Protestants were divided, in like manner, among
the whole body of Roman Catholics.
So Bentham fell back on the Greatest Happiness Principle,
and spoke of the goal of ethics as that of maximizing the hap-
piness of the community as a whole.
4. "Pleasure" vs. "Happiness"
This statement of the ultimate criterion of moral rules leaves
many troublesome questions unanswered. We may postpone
consideration of some of these to a later point, but we can
hardly escape dealing with a few of them now, if our answer is
to be even provisionally satisfactory. Some of these questions are
perhaps purely semantic or linguistic; others are psychological
or philosophical; and in some cases it is difficult to determine
whether we are in fact dealing with a verbal or a psychological
or a moral problem.
This applies especially to the use of the terms pleasure and
pain. Bentham himself, as we have seen, who originally made
the systematic use of these terms basic to his ethical system, later
tended to abandon the term pleasure more and more for the
term happiness. But he insisted to the end that: "Happiness is
the aggregate of which pleasures are the component parts. . . .
Let not the mind be led astray by any distinctions drawn be-
tween pleasures and happiness. . . . Happiness without pleas-
ures is a chimera and a contradiction; it is a million without any
units, a square yard in which there shall be no inches, a bag of
guineas without an atom of gold." 10
The conception of happiness as a mere arithmetical summa-
tion of units of pleasure and pain, however, finds little accept-
ance today, either by moral philosophers, psychologists, or the
man in the street. And persistent difficulties are presented by the
words pleasure and pain. It is in vain that some moral philoso-
phers have warned that they should be used and understood
only in a purely formal sense.11 The popular association of
these words with merely sensual and carnal pleasure is so strong
that such a warning is certain to be forgotten. Meanwhile anti-
hedonists consciously or unconsciously make full use of this
association to deride and discredit the utilitarian writers who
use the words.
It seems the part of practical wisdom, and the best way to
minimize misunderstanding, to use the terms "pleasure" and
"pain" very sparingly, if not to abandon them almost alto-
gether in ethical discussion.
CHAPTER 5
Satisfaction and Happiness

1. The Role of Desire
The modern doctrine of eudaemonic ethics is differently
framed. It is customarily stated, not in terms of pleasures and
pains, but in terms of desires and satisfactions. Thus it bypasses
some of the psychological and verbal controversies raised by the
older pleasure-pain theories. As we saw in Chapter 3 (p. 12), all
our desires may be generalized as desires to substitute a more
satisfactory state of affairs for a less satisfactory state. A man acts,
in Locke's phrase, because he feels some "uneasiness" * and
tries as far as possible to remove this uneasiness.
I shall argue in this chapter, therefore, in defense of at least
one form of the doctrine of "psychological eudaemonism."
Superficially similar doctrines, under the name "psychological
hedonism" or "psychological egoism," are actively opposed by
many modern moral philosophers. We shall consider here the
criticism offered by an older moral philosopher, Hastings Rash-
dall.
Rashdall, criticizing "psychological hedonism," held that it
rested on a great "hysteron-proteron"an inversion of the true
order of logical dependence, a reversal of cause and effect:
The fact that a thing is desired no doubt implies that the satis-
faction of the desire will necessarily bring pleasure. There is un-
doubtedly pleasure in the satisfaction of all desire. But that is a
very different thing from asserting that the object is desired be-
cause it is thought of as pleasant, and in proportion as it is
thought of as pleasant. The hedonistic Psychology involves, ac-
cording to the stock phrase, a "hysteron-proteron"; it puts the
cart before the horse. In reality, the imagined pleasantness is cre-
ated by the desire, not the desire by the imagined pleasantness.2
But in making this criticism, Rashdall was forced to concede
somethingthe fact that men actually do seek satisfaction of
their desires, whatever these desires happen to be. "The grati-
21
fication of every desire necessarily gives pleasure in actual fact,
and is consequently conceived of as pleasant in idea before the
desire is accomplished. That is the truth which lies at the bot-
tom of all the exaggerations and misrepresentations of the
hedonistic Psychology." 3
And here we have a firmer positive basis than the older pleas-
ure-pain psychology on which we can build. As the German
philosopher Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (1743-1819) declared:
"We originally want or desire an object not because it is agree-
able or good, but we call it agreeable or good because we want
or desire it; and we do this because our sensuous or supersensu-
ous nature so requires. There is, thus, no basis for recognizing
what is good and worth wishing for outside of the faculty of
desiringi.e., the original desire and the wish themselves." 4
But all this was said much earlier by Spinoza in his Ethics (Part
III, Prop. IX): "In no case do we strive for, wish for, long for,
or desire anything because we deem it to be good, but on the
other hand we deem a thing to be good, because we strive for
it, wish for it, long for it, or desire it."
Bertrand Russell, whose opinions on ethics have undergone
many minor changes and at least one major revolution, has
finally settled on this view, as revealed in two books published
nearly thirty years apart. Let us begin with the earlier state-
ment:
There is a view, advocated, e.g. by Dr. G. E. Moore, that "good"
is an indefinable notion, and that we know a priori certain gen-
eral propositions about the kinds of things that are good on their
own account. Such things as happiness, knowledge, appreciation
of beauty, are known to be good, according to Dr. Moore; it is
also known that we ought to act so as to create what is good and
prevent what is bad. I formerly held this view myself, but I was
led to abandon it, partly by Mr. Santayana's Winds of Doctrine.
I now think that good and bad are derivative from desire. I do
not mean quite simply that the good is the desired, because men's
desires conflict, and "good" is, to my mind, mainly a social con-
cept, designed to find issue from this conflict. The conflict, how-
ever, is not only between the desires of different men, but between
incompatible desires of one man at different times, or even at the
same time.5
Russell then goes on to ask how the desires of a single individ-
ual can be harmonized with each other, and how, if possible,
SATISFACTION AND HAPPINESS 23
the desires of different individuals can be harmonized with each
other.
In Human Society in Ethics and Politics, published in 1955,
he returns to the same theme:
I mean by "right" conduct that conduct which will probably

produce the greatest balance of satisfaction over dissatisfaction,
or the smallest balance of dissatisfaction over satisfaction, and
that, in making this estimate, the question as to who enjoys the
satisfaction, or suffers the dissatisfaction, is to be considered ir-
relevant. . . . I say "satisfaction" rather than "pleasure" or "in-
terest." The term "interest" as commonly employed has too nar-
row a connotation. . . . The term "satisfaction" is wide enough
to embrace everything that comes to a man through the realiza-
tion of his desires, and these desires do not tiecessarily have any
connection with self, except that one feels them. One may, for
instance, desireI do myselfthat a proof should be discovered
for Fermat's last theorem, and one may be glad if a brilliant
young mathematician is given a sufficient grant to enable him to
seek a proof. The gratification that one would feel in this case
comes under the head of satisfaction, but hardly of self-interest
as commonly understood.
Satisfaction, as I mean the word, is not quite the same thing as
pleasure, although it is intimately connected with it. Some ex-
periences have a satisfying quality which goes beyond their mere
pleasurableness; others, on the contrary, although very pleasur-
able, do not have that peculiar feeling of fulfillment which I am
calling satisfaction.
Many philosophers have maintained that men always and in-
variably seek pleasure, and that even the apparently most altru-
istic acts have this end in view. This, I think, is a mistake. It is
true, of course, that, whatever you may desire, you will get a cer-
tain pleasure when your object is achieved, but often the pleasure
is due to the desire, not the desire to the expected pleasure. This
applies especially to the simplest desires, such as hunger and
thirst. Satisfying hunger or thirst is a pleasure, but the desire for
food or drink is direct, and is not, except in a gourmet, a desire
for the pleasure which they afford.
It is customary among moralists to urge what is called "unsel-
fishness" and to represent morality as consisting mainly in self-
abnegation. This view, it seems to me, springs from a failure to
realize the wide scope of possible desires. Few people's desires are
wholly concentrated upon themselves. Of this there is abundant
evidence in the prevalence of life insurance. Every man, of neces-
sity, is actuated by his own desires, whatever they may be, but
there is no reason why his desires should all be self-centered. Nor
is it always the case that desires concerned with other people will
lead to better actions than those that are more egoistic. A painter,
for example, may be led by family affection to paint potboilers,
but it might be better for the world if he painted masterpieces
and let his family suffer the discomforts of comparative poverty.
It must be admitted, however, that the immense majority of man-
kind have a bias in favor of their own satisfactions, and that one
of the purposes of morality is to diminish the strength of this
bias.6
2. "Happiness" or "Well-Being'?
Thus codes of morals have their starting point in human de-
sires, choices, preferences, valuations. But the recognition of
this, important as it is, carries us only a little way towards the
construction of an ethical system or even a basis for evaluating
existing ethical rules and judgments.
We shall take up the next steps in succeeding chapters. But
before we come to these chapters, which will be mainly con-
cerned with the problem of means, let us ask whether we can
frame any satisfactory answer to the question of ends.
It will not do to say, as some modern moral philosophers have
been content to say, that ends are "pluralistic" and wholly in-
commensurable. This evades entirely one of the most important
problems of ethics. The ethical problem as it presents itself in
practice in daily life is precisely which course of action we
"ought" to take, precisely which "end," among conflicting
"ends," we ought to pursue.
It is frequently asserted by moral philosophers, for example,
that though "Happiness" may be an element in the ultimate
end, "Virtue" is also an ultimate end which cannot be sub-
sumed under or resolved into "Happiness." But suppose a man
is confronted with a decision in which one course of action, in
his opinion, would most tend to promote happiness (and not
necessarily or merely his own happiness but that of others)
while only a conflicting course of action would be most "virtu-
ous"? How can he resolve his problem? A rational decision can
only be made on some common basis of comparison. Either hap-
piness is not an ultimate end but rather a means to some further
end, or virtue is not an ultimate end but rather a means to some
further end. Either happiness must be valued in terms of its
tendency to promote virtue or virtue must be valued in terms of
its tendency to promote happiness, or both must be valued in
terms of their tendency to promote some further end beyond
either.
One confusion that has stood in the way of solving this prob-
lem has been the inveterate tendency of moral philosophers to
draw a sharp contrast between "means" and "ends," and then
to assume that whatever can be shown to be a means to some
further end must be merely a means, and can have no value
"in itself," or, as they phrase it, can have no "intrinsic" value.
Later we shall see in more detail that most things or values
that are the objects of human pursuit are both means and ends;
that one thing may be a means to a proximate end which in turn
is a means to some further end, which in turn may be a means
to some still further end; that these "means-ends" come to be
valued not only as means but as ends-in-themselvesin other
words, acquire not only a derivative or "instrumental" value
but a quasi-"intrinsic" value.
But here we must state one of our provisional conclusions
dogmatically. At any moment we do not the thing that gives
us most "pleasure" (using the word in its usual connotation)
but the thing that gives us most satisfaction (or least dissatisfac-
tion). If we act under the influence of impulse or fear or anger
or passion, we do the thing that gives us most momentary satis-
faction, regardless of longer consequences. If we act calmly after
reflection, we do the thing we think likely to give us the most
satisfaction (or least dissatisfaction) in the long run. But when
we judge our actions morally (and especially when we judge the
actions of others morally), the question we ask or should ask is
this: What actions or rules of action would do most to promote
the health, happiness, and well-being in the long run of the in-
dividual agent, or (if there is conflict) what rules of action
would do most to promote the health, happiness and well-being
in the long run of the whole community, or of all mankind?
I have used the long phrase "health, happiness, and well-
being" as the nearest equivalent to Aristotle's eudaemonia,
which seems to include all three. And I have used it because
some moral philosophers believe that Happiness, even if it
means the long-run happiness of mankind, is too narrow or too
ignoble a goal. In order to avoid barren disputes over words,
I should be willing to call the ultimate goal simply the Good, or
Weil-Being. There could then be no objection on the ground
that this ultimate goal, this Summum Bonum, this criterion of
all means or other ends, was not made inclusive or noble
enough. I have no strong objection to the use of the term Well-
Being to stand for this ultimate goal, though I prefer the term
Happiness, standing by itself, as sufficiently inclusive, and yet
more specific. But wherever I use the word Happiness standing
alone, any reader may silently add and/or Well-Being, where-
ever he thinks the addition is necessary to increase the compre-
hensiveness or nobility of the goal.
3. Pleasure Cannot Be Quantified

Before leaving the subject of this chapter it seems desirable
to deal with some of the objections to the eudaemonic view
that it presents.
One of these has to do with the relations of desire to pleasure
the alleged "hysteron-proteron" fallacy mentioned at the be-
ginning of the chapter. I suspect that the people who place most
emphasis on this so-called fallacy are themselves guilty of a con-
fusion of thought. Their position is sometimes stated in the
form: "When I am hungry, I desire food, not pleasure." But
this statement depends for its persuasiveness upon an ambiguity
in the word "pleasure." If we substitute for "pleasure" the term
satisfaction the statement becomes a form of hairsplitting:
"When I am hungry I desire food, not the satisfaction of my
desire." What is involved here is not a contrast between two
different things, but merely between two different ways of stat-
ing the same thing. The statement: "When I am hungry, I de-
sire food," is concrete and specific. The statement: "I desire the
satisfaction of my desires," is general and abstract. There is no
antithesis. Food in this example is merely the specific means of
satisfying a specific desire.
Yet since the time of Bishop Butler this point has been the
subject of bitter controversy. Both hedonists and anti-hedonists
too commonly forget that the word "pleasure," like the word
"satisfaction," is merely an abstraction. A pleasure or satisfac*
tion does not exist apart from a specific pleasure or satisfaction.
"Pleasure" cannot be separated or isolated like a sort of pure
homogeneous juice from specific pleasures or sources of pleas-
ure.
Nor can pleasure be measured or quantified. Bentham's at-
tempt to quantify pleasure was ingenious, but a failure. How
can one measure the intensity of one pleasure, for example,
against the duration of another? Or the intensity of the "same"
pleasure against its duration? Precisely what decrease in inten-
sity is equal to precisely what increase in duration? If one an-
swers that the individual decides this whenever he makes a
choice, then one is saying that it is his subjective preference
that really counts, not the "quantity" of pleasure.
Pleasures and satisfactions can be compared in terms of more
or less, but they cannot be quantified. Thus we may say that
they are comparable, but we may not go on to say that they
are otherwise commensurable. We may say, for example, that
we prefer to go to the symphony tonight to playing bridge,
which is perhaps equivalent to saying that going to the sym-
phony tonight would give us more pleasure than playing bridge.
But we cannot meaningfully say that we prefer going to the
symphony tonight 3.72 times as much as playing bridge (or that
it would give us 3.72 times as much pleasure).
Thus even when we say that an individual is "trying to maxi-
mize his satisfactions," we must be careful to keep in mind that
we are using the term "maximize" metaphorically. It is an ellip-
tical expression for "taking in each case the action that seems to
promise the most satisfying results." We cannot legitimately use
the term "maximize" in this connection in the strict sense in
which it is used in mathematics, to imply the largest possible
sum. Neither satisfactions nor pleasures can be quantified. They
can only be compared in terms of more or less. T o put the mat-
ter another way, they can be compared ordinally, not cardinally.
We can speak of our first, second, and third choice. We can say
that we expect to get more satisfaction (or pleasure) from doing
A than from doing B, but we can never say precisely how much
more.7
4. Socrates and the Oyster

In comparing pleasures or satisfactions with each other, then,
it is legitimate to say that one is more or less than another, but
it is merely confusing to say with John Stuart Mill that one is
"higher" or "lower" than another. In this respect Bentham was
far more logical when he declared: "Quantity of pleasure being
equal, pushpin is as good as poetry." When, trying to escape
from this conclusion, Mill insisted that pleasures should be
measured by "quality . . . as well as quantity," 8 he was in effect
abandoning pleasure itself as the standard of guidance in con-
duct and appealing to some other and not clearly specified
standard. He was implying that we value states of consciousness
for some other reason than their pleasantness.
If we abandon the "pleasure" as the standard and substitute
satisfaction, it becomes clear that if the satisfaction that it yields
is the standard of conduct, and John Jones gets more satisfac-
tion from playing ping-pong than he does from reading poetry,
then he is justified in playing ping-pong. One may say, if one
wishes, again following Mill, that he would probably prefer po-
etry if he had "experience of both." But this is far from certain.
It depends on what kind of person Jones is, on what his tastes
are, what his physical and mental capacities are, and his mood
of the moment. T o insist that he should read poetry rather than
play ping-pong (even though the latter gives him intense pleas-
ure and the former would merely bore or irritate him), on the
ground that if he plays ping-pong and abjures poetry he will
earn your contempt, is to appeal to intellectual snobbery rather
than to morality.
In fact, Mill introduced a great deal of confusion of thought
into ethics when he wrote: "It is better to be a human being dis-
satisfied than a pig satisfied; better to be Socrates dissatisfied
than a fool satisfied. And if the fool, or the pig, are of a different
opinion, it is because they only know their side of the question.
The other party to the comparison knows both sides." 9
Now it may be doubted that the other party to the compari-
son knows both sides. An intelligent man has never been a pig,
and does not know precisely how a pig feels, or how he would
feel if he were a pig: he might then have a pig's preferences,
whatever these should turn out to be.
In any case, Mill has simply introduced an irrelevancy. He
is appealing to our snobbery, our pride, or our shame. No one
who reads philosophy at all would like to admit that he prefers
to be an ordinary man rather than a genius, let alone that he
would prefer being a pig to being an ordinary man. The reader
is expected to say, "A thousand times, no!"
But this does not happen to be the issue. If we stick to the
issue, then, we will reply: It is better to be Socrates satisfied
than Socrates dissatisfied. It is better to be a human being satis-
fied than a human being dissatisfied. It is better to be a fool
satisfied than a fool dissatisfied. It is better even to be a pig
satisfied than a pig dissatisfied.
Each of these, if dissatisfied, is usually capable of taking some
action that would make him less dissatisfied. The actions that
would make him least dissatisfied in the long run, assuming they
were not at the expense of other persons (or pigs), would be the
most appropriate actions for him to take.
The choice of such actions is a real choice. The choice im-
plied by Mill is not. Neither a human being nor a pig, regard-
less of his own desires, can change his animal status to that of
the other. Nor can a fool make himself into a Socrates simply
by an act of choice, nor Socrates into a fool. But human beings,
at least, are capable of choosing the actions that seem likely to
bring them most satisfaction in the long run.
If a moron is happy gaping at television but would be miser-
able trying to read Plato or Mill or G. E. Moore, it would be
cruel and even stupid to try to force him to do the latter simply
because you think such reading would make a genius happy.
It would hardly be more "moral" for a commonplace man to
torture or bore himself by reading high-brow books rather than
detective stories if the latter gave him real pleasure. The moral
life should not be confused with the intellectual life. The moral
life consists in following the course that leads to the greatest
long-run happiness achievable by the individual concerned, and
leads him to cooperate with others to the extent of the capaci-
ties he actually has, rather than those he might wish he had or
might think he "ought" to have.
Yet this crypto-snobbish standard is appealed to again and
again by moral philosophers. Bertrand Russell, in one of his
many phases as a moral philosopher, once repeated, in effect,
Plato's argument about the life of the oyster, having pleasure
with no knowledge. Imagine such mindless pleasure, as intense
and prolonged as you please, and would you choose it? Is it your
good? And Santayana replied:
Here the British reader, like the blushing Greek youth, is ex-
pected to answer instinctively, Nol It is an argumentum ad
hominem (and there can be no other kind of argument in ethics);
but the man who gives the required answer does so not because
the answer is self-evident, which it is not, but because he is the
required sort of man. He is shocked at the idea of resembling an
oyster. Yet changeless pleasure, without memory or reflection,
without the wearisome intermixture of arbitrary images, is just
what the mystic, the voluptuary, and perhaps the oyster find to
be good. . . . The impossibility which people labor under of
being satisfied with pure pleasure as a goal is due to their want
of imagination, or rather to their being dominated by an imag-
ination which is exclusively human.10
Let us carry Santayana's argument a step further. Let us as-
sume that the moral philosopher asked: "Suppose you could get
more pleasure, both immediately and in the long run, than you
now get from witnessing the plays of Shakespeare, but without
ever reading, seeing, or hearing a Shakespearian play, and re-
maining entirely ignorant of Shakespeare's work? Would you
choose this greater pleasure?" Every lover of Shakespeare would
probably answer No. But isn't this simply because he would not
believe in the hypothetical choice? Because he simply could not
imagine himself getting the pleasure of Shakespeare without
reading or seeing Shakespearian plays? Pleasure can hardly be
conceived as a pure abstraction apart from a particular pleasure.
The antihedonist may reply in triumph that if people refuse
to substitute one kind of pleasure for another, or one quality
of pleasure for another, then they have made something else
besides "quantity" of pleasure their test. But it should be
pointed out to him that the test he applies to specific intellec-
tual or specific "higher" pleasures could be applied, with the
same kind of results, to specific sensual, carnal or "lower" pleas-
ures. If the question were put to a voluptuary: "Suppose, by
some other means, you could get more pleasure than you could
get from sleeping with the most seductive woman in the world,
but without having this latter privilege, would you choose this
greater but disembodied pleasure?" Any lecher who was asked
this question would probably also reply with an emphatic No.
And the reason would be basically the same as for our Shake-
speare lover. People cannot imagine or believe in a purely ab-
stract pleasure, but only in a specific pleasure.
When a man is asked to imagine himself feeling pleasure,
though deprived of all his present sources of pleasureof all
the things or activities that now bring him pleasurehe natu-
rally finds himself unable to do it. It is like being asked to
imagine himself in love, but not with anybody.
The answer becomes clearer when we abandon the word
"pleasure" and substitute satisfaction. We do not ordinarily
speak of "quantity" of satisfaction, as we are tempted to do with
"pleasure," but only of greater or less satisfaction. Nor do we
speak of "quality" of satisfaction. We merely ask whether this
or that object or activity gives us more or less satisfaction than
another. We recognize, moreover, that different people find sat-
isfaction in different things, and that the same person who finds
satisfaction in one activity today may find it in quite another
tomorrow. None of us permanently or always chooses "higher"
pleasures to "lower" pleasures, or even vice versa. Even the dedi-
cated ascetic stops to eat, or to satisfy other bodily needs. And
the devotee of Shakespearian tragedies may relish a good dinner
just before he goes to the theater.
We will return to a fuller discussion of the "pushpin-vs.-po-
etry" problem in Chapter 18.
5. Psychological Eudaemonism
I announced at the beginning of this chapter that I would
argue in defense of at least one form of the doctrine of "psycho-
logical eudaemonism."
Some antihedonists (of whom I might again cite Hastings
Rashdall n as an outstanding example) have adopted what seems
a neat way of disposing of the hedonist contention. They first
seek to show that "psychological hedonism" cannot account for
our real motives in acting. They then point out that while
"ethical hedonism" is still possible, it is slightly ridiculous to
contend that it is one's duty to seek solely one's own pleasure
even if one doesn't always want to.
This refutation itself rests on a series of fallacies, which be-
come particularly apparent when we abandon the word "pleas-
ure," with its special connotations, and instead talk of "satisfac-
tion" or "happiness."
At the cost of repetition, let us review some of the principal
fallacies in the attack on psychological hedonism:
1. The assumption that "pleasure" refers only, or primarily,
to sensual or carnal pleasure. There is hardly an antihedonist
writer who does not at least tacitly make this assumption. That
is why it seems advisable for eudaemonists to abandon the words
"hedonist" and "pleasure" and to speak instead of "satisfaction"
or "happiness." Wherever we find the word "pleasure" used we
must be on guard against its ambiguity. For it may mean either:
(1) sensual pleasure; or (2) a valued state of consciousness.12
2. The refusal to see that the hedonist or eudaemonist posi-
tion can be stated negatively. Antihedonists accuse hedonists of
contending, for example (and some ill-advised hedonists actually
do) that a man voluntarily becomes a martyr because he thinks
the "pleasure" of martyrdom will predominate over the pain.
Rather he accepts martyrdom (where he might avoid it) because
he prefers the physical agony of torture, burning, or crucifixion
to the disgrace or spiritual anguish of repudiating his God or
his principles or betraying his friends. He is not choosing "pleas-
ure" of any sort; he is choosing what he regards as the lesser
agony.
3. Antihedonists {especially Rashdall, who devotes many
pages to it) try to refute hedonism by referring to what they call
the "hysteron-proteron" fallacy. T o quote Rashdall again: "The
hedonistic Psychology explains the desire by the pleasure,
whereas in fact the pleasure owes its existence entirely to the
desire." 13 Or again: "[Hedonism] makes the anticipated "satis-
faction" the condition of the desire, whereas the desire is really
the condition of the satisfaction." 14
The contrast here between "desire" and "satisfaction" is of
dubious validity. It is a verbal distinction rather than a psycho-
logical one. It is merely tautological to say that what I really de-
sire is the satisfaction of my desires. True, I will not try to
satisfy a desire unless I already have the desire. But it is the
satisfaction of the desire, rather than the desire itself, that I
desire! Rashdall's objection comes down to the triviality that we
desire a pleasure only because we desire it. T o say that I seek
the satisfaction of my desires is another way of saying that I
desire "happiness," for my happiness consists in the satisfaction
of my desires.
4. Another objection to hedonism is that originating with
Bishop Butler. It declares that what I want is not "pleasure"
but some specific thing. T o quote again the sentence cited a
while back: "When I am hungry, I desire food, not pleasure."
We have already pointed out that this merely emphasizes the
specific means by which I seek the satisfaction of a specific
desire. There is no real antithesis here; there is merely a choice
between the concrete and the abstract statement of the situation.
5. Antihedonists seek to discredit psychological hedonism by
pointing out that a man often refuses to take the action that
seems to promise the most immediate or the most intense pleas-
ure. But this proves nothing at all about psychological hedon-
ism, and especially not about psychological eudaemonism. It
may merely mean that the man is seeking his greatest pleasure
(or satisfaction or happiness) in the long run. He "measures"
pleasure or satisfaction or happiness by duration as well as by
intensity.
6. The final argument against psychological hedonism or
eudaemonism is that men frequently act under the influence
of mere impulse, passion, or anger and do not do the things
calculated to bring them the maximum of pleasure, satisfaction,
or happiness. This is true. But it remains true that, in his cool
moments, it is his long-run happiness that each man seeks.
Let us restate and summarize this. It is true that men do not
seek to maximize some mere abstraction, some homogeneous
juice called "pleasure." They seek the satisfaction of their de-
sires. And this is what we mean when we say that they seek
"happiness."
A man's attempted satisfaction of one of his own wishes may
conflict with the satisfaction of another. If, in a moment of im-
pulse or passion, he attempts to satisfy a merely momentary
desire, he may do so only at the cost of giving up a greater and
more enduring satisfaction. Therefore he must choose among
the wishes he seeks to satisfy; he must seek to reconcile them
with the conflicting wishes of others as well as with his own con-
flicting wishes. He must seek, in other words, to harmonize his
desires, and to maximize his satisfactions in the long run.
And this is the reconciliation of psychological and ethical
eudaemonism. A man may not always act in such a way as to
maximize his own long-run happiness. He may be short-sighted
or weak-willed, or the slave of his momentary passions. But he
is a psychological eudaemonist none the less; for, in his cool
moments, he does wish to maximize his own satisfactions or hap-
piness in the long run. It is because of this that ethical argu-
ment may reach and convince him. If one can successfully point
out to him that certain actions, satisfying some momentary pas-
sion, or appearing to promote some immediate self-interest, will
reduce his total satisfactions in the long run, his reason will
accept your argument, and he will seek to amend his conduct.
This is not necessarily an appeal to mere "egoism." Most peo-
ple feel spontaneous sympathy with the happiness and welfare
of others, particularly their family and friends, and would be
incapable of finding much satisfaction or happiness for them-
selves unless it were shared by at least those nearest to them,
if not by the community at large. They would seek their own
satisfaction and happiness through acts of kindness and love.
Even thoroughly "selfish" individuals can be brought to see
that they can best promote their own long-run interests through
social cooperation, and that they cannot get the cooperation of
others unless they generously contribute their own.
Even the most self-centered individual, in fact, needing not
only to be protected against the aggression of others, but want-
ing the active cooperation of others, finds it to his interest to
defend and uphold a set of moral (as well as legal) rules that for-
bid breaking promises, cheating, stealing, assault, and murder,
and in addition a set of moral rules that enjoin cooperation,
helpfulness, and kindness.
Ethics is a means rather than an ultimate end. It has deriva-
tive or "instrumental" value rather than "intrinsic" or final
value. A rational ethics cannot be built merely on what we
"ought" to desire but on what we do desire. Everyone desires
to substitute a more satisfactory state for a less satisfactory one.
As Pascal put it: "Man's ordinary life is like that of the saints.
Both seek satisfaction, and they differ only in the object in which
they set it." Everyone desires his own long-run happiness. This
is true if only because it is tautological. Our long-run happiness
is merely another name for what we do in fact desire in the long
run.
This is the basis not only of the prudential virtues but of the
social virtues. It is in the long-run interest of each of us to prac-
tice the social as well as the prudential virtues and, of course,
to have everyone else practice them.
Here is the answer, and the only persuasive answer, to the
question: "Why should I be moral?" An ought to is always based
upon, and derived from, an is or a will be.
CHAPTER 6
Social Cooperation
1. Each and All
The ultimate goal of the conduct of each of us, as an individ-
ual, is to maximize his own happiness and well-being. Therefore
the effort of each of us, as a member of society, is to persuade
and induce everybody else to act so as to maximize the long-run
happiness and well-being of society as a whole and even, if nec-
essary, forcibly to prevent anybody from acting to reduce or
destroy the happiness or well-being of society as a whole. For
the happiness and well-being of each is promoted by the same
conduct that promotes the happiness and well-being of all. Con-
versely, the happiness and well-being of all is promoted by the
conduct that promotes the happiness and well-being of each. In
the long run the aims of the individual and "society" (consider-
ing this as the name that each of us gives to all other individ-
uals) coalesce, and tend to coincide.
We may state this conclusion in another form: The aim of
each of us is to maximize his own satisfaction; and each of us
recognizes that his satisfaction can best be maximized by coop-
erating with others and having others cooperate with him. So-
ciety itself, therefore, may be defined as nothing else but the
combination of individuals for cooperative effort.1 If we keep
this in mind, there is no harm in saying that, as it is the aim of
each of us to maximize his satisfactions, so it is the aim of
"society" to maximize the satisfactions of each of its members,
or, where this cannot be completely done, to try to reconcile
and harmonize as many desires as possible, and to minimize the
dissatisfactions or maximize the satisfactions of as many persons
as possible in the long run.
Thus our goal envisions continuously both a present state of
well-being and a future state of well-being, the maximization
of both present satisfactions and future satisfactions.
But this statement of the ultimate goal carries us only a little
way toward a system of ethics.
35
2. The Way to the Goal

It was an error of most of the older utilitarians, as of earlier
moralists, to suppose that if they could once find and state the
ultimate goal of conduct, the great Summum Bonum, their mis-
sion was completed. They were like medieval knights devoting
all their efforts to the quest of the Holy Grail, and assuming
that, if they once found it, their task would be done.
Yet even if we assume that we have found, or succeeded in
stating, the "ultimate" goal of conduct, we have no more fin-
ished our task than if we had decided to go to the Holy Land.
We must know the way to get there. We must know the means,
and the means of obtaining the means.
By what means are we to achieve the goal of conduct? How
are we to know what conduct is most likely to achieve this goal?
The great problem presented by ethics is that no two people
find their happiness or satisfactions in precisely the same things.
Each of us has his own peculiar set of desires, his own particu-
lar valuations, his own intermediate ends. Unanimity in value
judgments does not exist, and probably never will.
This seems to present a dilemma, a logical dead end, from
which the older ethical writers struggled for a way of escape.
Many of them thought they had found it in the doctrine that
ultimate goals and ethical rules were known by "intuition."
When there was disagreement about these goals or rules, they
tried to resolve it by consulting their own individual con-
sciences, and taking their own private intuitions as the guide.
This was not a good way out. Yet a way of escape from the di-
lemma was there.
This lies in Social Cooperation. For each of us, social coopera-
tion is the great means of attaining nearly all our ends. For each
of us social cooperation is of course not the ultimate end but
a means. It has the great advantage that no unanimity with
regard to value judgments is required to make it work.2 But it
is a means so central, so universal, so indispensable to the real-
ization of practically all our other ends, that there is little harm
in regarding it as an end-in-itself, and even in treating it as
if it were the goal of ethics. In fact, precisely because none of
us knows exactly what would give most satisfaction or happiness
SOCIAL COOPERATION 37
to others, the best test of our actions or rules of action is the
extent to which they promote a social cooperation that best en-
ables each of us to pursue his own ends.
Without social cooperation modern man could not achieve
the barest fraction of the ends and satisfactions that he has
achieved with it. The very subsistence of the immense majority
of us depends upon it. We cannot treat subsistence as basely
material and beneath our moral notice. As Mises reminds us:
"Even the most sublime ends cannot be sought by people who
have not first satisfied the wants of their animal body." 3 And
as Philip Wicksteed has more concretely put it: "A man can be
neither a saint, nor a lover, nor a poet, unless he has compara-
tively recently had something to eat." 4
3. The Division of Labor

The great means of social cooperation is the division and
combination of labor. The division of labor enormously in-
creases the productivity of each of us and therefore the produc-
tivity of all of us. This has been recognized since the very be-
ginning of economics as a science. Its recognition is, indeed, the
foundation of modern economics. It is not mere coincidence
that the statement of this truth occurs in the very first sentence
of the first chapter of Adam Smith's great Wealth of Nations,
published in 1776: "The greatest improvement in the produc-
tive powers of labor, and the greater part of the skill, dexterity,
and judgment with which it is any where directed, or applied,
seem to have been the effects of the division of labor."
Adam Smith goes on to take an example from "a very trifling
manufacture; but one in which the division of labor has been
very often taken notice of, the trade of the pin-maker." He
points out that "a workman not educated to this business (which
the division of labor has rendered a distinct trade), nor ac-
quainted with the use of machinery employed in it (to the in-
vention of which the same division of labor has probably given
occasion), could scarce, perhaps, with the utmost industry, make
one pin a day, and certainly could not make twenty." In the way
in which the work is actually carried on (in 1776), he tells us:
"One man draws out the wire, another straights it, a third cuts
it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the
head" and so on, so that "the important business of making a
pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct op-
erations." He tells how he himself has seen "a small manufac-
tory of this kind where ten men only were employed" yet
"could make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins
in a day. Each person, therefore, making a tenth part of forty-
eight thousand pins, might be considered as making four thou-
sand eight hundred pins in a day. But if they had all wrought
separately and independently, and without any of them having
been educated to this peculiar business, they certainly could not
each of them have made twenty, perhaps not one pin a day;
that is, certainly, not the two hundred and fortieth, perhaps not
the four thousand eight hundredth part of what they are at
present capable of performing, in consequence of a proper divi-
sion and combination of their different operations."
Smith then goes on to show, from further illustrations, how
"the division of labor . . . so far as it can be introduced, occa-
sions, in every art, a proportionable increase of the productive
powers of labor"; and how "the separation of different trades
and employments from one another seems to have taken place in
consequences of this advantage."
This great increase in productivity he attributes to "three dif-
ferent circumstances; first, to the increase of dexterity in every
particular workman; secondly, to the saving of the time which
is commonly lost in passing from one species of work to another;
and lastly, to the invention of a great number of machines
which facilitate and abridge labor, and enable one man to do
the work of many." These three "circumstances" are then ex-
plained in detail.
"It is the great multiplication of the productions of all the
different arts, in consequence of the division of labor," Smith
concludes, "which occasions, in a well-governed society, that
universal opulence which extends itself to the lowest ranks of
the people."
But this brings him to a further question, which he proceeds
to take up in his second chapter. "This division of labor, from
which so many advantages are derived, is not originally the
effect of any human wisdom, which foresees and intends that
general opulence to which it gives occasion. It is the necessary,
though very slow and gradual, consequence of a certain propen-
sity in human nature which has in view no such extensive util-
ity; the propensity to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for*
another."
In resting the origin of the division of labor on an unex-
plained "propensity to truck, barter, and exchange," as he some-
times seems to do in his succeeding argument, Adam Smith was
wrong. Social cooperation and the division of labor rest upon a
recognition (though often implicit rather than explicit) on the
part of the individual that this promotes his own self-interest
that work performed under the division of labor is more pro-
ductive than isolated work. And in fact, Adam Smith's own sub-
sequent argument in Chapter II clearly recognizes this:
In civilized society [the individual] stands at all times in need
of the co-operation and assistance of great multitudes. . . . Man
has almost constant occasion for the help of his brethren, and it
is in vain for him to expect it from their benevolence only. He
will be more likely to prevail if he can interest their self-love in
his favor, and show them that it is for their own advantage to do
for him what he requires of them. Whoever offers to another a
bargain of any kind, proposes to do this: Give me that which
I want, and you shall have this which you want, is the meaning
of every such offer; and it is in this manner that we obtain from
one another the far greater part of those good offices which we
stand in need of. It is not from the benevolence of the butcher,
the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from
their regard to their own interest. We address ourselves, not to
their humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of
our own necessities but of their advantages.
"Nobody but a beggar," Smith points out in extending the
argument, "chooses to depend chiefly upon the benevolence of
his fellow citizens," and "even a beggar does not depend upon
it entirely," for "with the money which one man gives him he
purchases food," etc.
"As it is by treaty, by barter, and by purchase," Adam Smith
continues, "that we obtain from one another the greater part of
those mutual good offices which we stand in need of, so it is this
same trucking disposition which originally gives occasion to the
division of labor. In a tribe of hunters or shepherds a particular
person makes bows and arrows, for example, with more readi-
ness and dexterity than any other. He frequently exchanges
them for cattle or for venison with his companions; and he finds
at last that he can in this manner get more cattle and venison,
than if he himself went to the field to catch them. From a regard
to his own interest, therefore, the making of bows and arrows
grows to be his chief business, and he becomes a sort of ar-
mourer." And Smith explains how in turn other specialists
develop.
In brief, each of us, in pursuing his self-interest, finds that
he can do it most effectively through social cooperation. The
belief that there is a basic conflict between the interests of the
individual and the interests of society is untenable. Society is
only another name for the combination of individuals for pur-
poseful cooperation.
4. The Basis of Economic Life

Let us look a little more closely at the motivational basis of
this great system of social cooperation through exchange of
goods or services. I have just used the phrase "self-interest," fol-
lowing Adam Smith's example when he speaks of the butcher's
and the baker's "own interests," "self-love," and "advantage."
But we should be careful not to assume that people enter into
these economic relations with each other simply because each
seeks only his "selfish" or "egoistic" advantage. Let us see how
an acute economist restates the essence of this economic relation.
The economic life, writes Philip Wicksteed, "consists of all
that complex of relations into which we enter with other people,
and lend ourselves or our resources to the furtherance of their
purposes, as an indirect means of furthering our own." 5 "By
direct and indirect processes of exchange, by the social alchemy
of which money is the symbol, the things I have and the things
I can are transmuted into the things I want and the things I
would." 6 People cooperate with me in the economic relation
"not primarily, or not solely, because they are interested in my
purposes, but because they have certain purposes of their own;
and just as I find that I can only secure the accomplishment of
my purposes by securing their co-operation, so they find that
they can only accomplish theirs by securing the co-operation of
yet others, and they find that I am in a position, directly or
indirectly, to place this co-operation at their disposal. A vast
range, therefore, of our relations with others enters into a sys-
tem of mutual adjustment by which we further each other's
purposes simply as an indirect way of furthering our own." 7
So far the reader may not have detected any substantial dif-
ference between Wicksteed's statement and Adam Smith's. Yet
there is a very important one. I enter into an economic or busi-
ness relation with you, for the exchange of goods or services for
money, primarily to further my purposes, not yours, and you
enter into it, on your side, primarily to further your purposes,
not mine. But this does not mean that either of our purposes is
necessarily selfish or self-centered. I may be hiring your services
as a printer to publish a tract at my own expense pleading for
more kindness to animals. A mother buying groceries in the
market will go where she can get the best quality or the lowest
price, and not to help any particular grocer; yet in buying her
groceries she may have the needs and tastes of her husband or
children in mind more than her own needs or tastes. "When
Pauf of Tarsus abode with Aquila and Priscilla in Corinth and
wrought with them at his craft of tent-making we shall hardly
say that he was inspired by egoistic motives. . . . The economic
relation, then, or business nexus, is necessary alike for carrying
on the life of the peasant and the prince, of the saint and the
sinner, of the apostle and the shepherd, of the most altruistic
and the most egoistic of men." 8
The reader may have begun to wonder at this point whether
this is a book on ethics or on economics. But I have emphasized
this economic cooperation because it occupies so enormous a
part of our daily life. It plays, in fact, a far larger role in our
daily life than most of us are consciously aware of. The relation-
ship of employer and employee (notwithstanding the misconcep-
tions and propaganda of the Marxist socialists and the unions)
is essentially a cooperative relationship. Each needs the other
to accomplish his own purposes. The success of the employer
depends upon the industriousness, skill, and loyalty of his em-
ployees; the jobs and incomes of the employees depend upon the
success of the employer. Even economic competition, so com-
monly regarded by socialists and reformers as a form of eco-
nomic warfare,9 is part of a great system of social cooperation,
which promotes continual invention and improvement of prod-
ucts, continual reduction of costs and prices, continual widening
of the range of choice and continual increase of the welfare of
consumers. The competition for workers constantly raises wages,
as the competition for jobs improves performance and efficiency.
True, competitors do not cooperate directly with each other;
but each, in competing for the patronage of third parties, seeks
to offer more advantages to those third parties than his rival can,
and in so doing each forwards the whole system of social coop-
eration. Economic competition is simply the striving of individ-
uals to attain the most favorable position in the system of social
cooperation. As such, it must exist in any conceivable mode of
social organization.10
The realm of economic cooperation, as I have said, occupies
a far larger part of our daily life than most of us are commonly
aware of, or even willing to admit. Marriage and the family are,
among other things, a form not only of biological but of eco-
nomical cooperation. In primitive societies the man hunted and
fished while the woman prepared the food. In modern society
the husband is still responsible for the physical protection and
the food supply of his wife and children. Each member of the
family gains by this cooperation, and it is largely on recognition
of this mutual economic gain, and not merely of the joys of love
and companionship, that the foundations of the institution of
marriage are so solidly built.
But though the advantages of social cooperation are to
an enormous extent economic, they are not solely economic.
Through social cooperation we promote all the values, direct
and indirect, material and spiritual, cultural and aesthetic, of
modern civilization.
Some readers will see a similarity, and others may suspect an
identity, between the ideal of Social Cooperation and Kropot-
kin's ideal of "Mutual Aid." n A similarity there surely is. But
Social Cooperation seems to me not only a much more appro-
priate phrase than Mutual Aid, but a much more appropriate
and precise concept. Typical instances of cooperation occur
when two men row a boat or paddle a canoe from opposite sides,
when four men move a piano or a crate by lifting opposite cor-
ners, when a carpenter hires a helper, when an orchestra plays
a symphony. We would not hesitate to say that any of these were
cooperative undertakings or acts of cooperation, but we should
be surprised to find all of them called examples of "mutual
aid." For "aid" carries the implication of gratuitous help
the rich aiding the poor, the strong aiding the weak, the supe-
rior, out of compassion, aiding the inferior. It also seems to
carry the implication of haphazard and sporadic rather than of
systematic and continuous cooperation. The phrase Social Co-
operation, on the other hand, seems to cover not only everything
that the phrase Mutual Aid implies but the very purpose and
basis of life in society.12
CHAPTER 7
Long Run vs. Short Run

1. The Voluptuary's Fallacy
There is no irreconcilable conflict between the interests of
the individual and those of society. If there were, society could
not exist. Society is the great means through which individuals
pursue and fulfill their ends. For society is but another name for
the combination of individuals for cooperation. It is the means
through which each of us furthers the purposes of others as an
indirect means of furthering his own. And this cooperation is
in the overwhelming main voluntary. It is only collectivists who
assume that the interests of the individual and of society (or the
State) are fundamentally opposed, and that the individual can
only be led to cooperate in society by Draconian compulsions.
The real distinction we need to make for ethical clarity is
not that between the individual and society, or even between
"egoism" and "altruism," but between interests in the short
run and those in the long run. This distinction is made con-
stantly in modern economics.1 It is in large part the basis for
the condemnation by economists of such policies as tariffs, sub-
sidies, price-fixing, rent control, crop supports, featherbedding,
deficit-financing, and inflation. Those who say mockingly that
"in the long run we are all dead" 2 are just as irresponsible as
the French aristocrats whose reputed motto was Apres nous le
deluge.
The distinction between short-run interests and long-run in-
terests has always been implicit in common-sense ethical judg-
ments, particularly as concerns prudential ethics. But it has
seldom received explicit recognition, and more seldom still in
those words.3 The classical moralist who came nearest to stating
it systematically is Jeremy Bentham. He does this not in the
form of comparing short-run interests with long-run interests,
or short-run consequences of actions with long-run conse-
44
LONG RUN VS. SHORT RUN 45
quences, but in the form of comparing greater or smaller
amounts of pleasure or happiness. Thus in his effort to judge
actions by comparing the quantities or "values" of the pleasures
they yield or lead to, he measures these quantities by "dura-
tion" (among seven standards) as well as by "intensity." 4 And
in his Deontology a typical statement is: "Is not temperance a
virtue? Aye, assuredly is it. But wherefore? Because by restrain-
ing enjoyment for a time, it afterwards elevates it to that very
pitch which leaves, on the whole, the largest addition to the
stock of happiness." 5
The common-sense reasons for temperance and other pruden-
tial virtues are frequently misunderstood or derided by ethical
skeptics:
Let us have wine and women, mirth and laughter,
Sermons and soda-water the day after.
So sang Byron. The implication is that the sermons and soda-
water are a short and cheap price to pay for the fun. Samuel
Butler, also, cynically generalized the distinction between moral-
ity and immorality as depending merely on the order of prece-
dence between pleasure and pain: "Morality turns on whether
the pleasure precedes or follows the pain. Thus it is immoral
to get drunk because the headache comes after the drinking,
but if the headache came first, and the drunkenness afterwards,
it would be moral to get drunk." 6
When we talk seriously, it is of course not at all a question
whether the pain or the pleasure comes first, but which exceeds
the other in the long run. The confusions that result from fail-
ure to understand this principle lead not only, on the one hand,
to the sophisms of the ethical skeptics but, on the other, to the
fallacies of anti-utilitarian writers and of ascetics. When the
anti-utilitarians attack not merely the pleasure-pain calculus of
the Benthamites but the Greatest Happiness Principle, or the
maximization of satisfactions, it will be found that they are al-
most invariably assuming, tacitly or expressly, that the utili-
tarian standards take only immediate or short-run consequences
into consideration. Their criticism is valid only as applied to
crude forms of hedonistic and utilitarian theories. We shall re-
turn to a longer analysis of this later.
2. The Ascetic's Fallacy

T h e confusion in another form leads to the opposite result
to the theories and standards of asceticism. The utilitarian
standard, consistently applied, merely asks whether an action
(or more properly a rule of action) will tend to lead to a surplus
of happiness and well-being, or a surplus of unhappiness and
ill-being, for all those whom it affects, in the long run. One of
Bentham's great merits was that he attempted to apply the
standard thoroughly and consistently. Though he was not
wholly successful, because there were several important tools of
analysis that he lacked, what is remarkable is the degree of his
success, and the steadiness with which he kept this standard in
mind.
In the interests of the individual's long-run well-being, it is
necessary for him to make certain short-run sacrifices, or appar-
ent sacrifices. He must put certain immediate restraints on his
impulses in order to prevent later regrets. He must accept a cer-
tain deprivation today either in order to reap a greater compen-
sation in the future or to prevent an even greater deprivation
in the future.
But ascetics, by a confused association, conclude that the re-
straint, deprivation, sacrifice, or pain that must sometimes be
undergone in the present for the sake of the future, is something
virtuous and praiseworthy for its own sake. Asceticism was
caustically defined by Bentham as "that principle, which, like
the principle of utility, approves or disapproves of any action,
according to the tendency which it appears to have to augment
or diminish the happiness of the party whose interest is in
question; but in an inverse manner: approving of actions in
as far as they tend to diminish his happiness; disapproving of
them in as far as they tend to augment it." 7 And he continued:
"It is evident that any one who reprobates any the least particle
of pleasure, as such, from whatever source derived, is pro tanto
a partizan of the principle of asceticism." 8
A more favorable judgment of asceticism is possible if we
give it another definition. As Bentham himself explained, it
comes etymologically from a Greek word meaning exercise.
Bentham then went on to declare that: "The practices by which
Monks sought to distinguish themselves from other men were
called their Exercises. These exercises consisted in so many con-
trivances they had for tormenting themselves." 9
However if, rejecting this definition, we think of asceticism
as a form of athleticism, analogous to the discipline that athletes
or soldiers undergo to harden themselves against possible ad-
versity, or against probable trials of strength, courage, fortitude,
effort, and endurance in the future, or even as a process of re-
straint to sharpen "the keen edge of seldom pleasure," then it
is something that serves a utilitarian and even a hedonistic
purpose.
Confusion of thought will continue as long as we use the same
word, asceticism, in both of these senses. We can avoid am-
biguity only by assigning separate names to each meaning.
I am going to reject the semantic temptation to take advan-
tage of the traditional moral prestige of the ascetic ideal by
using asceticism only in the "good" sense of a far-sighted disci-
pline or restraint undertaken to maximize one's happiness in
the long run. If I did this, I would then be obliged to use ex-
clusively some other word, such as fiagellantism, for the "bad"
sense of mortification or self-torment. No one can presume to
set himself up as a dictator of verbal usage. I can only say,
therefore, that in view of traditional usage I think it would be
most honest and least confusing to confine the word asceticism
to the anti-utilitarian, antihedonist, anti-eudaemonist meaning
of self-denial and self-torment for their own sakes, and to re-
serve another word, say self-discipline, or even to coin a word,
like disciplinism10 for the doctrine which believes in abstinence
and restraint, not for their own sakes, but only in so far as they
serve as means for increasing happiness in the long run.
The distinction between the consideration of short-run and
long-run consequences is so basic, and applies so widely, that
one might be excused for trying to make it, by itself, the whole
foundation for a system of ethics, and to say, quite simply, that
morality is essentially, not the subordination of the "individual"
to "society" but the subordination of immediate objectives to
long-term ones. Certainly the Long-Run Principle is a necessary
if not a sufficient foundation for morality. Bentham did not
have the concept (which has been made explicit mainly by mod-
ern economics) in just these words, but he came close to it in
his constant insistence on the necessity of considering the fu-
ture as well as the present consequences of any course of con-
duct, and in his attempt to measure and compare "quantities"
of pleasure not merely in terms of "intensity" but of "dura-
tion." Many efforts have been made to define the difference be-
tween pleasure and happiness. One of them is surely that
between a momentary gratification and a permanent or at least
prolonged gratification, between the short run and the long run.
3. On Undervaluing the Future

Perhaps this is an appropriate point to warn the reader
against some possible misinterpretations of the Long-Run Prin-
ciple. When we are asked to take into consideration the prob-
able consequences of a given act or rule of action in the long
run, this does not mean that we must disregard, or even that we
are justified in disregarding, its probable consequences in the
short run. What we are really being asked to consider is the
total net consequences of a given act or rule of action. We are
justified in considering the pleasure of tonight's drinking
against the pain of tomorrow's headache, the pleasure of to-
night's eating against the pain of tomorrow's indigestion or
unwelcome increase in weight, the pleasure of this summer's
vacation in Europe against this fall's precarious bank balance.
We should not be misled by the term "long run" into suppos-
ing that pleasure, satisfaction, or happiness is to be valued only
in accordance with its duration: its "intensity," "certainty,"
"propinquity," "fecundity," "purity," and "extent" also count.
In this insight Bentham was correct. In the rare cases of conflict,
it is the rule of action that promises to yield the most satisfac-
tion, rather than merely the longest satisfaction, or merely the
greatest future satisfaction, that we should choose. We need not
value probable future satisfaction above present satisfaction.
It is only because our human nature is too prone to yield to
present impulse and forget the future cost that it is necessary
to make a special effort to keep this future cost before the mind
at the moment of temptation. If the immediate pleasure does
indeed outweigh the probable future cost, then refusal to in-
dulge oneself in a pleasure is mere asceticism or self-deprivation
for its own sake. To make this a rule of action would not in-
crease the sum of happiness, but reduce it.
In applying the Long-Run Principle, in other words, we must
apply it with a certain amount of common sense. We must con-
fine ourselves to consideration of the relevant long run, the
finite and reasonably cognizable long run. This is the grain of
truth in Keynes's cynical dictum that "In the long run we are
all dead." n That long run we may no doubt justifiably ignore.
We cannot see into eternity.
Yet no future, even the next five minutes, is certain, and we
cannot do more at any time than act on probabilities (although,
as we shall see, some probabilities of a given course of conduct
or rule of action are considerably more probable than others).
And there are people capable of concern regarding the fate of
mankind far beyond the probable length of their own lives.
The Long-Run Principle presents still another problem. This
is the value that we ought to attach to future pains and pleas-
ures as compared with present ones. In his list of the seven "cir-
cumstances" (or, as he later called them, "elements" or "dimen-
sions") by which we should value a pain or a pleasure, Bentham
lists "3. Its certainty or uncertainty," and "4. Its propinquity
or remoteness." Now a remote pain or pleasure is apt to be less
certain than a near one; in fact, its uncertainty is widely con-
sidered to be a function of its remoteness. But the question we
are asking now is to what extent, if any, Bentham was justified
in assuming that we ought to attach less value to a remote pain
or pleasure than to a near one, even when the element of cer-
tainty or uncertainty is disregarded or, as in Bentham's list,
treated as a separate consideration.12
Most of us cannot prevent ourselves from valuing a future
good at less than the same present and otherwise identical good.
We value today's dinner, say, more than a similar dinner a year
from now. Are we "right" or "wrong" in doing so? It is impos-
sible to answer the question in this form. All of us "undervalue"
a future good as compared with a present good. This "under-
valuation" is so universal that it may be asked whether it is
undervaluation at all. Economically, the value of anything is
what it is valued at. It is value to somebody. Economic value
cannot be thought of apart from a valuer. Is ethical value quite
different in kind? Is there such a thing as the "intrinsic" ethical
value of a good (as many moralists persist in thinking) apart
from anybody's valuation of that good? I shall come to a fuller
discussion of this point later.13 Here we are concerned merely
with the question of how we "ought" to value future goods or
satisfactions as compared with present ones.
When we look at the relative value that we actually do as-
sign to them, we find that in the economic world the market
has worked out a "rate of interest" which is, in effect, the aver-
age or composite rate of discount that the market community
applies to future as compared with present goods. When the in-
terest rate is 5 per cent, $1.05 a year from now is worth no more
than $1 today, or $1 a year from now no more than about 95
cents today. If an individual (who is in desperate need) values
$2 a year from now at no more than $1 today, we are perhaps
entitled to say that he undervalues future as compared with
present goods. But whether we are entitled to say, simply be-
cause there is a rate of interest or a rate of time-discount, that
the economic community as a whole "undervalues" the future,
is very dubious. Backward communities have a higher rate of#
future time discount than progressive communities. The poor
tend to put a higher relative valuation on present goods than
the rich. But can we say that the lower valuation placed on
future as compared with present goods by humanity as a whole
is "wrong"?
I for one will no more attempt to answer this question in the
ethical than in the economic realm. At best we can judge the
individual's valuation against the whole community's valuation.
What we can say, however, is that any course of action based on
a real underestimation or undervaluation of future conse-
quences will result in less total happiness than one which esti-
mates or values future consequences justly.
The distinction between short- and long-run consequences
was implicitly, though not expressly, the basis of the ethical
system that Bentham presented in his Deontology, in which he
classifies all the virtues under the two main heads of Prudence
and Beneficence, and further divides them, in four chapters,
under the heads of Self-Regarding Prudence, Extra-Regarding
Prudence, Negative Efficient Benevolence, and Positive Efficient
Benevolence.
It is consideration of long-run consequences that gives Pru-
dence a far larger role in ethics than it has been commonly as-
sumed to have. This is suggested by Bentham's title head, "Ex-
tra-Regarding Prudence." The happiness of each of us is
dependent upon his fellows. He depends upon their concur-
rence and cooperation. One can never disregard the happiness
of others without running a risk to his own.
To sum up: The distinction between the short-run and the
long-run effects of conduct is more valid than the traditional
contrasts between the interests of the individual and the inter-
ests of society. When the individual acts in his own long-run
interests he tends to act also in the long-run interest of the
whole society. The longer the run we consider, the more likely
are the interests of the individual and of society to become
identical. Moral conduct is in the long-run interest of the indi-
vidual.
To recognize this is to perceive the solution of a basic moral
problem that otherwise seems to present a contradiction. The
difficulties that arise when this is not clearly recognized can be
seen from a passage in an otherwise penetrating writer:
Moralities are systems of principles whose acceptance by every-
one as overruling the dictates of self-interest is in the interest of
everyone alike, though following the rules of morality is not of
course identical with following self-interest. If it were, there
could be no conflict between a morality and self-interest and no
point in having rules overriding self-interest. . . . The answer
to the question "Why be moral?" is therefore as follows. We
should be moral because being moral is following rules designed
to overrule self-interest whenever it is in the interest of everyone
alike that everyone should set aside his interest.14
If we emphasize the distinction between short-run and long-
run interests, however, the solution to this problem becomes
much simpler and involves no paradox. Then we would rewrite
the foregoing passage like this: Moralities are systems of princi-
ples whose acceptance by everyone as overruling the apparent
dictates of immediate self-interest is in the long-run interest of
everyone alike. We should be moral because being moral is fol-
lowing rules which disregard apparent self-interest in the short
run and are designed to promote our own real long-run interest
as well as the interest of others who are affected by our actions.
It is only from a short-sighted view that the interests of the in-
dividual appear to be in conflict with those of "society," and
vice versa.
Actions or rules of action are not "right" or "wrong" in the
sense in which a proposition in physics or mathematics is right
or wrong, but expedient or inexpedient, advisable or inadvis-
able, helpful or harmful. In brief, in ethics the appropriate
criterion is not "truth" but wisdom. To adopt this concept is,
indeed, to return to the concept of the ancients. The moral ap-
peal of Socrates is the appeal to conduct our lives with wisdom.
The Proverbs of the Old Testament do not speak dominantly
of Virtue or Sin, but of Wisdom and Folly. "Wisdom is the
principal thing; therefore get wisdom. . . . The fear of the
Lord is the beginning of wisdom. . . . A wise son maketh a
glad father: but a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother.
. . . As a dog returneth to his vomit, so a fool returneth to his
folly."
We shall reserve until later chapters the detailed illustration
and application of the Long-Run Principle. Here we are still
concerned with the epistemological or theoretical foundations
of ethics rather than with casuistry or detailed practical guid-
ance. But it is now possible to take the next step from the
theoretical to the practical. It is one of the most important im-
plications of the Long-Run Principle (and one that Bentham,
strangely, failed explicitly to recognize) that we must act, not by
attempting separately in every case to weigh and compare the
probable specific consequences of one moral decision or course
of action as against another, but by acting according to some
established general rule or set of rules. This is what is meant by
acting according to principle. It is not the consequences (which
it is impossible to know in advance) of a specific act that we have
to consider, but the probable long-run consequences of follow-
ing a given rule of action.
Why this is so, and how it is so, we shall examine in our next
chapter.
CHAPTER 8
The Need for General Rules

1. The Contribution of Hume
David Hume, probably the greatest of British philosophers,
made three major contributions to ethics. The first was the nam-
ing and consistent application of "the principle of utility." *
The second was his account of sympathy. The third, no less
important than the others, was to point out not only that we
must adhere inflexibly to general rules of action, but why this
is essential to secure the interests and happiness of the individual
and of mankind.
It is a puzzling development in the history of ethical thought,
however, that this third contribution has been so often over-
looked not only by subsequent writers of the Utilitarian school,
including Bentham, but even by historians of ethics when they
are discussing Hume himself.2 One reason for this, perhaps, is
that Hume, in the discussion of Morals in his Treatise of Hu-
man Nature (1740) devotes only a comparatively few paragraphs
to the point. And in his Inquiry Concerning the Principles of
Morals, published twelve years later (in 1752), which in his
autobiography he described as "incomparably the best" of all
his writings, historical, philosophical, or literary, he gave even
less space to it. Yet it is so important and so central that it can
hardly receive too much emphasis and elaboration.
Let us begin with Hume's own exposition of the principle,
and of the reasons for it, in the Treatise:
A single act of justice is frequently contrary to public interest;
and were it to stand alone, without being followed by other acts,
may, in itself, be very prejudicial to society. When a man of merit,
of a beneficent disposition, restores a great fortune to a miser, or
a seditious bigot, he has acted justly and laudably; but the pub-
lic is the real sufferer. Nor is every single act of justice, considered
apart, more conducive to private interest than to public; and it
is easily conceived how a man may impoverish himself by a single
instance of integrity, and have reason to wish that, with regard
53
to that single act, the laws of justice were for a moment sus-
pended in the universe. But however single acts of justice may be
contrary either to public or private interest, it is certain that the
whole plan or scheme is highly conductive, or indeed absolutely
requisite, both to the support of society, and the well-being of
every individual. It is impossible to separate the good from the
ill. Property must be stable, and must be fixed by general rules.
Though in one instance the public be a sufferer, this momentary
ill is amply compensated by the steady prosecution of the rule,
and by the peace and order which it establishes in society. And
even every indivdual person must find himself a gainer on balanc-
ing the account; since, without justice, society must immediately
dissolve, and every one must fall into that savage and solitary
condition which is infinitely worse than the worst situation that
can possibly be supposed in society. When, therefore, men have
had experience enough to observe that whatever may be the con-
sequence of any single act of justice, performed by a single person,
yet the whole system of actions concurred in by the whole society
is infinitely advantageous to the whole, and to every part, it is not
long before justice and property take place. Every member of so-
ciety is sensible of this interest: every one expresses this sense to
his fellows, along with the resolution he has taken of squaring his
actions by it, on condition that others will do the same. No more
is requisite to induce any one of them to perform an act of justice,
who has the first opportunity. This becomes an example to others;
and thus justice establishes itself by a kind of convention or agree-
ment, that is, by a sense of interest, supposed to be common to all,
and where every single act is performed in expectation that others
are to perform the like. Without such a convention, no one would
ever have dreamed that there was such a virtue as justice, or have
been induced to conform his actions to it. Taking any single act,
my justice may be pernicious in every respect; and it is only upon
the supposition that others are to imitate my example, that I can
be induced to embrace that virtue; since nothing but this com-
bination can render justice advantageous, or afford me any mo-
tives to conform myself to its rules.3
And some thirty pages further on, Hume observes: "The

avidity and partiality of men would quickly bring disorder into
the world, if not restrained by some general and inflexible prin-
ciples. It was therefore with a view to this inconvenience that
men have established those principles, and have agreed to re-
strain themselves by general rules, which are unchangeable by
THE NEED FOR GENERAL RULES 55
spite and favor, and by particular views of private or public
interest." 4
In his Inquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals, a dozen
years later, Hume returns to the theme, though it is unfortu-
nately made less central to his argument than in the earlier
work. In the body of the Inquiry we find only one or two brief
references, in a single sentence, to "the necessity of rules wher-
ever men have any intercourse with each other." 5 It is not till
we get to the Conclusion that we come to a second brief refer-
ence to the need of "homage to general rules." 6 And it is not
till we get to the Appendices that we find any extended discus-
sion, and even this is confined to two or three pages:
The benefit resulting from [the social virtues of justice and
fidelity] is not the consequence of every individual single act, but
arises from the whole scheme or system concurred in by the whole
or the greater part of the society. General peace and order are
the attendants of justice, or a general abstinence from the posses-
sions of others; but a particular regard to the particular right of
one individual citizen may frequently, considered in itself, be
productive of pernicious consequences. The result of the individ-
ual acts is here, in many instances, directly opposite to that of the
whole system of actions; and the former may be extremely hurtful,
while the latter is, to the highest degree, advantageous. Riches in-
herited from a parent are in a bad man's hand the instrument of
mischief. The right of succession may, in one instance, be hurtful.
Its benefit arises only from the observance of the general rule; and
it is sufficient if compensation be thereby made for all the ills and
inconveniences which flow from particular characters and situa-
tions.7
Hume then speaks of "the general, inflexible rules necessary
to support general peace and order in society," and continues:
All the laws of nature which regulate property as well as all
civil laws are general and regard alone some essential circum-
stances of the case, without taking into consideration the charac-
ters, situations, and connections of the person concerned or any
particular consequences which may result from the determination
of these laws in any particular case which offers. They deprive,
without scruple, a beneficent man of all his possessions if ac-
quired by mistake, without a good title, in order to bestow them
on a selfish miser who has already heaped up immense stores of
superfluous riches. Public utility requires that property should
be regulated by general inflexible rules; and though such rules
are adopted as best serve the same end of public utility, it is im-
possible for them to prevent all particular hardships or make
beneficial consequences result from every individual case. It is
sufficient if the whole plan or scheme be necessary to the support
of civil society and if the balance of good, in the main, do thereby
preponderate much above that of evil.8
2. The Principle in Adam Smith

It would be impossible to exaggerate the importance of this
principle both in law and in ethics. We will find later that,
among other things, it alone can reconcile what is true in some
of the traditional controversies of ethicsthe long-standing dis-
pute, for example, between Benthamite Utilitarianism and
Kantian formalism, between relativism and absolutism, and
even between "empirical" and "intuitive" ethics.
Most commentators on Hume completely ignore the point.
Even Bentham, who not only took over the principle of utility
from Hume, but christened it with the cumbersome name of
Utilitarianism, which stuck,9 missed, for all practical purposes,
this vital qualification.
It is only natural that we should look for some trace of the
influence of Hume's General-Rules Principle in Adam Smith,
his admirer and younger friend (by twelve years), andat least
in some doctrineshis disciple. (Many of the views in The
Wealth of Nations, on commerce, money, interest, the balance
and freedom of trade, taxes and public credit, are anticipated
in Hume's Essays, Literary, Moral, and Political, published
some thirty years earlier.) And we do in fact find that Adam
Smith incorporated the General-Rules Principle in his Theory
of the Moral Sentiments (1759), particularly in Part III, Chap-
ters IV and V. He states it eloquently:
Our continual observations upon the conduct of others in-
sensibly lead us to form to ourselves certain general rules con-
cerning what is fit and proper either to be done or avoided. . . .10
The regard to those general rules of conduct is what is properly
called a sense of duty, a principle of the greatest consequence in
human life, and the only principle by which the bulk of mankind
are capable of directing their actions. . . . n Without this sacred
regard to general rules, there is no man whose conduct can be
much depended upon. It is this which constitutes the most es-
sential difference between a man of principle and honor, and a
worthless fellow. The one adheres on all occasions steadily and
resolutely to his maxims, and preserves through the whole of his
life one even tenor of conduct. The other acts variously and acci-
dently, as humour, inclination, or interest chance to be upper-
most. . . .12 Upon the tolerable observance of these duties [jus-
tice, truth, chastity, fidelity] depends the very existence of human
society, which would crumble into nothing if mankind were not
generally impressed with reverence for those important rules of
conduct.13
But in spite of this emphatic statement of the principle,

Adam Smith makes a doubtful qualification which is, in fact,
inconsistent with it. He tells us, apparently in contradiction to
Hume, that: "We do not originally approve or condemn partic-
ular actions because, upon examination, they appear to be agree-
able or inconsistent with a certain general rule. The general
rule, on the contrary, is formed by finding from experience that
all actions of a certain kind, or circumstances in a certain man-
ner, are approved or disapproved of." 14 He goes on to declare
that "the man who first saw an inhuman murder committed"
would not have to reflect, "in order to conceive how horrible
such an action was" that "one of the most sacred rules of con-
duct" had been violated.15 And he becomes ironic at the expense
of "several very eminent authors" (Hume?) who "draw up their
systems in such a manner as if they had supposed that the orig-
inal judgments of mankind with regard to right and wrong were
formed like the decisions of a court of judicatoryby consider-
ing first the general rule, and then, secondly, whether the par-
ticular action under consideration fell properly within its com-
prehension." 16
Smith oversimplifies the problem, and does not recognize his
own inconsistency. If we had always, from the beginning of
time, instantly recognized, just by seeing them, hearing of them,
or doing them, what actions were right and what were wrong,
we would not need to frame general rules and resolve to abide
by general rules, unless it were the general rule: Always do right
and never do wrong. We would not even need to study or dis-
cuss ethics. We could dispense with all treatises on ethics or even
any discussion of specific ethical problems. All ethics could be
summed up in the foregoing rule of seven words. Even the Ten
Commandments would be nine commandments too many.
3. Rediscovery in the Twentieth Century

The problem, unfortunately, is more complicated. It is true
that our present ethical judgments of some actions are instan-
taneous; they seem based on abhorrence of the act itself, and not
on any consideration of its consequences (apart from those that
seem inherent in the act, such as the suffering of a person who
is being tortured, or the death of a person who is killed), or on
any judgment that they involve the violation of an abstract gen-
eral rule. Nevertheless most of these instantaneous judgments
may indeed be partly or mainly based on the fact that a general
rule is being violated. We may look with horror on another car
speeding directly toward us on its left side of the road, though
there is nothing inherently wrong with driving on the left side
of the road, and the whole danger comes from the violation
of a general rule. And in our private moral judgments, no less
than in law, we do in fact try to decide under what general rule
we should act or under what general rule a given act should be
classed. The courts must decide whether a given act is First-
Degree Murder, or Manslaughter, or Self-Defense. If a patient's
disease is hopeless a doctor who is asked for reassurance must
decide whether this would be Telling a Lie, or Sparing Needless
Suffering. When we are deciding (if we ever consciously do)
whether or not to tell our hostess that we can't remember when
we have had such a wonderful evening, we must decide whether
this would be Perjury, Hypocrisy, or the Duty of Politeness.
The problem of deciding under what rule an act should be
classed can sometimes present difficulties. F. H. Bradley was so
impressed by these, in fact, that he even deplored any effort to
solve the problem "by a reflective deduction" and insisted it
must only be done "by an intuitive subsumption, which does
not know that it is a subsumption." "No act in the world," he
argued, "is without some side capable of being subsumed under
a good rule; e.g. theft is economy, care for one's relations, pro-
test against bad institutions, really doing oneself but justice,
etc.," and reasoning about the matter leads straight to immoral-
ity. (Ethical Studies, pp. 196-197.) I do not think we need take
this obscurantist argument very seriously. Logically followed, it
would condemn all reasoning about ethics, including Bradley's.
The problem of deciding under what rule of law an act should
be classed is one that our courts and judges must solve a thou-
sand times a day, and not by "intuitive subsumption" but by
reasoning that will stand up on appeal. In ethics the problem
may not often arisebut when it does it is precisely because
our "intuitive subsumptions" conflict.
The need of adhering inflexibly to general rules is plain.
Even the qualifications to rules must be drawn according to
general rules. An "exception" to a rule must not be capricious,
but itself capable of being stated as a rule, capable of being
made part of a rule, of being embodied in a rule. Even here,
in brief, we must be guided by generality, predictability, cer-
tainty, the non-disappointment of reasonable expectations.
The great principle that Hume discovered and framed was
that, while conduct should be judged by its "utility," that is,
by its consequences, by its tendency to promote happiness and
well-being, it is not specific acts that should be so judged, but
general rules of action. It is only the probable long-run conse-
quences of these, and not of specific acts, that can reasonably be
foreseen. As F. A. Hayek has put it:
It is true enough that the justification of any particular rule
of law must be its usefulness. . . . But, generally speaking, only
the rule as a whole must be so justified, not its every application.
The idea that each conflict, in law or in morals, should be so
decided as would seem most expedient to somebody who could
comprehend all the consequences of that decision involves the
denial of the necessity of any rules. "Only a society of omniscient
individuals could give each person complete liberty to weigh every
particular action on general utilitarian grounds." Such an "ex-
treme" utilitarianism leads to absurdity; and only what has been
called "restricted" utilitarianism has therefore any relevance to
our problem. Yet few beliefs have been more destructive of the
respect for the rules of law and of morals than the idea that the
the rule is binding only if the beneficial effect of observing it in
the particular instance can be recognized.17
The principle of acting in accordance with general rules has
had a most curious history in ethics. It is implicit in religious
ethics (the Ten Commandments); it is implicit in "intuitive"
ethics and in "common-sense" ethicsin the concept of the
"man of principle" and the "man of honor"; it is explicitly
stated by the first utilitist, Hume; then it is almost completely
overlooked by the classical Utilitarian, Bentham, and only fit-
fully glimpsed by Mill; and now, practically within the last
decade, it has been rediscovered by a group of writers.18 They
have given it the name rule-utilitarianism as contrasted with
the older act-utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill. The former
designation is excellent (though I would prefer rule-utilitism
as a little less cumbersome), but the aptness of the latter is more
questionable. In both cases it is the probable consequences of
an act that are being judged, but in the first it is the probable
consequences of the act as an instance of following a rule, and
in the second it is the probable consequences of an act con-
sidered in isolation and apart from any general rule. Perhaps a
better name for this would be ad hoc utilitism.
In any case, there will often be a profound difference in our
moral judment, according to which standard we apply. The
standards of direct or ad hoc utilitism will not necessarily in
every case be less demanding than the standards of rule-util-
itism. In fact, to ask a man in his every act to do that "which
will contribute more than any other act to human happiness"
(as some of the older utilitarians did) is to impose upon him an
oppressive as well as impossible choice. For it is impossible for
any man to know what all the consequences of a given act will
be when it is considered in isolation. It is not impossible for
him to know, however, what the probable consequences will be
of following a generally accepted rule. For these probable con-
sequences are known as a result of the whole of human experi-
ence. It is the results of previous human experience that have
framed our traditional moral rules. When the individual is
asked merely to follow some accepted rule, the moral burdens
put upon him are not impossible. The pangs of conscience that
may come to him if his action does not turn out to have the
most beneficent consequences are not unbearable. For not the
least of the advantages of our all acting according to commonly
accepted moral rules is that our actions are predictable by others
and the actions of others are predictable by us, with the result
that we are all better able to cooperate with each other in help-
ing each other to pursue our individual ends.
When we judge an act by a mere ad hoc utilitism, it is as if
we asked: What would be the consequences of this act if it
could be considered as an isolated act, as a just-this-once act,
without consequences as a precedent or as an example to oth-
ers? But this means that we are deliberately disregarding what
may be its most important consequences.
In pursuing the further implications of the principle of acting
according to general rules, we must consider the whole relation-
ship of ethics and law.
CHAPTER 9
Ethics and Law
1. Natural Law
In primitive societies religion, morals, law, customs, manners,
exist as an undifferentiated whole.1 The boundaries between
them are hazy and ill-defined. Their respective provinces are
distinguished only gradually. For generations it is not only
ethics that retains a theological base, but jurisprudence, which
was a part of theology for two centuries prior to the Reforma-
tion.
The outstanding illustration of the fusing and separation of
the provinces of ethics, law, and theology is the growth of the
doctrine of Natural Law. The Greeks put a theoretical moral
foundation under law by the doctrine of natural right. The
Roman jurists made natural right into natural law and sought
to discover the content of this natural law and to declare it. The
Middle Ages put a theological foundation under natural law.
The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries took out this theolog-
ical foundation and replaced it or partially replaced it by a ra-
tional foundation. At the end of the eighteenth century Kant
tried to replace the rational foundation by a metaphysical foun-
dation.2
But what was natural law, and how did the concept arise? In
the hands of Roman lawyers, the Greek theories of what was
right by nature and what was right by convention or enactment
gave rise to a distinction between law by nature and law by
custom or enactment. Rules based on reason were law by nature.
The right or the just by nature became law by nature or natural
law. In this way began the identification of the legal with the
moral that has been characteristic of natural-law thinkers ever
since.3
In the Middle Ages the concept of natural law was identified
with the concept of divine law. Natural law proceeded immedi-
ately from reason but ultimately from God. According to
62
ETHICS AND LAW 63
Thomas Aquinas, it was a reflection of the "reason of the divine
wisdom governing the whole universe." Later thinkers saw no
conflict between natural law and divine law. According to Gro-
tius, for example, both were based on eternal reason and on the
will of God who wills only reason. This is also the view of
Blackstone. It is reflected in the views of American judges, as,
for example, Mr. Justice Wilson, who tells us that God "is
under the glorious necessity of not contradicting himself." 4
The concept of natural law has played a major role both in
legal confusion and in legal progress. The confusion comes from
its unfortunate name. When natural law is identified with the
"laws of nature" it comes to be assumed that human thought
can have no part in forming or creating it. It is assumed to pre-
exist. It is the function of our reason merely to discover it. In
fact, many writers on natural law throw out reason altogether.
It is not necessary. We knowor at least they knowjust what
natural law is from direct intuition.
This aroused the wrath of Bentham. He contended that the
doctrine of natural law was merely one of the "contrivances for
avoiding the obligation of appealing to any external standard,
and for prevailing upon the reader to accept of the author's
sentiment or opinion as a reason for itself. . . . A great multi-
tude of people are continually talking of the Law of Nature;
and then they go on giving you their sentiments about what is
right and what is wrong: and these sentiments, you are to under-
stand, are so many chapters and sections of the Law of Nature.
. . . T h e fairest and openest of them all is that sort of man who
speaks out, and says, I am of the number of the Elect: now God
himself takes care to inform the Elect what is right: and that
with so good effect, and let them strive ever so, they cannot help
not only knowing it but practising it. If therefore a man wants
to know what is right and what is wrong, he has nothing to do
but to come to me." 5
If, however, we think of natural law as merely a misnomer for
Ideal Law, or Law-as-It-Ought-to-Be, and if, in addition, we
have the humility or scientific caution to assume that we do not
intuitively or automatically know what this is, but that it is
something to be discovered and formulated by experience and
reason, and that we can constantly improve our concepts with-
out ever reaching finality or perfection, then we have a power-
ful tool for the continuous reform of positive law. This, in fact,
was the implicit assumption and method of Bentham himself.
2. The Common Law

Positive law and "positive" morality are both products of a
long historical growth. They grew together, as part of an undif-
ferentiated tradition and custom that included religion. But law
tended to become secular and independent of theology sooner
than did ethics. It also became more definite and explicit. An-
glo-American common law, in particular, grew through customs
of judicial decision. Individual judges realized, implicitly if
not explicitly, that law and the application of law must be cer-
tain, uniform, predictable. They tried to solve individual cases
upon their "merits"; but they recognized that their decision in
one case must be "consistent" with their decision in another,
and that the decisions of one court must be consistent with those
of others, so that they would not easily be overthrown on ap-
peal.
They therefore sought for general rules under which particu-
lar cases might be brought and decided. T o find these general
rules they looked for analogies both in their own previous deci-
sions and in the previous decisions of other courts. Contending
lawyers usually did not deny the existence or validity of these
general rules. They did not deny that cases should be decided
in accordance with established precedents. But they tried to find
and to cite the analogies and precedents that favored their par-
ticular side. The attorney for one litigant would argue that his
client's case was analogous to previous case Y, not X, and that
it therefore came under Rule B, not Rule A, while the attorney
for the opposing litigant would argue the opposite.
Thus there grew up, through precedent and analogical rea-
soning, the great body of the Common Law. There was in it,
of course, in the beginning, much reverence for mere precedent
as such, whether the precedent was rational or irrational. But
there was clearly a great deal of utilic rationality in respecting
precedent as such: this tended to make the application of law
certain, uniform, and predictable. Moreover, there was also,
even in early periods, and increasingly later, an element of
utilic rationality in particular decisions. For even in trying to
ETHICS AND LAW 65
decide a case "upon its individual merits," a judge would prob-
ably give at least one eye to a consideration not only of the
probable practical effects of that particular decision but to the
probable practical effects of like decisions in other cases. Thus
the Common Law was built up both through induction and
deduction: in deciding particular cases judges arrived at gen-
eral rules, i.e., at rules that would apply to like cases; and when
a new concrete case came before them, they would look for the
relevant pre-existing general rule under which it would be ap-
propriate and just to decide it.
Thus judges both made law and applied it. But common law
had the defect of a wide margin of uncertainty. Where prece-
dents were conflicting and analogies were debatable, litigants
could not know in advance by which precedent or analogy a
particular judge would be guided. Where the general rule or
principle had received vague or inconsistent statement, no one
could know in advance which form of the rule a given judge
would accept as valid or determining. How could men protect
themselves from capricious or arbitrary decisions? How could
they know in advance whether the actions they were taking
were legal or whether the contracts and agreements they were
making would be called valid? The demand arose for a more
explicit written law.
But the law as a whole, common and statute law together, was
a steadily growing and constantly more consistent body of gen-
eral rules, and even of general-rules-for-finding-the-general-rule
under which a particular case came. And the attempt to make
these general rules more precise and consistent, and to find a
utilitarian basis for them or reconstruct them on such a basis,
led to the development of the philosophy of law and the science
of jurisprudence.
Writers on jurisprudence were divided roughly into two
schools, the analytical and the philosophical. "Analytical juris-
prudence broke with philosophy and with ethics completely.
. . . The ideal pattern of the analytical jurist was one of a log-
ically consistent and logically interdependent system of legal
precepts. . . . Assuming an exact logically defined separation
of powers, the analytical jurist contended that law and morals
were distinct and unrelated and that he was concerned only
with law." 6 On the other hand, "Throughout the nineteenth
century philosophical jurists devoted much of their attention
to the relation of law to morals, the relation of jurisprudence
to ethics." 7
Yet there is an irony here. While most writers on jurispru-
dence have been constantly concerned with the relations of law
to ethics, while they have sought to make legal rules consistent
with ethical requirements, and to find what jurisprudence has
to learn from ethics, moralists have not at all troubled to find
what they could learn from jurisprudence. For the jurists have
made the tacit assumption that while the law is something that
was created and developed by man, and is to be perfected by
him, ethics is something already created by God and known to
man by intuition. The great majority of ethical writers have
made a similar assumption. Even the evolutionary and utili-
tarian moralists have not troubled to see what they could learn
from a study of law and jurisprudence.
And this was true, strangest of all, even of Jeremy Bentham,
who made tremendous contributions both to jurisprudence and
to ethics, and whose most famous book is called, significantly,
Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Yet he
too was concerned principally with what legislation had to learn
from morals, or rather with what both had to learn from the
Principle of Utility or the Greatest Happiness Principle, and
not with the great lesson that ethical philosophy had to learn
from jurisprudence and lawthe importance and necessity of
general rules.
Nevertheless, Bentham has left us an illuminating simile:
"Legislation is a circle with the same center as moral philoso-
phy, but its circumference is smaller." 8 And Jellinek in 1878
subsumed law under morals in the same way by declaring that
law was a minimum ethics. It was only a part of moralsthe
part that had to do with the indispensable conditions of the
social order. The remainder of morals, desirable but not in-
dispensable, he called "an ethical luxury." 9
3. The Relativism of Anatole France

The great lesson that moral philosophy has to learn from
legal philosophy is the necessity for adhering to general rules.
It also has to learn the nature of these rules. They must be
ETHICS AND LAW 67
general, certain, uniform, regular, predictable, and equal in
their application. "Rules of property, rules as to commercial
transactions, the rules that maintain the security of acquisitions
and the security of transactions in a society of complex eco-
nomic organizationsuch rules may be and ought to be of gen-
eral and absolute application." 10 "The very conception of law
involves ideas of uniformity, regularity, predictability." u
The essential requirements of law have seldom been better
described than by F. A. Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty.
It must be free from arbitrariness, privilege, or discrimination.
It must apply to all, and not merely to particular persons or
groups. It must be certain. It must consist in the enforcement
of known rules. These rules must be general and abstract rather
than specific and concrete. They must be so clear that court de-
cisions are predictable. In brief, the law must be certain, gen-
eral, and equal.12 "The true contrast to a reign of status is the
reign of general and equal laws, of the rules which are the same
for all." 13 "As they operate through the expectations that they
create, it is essential that they be always applied, irrespective of
whether or not the consequences in a particular instance seem
desirable." 14 True laws must be "known and certain. . . . The
essential point is that the decisions of the courts can be pre-
dicted." 15
When these requirements are met, the requirements of lib-
erty are met. As John Locke put it: "The end of the law is, not
to abolish or restrain, but to preserve and enlarge freedom. . . .
For liberty is to be free from restraint and violence from others,
which cannot be where there is no law." 16
"Freedom of men under government is to have a standing
rule to live by, common to every one of that society, and made
by the legislative power erected in it; a liberty to follow my own
will in all things, where that rule prescribes not: and not to be
subject to the inconstant, uncertain, arbitrary will of another
man." 17
When Justice is represented on court house statues as being
blind, it does not mean that she is blind to the justice of the
case, but blind to the wealth, social position, sex, color, looks,
amiability or other qualities of the particular litigants. It means
that she recognizes that justice, happiness, peace, and order can
only be established, in the long run, by respect for general rules,
rather than respect for the "merits" of each particular case. This
is what Hume means when he insists that justice will often re-
quire that a poor good man be forced to pay money to a rich bad
manif, for example, it concerns the payment of a just debt.
And this is what the advocates of an ad hoc "justice," a "justice"
that regards only the specific "merits" of the particular case
before the court, without considering what the extension of the
rule of that decision would imply, have never understood. Al-
most the whole weight of the novelists and intellectuals of the
last two centuries, in their treatment of both legal and moral
questions, has been thrown in this ad hoc direction. Their atti-
tude is summed up in the famous ironical jibe by Anatole
France at "the majestic equality of the law that forbids the rich
as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets
and to steal bread." 18
But neither Anatole France nor any of those who take this
ad hoc view have ever bothered to say what rules or guides,
apart from their own immediate feelings, they would apply in
place of equality before the law. Would they decide in each
case of theft how much the thief "needed" the particular thing
he stole, or how little its rightful owner "needed" it? Would
they make it illegal only for a rich man to steal from a poor
man? Legal for anybody to steal from anybody richer than him-
self? Would Anatole France himself, in his pose of magnanim-
ity, have considered it all right for anyone to pirate or plagiarize
from him, provided only that the plagiarist could show that he
was not yet as prosperous or well-known as Anatole France?
The forthright declaration of a Thomas Huxley that it is not
only illegal but immoral for a man to steal a loaf of bread even
if he is starving, seems like a cruel and shocking Victorian
pronouncement to all our "modern" ethical relativists, to all the
ad hoc theoreticians who pride themselves on their peculiar
"compassion." But they have never suggested what rules should
be put in place of the general rules they deplore, or how the
exceptions should be determined. The only general rule they
do in fact seem to have in mind is one they seldom dare to utter
that each man should be a law unto himself, that each man
should decide for himself, for example, whether his "need" is
great enough or the "need" of his intended victim small
enough to justify a particular contemplated theft.
ETHICS AND LAW 69
4. Inner and Outer Circle

Before concluding this discussion of the relation of law to
ethics, let us turn back to the simile from Bentham that law is
a circle with the same center as moral philosophy but with a
smaller circumference, and to the similar conclusion of Jellinek
that law is a "minimum ethics." Let us try to see just where
the radius of the smaller legal circle ends, and why it ends there.
We may do this by a few concrete illustrations. The first is
of the schoolmaster who said: "Boys, be pure in heart or I'll
flog you." 19 The point is that the law can only operate through
sanctionsthrough punishment, redress, or forcible prevention
and therefore can only insure the outward morality of words
and acts.
The second illustration is that of an athletic young man with
a rope and a life-belt at hand, who sits on a bench in a park
along a river bank, and quietly sees a child drown, although he
could act without the least danger.20 The law has refused to
impose liability. As Ames has put it: "He took away nothing
from a person in jeopardy, he simply failed to confer a benefit
upon a stranger. . . . The law does not compel active benevo-
lence between man and man. It is left to one's conscience
whether he will be the good Samaritan or not." 21
This legal reasoning is supported, also, by certain practical
difficulties of proof. Suppose there is more than one man watch-
ing on the bank, and each contends that the other is in a much
better position to effect the rescue? Or suppose we take the
broader question raised by Dean Pound: "If John Doe is help-
less and starving, shall he sue Henry Ford or John D. Rocke-
feller?" 22 This raises the question of the difficulty of saying
upon whom the duty of being the good Samaritan should
devolve.
But if we pass over these practical difficulties, and come back
to our original illustration of the man who sits alone on a bank
and coolly lets a child drown, knowing there is no other person
from whom help can come but himself, there can be no ques-
tion of what the common-sense moral judgment upon his act
would be. The case is sufficient to illustrate the far wider
sphere of ethics as compared with law.23 Morality certainly calls
for active benevolence beyond that called for by the law. But
how far this duty extends must be the subject of a later chapter.
CHAPTER 10
Traffic Rules and Moral Rules

We may illustrate and reinforce the comparison in the last
chapter between ethics and law by taking what may seem at first
glance a trivial examplethe necessity of framing, enforcing,
and adhering to traffic rules.
A closer look will show, I think, that the illustration is not
trivial. In present-day America, and even in Europe, it repre-
sents the citizen's most frequent contact with the law. It calls
for the strictest daily, hourly, and even moment-to-moment ob-
servance of prescribed rules, impartially enforced on all.
It is instructive to notice that Hume, insisting even in the
middle of the eighteenth century on "the necessity of rules
wherever men have any intercourse with each other," went on
to point out: "They cannot even pass each other on the road
without rules. Wagoners, coachmen, and postilions have prin-
ciples by which they give the way; and these are chiefly founded
on mutual ease and convenience." 1
Now the first thing to be observed about traffic rules is that
they illustrate with special force John Locke's principle that
"The end of the law is, not to abolish or restrain, but to pre-
serve and enlarge freedom." 2 They do not exist in order to
reduce or to slow up traffic, but to accelerate and maximize it to
the greatest extent consistent with mutual safety. Red lights are
not put up so that people will be compelled to stop in front of
them. The lights and rules do not exist for their own sakes.
They exist to provide the freest and smoothest flow of traffic,
and to reduce conflicts, accidents, and disputes to a minimum.
True, the traffic rules rest in part on decisions that are arbi-
trary (though these "arbitrary" decisions usually grow out of im-
memorial custom). It may be originally a matter of indifference
whether we decide that cars should pass each other on the right,
as in the United States and most other countries, or on the left,
as in England. But once the rule is fixed, once it is certain and
known, it is of the utmost importance that everyone conform
70
TRAFFIC RULES AND MORAL RULES 71
to it. In traffic-rule enforcement, as in much wider areas of law
and morals, we cannot allow the right of private judgment. We
cannot allow every individual to decide for himself, for exam-
ple, whether it is better to drive on the right or on the left side
of the road. Here is an example of a rule that must be obeyed
simply because it has already been established, simply because
it is the accepted rule.
And this principle has the widest bearings. We do and should
obey rules, in law, manners and morals, simply because they
are the established rules. This is their utility. We cooperate
better in helping to achieve each other's ends by acting on rules
on which others can count. We cooperate by being able to rely
on each other, by being able to anticipate with confidence what
the other fellow is going to do. And we can have this essential
mutual confidence and reliance only if both of us act in accord-
ance with the established rule and each knows that the other
is going to act in accordance with the established rule. When
two drivers are coming straight towards each other, each driving
at a mile a minute near the middle of a narrow country road,
each must know that the other, soon enough before the moment
of passage, is going to bear toward and pass on the right (or
in England on the left) as the established rule prescribes.
In short, in ethics as in law, the traditional and accepted rule
is to be followed unless there are clear and strong reasons
against it. The burden of proof is never on the established rule,
but on breaking or changing the rule. And even if the rule is
defective it may be unwise for the individual to ignore it or
defy it unless he can hope to get it generally changed.
Each moral rule must be judged, of course, in accordance
with its utility. But some moral rules have this utility simply be-
cause they are already accepted. In any case, this established ac-
ceptance adds to the utility of rules that have utility on other
grounds.
It is the task of the moral philosopher, and even of the rule-
utilitist, not so much to frame the appropriate moral rule gov-
erning a particular situation as to find the appropriate moral
rule. In this he is similar to a judge finding and interpreting the
relevant law. The fallacy of too many moral philosophers, an-
cient and modern, has been the assumption that we can begin
ab initio, tear up all the existing ethical rules by the roots, or
ignore them and start fresh. This would be obviously silly and
impossible when dealing, for example, with language. It is no
less silly, and far more dangerous, to try to do the same with
established moral codes which, like languages, are the product
of immemorial social evolution. The improvement or perfec-
tion of moral codes, like the improvement or perfection of lan-
guages, is to be achieved by piecemeal reforms.
It has been observed again and again how the morality of
savage tribes decays and disintegrates when they are confronted
by the utterly alien moral code of their "civilized" conquerors.
They lose respect for their old moral code before they acquire
respect for the new one. They acquire only the vices of civiliza-
tion. The moral philosophers who have preached root-and-
branch substitution, in accordance with some "new" ill-digested
and oversimplified principle, have ha<d the effect of undermin-
ing existing morality, of creating skepticism and indifference,
and of making the rules by which the individual acts "a matter
of personal taste."
The traffic-rule illustration throws light also on the philoso-
phy of utilitarianism. Naive hedonism or crude utilitarianism
would tell you to do whatever gave you most pleasure at the
moment. If you could get to your destination fastest in a par-
ticular case by passing red lights without accident and without
getting caught, that is what you should do. But a truly enlight-
ened utilitism would insist that it is only by everyone's adhering
strictly to general traffic rules that the smoothest and fullest
traffic flow, the fewest disputes and accidents, and the maximum
satisfaction of drivers, can be achieved in the long run.
We have a still further lesson to learn from the analogy of
traffic rules. In general, as with moral rules, we must adhere
inflexibly to them. True, expediency and even long-run utility
require that there must sometimes be exceptions. But even
the exceptions must ge governed by rules. For example, fire-
engines, police cars, and ambulances are allowed to go through
traffic lights. But only under certain specified conditions. The
fire-engine must be going to a fire, not coming from it. The
police car must be in hot pursuit of criminals or responding to
an emergency call for help. The ambulance must also be re-
sponding to an emergency call. And even the exceptions we
allow, it must be recognized, are not without their dangersto
TRAFFIC RULES AND MORAL RULES 73
pedestrians, to cross-street traffic, to the fire-engine, police-car,
or ambulance occupants themselves.
None of these exceptions, moreover, means that anybody is
free to pass a red light because he is a public official, or a Very
Important Person, or considers stopping inconvenient. In the
same way, and for the same reason, no one is free to flout the
moral law because he considers himself a superman. If a driver
were asked, "Why did you pass that red light?" and he replied,
"Because I am a genius," the humor and effrontery would not
be more than that of the Nietzsches and Oscar Wildes and whole
droves of self-styled "Non-Conformists" with their claims to be
beyond morality. If rules are not universally and inflexibly
obeyed, they lose their utility. To quote Locke once more, "Lib-
erty is to be free from restraint and violence from others, which
cannot be where there is no law." 3
Still one more lesson is to be learned from the analogy of
traffic rulesor perhaps it is merely the restatement of previous
lessons in another form. One of the purposes of traffic rules,
like one of the purposes of all law and all morals, is to learn
how to keep out of each other's way. In traffic each of us may
have a different destination, as in life each may have a different
goal. That is one reason why we must all adhere to a set of gen-
eral rules which not only avert head-on collisions, but enable
each other to get to our destinations sooner. Traffic rules, like
legal and moral rules in general, are not adopted for their own
sakes. They are not adopted primarily to restrain but to liberate.
They are adopted to minimize frustration and suppression in
the long run, and to maximize the satisfactions of all and there-
fore of each.
The traffic rules are, in sum, a legal system and a moral sys-
tem in microcosm. Their specific purpose is to maximize traffic
and to maximize safety, to enable each to reach his destination
with the least interference from others. Whenever paths cross
or conflict, somebody must yield the right of way to somebody
else. I must sometimes give way to you, and you must some-
times give way to me. These times must be unambiguously and
unmistakably determined by some general rule or set of gen-
eral rules. (In traffic rules, traffic from the side streets must give
precedence to traffic on the main avenues, or the car on the left
must yield to the car on the right.) But who has the right of way
is determined not by who you are, or who the other fellow is,
but by the objective situation, or by a situation that can be
objectively defined.
And so the traffic laws embody and illustrate one of the
broadest principles of law and morals. As one writer on law
puts it: "The problem consists in allowing such an exercise of
each personal will as is compatible with the exercise of othei
wills. . . . [A law] is a limitation of one's freedom of action for
the sake of avoiding collision with others. . . . In social life,
as we know, men have not only to avoid collisions, but to ar-
range co-operation in all sorts of ways, and the one common fea-
ture of all these forms of co-operation is the limitation of in-
dividual wills in order to achieve a common purpose." 4
And as Dean Pound, summarizing the view of Kant, writes:
"The problem of the law is to keep conscious free-willing be-
ings from interference with each other. It is so to order them
that each shall exercise his freedom in a way consistent with
the freedom of all others, since all others are to be regarded
equally as ends in themselves." 5
CHAPTER 11
Morals and Manners

Let us recall once more (as at the beginning of Chapter 9)
that in primitive societies religion, morals, law, customs, man-
ners exist as an undifferentiated whole. We cannot say with
confidence which came first. They came together. It is only in
comparatively modern times that they have become clearly dif-
ferentiated from each other; and as they have done so, they have
developed different traditions.
Nowhere is this difference in tradition more striking than
in that between religious ethics and manners. Too often moral
codes, especially those still largely attached to religious roots,
are ascetic and grim. Codes of manners, on the other hand, usu-
ally require us to be at least outwardly cheerful, agreeable, gra-
cious, convivialin short, a contagious source of cheer to others.
So far, in some respects, has the gap between the two traditions
widened, that a frequent theme of plays and novels in the eight-
eenth and nineteenth centuries and even today is the contrast
between the rough diamond, the crude proletarian or peasant
with inflexible honesty and a heart of gold, and the suave, pol-
ished lady or gentleman with perfect manners but completely
amoral and with a heart of ice.
The overemphasis on this contrast has been unfortunate. It
has prevented most writers on ethics from recognizing that both
manners and morals rest on the same underlying principle.
That principle is sympathy, kindness, consideration for others.
It is true that a part of any code of manners is merely conven-
tional and arbitrary, like knowing which fork to use for the
salad, but the heart of every code of manners lies much deeper.
Manners developed, not to make life more complicated and
awkward (though elaborately ceremonial manners do), but to
make it in the long-run smoother and simplera dance, and
not a series of bumps and jolts. The extent to which it does
this is the test of any code of manners.
Manners are minor morals. Manners are to morals as the final
75
sandpapering, rubbing, and polishing on a fine piece of furni-
ture are to the selection of the wood, the sawing, chiseling, and
fitting. They are the finishing touch.
Emerson is one of the few modern writers who have ex-
plicitly recognized the ethical basis of manners. "Good man-
ners," he wrote, "are made up of petty sacrifices."
Let us pursue this aspect of manners a little further. Man-
ners, as we have seen, consist in consideration for others. They
consist in deferring to others. One tries to deal with others with
unfailing courtesy. One tries constantly to spare the feelings
of others. It is bad manners to monopolize the conversation, to
talk too much about oneself, to boast, because all this irritates
others. It is good manners to be modest, or at least to appear
so, because this pleases others. It is good manners for the strong
to yield to the weak, the well to the sick, the young to the old.
Codes of manners, in fact, have set up an elaborate, unwrit-
ten, but well understood order of precedence, which serves in
the realm of politeness like the traffic rules we considered in
the preceding chapter. This order of precedence is, in fact, a
set of "traffic rules" symbolized in the decision concerning who
goes first through a doorway. The gentleman yields to the lady;
the younger yields to the older; the able-bodied yield to the ill
or the crippled; the host yields to the guest. Sometimes these
categories are mixed, or other considerations prevail, and then
the rule becomes unclear. But the unwritten code of rules laid
down by good manners in the long run saves time rather than
consumes it, and tends to take the minor jolts and irritations
out of life.
The truth of this is most likely to be recognized whenever
manners deteriorate. "My generation of radicals and breakers-
down," wrote Scott Fitzgerald to his daughter, "never found
anything to take the place of the old virtues of work and courage
and the old graces of courtesy and politeness."
Ceremony can be overelaborate and therefore time-consum-
ing, tiring, and boring, but without any ceremony life would
be barren, graceless, and brutish. Nowhere is this truth more
clearly recognized than in the moral code of Confucius: "Cere-
monies and music should not for a moment be neglected by any
one. . . . T h e instructive and transforming power of ceremo-
MORALS AND MANNERS 77
nies is subtle. They check depravity before it has taken form,
causing men daily to move toward what is good and to keep
themselves from wrong-doing, without being conscious of it.
. . . Ceremonies and music in their nature resemble Heaven
and earth, penetrate the virtues of the spiritual intelligences,
bring down spirits from above and lift the souls that are
abased." 1
To recognize the truth of this, we have only to imagine how
bare and empty life would seem to many without marriage cere-
monies, funeral ceremonies, christenings, and Sunday church
services. This is the great appeal of religion to many who give
a very tepid credence to the dogmas on which their religion is
ostensibly founded.
In the ethics of Confucius manners play a major role, as they
should. I do not know of any modern philosopher who has de-
liberately sought to base his ethical system on a widening and
idealization of the traditional code of manners, but the effort
would probably prove instructive, and prima facie less foolish
than one rooted in some idealization of asceticism and self-
abasement.
I have said that manners are minor ethics. But in another
sense they are major ethics, because they are, in fact, the ethics
of everyday life. Every day and almost every hour of our lives,
those of us who are not hermits or anchorites have an oppor-
tunity to practice the minor ethics of good manners, of kindness
toward and consideration for others in little things, of petty
sacrifices. It is only on great and rare occasions of life that most
of us have either the need or the opportunity to practice what
I may call Heroic Ethics. Yet most ethical writers seem to be
almost exclusively concerned with heroic ethics, with Nobility,
Magnanimity, Ail-Embracing Love, Saintliness, Self-Sacrifice.
And they despise any effort to frame or to find the rules or even
to seek the rationale behind the workaday ethics for the masses
of humanity.
We need to be more concerned with everyday morality
and relatively less with crisis morality. If ethical treatises were
more concerned with everyday morality they would stress far
more than they do the importance of good manners, of po-
liteness, of consideration for others in little things (a habit
which must carry over into larger things). They would praise
the day-to-day social cooperation that consists in doing one's
own job conscientiously, efficiently, and cheerfully.
Most writers on ethics, however, still contrast manners and
morals rather than treat them as complementary. There is no
more frequent character in modern fiction than the man or
woman with suave and polished manners and all the outward
show of politeness but completely cold, calculating, selfish and
even sometimes fiendish at heart. Such characters exist, but
they are the exception, not the rule. They are less frequently
found than their oppositesthe upright, honest, and even kind-
hearted person who is often unintentionally blunt or even rude,
and "rubs people the wrong way." The existence of both classes
of persons is in part the result of the existence in separate com-
partments of the tradition of morals and the tradition of good
breeding. Moralists have too often tended to treat etiquette as
of no particular importance, or even as irrelevant to morals.
The code of good breeding, especially the code of the "gentle-
man," was for a long period largely a class code. The "gentle-
man's" code applied mainly to his relations with other gentle-
men, not with his "inferiors." He paid his "debts of honor," for
examplehis gambling debts but not his debts to poor trades-
men. Notwithstanding the special and far from trivial duties
sometimes imposed by noblesse oblige, the code of good breed-
ing, as it existed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, did
not necessarily exclude a sometimes cruel snobbery.
But the defects in the conventional code of morals and in the
conventional code of manners are corrected when the two tradi-
tions are fusedwhen the code of manners is treated as, in
effect, an extension of the code of morals.
It is sometimes supposed that the two codes dictate different
actions. The traditional code of ethics is thought to teach that
one should always tell the exact and literal truth. The tradition
of good breeding, on the other hand, puts its emphasis on spar-
ing the feelings of others, and even on pleasing them at the cost
of the exact truth.
A typical example concerns the tradition of what you say to
your host and hostess on leaving a dinner party. You congratu-
late them, say, on a wonderful dinner, and add that you do not
know when you have had a more enjoyable evening. The exact
MORALS AND MANNERS 79
and literal truth may be that the dinner was mediocre, or worse,
and that the evening was only moderately enjoyable or a down-
right bore. Nevertheless, provided your exaggerations and pro-
testations of pleasure are not so awkward or extreme that they
sound insincere or ironic, the course you have taken is in ac-
cord with the dictates of morality no less than with those of
etiquette. Nothing is gained by hurting other people's feelings,
not to speak of arousing ill-will against yourself, to no purpose.
Technically, you may have told an untruth. But as your part-
ing remarks are the accepted, conventional and expected thing,
they are not a lie. Your host and hostess, moreover, have not
really been deceived; they know that your praise and thanks
are in accordance with a conventional and practically universal
code, and they have no doubt taken your words at the appro-
priate discount.
The same considerations apply to all the polite forms of cor-
respondencethe dear-sir's, the yours-truly's, and yours-sincere-
ly's, and even, until not so long ago, the your-humble-servant's.
It is centuries since these forms were taken seriously and liter-
ally. But their omission would be a deliberate and unnecessary
rudeness, frowned upon alike by the codes both of manners and
morals.
A rational morality also recognizes that there are exceptions
to the principle that one should always tell the full literal and
exact truth. Should a plain girl be told that, because of her
plainness, she is unlikely to find a husband? Should a pregnant
mother be told at once that her eldest child has been killed in
an accident? Should a man who may not know it be told that he
is hopelessly dying of cancer? There are occasions when it may
be necessary to utter such truths; there are occasions when they
may and should be withheld or concealed. The rule of truth-
telling, on utilitist grounds alone, is rightly considered one of
the most rigid and inflexible of all the rules of morality. The
exceptions to it should be rare and very narrowly defined. But
nearly every moralist but Kant has admitted that there are such
exceptions. What these are, and how the rules should be drawn
that govern the exceptions, does not need to be considered in
detail here. We need merely take note that the rules of morality,
and the rules of good manners, can and should be harmonized
with each other.
No one in modern times has more clearly recognized the
importance of manners than Edmund Burke:
"Manners are of more importance than laws. Upon them, in
great measure, the laws depend. The law touches us but here
and there, and now and then. Manners are what vex or soothe,
corrupt or purify, exalt or debase, barbarize or refine us, by a
constant, steady, uniform, insensible operation, like that of the
air we breathe in. They give their whole form and color to our
lives. According to their quality, they aid morals, they supply
them, or they totally destroy them." 2
CHAPTER 12
Prudence and Benevolence
1. Bentham's Deontology
Nowhere is a more logical, better-organized, or more stimu-
lating discussion of private ethics to be found than in the two
volumes of Jeremy Bentham's Deontology: or The Science of
Morality. Yet these two volumes have had an unfortunate his-
tory. They were published posthumously, in 1834. They do not
profess to be wholly by Bentham, even on their title page. That
title page is for several reasons worth quoting in full: "Deon-
tology: or The Science of Morality: in which the harmony and
co-incidence of Duty and Self-interest, Virtue and Felicity,
Prudence and Benevolence, are explained and exemplified.
From the MSS. of Jeremy Bentham. Arranged and Edited by
John Bowring."
The whole of Bentham's work, partly because of its sheer
range and mass, partly because of its stylistic eccentricities,
partly because of his own carelessness and indifference regarding
publication, and his refusal to do his own revision and editing
of most of his manuscripts, has lain in comparative neglect until
recently. Though his influence has been enormous, it has been
mainly indirect, through Dumont, John Austin, James Mill,
and above all John Stuart Mill. Yet the neglect of the Deon-
tology has exceeded even the general neglect of Bentham's work.
It has been considered of doubtful authenticity. It has been sus-
pected that much was filled in between Bentham's notes by his
editor Bowring. Whatever the truth may be, the greater part of
the book seems to me to show the hand of the master.
The purpose of this chapter is primarily, taking off from the
presentation in Bentham's Deontology, to discuss the "harmony
and coincidence" of Prudence and Benevolence. But because
the Deontology has been out of print since its original edition,
and because the volumes in the original are very difficult to
come by, I shall give a somewhat wider summary of their con-
81
tents than would otherwise be warranted merely by a discussion
of the relations between Prudence and Benevolence.
The Deontology opens with a general statement of the utili-
tarian theme, seeking to emphasize "the alliance between inter-
est and duty." "To a great extent . . . the dictates of prudence
prescribe the laws of effective benevolence. . . . A man who in-
jures himself more than he benefits others by no means serves
the cause of virtue, for he diminishes the amount of happiness"
(I, 177). "Prudence is man's primary virtue. Nothing is gained
to happiness if prudence loses more than benevolence wins" (I,
189-90).
Bentham contends that "prudence and effective benevolence
. . . being the only two intrinsically useful virtues, all other
virtues must derive their value from them, and be subservient to
them" (I, 201). He seeks to apply this standard systematically to
the virtues mentioned by Humeto sociability, good nature,
humanity, mercy, gratitude, friendliness, generosity, benefi-
cence, justice, discretion, industry, frugality, honesty, fidelity,
truth (veracity and sincerity), caution, enterprise, assiduity,
economy, sobriety, patience, constancy, perseverance, fore-
thought, considerateness, cheerfulness, dignity, courage, tran-
quillity, politeness, wit, decency, cleanliness, chastity, and alle-
giance.
Bentham rightly points out that Hume's list of virtues is un-
systematic, disorderly, and disjointed; that many of them over-
lap and others are merely different names for the same thing.
Nor does he find that all of them deserve the name of virtue.
"Courage," he declares courageously, "may be a virtue or may
be a vice. . . . For a man to value himself on his courage, with-
out any reference to the occasions on which it is exercised, is to
value himself on a quality possessed in a far higher degree by
a dog, especially if the dog is mad" (I, 251).
Bentham even writes a chapter on what he calls "False Vir-
tues," among which he lists Contempt for Riches (sarcastic para-
graphs directed against Socrates and Epictetus), Love of Action,
Attention, Enterprise, and Dispatch. At all points he warns:
The affections may be so engaged with one side of a question,
as to interfere with a right judgment of its moral merit. A mother
steals a loaf to satisfy the hunger of a starving child. How easy
it would be to excite the sympathies in favor of her maternal
PRUDENCE AND BENEVOLENCE 83
tenderness, so as to bury all consideration of her dishonesty in
the depth of those sympathies. And, in truth, nothing but an en-
larged and expansive estimate, such as would take the case out
of the regions of sentimentality into the wider regions of public
good, could ever lead to the formation of a right judgment in
such matters [I, 259-60].
In the second volume (which is surprisingly self-contained
and complete in itself) Bentham 1 opens again with an Introduc-
tion and "General Statement" of general principles. Here we
find him shifting from the emphasis on "pleasures" and "pains"
in his Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation
to an almost exclusive reference to the effect of conduct on "hap-
piness" and "misery." While he still rejects "any distinctions
drawn between pleasures and happiness," while he still insists
that "happiness is the aggregate of which pleasures are the com-
ponent parts" (II, 16), the shift is none the less significant.
Bentham seems eager to prevent the accusation or misunder-
standing that he is concerned purely with physical or sensual
pleasures and pains.
But he retains the essentials of his "hedonistic calculus." The
inquiries of the moralist, he contends, may in the abstract
. . . be reduced to a single inquiry. At what cost of future pain
or sacrifice of future pleasure is a present pleasure purchased?
What repayment of future pleasure may be anticipated for a
present pain? Out of this examination morality must be de-
veloped. Temptation is the present pleasurepunishment is the
future pain; sacrifice is the present painenjoyment is the future
recompense. The questions of virtue and vice are, for the most
part, reduced to the weighing of that which is, against that which
will be. The virtuous man has a store of happiness in coming
time, the vicious man has prodigally spent his revenues of happi-
ness. Today the vicious man seems to have a balance of pleasure
in his favor; tomorrow the balance will be adjusted, and the day
after it will be ascertained to be wholly in favor of the virtuous
man. Vice is a spendthrift, flinging away what is far better than
wealth, or health, or youth, or beautynamely, happiness: be-
cause all of these without happiness are of little value. Virtue is
a prudent economist that gets back all her outlay with interest
[II, 27-8].
"MQrality," continues Bentham, "is the art of maximizing
happiness: it gives the code of laws by which that conduct is
suggested whose result will, the whole of human existence being
taken into account, leave the greatest quantity of felicity"
(II, 31).
2. How Prudence Leads . . .

Bentham proceeds to reduce the virtues to two, Prudence and
Effective Benevolence, but he divides each of these, respectively,
into Self-Regarding Prudence and Extra-Regarding Prudence,
and into Negative Efficient Benevolence and Positive Efficient
Benevolence, and devotes a long separate chapter to each of
these four divisions.
On these four cornerstones Bentham builds his palace of
morality. He is concerned to show that each one of these virtues
leads naturally and almost inevitably into the next. He begins
with Self-Regarding Prudence, which refers to actions whose
influences do not reach beyond the actor; he moves next to
"that prudence which is demanded from him in consequence of
his intercourse with others; a prudence which is closely con-
nected with benevolence, and especially with abstential benevo-
lence" (II, 81).
As regards external actions, "what prudence can do, and all
that prudence can do, is to choose between the present and the
future; and in so far as the aggregate of happiness is increased,
thereby to give preference to the greater future over the lesser
present pleasure" (II, 82). But, he warns, the sacrifice of an im-
mediate pleasure that does not promise to increase our own or
somebody else's future happiness to an amount greater than that
immediately sacrificed "is mere asceticism; it is the very opposite
of prudence; it is the offspring of delusion"; it is "folly"; it is
not virtue, it is vice (II, 34).
Bentham then shows the application of the dictates of self-
regarding prudence to sexual morality: "The option is often
between the enjoyment of a moment and the pain of years; be-
tween the excited satisfaction of a very short period and the
sacrifice of a whole existence; between the stimulation of life
for an hour, and the consequent adjacency of disease and death"
(II, 85).
After rejecting asceticism as applied to sexual morality, Ben-
tham asks: "Is not chastity, then, a virtue? Most undoubtedly,
and a virtue of high deserving. And why? Not because it dimin-
ishes, but because it heightens enjoyment. . . . In fact, temper-
ance, modesty, chastity, are among the most efficient sources of
delight" (II, 87-88). He proceeds to apply the same standards in
discussing why intoxication, irascibility, gambling, and extrav-
agance tend to produce in the long run more misery than hap-
piness to the person who indulges in them.
We come next to Bentham's chapter on "Extra-Regarding
Prudence."
Of man's pleasures, a great proportion is dependent on the will
of others, and can only be possessed by him with their concur-
rence and co-operation. There is no possibility of disregarding the
happiness of others without, at the same time, risking happiness
of our own. There is no possibility of avoiding those inflictions
of pain with which it is in the power of others to visit us, except
by conciliating their good will. Each individual is linked to his
race by a tie, of all ties the strongest, the tie of self-regard
[II, 132-3].
Morality can be nothing but the sacrifice of a lesser for the
acquisition of a greater good. The virtue of extra-regarding pru-
dence is only limited by our intercourse with our fellow men; it
may even extend far beyond the bounds of our personal com-
munion with others, by secondary, or reflected influences. . . .
Both national and international law may be said to constitute a
proper ground for the introduction of that prudence which con-
cerns others [II, 135].
In our relations with others, prudence no less than benevo-
lence suggests the two simple precepts: "Maximize good, mini-
mize evil" (II, 164). Hence the rules of good manners; the rule
of sparing our neighbor's feelings; the rule of avoiding the ill
will and cultivating the good will of others towards us.
3. To Benevolence
Just as self-regarding prudence must lead us to be considerate
and kind to others, because our own happiness depends on their
good will towards us or at least the absence of their ill will, so
this extra-regarding prudence leads on in turn to "Negative
Efficient Benevolence." "A due regard to the felicity of others
is the best and wisest provision for our own" (II, 190). The first
requirement is to avoid doing evil to others. Never do evil to
any other except in so far as that may be necessary to accom-
plish a greater good. Never do evil to any other solely on the
ground that it is "deserved," but only if this is unavoidable to
accomplish a greater good. Even in sport or as a joke, say noth-
ing and do nothing that will cause uneasiness to another. T h e
justifications for inflicting pain on others by your discourse are
seldom tenable. "Remember, on all occasions, that kind costs a
man no more than unkind language" (II, 217). Blame nobody
except to prevent some future cause of blame. Never do or say
anything to wound or humiliate another.
Bentham comes next to his chapter on "Positive Efficient
Benevolence." (He draws a frequent distinction between benev-
olence, or the disposition and desire to do good for others, and
beneficence, which is the actual doing of such good, and insists
that any truly moral action must be both benevolent and benefi-
cent.) He begins by pointing out the strong prudential reasons
which a man has for the exercise of benevolence:
Over and above any present pleasure with which an act of
beneficence may be accompanied to the actor, the inducement
which a man has for its exercise is one of the same sort as that
which the husbandman has for the sowing of his seed; as that
which the frugal man has for the laying up of money. . . . By
every act of virtuous beneficence which a man exercises, he con-
tributes to a sort of fund, a savings-bank, a depository of general
good-will, out of which services of all sorts may be looked for,
as about to flow from other hands into his; if not positive services,
at any rate negative services; services consisting in the forbearance
to vex him by annoyances with which he might otherwise have
been vexed [II, 259-60].
Negative beneficence is exercised in so far as mischief is not
done to others. . . . Negative beneficience is a virtue, in so far
as any mischief which without consideration might have been
produced, is by consideration forborne to be produced. In so far
as it is by the consideration of the effect which the mischievous
action might have upon a man's own comfort, the virtue is pru-
denceself-regarding prudence: in so far as it is by the considera-
tion of the effect which the mischievous action might have upon
the comfort of any other person, the virtue is benevolence.
A main distinction here is, between beneficence which cannot
be exercised without self-sacrifice, and beneficence which can be
exercised without self-sacrifice. To that which cannot be exercised
without self-sacrifice there are necessarily limits, and these com-
paratively very narrow ones. . . .
To the exercise of beneficence, where it is exercised without
self-sacrifice, there can be no limits; and by every exercise thus
made of it, a contribution is made to the good-will fund, and
made without expense. . . .
Described in general terms, the inducement to positive benefi-
cence, in all its shapes, is the contribution it makes to the man's
general good-will fund; to the general good-will fund from which
draughts in his favor may come to be paid: the inducement to
negative beneficence is the contribution it keeps back from his
general ill-will fund. . . .
He who is in possession of a [good-will] fund of this sort, and
understands the value of it, will understand himself to be the
richer by every act of benevolent beneficence he is known to have
exercised. He is the richer, and feels that he ijs so, by every act
of kindness he has ever done. . . .
Independently of the rewards of opinion, and the pleasures of
sympathy, the acts of positive benevolence tend to the creation of
the habits of benevolence. Every act adds something to the habit;
the greater the number of acts, the stronger will be the habit; and
the stronger the habit, the larger the recompense; and the larger
the recompense, the more fruitful in producing similar acts; and
the more frequent such acts, the more will there be of virtue and
felicity in the world.
Employ, then, every opportunity of beneficent action, and look
out for other opportunities. Do all the good you can, and seek
the means of doing good [II, 259-266].
In illustrating the requirements of beneficence, Bentham ap-

plies in the ethical field the same lesson he had applied in the
legal field in his Principles of Morals and Legislation:
In the application of evil for the production of good, never let

it be applied for the gratification of mere antipathy; never but
as subservient to and necessary for the only proper ends of pun-
ishment, the determent of others by example, the determent of
the offenders by suffering. In the interest of the offender, reforma-
tion is the great object to be aimed at; if this cannot be accom-
plished, seek to disable him from inflicting the like evil on him-
self or others. But always bear in mind the maxim, which cannot
be repeated too often:Inflict as much and no more pain than
is necessary to accomplish the purpose of benevolence. Create not
evil greater than the evil you exclude [II, 266-267].
THE FOUNDATIONS OF MORALITY
4. No Exact Dividing Line

Bentham returns to a discussion of the relations between pru-
dence and benevolence:
It is not always possible to draw the exact line between the
claims of efficient benevolence, whether positive or negative, and
those of prudence, self-regarding or extra-regarding; nor is it
always necessary or desirable, for where the interests of the two
virtues are the same, the path of duty is quite clear. But points
of agreement and of difference may be easily pointed out, and
a general definition may show what, in ordinary cases, is the
distinction between the two qualities. As for example: you are
called upon to do service to another. If he is in a condition to
render you services in return, prudence as well as benevolence com-
bine to interest you in his favor. If he is wholly removed from the
occasions of serving you, your motives can be those of benevolence
alone.
But though in a given case it may be difficult to show that the
interests of prudence demand a particular act of beneficence, it
is not the less true that the self-regarding consideration does, in
fact, occupy the whole ground of conduct. Whatever peculiar
reasons benevolence may furnish for a given course of beneficent
action, the universal principle remains, that it is in every man's
interest to stand well in the affections of other men, and in the
affections of mankind in general. A really beneficent act, which
may seem to be removed from the prudential considerations
always taking for granted that the act is itself no violation of pru-
dence, and that it is one which has the sanction of the Deontolog-
ical principle, by producing a balance of goodsuch an act will,
in its remoter consequences, serve the self-regarding interests, by
helping to create, to establish, or to extend that general reputa-
tion for judicious benevolence, which it is every man's obvious
interest to possess in the opinions of his fellow men [II, 268-270].
But because Bentham so often insists that the roots of benev-
olence are to be ultimately found in self-regarding prudence,
it is a mistake to assume that he ever disparages benevolence.
On the contrary, his pages are full of such passages as this:
To give exercise, influence, and extension to efficient benevo-
lence, is one of the great consequences of virtue. Nor let it be
thought that such benevolence is to be bounded in its conse-
quences by the race of man. . . . Let men remember that happi-
ness, wherever it is, and by whomever experienced, is the great
gift confided to their charge. . . .
It has been said that "Honesty is the best policy." This is not
exactly true. There is a policy that is betterthe policy of active
benevolence. Honesty is but negative: it avoids doing wrong; it
will not allow intrusion into the enjoyments of others. It is, how-
ever, only an abstential, and not an active quality. The best policy
is that which creates good; the second best is that which avoids
evil [II, 272].
We need to forward virtue not merely by our actions, but
irough the judicious use of our approval and disapproval:
To that end we must labor, each for himself, and as far as he is
able, marking out for his highest approbation in the conduct of
others those actions which have produced, or are likely to produce,
the greatest sum of happiness, and visiting with his loudest repro-
bation that conduct which leads to, or creates, the greatest amount
of misery. By this means every man will do something to make
the popular sanctions more useful, healthful, active, and virtuous.
The alliances of true morality with the great interests of mankind,
mankind will soon discover [II, 274].
It often happens that, in the anxiety to get rid of [a political]
evil, a greater evil is entailed on an individual or a class, than
the evil got rid of by the community; that the sufferings experi-
enced by the few are not counterbalanced by the benefits resulting
to the many. . . . "Sweep abuses away" is undoubtedly the
maxim of political wisdom; but so sweep them away that as little
disappointment, vexation, or pain be created as possible [II, 285].
Despotism never takes a worse shape than when it comes in the
guise of benevolence. . . . Pleasures and pains, the sweets and
the bitters of existence, cannot be tried by the taste of another.
What is good for another cannot be estimated by the person in-
tending to do the good, but by the person only to whom it is
intended to be done. The purpose of another may be to increase
my happiness, but of that happiness I alone am the keeper and
the judge. . . .
Refrain, then, from doing good to any man against his will,
or even without his consent. . . .
To this pretension of doing good to others in spite of them-
selves, may be traced the worst of religious persecutions. . . .
The most horrible of offenses, the most devastating and mur-
derous of crimes, if followed up to their origin, will be found only
a distortion of the happiness-seeking principle; the creation of a
misery, intending to prevent a greater misery, but mistaking its
purpose and miscalculating its means. And of such mistakes and
such miscalculations none has been more prolific than the des-
potism of benevolent intention [II, 289-291].
Prudence must not allow the individual to sacrifice more happi-
ness than he gains. Benevolence demands that, to the common
stock of happiness, every man should bring the largest possible
contribution [II, 292].
Let no man apprehend for himself or others, that he can pro-
duce too much good, or remove too much evil. It is not on the
side of expansive benevolence that his mistakes are likely to be
made. Let him do all the good he can, and wherever he can, he
will never do too much for his own happiness, or the happiness
of others [II, 193].
It may be laid down as a general principle, that a man becomes
rich in his own stock of pleasures, in proportion to the amount
he distributes to others [II, 295].
In his concluding chapter, Bentham tells us that reason and
morality themselves must be made subservient to the great end
of promoting human happiness. "Virtue is made up of pleasures,
vice of pains, and . . . morality is but the maximization of
happiness" (II, 309).
5. The Role of Sympathy

I have been quoting from Bentham's (out-of-print) Deon-
tology at this great length, not only because of the brilliant light
it throws on the necessary relations of prudence and benefi-
cence, but because it develops the Greatest Happiness Principle
with more thoroughness and logic than any other work with
which I am acquainted. By identifying morality not with a
pointless "will to refrain" or self-sacrifice, but with the max-
imization of happiness, and by emphasizing the essential har-
mony between self-interest and the general interest, Bentham
provides a far greater incentive to morality than the conven-
tional moralist. His detractors, from Matthew Arnold to Karl
Marx, have always been fond of dismissing him as crass and
vulgar, but he is as superior to them in the breadth of his sym-
pathies as he is in analysis and logic.
This is not to say that his discussion is definitive or lacking
in faults. He too often assumes, for example, that an action can
be taken on a direct calculation of the happiness or misery that
would follow from that action considered in isolation. He failed
to grasp the full weight of Hume's principle that we must in-
flexibly act according to rule, and that it is the goodness or
badness of the rules of moral action, the tendency of the moral
code to produce happiness or unhappiness, that is to be judged,
rather than the assumed consequences of an isolated individual
act.
There is also implicit in Bentham's discussion the assumption
that benevolence can only grow out of enlightened and far-
seeing prudence. Most benevolence is, in fact, direct; it is the
result of an immediate and spontaneous affection, love, kind-
ness, or sympathy, a fellow-feeling with others (a theme that
Hume and Adam Smith had developed), and not of any con-
scious calculation that its benefits will redound to the future
advantage of the agent himself. The Biblical injunction, "Cast
thy bread upon the waters: for thou shalt find it after many
days," implies, as Bentham does, that charity and other acts of
benevolence will ultimately redound to the benefit of the one
who performs them; but it implies, in addition, that the repay-
ment is not necessarily dependable or proportional.
Yet Bentham was right in recognizing the essential long-run
harmony between self-interest and the general interest, between
the actions prescribed by "prudence" and the actions prescribed
by "benevolence," between farsighted "egoism" and farsighted
"altruism." And the recognition of this essential long-run har-
mony will be found to be the basis for solving one of the central
problems of ethicsthe true relations of "egoism" and "altru-
ism," and the relative roles that each should properly play.
CHAPTER 13
Egoism, Altruism, Mutualism

1. The Views of Spencer and Bentham
The two main issues on which moral philosophers have been
most deeply divided, almost from time immemorial, have been
that of Hedonism versus Non-Hedonism (some supposedly
broader or "higher" goal), and that of Egoism versus Altruism.
These two issues overlap, so much so that they are often con-
fused with each other. A far greater overlap, almost to the point
of identity, exists between the subject of the present chapter,
the proper relations between Egoism and Altruism, and that of
our preceding chapter, the relations between Prudence and
Benevolence. In fact, Prudence and Egoism on the one hand,
and Benevolence and Altruism on the other, may seem to many
to be nearly synonymous terms. In any case, the subject calls for
further exploration, and the traditional terms Egoism and Al-
truism will emphasize different aspects of it from those we have
already considered.
The division between Egoism and Altruism has seldom been
so wide or deep as is generally supposed. Let us distinguish, first
of all, between psychological theory and ethical theory. There
have been many moral philosophers (of which the archetype is
Hobbes) who have contended that men are necessarily selfish,
and never act except in accordance with their own (real or im-
agined) self-interest. These are the psychological Egoists. They
contend that when men appear to be acting unselfishly or altru-
istically the appearance is deceptive or a hypocritical fraud; they
are merely promoting their selfish interests. But there are very
few ethical Egoists (the only one I can think of is the contempo-
rary Ayn Rand, if I rightly understand her), who hold that
while men can and do act altruistically and self-sacrificially,
they ought only to act selfishly.
A similar division is possible (but practically non-existent)
92
EGOISM, ALTRUISM, MUTUALISM 93
among Altruists. A psychological Altruist might hold that men
necessarily and always act unselfishly and altruistically. I know
of no one who does hold or ever has held this position. A pure
ethical Altruist holds that men should always act altruistically
and never out of self-interest. The ethical Altruist is necessarily
a psychological Altruist, however, if only in the sense that he
must believe it possible for a man to act solely in the interests
of others and not of himselfotherwise it would be impossible
for him to do what he ought to do. Most moral philosophers
have been ethical Altruistsso much so that the popular con-
ception of ethics is action in the interest of others and the pop-
ular conception of the chief dilemma of ethics is the supposed
conflict between Self-interest and Duty.
The basic cause of the immemorial controversy over Egoism
and Altruism, in fact, has been the false assumption that the
two attitudes are necessarily opposed to each other. Even con-
scientious efforts to effect a "reconciliation" between Egoism
and Altruism have been at least partly vitiated by this assump-
tion. A notable example is that of Herbert Spencer. In his Data
of Ethics we have first a chapter (XI) on "Egoism versus Altru-
ism," then a chapter (XII) on "Altruism versus Egoism," then
a chapter (XIII) on "Trial and Compromise," and finally a
chapter (XIV) called "Conciliation."
Spencer's conceptual error is most clearly revealed at the
beginning of Chapter XIII on "Trial and Compromise": "In
the foregoing two chapters the case on behalf of Egoism and the
case on behalf of Altruism have been stated. The two conflict;
and we have now to consider what verdict ought to be given.
. . . Pure egoism and pure altruism are both illegitimate. If the
maxim, 'Live for self,' is wrong, so also is the maxim, 'Live for
others.' Hence, a compromise is the only possibility."
Spencer might have avoided this assumption of necessary con-
flict if he had examined more closely the implication of his own
previous arguments. He begins his chapter on "Egoism versus
Altruism," for example, by maintaining that "the acts by which
each mantains his own life must, speaking generally, precede in
imperativeness all other acts of which he is capable. . . . Ego-
ism comes before altruism. The acts required for continued self-
preservation . . . are the first requisites to universal welfare.
Unless each duly cares for himself, his care for all others is
ended by death. . . . The adequately egoistic individual retains
those powers which make altruistic activities possible."
But what is this but an argument that the same acts that are
necessary to promote egoistic ends are necessary to promote al-
truistic ends?
Similarly, when he comes to the chapter on "Altruism versus
Egoism" Spencer argues: "In various ways the well-being of
each rises and falls with the well-being of all. . . . Each has a
private interest in public morals, and profits by improving
them. . . . Personal well-being depends in large measure on the
well-being of society," etc. What is this, again, but an argument
that the actions which promote the well-being of society also
promote the well-being of the individual? As Spencer himself
puts it: "From the dawn of life, then, egoism has been dependent
upon altruism as altruism has been dependent upon egoism."
All that Spencer succeeds in proving by his specific argu-
ments, in fact, is that a misconceived or short-sighted pursuit of
self-interest is not really in one's self-interest, and that a miscon-
ceived or short-sighted benevolence or self-sacrifice for the im-
agined good of others is not really beneficent, and harms, rather
than promotes, the long-run good of others or the ultimate well-
being of society.
This is true also of the argument of Spencer in which he seeks
to reduce "pure" altruism to an absurdity:
When, therefore, we attempt to specialize the proposal to live
not for self-satisfaction but for the satisfaction of others, we meet
with the difficulty that beyond a certain limit this cannot be
done. . . .
Mark the consequences if all are purely altruistic. First, an
impossible combination of moral attributes is implied. Each is
supposed by the hypothesis to regard self so little and others so
much, that he willingly sacrifices his own pleasures to give pleas-
ures to them. But if this is a universal trait, and if action is univer-
sally congruous with it, we have to conceive each as being not only
a sacrificer but also one who accepts sacrifices. While he is so un-
selfish as willingly to yield up the benefit for which he has labored,
he is so selfish as willingly to let others yield up to him the benefits
they have labored for. To make pure altruism possible for all,
each must be at once extremely unegoistic and extremely egoistic.
As a giver, he must have no thought for self; as a receiver, no
thought for others. Evidently, this implies an inconceivable men-
tal constitution. The sympathy which is so solicitous for others
as willingly to injure self in benefiting them, cannot at the same
time be so regardless of others as to accept benefits which they
injure themselves in giving.1
Spencer's reductio ad absurdum, of which the foregoing quo-
tation is only a part, is shrewd and entirely valid. His argument,
in fact, was anticipated by Bentham:
Take any two individuals, A and B, and suppose the whole
care of the happiness of A confined to the breast of B, A himself
not having any part in it; and the whole care of the happiness
of B confined to the breast of A, B himself not having any part
in it; and this to be the case throughout. It will soon appear that
in this state of things the species could not continue in existence,
and that a few months, not to say weeks or days, would suffice for
the annihilation of it. Of all modes in which for the governance
of one and the same individual the two faculties could be con-
ceived as placed in different seatssensation and consequent de-
sire in one breast, judgment and consequent action in another
this is the most simple. If, as has been said with less truth of the
blind leading the blind, both would in such a state of things be
continually falling into the ditch, much more frequently and
more speedily fatal would be the falls supposing the separation
to have place upon any more complex plan. Suppose the care and
the happiness of A being taken altogether from A were divided
between B and C, the happiness of B and C being provided for
in the same complex manner, and so on, the greater the compli-
cation the more speedy would the destruction be, and the more
flagrant the absurdity of a supposition assuming the existence of
such a state of things.2
2. Egoism and Altruism Interdependent

But though egoism, in the final analysis, must have priority
over altruism, it remains true, as both Bentham and Spencer
contended, that they are interdependent, and that, in general
and in the long run, the actions that promote the one tend also
to promote the other.
In brief, to say that whatever promotes the interests of the
individual promotes those of society, and vice versa, is another
way of saying that society consists of, and is simply another name
for, the collection of individuals and their interrelations.
The argument, however, should not be overstated. The inter-
ests of a particular individual can never be said to be identical
with those of society (even if we consider a "long-run" period as
long as that individual's life). But over the long run (and the
longer the period considered the more is this true) there is a
tendency toward coalescence in the actions, and especially the
rules of action, that promote self-interest and the public interest
respectively. For in the long run it is in the greatest interest of
the individual that he should live in a society characterized by
law, peace, and good-will; a society in which he can rely on the
word of others; in which others keep their promises to him; in
which his right peaceably to enjoy the fruits of his labor, his
rights to security and property, are respected; in which he is not
shoved, cheated, beaten or robbed; in which he can depend on
the cooperation of his fellows in undertakings that promote
their mutual benefit; in which he can even depend on their ac-
tive aid should he meet with accident or misfortune through no
commensurate or glaring fault of his own.
And as it is in the interest of everyone to promote such a code
of conduct on the part of others, so it is in his own interest to
abide rigorously and inflexibly by such a code. For every infrac-
tion on the part of any individual tends to provoke infractions
on the part of others, and endangers the maintenance of the
code. There must even be a sanctity surrounding observance of
the moral rules. If this sanctity does not exist, if the code is not
inflexibly preserved, it loses its utilitarian value. (This is the
element of truth in the objections to crude or ad hoc utilitism
though not to rw/e-utilitism.)
Any individual who violates the moral code not only con-
tributes to the disintegration of the code, but the more fre-
quently or flagrantly he does so the more likely he is to be found
out, and the more likely he is, therefore, to be punished, if not
by the law, then by the retaliations and reprisals not only of
those whom he has directly injured, but of others who have
learned of the injuries he has inflicted.
Even to emphasize the necessity for "reconciling" egoism and
altruism, therefore, as Herbert Spencer does, may be mislead-
ingly to imply that they are normally antagonistic to each other.
On the contrary, particularly when we consider the long run,
the usual and normal situation is the coincidence of egoism and
altruism, the tendency of their aims to coalesce. It is their ap-
parent "irreconcilability" that is unusual and exceptional. In
fact, the overwhelming majority of people could be persuaded
to adhere to a given code of ethics only if they were persuaded,
however vaguely or even subconsciously, that adherence to such
a code was in their own ultimate interest as individuals as well
as in the interest of society.
We may, however, go even further than this. Not only does
the code of conduct which best promotes the long-run interests
of the individual tend to coincide with the code that best pro-
motes the long-run interests of society, and vice versa, but it is
much less easy than the majority of moral philosophers acknowl-
edge to determine when an individual is acting primarily out of
self-regard or out of regard for the interests of others. When a
young man spends half his week's salary on a Saturday night
taking his girl to dinner, the theater and a night club, is he act-
ing "selfishly," or "altruistically"? When a rich man buys his
wife a mink coat, does he do it, as Thorstein Veblen contended,
merely to advertise his own wealth and success, or does he do it
to please his wife? When parents make "sacrifices" to send their
children to college are they doing it for the pleasure of boasting
about their children (or even about their own sacrifices), or are
they doing it primarily out of love for their children?
3. Bishop Butler on Self-Love

In contending that the same rules of conduct that tend most
to promote the long-run interests of society are those that tend
most also to promote the long-run interests of the individual
who adheres to them, in contending that "egoism" and "altru-
ism" tend to coincide, in contending even that "selfish" and
"altruistic" motives are in practice often difficult to distinguish,
I no doubt do my argument an injury in the eyes of a certain
group of writers by pointing out the extent to which Herbert
Spencer and particularly Jeremy Bentham supported it. For
these writers have for years indicated their own superior cul-
ture, sensitiveness, and spirituality by their disdainful refer-
ences to "Benthamism"; and their scorn has been effective be-
cause the prevailing conception of what Bentham thought and
taught has been in fact a caricature. But perhaps these writers
will be more impressed if I point out that the arguments of
Bentham on this point were in turn anticipated, a full century
before him, by no less a figure than the pre-Utilitarian, Bishop
Butler.
The subtle mind of Butler made contributions both to
ethical and psychological insight that are as valuable today as
when he published his Fifteen Sermons in 1726. I shall confine
myself here to those bearing directly on the issue between ego-
ism and altruism.
"Self-love and benevolence, virtue and interest," he tells us
in his preface,
. . . are not to be opposed but only to be distinguished from
each other. : . . Neither does there appear any reason to wish
self-love were weaker in the generality of the world than it is. . . .
The thing to be lamented is not that men have so great regard
to their own good or interest in the present world, for they have
not enough; but that they have so little to the good of others. . . .
Upon the whole, if the generality of mankind were to cultivate
within themselves the principle of self-love, if they were to accus-
tom themselves often to set down and consider what was the
greatest happiness they were capable of attaining for themselves
in this life, and if self-love were so strong and prevalent as that
they would uniformly pursue this their supposed chief temporal
good, without being diverted from it by any particular passion,
it would manifestly prevent numberless follies and vices.
Butler is here opposing "self-love" to "mere appetite, will,

and pleasure," or "any vagrant inclination." But what he is
really arguing for, in more modern terms, is the practice of the
prudential virtues. He urges us to act in our true long-run self-
interest rather than for some merely temporary advantage or
under the influence of unreflecting impulse or passion.
"To aim at public and private good," Butler tells us in his
First Sermon, "are so far from being inconsistent that they
mutually promote each other. . . .
I must however remind you that though benevolence and self-
love are different, though the former tends most directly to public
good, and the latter to private, yet they are so perfectly coincident
that the greatest satisfactions to ourselves depend upon our having
benevolence in a due degree, and that self-love is one chief security
of our right behavior toward society. It may be added that their
mutual coinciding, so that we can scarce promote one without
the other, is equally a proof that we were made for both.
Butler goes on to point out some of the psychological reasons
why this is so.
Desire of esteem from others . . . naturally leads us to regu-
late our behavior in such a manner as will be of service to our
fellow creatures. . . . Mankind are by nature so closely united,
there is such a correspondence between the inward sensations of
one man and those of another,3 that disgrace is as much avoided
as bodily pain, and to be the object of esteem and love as much
desired as any external goods; and in many particular cases, per-
sons are carried on to do good to others, as the end their affection
tends to and rests in, and manifest that they find real satisfaction
and enjoyment in this course of behavior. . . . Men are so much
one body that in a peculiar manner they feel for each other. . . .
And therefore to have no restraint from, no regard to, others in
our behavior is the speculative absurdity of considering ourselves
as single and independent, as having nothing in our nature which
has respect to our fellow creatures, reduced to action and practice.
And this is the same absurdity as to suppose a hand or any part
to have no natural respect to any other or to the whole body.
In his Third Sermon Butler goes even further: "Conscience
and self-love, if we understand our true happiness, always lead
us the same way. Duty and interest are perfectly coincident, for
the most part in this world, but entirely and in every instance
if we take in the future and the whole, this being implied in the
notion of a good and perfect administration of things."
Though this argument depends for its full force on the Chris-
tian assumption of a life hereafter, with the rewards of heaven
or the punishments of purgatory, it is enlightening to notice
the similarity of the worldly part of it to that of Bentham's
Deontology, with its subtitle: "The Science of Morality, in
which the Harmony and Co-incidence of Duty and Self-interest,
Virtue and Felicity, Prudence and Benevolence, are Explained
and Exemplified."
It is in his Eleventh Sermon, however, that Butler expounds
at greatest length his criticism of the view that self-love and
benevolence are necessarily hostile to or even inconsistent with
each other:
And since, further, there is generally thought to be some pecu-
liar kind of contrariety between self-love and the love of our
neighbor, between the pursuit of public and of private good, in-
somuch that when you are recommending one of these, you are
supposed to be speaking against the other; and from hence arises
a secret prejudice against and frequently open scorn of all talk
of public spirit and real goodwill to our fellow creatures; it will
be necessary to inquire what respect benevolence hath to self-love,
and the pursuit of private interest to the pursuit of public; or
whether they be anything of that peculiar inconsistency and con-
trariety between them, over and above what there is between self-
love and other passions and particular affections, and their re-
spective pursuits.
Butler's inquiry and argument show a philosophic penetra-
tion far in advance of his time; in fact, most contemporary writ-
ers on ethics have not yet caught up with it. "Every particular
affection, even the love of our neighbor," he writes in his Fourth
Sermon,
. . . is as really our own affection as self-love; and the pleasure
arising from its gratification is as much my own pleasure as the
pleasure self-love would have from knowing I myself should be
happy some time hence, would be my own pleasure. . . . Is desire
of and delight in the happiness of another any more a diminution
of self-love than desire of and delight in the esteem of another?
. . . That others enjoy the benefit of the air and the light of the
sun does not hinder but that these are as much one's private
advantage now as they would be if we had the property of them
exclusive of all others. So a pursuit which tends to promote the
good of another, yet may have as great tendency to promote pri-
vate interest as a pursuit which does not tend to the good of
another at all or which is mischievous to him.
4. What Is Egoism?
But these quotations raise an unsettling question, which may
seem to make everything I have previously said or quoted, not
only in contrasting "egoism" and "altruism" but even in dis-
tinguishing them, confused and invalid. Suppose we extend
Bishop Butler's conception of "self-love" just a bit more. We
have asserted that all action is action undertaken to exchange a
less satisfactory state of affairs for a more satisfactory state. Isn't
every action I take, therefore, taken to increase my own satisfac-
tion? Don't I help my neighbor because it gives me satisfaction
to do so? Don't I seek to increase the happiness of another only
when this increases my satisfaction? Doesn't a doctor go to a
plague spot, to inoculate others or tend the sick, even at the
risk of catching the disease or dying of it, because this is the
course that gives him most satisfaction? Doesn't the martyr will-
ingly go to the stake rather than recant his views because this
is the only choice capable of giving him satisfaction? But if the
most famous martyrs and the greatest saints were acting just as
"egoistically" as the most brutal despots and the most aban-
doned voluptuaries, because each was only doing what gave him
most satisfaction, what moral meaning can we continue to at-
tach to "egoism," and what useful purpose is served by the
term?
The problem, I suspect, is chiefly a linguistic one. My choices
and decisions are necessarily mine. I do what gives me satisfac-
tion. But if we therefore extend the definition of egoism to
cover every decision I make, all action becomes egoistic; "altru-
istic" action becomes impossible, and the very word egoism
ceases to have any moral meaning.
We can solve the problem by returning to the common
usage of the terms involved, and examining it more carefully.
Because I necessarily act to satisfy my own desires, it does not
follow that these desires merely concern my own state, or my
own narrow personal "welfare." In a shrewd psychological analy-
sis, Moritz Schlick concludes that "egoism" is not to be identi-
fied with a will to personal pleasure or even to self-preservation,
but means, in its common usage as a term of moral disparage-
ment, simply inconsiderateness. It is not because he follows his
special impulses that a man is blamed, but because he does so
quite untroubled by the desires or needs of others. The essence
of egoism, then,or, to use the more common term, "selfish-
ness""is just inconsiderateness with respect to the interests of
fellow men, the pursuit of personal ends at the cost of those of
others." 4
5. Mutualism
What we normally condemn, in brief, is not the pursuit of
self-interest, but only the pursuit of self-interest at the expense
of the interests of others.
The terms "egoistic" and "altruistic," though they are used
loosely in common conversation, and are difficult if not impos-
sible to define with precision, are still useful and even indis-
pensable in describing the dominant attitude that guides a man
or one of his actions.
So, returning to this loose but common usage, let us see how
far we have now come in this chapter, and whether it is possible
to push our analysis a little further.
Neither a society in which everybody acted on purely egoistic
motives, nor one in which everybody acted on purely altruistic
motives (if we can really imagine either) would be workable.
A society in which each worked exclusively for his own interest,
narrowly conceived, would be a society of constant collisions
and conflicts. A society in which each worked exclusively for
the good of others would be an absurdity. The most successful
society would seem to be one in which each worked primarily
for his own good while always considering the good of others
whenever he suspected any incompatibility between the two.
In fact, egoism and altruism are neither mutually exclusive
nor do they exhaust the possible motives of human conduct.
There is a twilight zone between them. Or rather, there is an
attitude and motivation that is not quite either (especially if
we define them as necessarily excluding each other), but de-
serves a name by itself.
I would like to suggest two possible names that we might
give this attitude. One is an arbitrary coinageegaltruism,
which we may define to mean consideration both of self and
others in any action or rule of action.5 A less artificially con-
trived word, however, is mutualism. This word has the advan-
tage of already existing, though as a technical word in biology,
meaning "a condition of symbiosis (i.e. a living together) in
which two associated organisms contribute mutually to the well-
being of each other." The word can with great advantage be
taken over (even retaining its biological implications) by moral
philosophy.
If two people, where there might otherwise be conflict, act on
the principle of egaltruism or mutualism, and each considers
the interests of both, they will necessarily act in harmony.
This is in fact the attitude that prevails in harmonious families,
in which husband and wife, father, mother, and children, put
first, not only as the principle on which they act, but in their
spontaneous feelings, the interests of the family. And mutual-
ism, enlarged, becomes the sentiment or principle of Justice.
We might indicate the consequences of each of these three
attitudes, in its pure state, by an illustration (in which I shall
permit myself a touch of caricature). A fire breaks out in a
crowded theater in which the audience consists solely of pure
egoists. Each rushes immediately for the nearest or the main
exit, pushing, knocking down, or trampling on anybody in his
way. The result is a panic in which many people are needlessly
killed or burned because of the stampede itself. T h e fire breaks
out in a crowded theater in which the audience is made u p
solely of pure altruists. Each defers to the other "After you,
my dear Alfonse"and insists on being the last to leave. T h e
result is that all burn to death. The fire breaks out in a crowded
theater in which the audience is made up solely of cooperatists
or mutualists. Each seeks to get the theater emptied as quickly
and with as little loss of life as possible. Therefore all act much
as they would at a fire drill, and the theater is emptied with a
minimum loss of life. A few, who are farthest from the exits or
for other reasons, may perish in the flames; but they accept this
situation, and even cooperate in it, rather than start a stampede
which may cost far more lives.
I have preferred to call the ethical system outlined in this
book Cooperatism. But it could almost as well be called
Mutualism. T h e former name emphasizes the desired actions
or rules of action and their probable consequences. But the
latter name emphasizes the appropriate feeling or attitude that
inspires the actions or rules of action. And both imply that the
attitude and actions that best promote the happiness and well-
being of the individual in the long run, tend to coincide with
the attitude and actions that best promote the happiness and
well-being of society as a whole.
The word Mutualism may seem new and contrived in this
connection, but there is nothing new or contrived about the
attitude it stands for. It may not necessarily imply a universal
Christian love, but it does imply a universal sympathy and kind-
ness, and a love of those who are nearest.
6. How Moral Rules Are Framed

Let us examine again the false antithesis between the "In-
dividual" and "Society."
It is a confusion of thought to think that ethics consists of the
rules that "society" imposes on the "individual." Ethics con-
sists of the rules that we all try to impose on each other. It may
even be thought of as the rules that each individual tries to
impose on all other individuals, on "society," at least in so far
as their actions are likely to affect him. The individual does not
want anyone to aggress against him; therefore he seeks to
establish non-aggression both as a legal and a moral rule. He
feels obliged, in consistency (and for the sake of getting the rule
enforced), to abide by it himself.
This is how our moral rules are continuously framed and
modified. They are not framed by some abstract and disem-
bodied collectivity called "society" and then imposed on an
"individual" who is in some way separate from society. We
impose them (by praise and censure, approbation and disappro-
bation, promise and warning, reward and punishment) on each
other, and most of us consciously or unconsciously accept them
for ourselves.
Each of us plays in society a constant dual rolehe who acts,
and he who is affected by the action, the Actor and the Affected,
the Agent and the Patient, the Doer and the Done-to. Each of
us may play also, at times, a third rolethat of the Disinter-
ested or Impartial Observer.
If we are to frame workable and acceptable moral rules, we
must imaginatively look at each hypothetical or real # situation
from all three standpointsthat of the Agent, that of the
Patient, and that of the Impartial Observer. It is because over
the course of accumulated human thought and experience,
actions have been looked at and judged from all three stand-
points, that our traditional moral code, in the main, takes
account of all three. Moral disputes and moral rebellions arise,
in large part, because one or both of the disputants looks at a
situation from only one of these standpoints.
As a prospective Agent it may seem to A's short-run interest
to hit his neighbor P over the head and take his money. But as
the prospective Patient P will find this wholly objectionable.
And either, or a third man O, will see as an Impartial Observer
that such a rule of action would be disastrous to society. It is
the failure to look at actions or rules of action from all three
standpoints, and to put oneself imaginatively, in turn, in the
role of Agent, Patient, and Disinterested Spectator, that has led
to innumerable ethical fallaciesfrom the fallacy of short-
sighted pursuit of selfish aims to the fallacy that everybody
should sacrifice himself to everybody else.
It is the purpose of ethics to help us test or frame moral
rules. We cannot secure objectivity in testing or framing such
rules unless we imaginatively put ourselves successively in the
place of each of the persons that a given rule would affect.
Suppose our question is: Should a passerby undertake to rescue
a drowning swimmer? Under what circumstances, and at how
much risk to himself? In seeking the answer one should first put
oneself in the position of the passerby, and ask how much incon-
venience, risk, or danger one would think it obligatory or ra-
tional to undertake. Secondly, one should put oneself in the
position of the struggling swimmer, and ask how much danger
or risk on the passerby's part, if you were the man in the water,
you would think it obligatory or rational for him to undertake.
And if you arrived by this process at two widely differing
answers, you should then ask whether an Impartial Spectator
might arrive at some answer in between.
Suppose we use this method to test the Golden Rule: Do unto
others as you would have others do unto you. The difficulty
with this is that there is practically no limit to the benefits that
most of us would be willing to accept from others, at whatever
cost to them. But suppose now that we turn the rule around,
and make it: Do not ask or expect others to do for you more
than you would be willing to do for them, or Accept from
others only as much help as you would be willing to extend to
them if you were in their position. You would begin to set more
reasonable and workable limits to the rule. (Either in the
Golden Rule or in this Converse Golden Rule, however, as thus
stated, the test is too subjective. Only in one's role as an Im-
partial Observer can one frame the appropriate rule objec-
tively.)
Suppose we apply the test to the Christian precept "That ye
love one another." Literally, probably none of us is capable of
fulfilling such a universal and indiscriminate obligation, if only
because we cannot command our feelings. We can love a few
people to whom we are drawn by special qualities or bound by
special ties. But for the rest the most we are capable of is
outward demeanor or actionconsiderateness, fairness, kind-
ness. This constant effort to be considerate and kind in our
outward attitude will, of course, affect our inward feelings. The
Christian ideal, by commanding an unattainable goal, has some-
times led men, from despair or cynicism, to fall far below a
reasonably attainable moral achievement. "Man is neither angel
nor beast, and the mischief is that he who would play the angel
plays the beast." 6 Nevertheless, because of the Christian ideal,
there is probably far more loving-kindness in the world than
there would have been without it.
7. The Limits of Obligation

Regarding the extent of our obligations to others, the opin-
ions of different individuals are bound to vary widely. In gen-
eral the strong and independent and well-off will think that
relatively narrow limits should be set around the supposed ex-
tent of their obligation to others, whereas the weak and depend-
ent and badly off will want the assumed extent of obligation to
others to be considered much wider. Experience will tend to
work out a compromise of such opinions in the moral tradition,
because each will find himself at times in the position of one
who wants help and at times in the position of one who is asked
to help.
That is why this is one of the unsettled problems of ethics.
There will be those who think that the only obligation of the
individual is not to transgress against others; and there will be
those who think that his obligation to help others is practically
without limits. There will be still others who take an inter-
mediate position, and hold that people in need or distress should
be helped, but only to the extent that this does little or nothing
to reduce their incentives to self-helpor to reduce the in-
centives to production and effort of those who are called upon
to supply the help.
Probably no exact boundary can be drawn, and no exact rules
can be framed, concerning the extent of our duties to others.
In such duties there will always be a twilight zone, shading off
from what is clearly imperative to what is clearly quixotic and
in the long run harmful.
We might end this chapter, logically, with a discussion of the
problem of "self-sacrifice." But this problem has occupied such
a prominent and crucial role from the very beginnings of moral
philosophyand above all since the birth of Christianityas
to call for consideration in a separate chapter.
CHAPTER 14
The Problem of Self-Sacrifice

1. "Individual" and "Society"
Let us summarize the discussion in the two preceding chap-
ters to see where it has brought us.
We have seen that there tends to be a coincidence between
the actions or rules of action that best promote the interests of
the individual in the long run and the rules of action that best
promote the interests of society as a whole in the long run. We
have seen that this coincidence tends to be greater the longer
the period we take into consideration. We have seen, moreover,
that it is difficult to distinguish "egoistic" actions from "altru-
istic" or "mutualistic" ones, because an enlightened and far-
sighted selfishness might often dictate precisely the same course
as an enlightened and farsighted benevolence.
There is another consideration, which needs to be re-empha-
sized. The antithesis so often drawn between the "individual"
and "society" is false. Society is merely the name we give to the
collection of individuals and their interrelations. It would be
clarifying and useful, in fact, if in sociological, economic, and
ethical discussion we were most commonly to define society as
other people. Then, in a society consisting only of three persons
A, B, and CA, from his own point of view, is "the Indi-
vidual," and B and C are "Society," whereas B, from his own
point of view, is "the Individual" and A and C, "Society," etc.1
Now each of us sees himself sometimes as the individual and
sometimes as a member of society. In the former role he is apt
to emphasize the necessity of liberty and in the latter the neces-
sity of law and order. A as a member of society is concerned that
neither B nor C do anything to injure him. He insists that laws
be passed to prevent this; and injuries that cannot satisfactorily
be prevented by law he seeks to prevent by condemnation or dis-
approval. But he soon realizes that he cannot consistently or suc-
cessfully use devices of condemnation or praise to influence the
108
THE PROBLEM OF SELF-SACRIFICE 109
actions of others without accepting them for like actions by
himself. Both to seem consistent to others and to be consistent
in his own eyes (for the "rational" man tends to accept con-
sistency as an end in itself) he feels an obligation to accept for
himself the moral rules he seeks to impose on others. (This is
part of the explanation of the origin and growth of conscience.)
And the moral rules that we seek, for egoistic reasons, to im-
pose on others, do not stop at inducing them not to inflict posi-
tive injury on us. If we found ourselves on board a ship sinking
at sea we would think it the moral duty of those on any vessels
near by to answer our SOS signals, and to come to our rescue,
even at considerable risk to themselves.
I do not mean to imply by this that all moral rules arise out
of egoistic considerations. There are people who are spontane-
ously so moved by the suffering of others or a danger to others
that they do not need to imagine themselves in the same pre-
dicament in order to think it their duty to come to the rescue of
others. They will do so out of their spontaneous desire. Nearly
all of us, in fact, do take spontaneous satisfaction in the happi-
ness of othersat least of some others. What I am concerned to
point out is that even if we were to assume, with Hobbes, that
people are guided only by egoistic motives, we would probably
arrive at the conclusion that they would be driven, in the end,
to impose virtually the same outward code of morals on each
other as if they were guided by altruistic motives as well. And
because it is to the interest of each individual to live in a society
characterized not only by peace and order and justice, but by
social cooperation and mutual affection and aid, it is in the in-
terest of each individual himself to help to create or preserve
such a society through his own code and his own example.
We must repeat once more, then, that the antithesis between
the interests of the Individual and the interests of Society is
false. Normally and usually the actions that best promote the
happiness and well-being of the individual best promote the
happiness and well-being of the whole society. There is nor-
mally, to repeat, a coincidence between the long-run interests
of the individual and the long-run interests of society. But we
must frankly face the fact that there is not a complete identity.
There will be times when the interests of the individual, even
his interests in the long run, appear in his own eyes to conflict
with those of society. What, then, is his duty? By what rule
should he be guided? What should the moral code prescribe?
In examining this conflict, or apparent conflict, it will be
profitable to move from the easier to the harder examples. What
appears easiest at first glance is the establishment of a negative
rule. Adam Smith states such a rule in sweeping form: "One
individual must never prefer himself so much even to any other
individual as to hurt or injure that other in order to benefit
himself, though the benefit to the one should be much greater
than the hurt or injury to the other. The poor man must neither
defraud nor steal from the rich, though the acquisition might
be much more beneficial to the one than the loss could be hurt-
ful to the other." 2
Here the specific illustration is beyond dispute, but the state-
ment of the principle is much less so. The reason stealing is
wrong under any conditions, as Adam Smith later points out,
is that it is a violation of "one of those sacred rules upon the
tolerable observation of which depend the whole security and
peace of human society." 3
2. Duty vs. Risk

But surely it cannot be wrong to do anything to benefit one-
self simply because an incidental consequence may be to hurt
or injure the interests of another. Should one reject the offer of
a better job than one already has, simply because the present
occupant, or another candidate, may then lose that particular
job and may not be able to get another as good? Should a sci-
entist refuse to publish a truthful criticism of another scientist's
work because the result of that criticism may be to increase the
first scientist's reputation at the cost of destroying the reputation
of the scientist criticized? Evidently the rule proposed by Adam
Smith would have to be carefully qualified to forbid injury to
others only through coercion, violence, malice, misrepresenta-
tion, or fraudi.e., the class of actions forbidden must be only
those that tend to injure the long-run interests of society as a
whole, and the class of actions prescribed must be only those
that tend to benefit the long-run interests of society as a whole.
Turning to positive rulesi.e., those that enjoin help rather
than those which merely forbid injurylet us begin with the
athletic young man with a rope and a life-belt at hand (previ-
ously referred to on p. 69), who sits on a bench in a park along
a river bank, and quietly sees a child drown, although he could
rescue the child without the least danger. There can be no
moral defense for such inaction. As Bentham pointed out, not
only should it "be made the duty of every man to save another
from mischief, when it can be done without prejudicing him-
self," but it might well be made a duty legally enforceable upon
him by punishment for nonfeasance.4
But what should be the rule when the risk to the would-be
rescuer rises? Here the problem becomes difficult, and the an-
swer may depend not only on the degree of the risk, but on the
relationship (whether, e.g., that of parent or of stranger) of the
potential rescuer to the person or persons to be rescued. (It may
also depend on a numerical relation. For example, whether the
situation is [1] one in which one person, say a sapper, or soldier
whose job it is to get rid of enemy mines, may be asked to risk
his life to save a hundred or a thousand, or [2] one in which a
hundred or a thousand may be asked to risk their lives to save
only one, say a king or a president who is being held as a
hostage.)
The ethical problem here may be difficult to answer precisely
because, for example, the degree of risk being run may be inde-
terminable unless the risk is actually undertaken. Many a man
has been tortured by conscience all the rest of his life because
he has suspected that cowardice or selfishness led him to over-
estimate a risk that he refused to take to save another.
If we turn for help to the answers given by traditional ethical
systems and by "common-sense" ethics we find them to be in
some cases not only clear but stern. There are conditions under
which these traditional codes demand not only that a man risk
his life for others but that he be willing, indeed, to sacrifice it.
A soldier who deserts or runs away in battle, a captain who vio-
lates the rule that he should be the last to leave his ship, a doctor
who refuses to enter a city where there is an epidemic or to at-
tend a patient suffering from a contagious disease, a fireman
(or father) who fails to try to rescue a child or an invalid from a
fire, an armed policeman who stands idly by or runs away when
an innocent citizen is being held up by a bandit at the point of
a gunall these are condemned by nearly every traditional or
common-sense moral code.
And the reason for this condemnation is plain. A nation that
cannot depend on the bravery and self-sacrifice of its armed
forces is doomed to conquest or annihilation. The inhabitants
of a city who could not depend on the willingness of their
policemen to take risks would be overrun by criminals, and
would not be safe in the streets. The welfare and survival of a
whole community, in brief, may depend upon the willingness
of certain individuals or groups to sacrifice themselves for the
rest.
But the duty is not always clear. If an unarmed citizen hap-
pens to be near when another unarmed citizen is being held up
at gunpoint, is it the duty of the former to try to take the gun
away? If even a hundred other unarmed citizens are by when
a bandit is robbing one of them at gunpoint, is it the duty of
one of the bystanders to try to take the gun away? And which
one? No doubt collectively they could succeed; but it is the first
to try who takes the greatest risk.
The answer of common-sense ethics to this situation is far
from clear. The people who read in the next day's newspapers
about a thug shooting a victim and getting away because a
crowd of a hundred did nothing to stop him, may be righteously
indignant, and contemptuous of those who were too cowardly to
act. Some of those who were in the crowd will feel secretly
ashamed of their inaction, or at least a little uneasy. But most
of them will argue to themselves or others that it would have
been an act of sheer foolhardiness for them to take the initiative
in interfering:.
*
3. Search far a General Rule

Can we find the answer to the problem of self-sacrifice in any
general rule or principle?
I think we can reject without any further argument the con-
tention of a few contemporary ethical writers that it is never
the duty of an individual to sacrifice himself for others, or that
it is even "immoral" for him to do so. The examples we have
cited, and the reasons why such self-sacrifice may sometimes be
necessary, are sufficient and clear.
On the other hand, we do not need to give prolonged exam-
ination to the precisely opposite extreme contention that self-
sacrifice is the normal ethical requirement and that we need
not count its cost. I have already cited the arguments of Ben-
tham and Spencer against the folly of everybody's living and sac-
rificing for everybody else. These arguments are accepted by
most modern ethical writers. "A society in which everybody
spent his life sacrificing all his pleasure for others would be even
more absurd than a society whose members all lived by taking in
each other's washing. In a society of such completely unselfish
people who would be prepared to accept and benefit by the
sacrifice?"5
Nevertheless, the doctrine of sacrifice for sacrifice's sake was
not only held by Kant and other eminent moral philosophers,
but is still found in more modern writers. "Were there no use
possibly to be made of it, no happiness which could possibly be
promoted, generous and self-forgetting action would be worth
having in the universe." 6 This is sanctifying a means while
ignoring its purpose. As E. F. Carritt rightly replies: "One can-
not act generously if one can find nothing that anybody wants,
and self-forgetfulness, when there was nothing else practicable
to remember, would be simply self-neglecting." 7
With these two extremes out of the way, we can try to formu-
late an acceptable rule. Suppose we frame and examine the rule
as follows:
Self-sacrifice is only required or justified where it is necessary
in order to secure for another or others a greater good than that
sacrificed.8
This is substantially the rule proposed by Jeremy Bentham
except that he would have used the word "pleasure" or "happi-
ness" rather than "good." It is the rule of all the moral philoso-
phers who have argued, with Adam Smith, that it is the duty of
the agent to act in the way that an "impartial spectator" would
approve.9 "The point is that the interests of others should be
treated on just the same level as one's own, so that the antithesis
between self and others is made as little prominent in one's
ethical thinking as possible." 10
Now it is at least reasonably clear that no one should sacrifice
his own interests to another or others unless a greater good is
accomplished by the sacrifice than is lost to the agent. This is
clear even from the most impartial view. Any rule of action
should tend to promote a net gain of good on the whole rather
than a net loss.
4. The Concept of Costs

Here we may draw a parallel not only with what has already
been said about the requirements of simple prudence, but with
the whole conception of costs in human action. The only ra-
tional prudential reason why a man should give up a pleasure,
a satisfaction, or a good is to gain a greater pleasure, satisfaction,
or good. This greater good may, of course, be nothing more
than the absence of the subsequent pain or suffering caused by
excessive indulgence in the pleasure given upas a man may
give up excessive drinking or smoking or eating in order to feel
better in the long runto improve his health and prolong his
life. Prudential sacrifices are usually sacrifices of immediate
pleasures or satisfactions in order to enjoy greater future happi-
ness or satisfactions.
This is merely an illustration in the moral field of a "law of
costs" that is usually discussed only in economic textbooks, but
which in fact covers the whole realm of human action. "Every-
thing, in short, is produced at the expense of foregoing some-
thing else. Costs of production themselves, in fact, might be
defined as the things that are given up (the leisure and pleasures,
the raw materials with alternative potential uses) in order to
create the thing that is made." u
Costs thus conceived in "real" terms are sometimes distin-
guished by economists from money costs by the special name
opportunity costs. This means, as the name implies, that we can
do one thing only at the expense of foregoing something else.
We can seize one opportunity only at the cost of foregoing what
we consider the next best opportunity. Mises defines the concept
in its broadest form:
Action is an attempt to substitute a more satisfactory state of
affairs for a less satisfactory one. . . . What gratifies less is aban-
doned in order to attain something that pleases more. That which
is abandoned is called the price paid for the attainment of the
end sought. The value of the price paid is called costs. Costs are
equal to the value attached to the satisfaction which one must
forego in order to attain the end aimed at.12
Or, more precisely and technically: "Costs are the value at-
tached to the most valuable want-satisfaction which remains
unsatisfied because the means required for its satisfaction are
employed for that want-satisfaction the cost of which we are
dealing with." 13
This concept, unfortunately, is not very commonly under-
stood or applied by writers on ethics. When we do apply it to
the moral field, it is clear that every action we take must involve
a choice of one value at the expense of other values. We cannot
realize all values at once. We cannot realize more of one value
without realizing less of another. We cannot give more time to
learning one subject, or developing one skill, for example, with-
out giving less time to learning some other subject or develop-
ing some other skill. We cannot achieve more of one good with-
out achieving less of some other good. All good, all value, can
be achieved only at the cost of foregoing some lesser good or
value.
In brief, a "sacrifice," in the sense of a cost, is inescapable in
all moral action as it is in all (narrowly conceived) "economic"
action. In economics, the excess of the value gained over the
value sacrificed is called a "profit." Because of the pejorative
sense in which this word is commonly used by socialists and
others, some readers may be shocked by its application to the
realm of morality. But it is merely another way of saying that
what is gained by an action should be greater than what is lost
by it. In the broadest sense, "profit is the difference between
the higher value of the good obtained and the lower value of
the good sacrificed for its obtainment." 14
This higher net value gained is of course the test of decisions
and actions that concern oneself alone. It is the justification of
the prudential virtues. But it should also be the test of actions
that affect others. A man's duty cannot require that he give up
any good of his own except for the greater good of another or
others. In fact, it can reasonably be argued that it would be
immoral for him to go beyond thisto sacrifice his own good
to confer a lesser good on others. For the net effect of this would
be to reduce the amount of good, to reduce the amount of hap-
piness and well-being, in the universe.
Now what are we to say of the argument, by such moralists
as Kant, and more recently by Grote, Hastings Rashdall, and
G. E. Moore, that Self-Sacrifice, or Duty, or Virtue (usually
spelled with a capital to impress the point) is itself an end, or
even the end?
I must content myself here with saying that I consider self-
sacrifice essentially a meansa means sometimes necessary for
promoting the end of maximum happiness and well-being for
the whole community. But its value is wholly instrumental or
derivative (like the value, in economic life, of irksome labor,
or a raw material or a capital good). To the extent that an over-
zealous or misdirected self-sacrifice tends to reduce the sum of
human happiness and well-being, its value is lost or becomes
negative. It is therefore a mere confusion of thought to consider
Self-Sacrifice (or Duty or Virtue) an additional good or value
independent of the ultimate purpose it serves.
What leads to the confusion is the difficulty, if not the impos-
sibility, of conceiving of a society in which happiness and well-
being were maximized but in which nobody ever sacrificed his
short-run interests to the long-run interests of others, in which
nobody ever did his duty, and in which nobody had any virtues.
But the reason for the difficulty or impossibility of conceiving
such a society is that is involves a self-contradiction in concept
and in terms. For the same reason it would be an impossibility
to conceive of an economic community in which the production
of ultimate consumer goods and services was maximized with-
out the use of labor, raw materials, factories, machines, or means
of transport. What we mean by rational Self-Sacrifice and Duty
and Virtue is performing acts that tend to promote the maxi-
mum of happiness and well-being for the whole community and
refraining from acts that tend to reduce such happiness and
well-being. If the effect of Self-Sacrifice were to reduce the sum
of happiness and well-being it would not be rational to admire
it, and if the effect of other alleged duties and virtues were to
reduce the sum of human happiness and well-being, we would
cease to call them duties and virtues.
Once we have straightened out the confusion of thought that
regards Self-Sacrifice, Duty, or Virtue to have not merely an in-
strumental, subordinate, or derived value, but a value addi-
tional to and independent of the happiness and well-being to
which they are means, a lot of imposing ethical maxims and
systems, from Kant's Categorical Imperative to Hastings Rash-
dall's "Ideal" Utilitarianism,15 fall to the ground.
But the questions raised here are so wide that we may later
have to return to them for more extended consideration.
This may be a useful point for a semantic digression. In using
the word "Self-Sacrifice," and in contending that there are occa-
sions, however rare, when it is necessary, I am probably courting
resistance from some readers to whom Self-Sacrifice means the
equivalent of self-abasement and self-immolation, of asceticism
and martyrdom. Many of these readers would find this view
more acceptable if I used some milder term, like Self-Subordina-
tion. But the difficulty with this milder term is that it refers
to a milder thing. Self-Sacrifice, as I conceive the term, is a duty
that most of us are called upon to exercise only on a few rare
occasions of crisis; self-subordination is a duty that most of us
are called upon to exercise almost daily. We subordinate our
own ego or our own immediate interests to wider interests when-
ever we refrain from starting to eat until everybody at the table
has been served; or whenever, as part of an audience, we hear
a speaker out without heckling or rushing up to the platform
ourselves; or whenever we restrain a cough, at some incon-
venience to ourselves, during, say, the soft bars of a symphony.
Every member of a family, and especially the parents and the
older children, must habitually practice self-subordination if
family life is to be possible. But this self-subordination is some-
thing that each individual implicitly recognizes as necessary to
the harmonious social cooperation that is in turn necessary to
promote his own long-run interests.
5. Obligations Have Limits

Let us return, then, to the word Self-Sacrifice and to the rule
which we framed on page 113 that self-sacrifice is only required
or justified where it is necessary in order to secure for another
or others a greater good than that sacrificed. This rule sets an
upper limit on altruism or self-sacrifice. But may not even this
often set the upper limit too high? Does it not in fact ignore the
highly personal and circumstantial nature of our duty? Other
people do not stand to me merely in the relation of fellow hu-
man beings. They may also stand to me in the relation of prom-
iser to promisee, of creditor to debtor, of employer to em-
ployee, of doctor to patient, of client to attorney, of wife to
husband, of child to parent, of friend to friend, of business col-
league or of fellow countryman. As Sir David Ross points out,
each of these relations may be the foundation of a prima facie
duty, which is more or less incumbent on me according to the
circumstances of the case.16 Can the abstract rule as we stated
it on page 113 be extended indefinitely to cover all mankind,
all strangers, no matter where in the world they may be found?
And does my duty to make such a sacrifice, assuming that it ex-
ists, have nothing to do with whether the sacrifice is made, say,
to make it possible for a supreme genius to live and function,
or merely to make conditions more comfortable for a stupid
bore?
Conscience tells a man, according to Adam Smith, that he is
"but one of the multitude, in no respect better than any other
in it" and must act as an "impartial spectator" might decide.17
But Smith almost immediately draws back from some of the con-
clusions to which this might logically lead. He refuses to asso-
ciate himself with
. . . those whining and melancholy moralists [e.g., Pascal and
the poet James Thomson] who are perpetually reproaching us
with our happiness, while so many of our brethren are in misery,
who regard as impious the natural joy of prosperity, which does
not think of the many wretches that are at every instant laboring
under all sorts of calamities, in the languor of poverty, in the
agony of distress, in the horrors of death, under the insults and
oppression of their enemies. Commiseration for those miseries
which we never saw, which we never heard of, but which we may
be assured are at all times infesting such numbers of our fellow
creatures, ought, they think, to damp the pleasures of the fortu-
nate, and to render a certain melancholy dejection habitual to
all men.18
A similar view, more violently expressed, appears in a letter
to Lady Gray from Sydney Smith in 1823:
For God's sake, do not drag me into another war. I am worn
down, and worn out, with crusading and defending Europe, and
protecting mankind: I must think a little of myself.
I am sorry for the SpaniardsI am sorry for the GreeksI
deplore the fate of the Jews; the people of the Sandwich Islands
are groaning under the most detestable tyranny; Baghdad is op-
pressed: I do not like the present state of the Delta; Thibet is
not comfortable.
Am I to fight for all these people? The world is bursting with
sin and sorrow. Am I to be champion of the Decalogue, and to
be eternally raising fleets and armies to make all men good and
happy? We have just done saving Europe, and I am afraid the
consequence will be, that we shall cut each other's throats.
No war, dear Lady Grayno eloquence; but apathy, selfishness,
common sense, arithmetic; I beseech you, secure Lord Gray's
swords and pistols, as the housekeeper did Don Quixote's armour.
If there is another war, life will not be worth having. I will go
to war with the king of Denmark, if he is impertinent to you, or
does any injury to Howick; but for no other cause.
Several moral strands are twisted together in both of these

arguments. In the quotation from Sydney Smith the question
whether the people of other countries should be helped is en-
tangled with the question whether war is a desirable way to
help them. But the implication of his plea for "apathy, selfish-
ness, common sense, arithmetic" is that it is folly to sacrifice
one's own comfort for millions of unknown foreigners. Adam
Smith's chief reason, however, for dismissing "this extreme sym-
pathy with misfortunes which we know nothing about" as "al-
together absurd and unreasonable" is that, though "all men,
even those at the greatest distance, are no doubt entitled to our
good wishes," we are in a position in which "we can neither
serve nor hurt" them.
It is precisely this argument which would today be ques-
tioned. Americans are not only being importuned by private
charities, but compulsorily taxed by their own government, to
give food and aid and dollars to millions all over the world
whom they will never see. What is their real obligation in this
field? And when can they consider it discharged?
Suppose we conclude that sacrifice is required whenever it
will yield more happiness to those for whom it is made than it
will cost in happiness to those who make the sacrifice? It could
plausibly be argued that, when we give this an objective or
material interpretation, it would require us to keep giving away
our fortunes or income or food as long as we had any more of
any of these than the most miserably housed or clothed or fed
person alive. We should have to keep giving, in other words,
down to the point of absolute world equality of income and
living standards.
Such an equal distribution of income, housing, clothing, and
food, quantitatively and qualitatively, would be, of course not
only physically impossible, but inconceivable. The attempt to
achieve it, even by "voluntary" means and through pure moral
approval and disapproval, would so tremendously reduce the
incentives to work and production at both ends of the economic
scale as to lead toward universal impoverishment. It would
enormously reduce, and not increase, the sum of human happi-
ness and well-being. The attempt to achieve such an egalitarian
altruism, the attempt to impose such practically limitless and
bottomless responsibilities, would bring misery and tragedy to
mankind far beyond any harm resulting from the most complete
"selfishness." (In fact, as Bishop Butler pointed out, and as
many have recognized since, if everyone were constantly guided
by a rational, enlightened, and far-sighted "egoism," the world
would be an immensely better place than it is).
But, some readers may say, I have been presenting an argu-
ment that does not really touch the rule we have been testing.
By hypothesis, the sacrifices we are enjoined to make are only
those that will yield more happiness in the long run to those
for whom they are made than they will cost in less happiness
(in the long run) to those who make them. Therefore we are
asked to make only such sacrifices as will tend in the long run
to increase the sum of happiness.
This is true. But even if we bypass here the crucial question
whether it is possible to speak validly of a sum of happiness,
or possible to compare the "increase" of one man's happiness
with the "decrease" of another's, the preceding discussion will
also show that it is very dangerous to give this principle any
merely physical or short-term interpretationor to base our
duty, say, on any mathematical income comparisons. The less
our active sympathies with the persons we are called upon to
help, the more remote such persons are from our direct ac-
quaintance and daily lives, the more reluctant we will be to
make any sacrifice to help them, the less satisfaction we will take
in any sacrificeand, conversely, the less likely are those helped
to appreciate the sacrifice on our part or to be permanently
benefited by it.
The ethical problem here is complicated by the fact that cer-
tain acts of so-called "sacrifice" are not considered by those who
make them to be sacrifices at all. Such are the sacrifices that a
mother makes for her child. Certainly as long as the child is
very young and truly helpless, most such sacrifices may directly
and immediately, as well as in the long run, increase the hap-
piness both of the one who makes the "sacrifice" and the one
for whom it is made. Such sacrifices present an ethical problem
of limitation only when they are carried to the point where they
may either permanently impair the ability of the benefactor to
continue his or her sacrifices or where they coddle or spoil or
in some other way demoralize the child or other intended bene-
ficiary.
6. Maxima and Minima

But the problem we are concerned with here is whether it is
possible to frame a general rule to apply to the duty or limits of
self-sacrificefor the benefit of people, say, whom we may not
know, or even for the benefit of people whom we may not like.
One difficulty of such a general rule is that it cannot be simple.
Our duty or non-duty may depend upon the relations, as I have
previously hinted, in which we find ourselves with other people,
relations which may sometimes be accidental. Thus if we are
walking along a lonely road, even if we are on a temporary visit
to a foreign country, and find a man who has been seriously
injured by an automobile, or robbed, beaten, and left half dead,
we cannot pass by "on the other side" and tell ourselves that
the whole matter is none of our business, and besides we are late
for an appointment. Our duty is to act as the Good Samaritan
did. But this does not mean that our duty is to take all the
world's burdens on our own shoulders, or to keep constantly
touring around trying to find people to save, regardless of how
they got into their predicament or what the long-run effect of
our rescue operations would be on them.
This means that we must carefully distinguish between the
special case and the general rule, or even between any single in-
stance considered in isolation and a general rule. If you give
a dollar to a beggar, or even $1,000 to a chance pauper who
"needs" the money more than you do, a mathematical compari-
son of the supposed marginal utility of the money to him with
its supposed much smaller marginal utility to you (assuming
such a comparison were possible) may seem to result in a net
gain of happiness for the two of you considered together. But to
erect this into a general rule, to impose it as a general obliga-
tion, would result in a net loss of happiness for the community
considered as a whole.
In brief, a single act of indiscriminate charity (or discrim-
inate only in the sense of moving toward equalization of income
without any other criterion) may seem to increase the happiness
of the recipient more than it reduces the happiness of the donor.
But if such extensive and practically limitless charity were
erected into a general moral rule imposed on us it would lead
to a great diminution of happiness because it would encourage
permanent mendicancy in increasing numbers of people, who
would come to regard such help as a "right," and would tend to
discourage effort and industry on the part of those on whom
this moral burden was imposed.
Let us now try to sum up the drift of our discussion. It may
often be extremely difficult in practice to know how to apply
our principle that self-sacrifice is occasionally necessary, though
only when it seems likely to result in an increase in the sum of
happiness and well-being. Limitless charity, or a limitless obliga-
tion to charity, is unlikely to achieve this result. All of us can-
not sell all that we have, and give it to the poor.19 Universalized,
the idea becomes self-contradictory: there would be no one to
sell to. Between never doing a charitable act, and giving away
one's all, lies a wide range of possibilities for which no definite
and clean-cut rule can be laid down. It may be right to contrib-
ute to a certain cause but not wrong not to.
But if the problem cannot be solved with precision, it does
not follow that it cannot be solved at least within certain upper
and lower limits. The upper limit, as we have seen, is that no
act of self-sacrifice is justified unless it secures for another a
greater good than the good that is sacrificed. The lower limit
is, of course, that one should refrain from any positive harm to
one's neighbors. In between is a twilight zone of obligation.
The problem can probably be solved within closer maxima
20
and minima than this. T h e overriding guide to rules of ethics
is social cooperation. T h e rules we should establish for mutual
obligation are those that, when generalized, tend most to pro-
mote social cooperation.
7. Self-interest vs. Morality?

T h e problem we are concerned with in this chapter may be
stated in another form. In Chapter 7 we were tempted to define
morality as "essentially, not the subordination of the 'individ-
ual' to 'society' but the subordination of immediate objectives
to long-term ones."
Each of us, in his own long-run interest, is constantly called
upon to make temporary sacrifices. But does morality require
us to make "genuine" sacrificesthat is, sacrifices on net bal-
ance, sacrifices from which we cannot hope to realize any fully
compensating gain even in the long run?
An enlightening but paradoxical answer to this question has
been offered by Kurt Baier. I quoted part of it in Chapter 7
(p. 51). Now I should like to quote it more at length and analyze
it more fully, because it poses what is perhaps the central prob-
lem of ethics:
Moralities are systems of principles whose acceptance by every-
one as overruling the dictates of self-interest is in the interest of
everyone alike, though following the rules of a morality is not
of course identical with following self-interest. If it were, there
could be no conflict between a morality and self-interest and no
point in having moral rules over-riding self-interest. . . .
The answer to our question "Why should we be moral?" is
therefore as follows. We should be moral because being moral is
following rules designed to overrule self-interest whenever it is
in the interest of everyone alike that everyone should set aside his
interest. It is not self-contradictory to say this, because it may be
in one's interest not to follow one's interest at times. We have
already seen that enlightened self-interest acknowledges this point.
But while enlightened self-interest does not require any genuine
sacrifice from anyone, morality does. In the interest of the possi-
bility of the good life for everyone, voluntary sacrifices are some-
times required from everybody. Thus, a person might do better
for himself by following enlightened self-interest rather than
morality. It is not possible, however, that everyone should do
124 T H E FOUNDATIONS OF MORALITY
better for himself by following enlightened self-interest rather
than morality. The best possible life for everyone is possible only
by everyone's following the rules of morality, that is, rules which
quite frequently may require individuals to make genuine sacri-
fices.21
I have already pointed out one weakness in this ingenious
statement. Its air of paradox stems from the use of the word
"self-interest" in two different senses. If we distinguish imme-
diate or short-term interest from long-run interest, much of
this paradox disappears. T h u s the proper statement is: Morali-
ties are systems of principles whose acceptance b j everyone as
overruling the apparent dictates of immediate self-interest is in
the long-run interest of everyone alike.
It is self-contradictory to say that " I t is in the interest o
everyone alike that everyone should set aside his interest." But it
is not self-contradictory to say that it is in the long-run interest
of everyone alike that everyone should set aside his mere mo-
mentary interests whenever their pursuit is incompatible with
the long-run interests of others. It is self-contradictory to say
that "it may be in one's interest not to follow one's interest at
times." But it is not self-contradictory to say that it may be in
one's long-run interest at times to forego some immediate in-
terest.
Emphasis on the distinction between long-run and short-run
interests solves half the problems raised by Baier's statement,
b u t it does not solve them all. T h e rest exist because of possible
conflict or incompatibility in the interests of different people.
But is there therefore a contrast between the requirements of
"enlightened self-interest" and the requirements of "morality"?
T h e moral rules are precisely the rules of conduct designed to
maximize the satisfactions, if not of everyone, then of the great-
est n u m b e r of persons possible. T h e enormous gain to everyone
of adhering faithfully to these rules entirely outweighs the
occasional sacrifices that this adherence involves. I am tempted
to say that for 99 per cent of the people 99 per cent of the time,
the actions called for by enlightened self-interest and by moral-
ity are identical.
I have said that Baier's antithesis between "self-interest" and
"morality" depends for its plausibility upon the use of the word
"self-interest" in two different sensesupon his failure to dis-
tinguish between short-run and long-run interest. It is ambigu-
ous in another important sense alsoin his conception of self-
interest and his conception (elsewhere in his book) of "egoism."
If we (implicitly or explicitly) define "egoism" and "self-inter-
est" as "disregard of or indifference to the interests of others,"
then Baier's antithesis stands up. But this is because our use of
words has begged the question. This is because we have im-
plicitly defined the "egoist" as a cold calculating person who
habitually regards his "self-interest" as conflicting with the
interests of others. But such "egoists" are rare. Most people do
not consciously pursue their ^//-interest but merely their inter-
ests. These interests do not necessarily exclude other persons.
Most people feel spontaneous sympathy with others and take
satisfaction in the happiness of others as well as of themselves.
Most people recognize, however dimly, that their principal in-
terest is to live in a moral and cooperative society.
Yet all this, it must be conceded, is only a partial answer to
Baier's formulation. It is not conclusive. There remains the
rare case when the individual may be called upon to make a
"genuine" sacrifice. This is the occasion when a soldier, a ship-
captain, a policeman, a fireman, a doctor, or perhaps a mother,
father, husband, or brother, may be called upon to risk or to
lose life itself, or to be maimed for life, in the fulfillment of
some clear responsibility. There is then no future "long run"
that can compensate for the sacrifice. Then society, or the rules
of morality, say in effect: This risk you must take, this sacrifice
you must make, whether or not you consider it in your own en-
lightened self-interest, because it is in the long-run interest of
all of us that each abide unfalteringly by the responsibilities
that the established rules of morality may lay upon him.
This is the price that any of us may be called upon some day
to pay for the untold benefit that each of us derives from the
existence of a code of morals and its observance by all the rest.
And this is the element of truth in Baier's formulation.
Though he is wrong in implying a basic conflict between the
requirements of "enlightened self-interest" and the require-
ments of "morality," where there is in fact a prevailing harmony
and coincidence, he is right in insisting that these requirements
may not in every instance be identical. As he states it elsewhere,
supporting the element of truth in Kant's ethics: "Adopting the
moral point of view involves acting on principle. It involves
conforming to rules even when doing so is unpleasant, painful,
costly, or ruinous to oneself." 22 But this is true precisely be-
cause universal and inflexible adherence to the moral rules is in
the long-run interest of everyone. Once we allow anyone to
make an exception in his own favor, we undermine the very
purpose that the rules are designed to serve. But what is this
but a way of saying that it is to the self-interest of everyone to
obey the rules and to hold everyone else inflexibly to them?
Baier is wrong, in brief, in contrasting "morality" and "the
pursuit of self-interest." Moral rules are designed precisely to
promote individual interest to the maximum extent. The true
contrast is between the kind of self-interest that is incompatible
with the interest of others and the kind of self-interest that is
compatible with the interest of others. Just as the best traffic
rules are those that promote the maximum flow of safe traffic
for the most cars, so the best moral rules are those that promote
the maximum self-interest for the most people. It would be a
contradiction in terms to say that the maximum interest of all
was promoted by everyone's restricting the pursuit of his own
interest. True, some must forego the pursuit of certain apparent
or temporary advantages because these are of the kind that
would thwart the achievement of the real interests not only of
most others but even of himself. But the happiness of all can-
not be maximized unless the happiness of each is maximized.
If we have a society consisting (let us say for simplicity) of
only two people, A and B, then the rules of conduct they should
adopt and adhere to are not those that are solely in A's interest,
nor solely in B's interest, but most in the long-run interest of
both. The rules that are most in the interest of both must be
in the long run the rules that are most in the interest of each:
This remains true when our hypothetical society is increased
from A and B to everybody from A to Z.
This mutualism is the reconciliation of "self-interest" and
"morality." For one best promotes one's own interest in the
long run precisely by abiding by the rules that best promote the
interest of everyone, and by cooperating with others to hold
everyone else to those rules. If it is to everyone's long-run inter-
est to adhere to and uphold the moral rules, it must therefore
be to mine.
T o sum up: The ideal moral rules are those that are most
conducive to social cooperation and therefore to the realization
of the greatest possible number of interests for the greatest pos-
sible number of people. The very function of morality, as Toul-
min has put it, is "to correlate our feelings and behavior in
such a way as to make the fulfilment of everyone's aims and de-
sires as far as possible compatible." 23 But just as all interests,
major and minor, long-term and short-term, cannot be realized
all the time (partly because some are inherently unachievable
and partly because some are incompatible with others) so not
everybody's interests can be realized all the time. If we think
of such a rare crisis example as people taking to the lifeboats of
a sinking ship, then an orderly and mutualistic procedure, as
contrasted with a disorderly and sordid stampede, will maximize
the number of people who can be saved. But even in the "moral"
procedure some people may have to be sacrificed. And though
they will be fewer people than would have been sacrificed in
an immoral scramble, they may none the less be different peo-
ple. A few of those who are lost may have been among those
who could have saved themselves by ruthlessness. The ideal
moral rules, therefore, may not only sometimes oblige an in-
dividual to make some immediate or temporary sacrifice in his
own long-run interest, but even (though very rarely) to sacrifice
even his own long-run interest to the larger long-run interest of
everybody else.
We come back once more to the conclusion that the real inter-
ests of the individual and of society nearly always coincide, but
are not (such is our human predicament) in every case identical.
CHAPTER 15
Ends and Means
1. How Means Become Ends
All men act. They act purposefully. They employ means to
achieve ends. This may seem elementary. Yet there has been
no more fertile source of confusion in ethical philosophy than
that concerning means and ends.
"Ends" may be "pluralistic," as many moral philosophers
insist, but only if we recognize that this refers to subordinate or
intermediate ends. Ends are never irreducibly pluralistic. In
choosing between subordinate ends, as we constantly find our-
selves obliged to do, we are necessarily guided by a preference
of one over the other. And this preference is based on our judg-
ment that one of these "ends" is more nearly an ultimate end
for us, or at least a better means of realizing a more ultimate
end, than the other.
Thus intermediate ends are at once means and ends. I am
tempted to coin a new word, "means-ends," to emphasize this
dual nature.
Our immediate end may always be described as a satisfaction
or the removal of a dissatisfaction. Even our ultimate end may
be described as the attainment of a state of affairs that suits us
better than the alternatives.1 But in achieving any end we have
to use means that in turn we may come to think of as ends.
A man and his wife, living in New York, may decide to take a
trip to the Greek islands. They think of this as their end, though
it could also be thought of as merely the means to achieve the
enjoyment they expect to get out of the trip. But as they have
never been abroad before, they decide that on the way they will
visit London, Paris and Rome. Each of these visits then in turn
becomes an end. They decide to go by boat; but this means of
crossing the ocean is then also regarded as an end in itself. The
man's wife, say, regards the ocean voyage as "the most enjoyable
part of the trip," in which case, to her, what was originally
128
ENDS AND MEANS 129
merely a means to a more ultimate end becomes an end valued
higher than the original end.
And this transformation of means into ends is illustrated in
a whole life. A man not only wishes to protect himself against
hunger and cold; he wishes to have a comfortable and attractive
home, to marry and raise children, to send them to college. To
achieve these more ulterior ends, he needs money. "Making
money" then becomes both a means and a secondary end. T o
make money he must get a job. Getting a job is both a means
and a tertiary end. Thus action and life are like a flight of steps
in which each step is an end in relation to the preceding one
and a means in relation to the next one.
The wise man tends to see his work, recreations, and ambi-
tions in this dual way. He does not live wholly in the present
moment. That would be to make no prudent provision for the
future. He does not live wholly in the future. That would be
never to enjoy the present moment. He lives in both the present
and the future. He enjoys himself as he goes along, savoring
life; but he also sets himself a goal or goals towards which he
tries to make further progress.
The ideal balance is not easy to achieve. Our temperament
or habits may lead us to err on one side or the other. One error
is to think of everything merely as a means to something else;
to become lost in work or duty; to be driven on, without ever
savoring the fruits of past success, by a restless ambition that is
never satisfied; to be, as Emerson put it, "always getting ready
to live, but never living." Another error is to forget that some-
thing is primarily a means and to treat it only as an end in
itself. A typical example of this perversion is the miser, con-
stantly piling up money and working for still more, but never
spending it.
2. Dewey, Kant, and Mill

The same confusions regarding means and ends that people
fall into in practical life exist also in the theories of moral
philosophers. An outstanding example of the tendency to blur
entirely the distinction between means and endsto reduce all
means to ends and all ends to means, to insist that nothing, even
ideals, can be regarded as constant or permanent, to demand
that everything must be always moving, changing, forward-gaz-
ingis found in John Dewey: "The end is no longer a terminus
or limit to be reached. It is the active process of transforming
the existent situation. . . . Growth itself is the only moral
end." 2
The question that immediately occurs to one is, Growth
toward what? Should men grow twelve feet tall, and keep grow-
ing? Should population, overcrowding, noise, traffic jams, gov-
ernment power, delinquency, crime, filth, cancer, keep growing?
If growth itself is the only moral end, then the growth of pain
and misery is as much a moral end as the growth of happiness,
and the growth of evil as much a moral end as the growth of
good. The glorification of growth for growth's sake, change for
change's sake, movement for movement's sake, reminds one
of an old popular song, which went: "I don't know where I'm
going, but I'm on my way!" Ethical values and ideals, as well
as the distinction between means and ends, are dissolved and
vaporized in such a philosophy.
But the opposite error, of regarding means as ultimate ends
or ultimate ideals, is perhaps more frequent among traditional
moral philosophers. This error is most conspicuous in a writer
like Kant, whose concept of duty for duty's sake will be exam-
ined in our next chapter. But it is also found, in somewhat
milder form, even in modern writers who call themselves "Ideal
Utilitarians," such as Hastings Rashdall.3 "The view that we
have arrived at is that the morality of our actions is to be deter-
mined ultimately by its tendency to promote a universal end,
which end consists of many ends, and in particular twoMoral-
ity and pleasure." 4 In other places Rashdall substitutes the
words Virtue and Happiness as if they were synonymous with
these, and implies that "the Good" consists of these two ele-
ments.
Now if the Ultimate End consists of both Virtue and Happi-
ness, it becomes impossible to resolve either into terms of the
other. They then become not only incommensurable, but in-
comparable. So when we are confronted with the problem of
which of two courses to adopt, one of which is conducive to
more Virtue but to less Happiness, and the other of which is
conducive to more Happiness and to less Virtue, or one of
which will tend to increase Virtue more than Happiness and
ENDS AND MEANS 131
the other to increase Happiness more than Virtue, how can we
decide which course to take?
Ends need not necessarily be commensurable, but they must
be comparable;5 otherwise there is no way to choose or decide
between them. This is another way of saying that we cannot
have "pluralistic" or heterogeneous ultimate ends. When we
are confronted by two or more alleged ultimate ends, or two
or more alleged "parts" of an ultimate end, neither or none of
which can be reduced to the other or expressed in terms of the
other, we shall do well to suspect that we are dealing merely
with a confusion of thought, and that one of the two "ultimate"
ends is really a means to the other.
Let us examine the confusion as it occurs in Kant. Kant is
usually, and rightly, regarded as the arch antihedonist and anti-
utilitarian; but in one remarkable passage he assigns so impor-
tant a role to happiness that he seems to teeter on the verge of
eudaemonism:
"Virtue (as worthiness to be happy) is the supreme condition
of all that can appear to us desirable, and consequently of all
our pursuit of happiness, and is therefore the supreme good.
But it does not follow that it is the whole and perfect good as
the object of the desires of rational beings; this requires happi-
ness also. . . . Now inasmuch as virtue and happiness together
constitute the possession of the summum bonum in a person,
and the distribution of happiness in exact proportion to mo-
rality (which is the worth of the person, and his worthiness to
be happy) constitutes the summum bonum of a possible world;
hence this summum bonum expresses the whole, the perfect
good, in which, however, virtue as the condition is always the
supreme good, since it has no condition above it; whereas hap-
piness, while it is pleasant to the possessor of it, is not of itself
absolutely and in all respects good, but always presupposes mor-
ally right behavior as its condition." 8
Kant's subsequent discussion of the relationship of Virtue and
Happiness is so confused that it seems unprofitable to follow it
further. He concludes, among other things, that "happiness and
morality are two specifically distinct elements of the summum
bonum, and therefore their combination cannot be analytically
cognized." 7 In the course of his argument he states but rejects
the answer of "The Epicurean": "The Epicurean maintained
that happiness was the whole summum bonum, and virtue only
the form of the maxim for its pursuit, viz. the rational use of
the means for attaining it." 8
Yet if we interpret happiness in this context as referring not
merely to the short-run happiness of the agent but to the general
long-run happiness of the community, then this "Epicurean"
view is obviously the correct solution. T h e ultimate end is hap-
piness. Virtue is a necessary long-run means to that end.
Bertrand Russell has put the point clearly and simply: "What
is called good conduct is conduct which is a means to other
things which are good on their own account." 9
Some people will be shocked at this, because they will in-
terpret it as a downgrading of virtue or morality to a mere
means. But a necessary means to a great end is seldom regarded
by us as a mere means; it becomes an (intermediate or penulti-
mate) end in itself; it even becomes in our minds an indispen-
sable part or ingredient of the ultimate end.
All this was clearly recognized by John Stuart Mill in his
Utilitarianism:
Whatever may be the opinion of utilitarian moralists as to the
original conditions by which virtue is made virtue; however they
may believe (as they do) that actions and dispositions are only
virtuous because they promote another end than virtue; . . . they
not only place virtue at the very head of the things which are
good as means to the ultimate end, but they also recognize as a
psychological fact the possibility of its being, to the individual,
a good in itself, without looking to any end beyond it; . . . as a
thing desirable in itself, even although, in the individual instance,
it should not produce those other desirable consequences which
it tends to produce, and on account of which it is held to be
virtue.10
G. E. Moore later had great sport with Mill for the whole
passage of which this is a part, accusing him of "glaring con-
tradiction," and of having "broken down the distinction be-
tween means and ends." "We shall hear next," Moore went on,
"that this table is really and truly the same thing as this room." u
Mill did lapse into some contradictions, but his discussion of
the relation of means and ends was psychologically correct.
There is a distinction between means and ends, indispensable
for the intelligent conduct of life. But it is not an objective
ENDS AND MEANS 133
distinction, like that between a table and a room. The distinc-
tion between means and ends is subjective. Means and ends
have meaning only in relation to human purposes and human
satisfactions, and, for each individual, in relation to his pur-
poses and his satisfactions. An object cannot be now a table and
now a room, but it may very well be now a means and now an
end. It can even be simultaneously a means and end, both a
means and an end, an intermediate end, if we so treat it and
regard it in achieving our purposes and deriving our satisfac-
tions.
3. Virtue Is Instrumental
In short, we agree to call Virtue and Morality precisely those
actions, dispositions, and rules of action that tend in the long
run to promote Happiness. Actions and dispositions that tend in
the long run not to promote Happiness, or to promote only pain
or misery, we agree to call Vice or Immorality.
Hence when a satirical writer like Mandeville writes The
Fable of the Bees, or Private Vices Made Public Benefits (1705),
and argues that it is really the "vices" (i.e., the self-regarding
actions of men) that, through luxurious living and extravagance,
stimulate all invention, action and progress by circulating
money and capital, what he is really saying is that what we call
the vices we should call the virtues, and what we call the virtues
we should call the vices. Mandeville was not wrong in prin-
ciple (i.e., so far as the principle of the relationship of means and
ends is concerned); he was wrong in his conclusion only because
his economics were wrong. (Like his later disciple Keynes, he
assumed that saving led only to economic stagnation and that
only extravagance in consumption stimulated industry and
trade.)
Whenever we are trying to discover which is means and which
end, or which of two ends is ulterior, the test is simple. We have
merely to ask ourselves two main questions, such as: Would it
be better to have more Virtue (or Morality) in the world at the
cost of less Happiness? Or would it be better to have more
Happiness at the cost of less Virtue? The moment such questions
are posed, it becomes obvious that, as between these two, Happi-
ness is the ulterior end and Virtue or Morality the means.
Clarity on this point is so important that it is worth risking
excessive repetition to achieve it. T o recognize that some-
thing is primarily a meansin this case Virtueis not to deny
that it has a high value also in itself. It is merely to deny that it
has a value completely independent of its utility or necessity as
a means. We may make the relation clear by an analogy from
the world of economic value. Capital goods derive their value
from the consumer goods they help to produce. T h e value of a
plow or a tractor is derived from the value of the crops that it
helps to create. T h e value of a shoe factory and its equipment is
derived from the value of the shoes it helps to produce. If the
crops or the shoes ceased to be needed, or ceased to be valued,
the means that helped to produce them would also lose their
value. What we call morality has tremendous value because it
is an indispensable means of achieving human happiness.
(Some readers may object that the phrase I have frequently
been using to describe the ultimate end, "Happiness and Weil-
Being," really describes two ends, and that a test similar to the
one I applied as between Happiness and Virtue should be ap-
plied as between Happiness and Weil-Being to resolve the
dualism and clarify the relationship. But when we ask: "Would
it be better to have more [human] Happiness at the cost of less
[human] Weil-Being?"; or, "Would it be better to have more
Well-Being at the cost of less Happiness?" we immediately per-
ceive that the question cannot be meaningfully answered be-
cause we are simply dealing with synonyms that describe pre-
cisely the same thing. I have frequently been using the full
phrase because this performs a double function. It emphasizes
that I am using the word happiness in the broadest sense pos-
sible, to indicate not mere sensual or superficial pleasure no
matter how prolonged, but to mean "everything that seems to
us worth aiming at." And the full phrase emphasizes also that
when I use the words "happiness" and "well-being" I am talk-
ing of precisely the same thing, and not of two different things,
as Rashdall and other "Ideal Utilitarians" imagine they are). 12
I have frequently spoken in this chapter of "ultimate ends,"
by which I have meant simply ends pursued solely for their own
sake and not also as means to something further. I have even
occasionally spoken, as above, of "the ultimate end," using this
merely as a synonym for "long-run happiness and well-being."
ENDS AND MEANS 135
But in the interests of psychological realism I am perfectly will-
ing to accept the qualification suggested by C. L. Stevenson:
"If [a writer on normative ethics] is sensitive to the plurality
of ends that people habitually have in view, he will scarcely seek
to exalt some one factor as the end, reducing everything to the
exclusive status of means. . . . If he wishes general, unifying
principles, he must attend not to 'the end,' and not even to
'ends,' exclusively, but rather to focal aims. . . . A focal aim is
something valued partly as an end, perhaps, but largely as the
indispensable means to a multitude of other ends. It may play
a unifying role in normative ethics; for once it is established,
the value of a great many other things, being a means to it, can
probably be established in their turn." 13
That is why, though in the ethical system I am here propos-
ing "the ultimate end" is Human Happiness, I have thought it
preferable to put my emphasis on the "focal aim"Social Co-
operation.
4. Does the End Justify the Means?

We come now to a further problem concerning the relation-
ship of means and ends. Does the end justify the means?
Now we can answer this question affirmatively or negatively,
depending upon how we interpret the terms of the question it-
self. Let us begin with the negative answer, because it is the one
most frequently made by moral philosophers. I cannot do better
than quote Aldous Huxley:
Good ends . . . can be achieved only by the employment of
appropriate means. The end cannot justify the means, for the
simple and obvious reason that the means employed determine
the nature of the ends produced. . . ,14
Our personal experience and the study of history make it abun-
dantly clear that the means whereby we try to achieve something
are at least as important as the end we wish to attain. Indeed,
they are even more important. For the means employed inevitably
determine the nature of the result achieved; whereas, however
good the end aimed at may be, its goodness is powerless to coun-
teract the effects of the bad means we use to reach it.15
These quotations make clear that what people mean when
they say that "the end does not justify the means" is simply that
evil means cannot be justified on the argument that they are
being pursued in order to achieve a "good" end. But the reason
most of us accept this adage is that we do not believe that really
evil means are ever necessary or that they can in fact lead to a
really good end.
Let us look at the argument as it is stated by A. C. Ewing:
It is still often felt that ideal utilitarianism is not ethically
satisfactory. One reason for this is because it seems to lead to the
principle that "the end justifies the means," a principle commonly
rejected as immoral. If the end is the greatest good possible and
the means necessary to attain it include great moral evils such as
deceit, injustice, gross violation of individual rights or even mur-
der, the utilitarian will have to say that these things are morally
justified, provided only their moral evil is exceeded by the good-
ness of the results, and this seems a downright immoral doctrine,
and certainly a very dangerous one (as is shown by its applications
in recent times in politics.)16
Ewing seems to me here to be (no doubt unconsciously) mis-

representing the position of the utilitarian, and certainly that
of the rw/e-utilitist. T h e rule-utilitist would say that ordinarily
"immoral" means could in a specific situation be justified, not
only provided "their moral evil is exceeded by the goodness of
the results," but provided these means were the only possible
way to attain these good results, and provided also that these
means led on net balance to greater long-run good than any
other means.
This is, in fact, the answer of a rule-utilitist like John
Hospers:
Sometimes the end justifies the means and sometimes it doesn't.
. . . Even when the means involves agonizing sacrifice, the end
may justify it if it can be achieved in no other way and if the
end is worth it.
But when is the end worth the means? If the end is removal
of war from the face of the earth and the means is the death of
a few thousand human beings now, the utilitarian would say that
the end is so supremely worthwhile that it justifies the means,
provided that the means really involves no more evil than the
statement indicates (often the evils involved in the means lead
to other evils so that in the final analysis the means contains far
more evil than the end does good), and provided that the end
ENDS AND MEANS 137
really will be achieved once this means is taken (there must be
no slip), and provided that the end can be achieved by no other
means that involves less evil than this one. In actual practice, the
end doesn't justify the means as often as one might think because
these conditions are not met.17
We must be very slow, in brief, to adopt means that involve
evil even to secure the most desirable ends. We must tolerate,
for example, even major injustices and suppressions of liberty
before we resort to the certain evils of armed rebellion or revo-
lution or civil war. And especially in today's world we must
tolerate national insults and serious aggressions before we let
loose the appalling disaster of nuclear war.
But the exact amount of injustice or suppression or aggres-
sion it is wise to tolerate before we resort to rebellion or war is
a question that abstract ethical principles alone cannot answer.
We are compelled to weigh alternatives and probabilities and
to fall back upon our practical judgment in a specific situation.
It is not always a question, unfortunately, of whether "evil"
means can ever lead to "good"; it is too often a question, in the
actual world in which we live, of whether means generally and
rightly regarded as evil may not sometimes be unavoidable to
terminate or prevent a still greater evil.
We may illustrate this by answering a question raised by
Ewing. "Might not a lie be justified to save an invalid from death
or prevent a war?" 18 Any sensible person must admit (as against
Kant, for example) that there are times, however rare, when a
lie can be justified. If so, a lie in such circumstances is relatively
'right." T h e supreme example of the folly of sanctifying the
means while forgetting the end is probably found in Fichte's
declaration: "I would not tell a lie to save the universe from
destruction." We may continue to say (as Kant and Fichte do)
that lying is always an evil; but we may add that in some cir-
cumstances it may be necessary to avert a still greater evil. And
we may say the same of resort to armed rebellion or to war.
This principle is also the only possible justification for capital
punishment.
In brief, our choice is sometimes forced. When we are re-
duced to a choice of evils, we must choose the lesser.
T o sum up the central theme of this chapter: T h e logical
distinction between ends and means is basic. T o admit that
men act purposively is to admit that they drive toward ends.
They must necessarily employ means to achieve them. Yet cer-
tain objects or activities can become ends in themselves as well
as means to other ends. A man may work at a certain job not
only for the money, but also because he enjoys the work itself.
The primary purpose of his work is to earn money. This may
therefore be said to be his "end." But he regards the money
itself chiefly as a means to other ends.19
Thus we strive for intermediate ends that in turn become
means toward still further ends. It is therefore not always pos-
sible to say precisely how much we value something "instru-
mentally" and how much "intrinsically." But it is always pos-
sible to be clear-headed about the distinction. Morality must be
valued primarily as a means to human happiness. Because it is
an indispensable means, it must be valued very highly. But its
value is primarily "instrumental" or derivative, and it is only
confusion of thought to hold that its value is something wholly
apart from, and independent of, any contribution it may make
to human happiness.
CHAPTER 16
Duty for Duty's Sake

1. Mistaking Means for Ends
We come now to the doctrine that we ought to perform our
"duty" simply because it is our "duty"the doctrine, in other
words, that morality has no other end beyond itself. Before the
formulation of utilitarianism, this was the most commonly ac-
cepted view, and it still has a tremendous hold on men's minds.
In its modern form, however, it was most explicitly formulated
by Immanuel Kant, and it is in that form that it is most con-
venient to examine it.
Let us begin by trying to clear away a central ambiguity.
"Duty for duty's sake" may mean that when our duty is clear
i.e., when once we recognize or acknowledge that a certain
course of action is rightthat is the action we ought to take,
whether at the moment we like it or not. This is merely another
way of saying that a man should always do his duty, that he
should always act morally, regardless of his immediate inclina-
tions.
But "duty for duty's sake" may also mean that a man should
always act blindly in accordance with some rigid rule, not only
without examining what the probable immediate consequences
of his action will be in those particular circumstances, but with-
out considering even the long-run consequences (for happiness
or misery, good or evil) of acting in accordance with that rule.
It would be hard to find a better description of irrational con-
duct.
Yet Kant himself appears to have been guilty of this as
well as of a whole complex of other ambiguities and confusions.
He held, among other things, that nothing was truly and uncon-
ditionally good except the good will. The only act that really
deserved to be called moral, in his opinion, was an act done
from a sense of duty, an act done because it was thought right,
and for no other reason.
139
This view has brought down on his head the caustic satire of
Bertrand Russell:
Kant was never tired of pouring scorn on the view that the
good consists of pleasure, or of anything except virtue. And virtue
consists in acting as the moral law enjoins, because that is what
the moral law enjoins. A right action done from any other motive
cannot count as virtuous. If you are kind to your brother because
you are fond of him, you have no merit; but if you can hardly
stand him and are nevertheless kind to him because the moral
law says you should be, then you are the sort of person that Kant
thinks you ought to be. [And Russell concludes that if Kant]
believed what he thinks he believes, he would not regard heaven
as a place where the good are happy, but as a place where they
have never-ending opportunities of doing kindnesses to people
whom they dislike.1
But if Russell is one of the most caustic critics of the Kantian
view, he is not the first. He has been anticipated by scores of
moral philosophers. Even Schiller, otherwise an admirer of
Kant, travesties this view in lines in which he has a disciple of
Kant complain:
Gladly, I serve my friends, but alas I do it with pleasure.
Hence I am plagued with the doubt that I am not a virtuous
person.
In reply to which he gets the advice:
Sure, your only resource is to try to despise them entirely,
And then with aversion to do what your duty enjoins you.2
One reason for Kant's error is that he looked with the deepest
suspicion on all desire or natural inclination itself, because he
assumed that all desire was desire for pleasure, and pleasure in
the narrow or carnal sense. But he slid into this error also for a
more subtle reason, which it will be instructive to explore.
When Kant assumed that an action, no matter how beneficent in
result, was not moral if done from natural inclination but only
if done against natural inclination, "for duty's sake," his error
was the result of a confusion easily explicable on psychological
grounds. When we perform a beneficent act out of love or com-
pletely spontaneous benevolence we are not conscious of "doing
our duty." It is only when we have a disinclination toward an
DUTY FOR DUTY'S SAKE 141
act and nevertheless "force" ourselves to do it, in the convic-
tion that it is our duty, that we are conscious of "doing our
duty."
This, I think, explains the psychological genesis of Kant's
error. Moral action is action which is conducive to general well-
being, regardless of whether it is done spontaneously or from
conscious (or reluctant) adherence to duty.
The germ of truth in Kant's position is that it is always our
duty to do what is right, whether we want to do so or not. But
this comes down to the tautology that it is always our duty to
do our duty.
Perhaps a slight digression may be necessary at this point. So
far in this chapter (and in this book) we have been using the
word duty without raising the question of the validity of the
concept and without specifically asking: ''Why should I do my
duty?" We have simply taken the concept of duty for granted.
This is because it is, in fact, implicit in all ethics. In origin,
duty means what is due, what is owingto one's family, friends,
associates, employer, and other persons in general. One's duty
means: what one has an obligation to do.
Doing one's duty is not necessarily coextensive with morality.
It is something different from doing the right thing, in the sense
of the best or wisest thing, or the thing that would promote
the greatest good of the greatest number. Your duty, in this
restricted sense, would be a special obligation or responsibility
that fell specifically upon you because of your vocation or
special relation. Thus it could be said of a lifeguard who
saved a drowning woman's life that "He was only doing his
duty"and by implication deserved no special credit. In this
sense, one's duty is merely that which would be wrong if you
did not do it. If another swimmer who was not a lifeguard had
saved the woman, however, perhaps at considerable risk to
himself, then he would properly be praised for doing more than
his duty, as soldiers are sometimes honored for "conduct be-
yond the call of duty." It can be said in favor of this more
restricted concept of duty that it refrains from laying limitless
obligations upon people. Thus Kurt Baier maintains that: "No
one ever has a duty to do something simply because it would be
beneficial to someone if he did it." And again: "We are morally
required to do good only to those who are actually in need of
our assistance. The view that we always ought to do the optimific
act . . . would have the absurd result that we are doing wrong
whenever we are relaxing, since on those occasions there will
always be opportunities to produce greater good than we can by
relaxing." 3
But the concept of one's duties implies that there are certain
obligations we are bound to respect, and certain rules of action
we are bound to follow, at all times. Most of these rules of
action have been determined in advance by human experience,
thought, and tradition. They act as guides, as touchstones, re-
lieving us from the necessity of making elaborate calculations
of the probable consequences of this decision or that in every
new situation that confronts us. They cannot, as Kant supposed,
always give simple and certain answers. But their existence
saves us from having to solve every moral problem ab initio. (A
very instructive contribution is the concept of "prima facie
duties" elaborated by Sir David Ross.)4
To return after this digression to what we have found to be
the germ of truth in Kant's position: It is always our duty to
do what is right, whether we like it or not. But that it is some-
times necessary to remind ourselves of our duty and force our-
selves to do it against our inclination does not mean, as he
went on to imply, that these occasions are the only ones in which
we are acting morally. In fact, one of the paradoxical conse-
quences to which Kant's doctrine leads is this. A man who
spontaneously radiates good will toward other men, or who has
in early life formed the habit of always acting morally, will
more and more tend to act that way habitually and spontane-
ously, rather than from a conscious sense of duty. Therefore he
will, according to Kant, be less and less frequently acting "mor-
ally"or he will at least be accorded less moral merit than he
would doing the right thing reluctantly from a sense of duty.
It is clear that Kant mistakes means for ends, a confusion into
which moral philosophers are particularly liable to slip. As
Bertrand Russell has put it: "The moralist . . . being pri-
marily concerned with conduct, tends to become absorbed with
means, to value the actions men ought to perform more than
the ends which such actions serve." 5 So Kant came to think
that we could judge the rightness or wrongness of acts without
considering the consequences to which they led in the way of
happiness or satisfaction, good or evil, to ourselves or anybody
else.
But if actions or rules of action are not to be judged by their
probable consequences, how are we to know what actions are
right or wrong? Here Kant's position is peculiar. He does not
seem to hold that we know our duty in each case a priori or
from direct intuition, but he does hold that we can determine
our duty from certain a priori principles, and he proceeds to
try to find and to formulate these principles.
2. The Test of Universalizability

He puts forward first of all his famous notion of a Categorical
Imperative. Duty is a categorical imperative, because when
we see a thing to be right, we feel commanded to do it cate-
gorically, and absolutely, as a means to no end beyond itself.
It is "objectively necessary." This is to be distinguished from a
mere hypothetical imperative, which represents "the practical
necessity of a possible action as means to something else that
is willed," 6 such as keeping healthy, being happy, or going to
Heaven. Now a hypothetical imperative depends on what our
particular end happens to be, but "the mere conception of a
categorical imperative" supplies us also with the formula for it.
"There is therefore but one categorical imperative, namely,
this: Act only on that maxim whereby thou canst at the same
time will that it should become a universal law." 7
There is a prima facie attractiveness about this maxim, but
Kant's effort to deduce a code of morals from it seems to me a
complete failure. A code of morals can be deduced only by
consideration of the actual or probable consequences of acts or
of rules of actions, and the desirability or undesirability of those
consequences. Kant tries to prove that non-observance of his
maxim would involve a logical contradiction; but the examples
he gives fail to do this. Thus his argument against lying is that
if everybody lied nobody would be believed, so that lying would
be futile and self-defeating. This does not prove, however, that
there is anything logically contradictory about universal lying;
it merely points out that one of the consequences would be bad.
Kant's argument here is, in fact, an appeal to practical conse-
quences, and not to the worst ones, which are the harm that the
lying would do the victims as long as they believed it, and the
breakdown of almost all social cooperation once people knew
that they could not trust each other's words or promises.
Kant's test of universalizability, properly interpreted, might
express a necessary b u t not a sufficient condition of moral rules.
It would apply for example, against Aristotle's magnanimous or
great-souled man, who "is fond of conferring benefits, b u t
ashamed to receive them." 8 W e can hardly imagine two of
Aristotle's great-souled men getting on very well together. Each
would be pressing favors on the other, which the other would
spurn as insulting. Kant's maxim would also apply as against
Nietzsche's superman. It is impossible for everyone to practice
a master morality; to act as a master one needs at least one slave.
In order to make Nietzsche's master morality workable for even
half the population, the other half must accept a slave or anti-
Nietzschean morality.
O n the other hand, there are courses of conduct which are
certainly moral, even though they cannot be universalized, and
even though the person who adopts them would not wish them
to be universalized. A man may decide to become a minister or
a lawyer; but everybody cannot decide to become a minister
or a lawyer, because we would all starve. A man may decide to
learn the violin without wishing that everybody should learn
to play the violin. In fact, if he expected to make his living at
it, he would wish, to increase his own scarcity value and income,
that as few other people as possible would become competent
violinists.
It may be replied that this is mere quibbling; that Kant ob-
viously did not intend his maxim of universalizability to apply
to the adoption of a specific trade or vocation; that the universal
maxim to fit such a case might be: " I n the interests of division
of labor, everyone should adopt some trade or vocation," or:
"Everyone should adopt the trade or profession to which he is
best suited (or in which he can be most useful)." But what, then,
are the permissible rules for generality or specificity in framing
a "universal" law? "Everybody else can lie, b u t only when
caught in the particular kind of jam that I find myself in now?"
Kant himself was a bachelor and a celibate. Could he have
willed that everyone should be celibate? W h a t was the wording
of the universal law that permitted him to be so?
What value, finally, has the Kantian maxim? We can con-
clude, I think, that it does have a certain negative value. It
points out that our moral rules must not be inconsistent with
each other. We are not entitled to exempt our own conduct from
the moral rules that we would wish to see followed by others.
We are not entitled to adopt for ourselves maxims which we
would be horrified to find others acting on. We are not entitled
to justify our own conduct by an excuse that we would not
accept from anybody else. Moral rules, in short, like legal rules,
should be drafted with as much generality as possible, and
should be applied to ourselves, our friends, and our enemies,
impartially, without discrimination or favoritism. They should
be no respecter of persons. They should also meet the condition
of reversibility, i.e., they must be acceptable to a person whether
he is at the giving or receiving end of an action. 9
But none of this helps us in any substantive way to determine
precisely what our moral rules should be. It might be univer-
sally possible, or nearly so, for everybody to smoke cigarettes or
to drink whisky; but this is hardly sufficient ground to regard
either as a duty.
There is no way, in fact, to adopt or frame moral rules except
by considering the consequences of acting on those rules and
the desirability or undesirability of those consequences. Kant's
categorical imperative does, in fact, rest on an unacknowledged
consideration of consequences. What he is saying, in effect, is:
"Lying is wrong, because if everybody lied the consequences
would be so-and-so." But he does not show that there is any
logical contradiction in everybody's lying. All that he shows
(and it is enough) is that the consequences would be such that
we would not like them.
But this kind of argument makes the moral case against lying
seem weaker than it really is. Lying would not be wrong
merely if it were adopted as a universal rule. Nearly every in-
dividual lie does some harm. Of course the more widespread ly-
ing became, the more harm it would do. But lying no more
than murder is to be condemned merely because it cannot be
universalized. In fact, either could be universalized; we simply
would not like the consequences. Murder could be universalized
until only one man was left on earth, and even he would then
be perfectly free to commit self-murder. Universal celibacy
would also extinguish mankind; but Kant did not therefore re-
gard his own celibacy as a crime.
At the cost of repetition, let us state the preceding argument
in another form. Suppose we take Kant's categorical imperative:
"Act only on that maxim which thou canst at the same time will
to become a universal law," and translate it into current col-
loquial English. We then get: "Act only on a rule that you wish
to see generally followed by everyone." This is merely saying
that you have no right to treat yourself as an exception. It is
saying that morality consists in a set of rules of conduct that
ought to be followed by everyone; that it does harm and destroys
morality for each or anyone to treat himself as an exception.
But it tells us nothing of what the content of the rule or set of
rules should be. It in fact implicitly takes utilitarian criteria for
granted. For each of us would want to see universally followed
the rules that would tend to maximize happiness and minimize
pain and miseryhis own and that of others. Kant did not see
that his categorical imperative, as he stated it, rested on a basic
desire of the individual. T h e rule that the individual wills to
see universally followed is the rule he wishes to see universally
followed, the rule he desires to see universally followed. Kant
was a crypto-rule-utilitarian.
3. Kant's Other Maxims

So much, then, for Kant's most famous maxim. But the
categorical imperative is supposed to yield two other rules of
action, and while we are dealing with Kant we may just as well
examine them. The first of them is: "So act as to treat humanity,
whether in thine own person or in that of any other, in every
case as an end withal, never as a means only." 10
Ewing tells us that:
These words of Kant have had as much influence as perhaps

any sentence written by a philosopher; they serve indeed as a
slogan of the whole liberal and democratic movement of recent
times. They rule out slavery, exploitation, lack of respect for
another's dignity and personality, the making of the individual a
mere tool of the State, violations of rights. They formulate the
greatest moral idea of the day, perhaps one might add the greatest
moral (as distinct from "religious") idea of Christianity. 11
Kant himself tells us that his maxim rules out lying promises
to others and attacks on the freedom or property of others.
But two questions obtrude themselves. T h e first is whether
we need this maxim to establish the immorality of lying, steal-
ing, or coercion. Are the rules against lying, stealing, coercion,
violations of rights, etc., in other words, mere corollaries of
Kant's maxim? Or can they be established independently of
this maxim?
T h e second question is whether Kant's maxim taken in isola-
tion is definite, adequate, or even true. We are constantly using
each other merely as means. T h i s is practically the essence of
all "business relations." W e use the porter to carry our bags
from the station; we use the taxicab driver to take us to our
hotel; we use the waiter to bring us our food and the chef to
prepare it. And the porter, taxicab driver, waiter, and chef, in
turn, use us merely as a means of getting the income by which
they in t u r n are enabled to use people to furnish them with
what they want. W e all use each other as " m e r e " means to
secure our wants. In turn, we all lend ourselves or our resources
to the furtherance of other people's purposes as an indirect
means of furthering our own. 12 T h i s is the basis of social co-
operation.
Of course we do treat our close friends and the members of
our immediate family as "ends" as well as means. W e may
even be said to treat trades people as ends when we inquire
about their health or their children. We do owe it to others,
even (and especially) when they are in the position of servants
or subordinates, to treat them always with civility, politeness,
and respect for their human dignity. And, of course, we should
always acknowledge and respect each other's rights. T h e world
could have arrived, and did arrive, at these acknowledged duties
and rules largely without the benefit of Kant's maxim. But
perhaps the maxim does help to clarify and unify them.
Kant's third maxim, or third form of the categorical impera-
tive, "Act as a member of a kingdom of ends," seems to be
little more than another form of the second maxim. W e should
treat ourselves and others as ends; we should regard every
human being as having equal rights; we should regard the good
of others as equal to our own. This seems to be merely another
way of framing the requirements of justice and of equality
before the law.
T h e truth is, to repeat, that the mere capability of a rule's
being consistently or universally followed is not in itself a test
of the goodness or badness of the rule. T h a t can be determined
only by considering the consequences of following it and the
desirability or undesirability of those consequences. Morality is
primarily a meansa necessary means to human happiness. If
we declare that duty should be done merely for duty's sake,
without regard to the ends that are served by doing our duty,
we leave ourselves with no way of deciding what our duty, in
any particular situation, really is or ought to be.
In addition to mistaking means for ends, Kant tremendously
oversimplified the moral problem. T h a t is why he held, for
example, that a lie was never justified, even, say, to avert a
murder. H e refused to recognize that situations could arise in
which two or more ordinarily sound rules or principles could
conflict, or in which we might be forced to choose, not absolute
good, b u t the least of two or more evils. But this is our h u m a n
predicament.
If I may summarize the conclusions of this chapter, I cannot
do so better than in the words of F. H . Bradley, taken from his
own essay with the same title. Bradley's essay takes off, by his
own confession, from Hegel, and like most of what he wrote on
ethical theory, it is by turns perverse, unintelligible, and stuffed
with paradoxes and self-contradictions. But its final paragraphs
emerge into a brilliant sunlight of common sense:
Is duty for duty's sake a valid formula, in the sense that we are
to act always on a law and nothing but a law, and that a law
can have no exceptions, in the sense of particular cases where it is
overruled? No, this takes for granted that life is so simple that we
never have to consider more than one duty at a time; whereas
we really have to do with conflicting duties, which as a rule escape
conflict simply because it is understood which have to give way.
It is a mistake to suppose that collision of duties is uncom-
mon. . . .
To put the question plainlyIt is clear that in a given case I
may have several duties, and that I may be able to do only one.
I must then break some "categorical" law, and the question the
ordinary man puts to himself is, Which duty am I to do? He
would say, "All duties have their limits and are subordinated one
to another. You can not put them all in the form of your 'cate-
gorical imperative' (in the shape of a law absolute and dependent
on nothing besides itself) without such exceptions and modifica-
tions that, in many cases, you might as well have left it alone
altogether. . . ."
All that [the categorical imperative] comes to is this (and it is,
we must remember, a very important truth), that you must never
break a law of duty to please yourself, never for the sake of an
end not duty, but only for the sake of a superior and overruling
duty. . . .
So we see "duty for duty's sake" says only, "do the right for
the sake of the right"; it does not tell us what right is. . . .13
CHAPTER 17
Absolutism vs. Relativism

1. The Dilemma of Hume and Spencer
One of the central problems of ethics is the extent to which
its rules and imperatives are absolute or merely relative. The
chief reason why this problem still lacks a satisfactory solution
is that its very existence is so seldom explicitly recognized. On
the one hand are absolutists like Kant, with his Categorical
Imperative, and his tacit assumption that our duties are always
simple, clear, and never in conflict. On the other hand are the
ethical anarchists or ad hoc utilitarians who contend that gen-
eral rules are unnecessary, impracticable, or absurd, and that
every ethical decision must be based entirely on the particular
circumstances of the moment and the specific "merits of the
case." That our duties may be absolute in some respects, and
relative in others, is a possibility that is too seldom considered
still less the problem of the precise limits of absolutism and
relativism respectively.
One of the few moral philosophers who gave specific and
extensive consideration to the problem is Herbert Spencer; and
though his discussion is unsatisfactory in many respects, it states
some important truths, and can still serve as a profitable starting
point for consideration.
Spencer begins1 by criticizing an early sentence (later appar-
ently omitted) in the first edition of Henry Sidgwick's Methods
of Ethics: "That there is in any given circumstances some one
thing which ought to be done, and that this can be known, is a
fundamental assumption made not only by philosophers only,
but by all who perform any processes of moral reasoning."
Spencer answers: "Instead of admitting that there is in every
case a right and a wrong, it may be contended that in multitudi-
nous cases no right, properly so called, can be alleged, but only
a least wrong." And further, "in many of these cases . . . it is
not possible to ascertain with any precision which is the least
wrong."
150
ABSOLUTISM VS. RELATIVISM 151
He proceeds to give a number of illustrations. For example:
"The transgressions or shortcomings of a servant vary from the
trivial to the grave, and the evils which discharge may bring
range through countless degrees from slight to serious. The
penalty may be inflicted for a very small offense, and then there
is wrong done, or, after numerous grave offenses, it may not be
inflicted, and again there is wrong done. How shall be deter-
mined the degree of transgression beyond which to discharge is
less wrong than not to discharge?"
He proceeds to other illustrations: Under what conditions is
a merchant justified in borrowing to save himself from bank-
ruptcy, when he is also risking the funds of the friend from
whom he borrows? T o what extent can a man neglect his duty
to his family in fulfilling what appears to be a peremptory
public duty?
The illustrations that Spencer gives of conflicting considera-
tions and conflicting duties are all real and all valid, though
perhaps comparatively trivial. This conflict may exist in the
most crucial human decisions. War is a dreadful recourse. It has
usually brought far greater evils in its train than those that
provoked the resort to war even by those originally on the
"defensive." Does this mean that no nation should ever resort
to war under any provocation whateverthat it should submit
to dishonor, humiliation, tribute, subservience, invasion, servil-
ity, enslavement, even annihilation? Is there any wisdom in
propitiation, non-resistance, appeasement? Or does this only
encourage the aggressor? At just what point is resort to war
justifiable? The same questions may be asked in regard to sub-
mitting to despotism and deprivation of property or liberty, or
starting a revolt or revolution of uncertain outcome or conse-
quence. Here indeed we are confronted by choices in which
there is no absolutely right but only a relatively right decision
in which, in fact, there may seem to be no solution at all that
is "right" but only one that is least wrong.
Then Spencer turns to another but similar problem. He
argues that the coexistence of a perfect man and an imperfect
society is impossible:
Ideal conduct, such as ethical theory is concerned with, is not
possible for the ideal man in the midst of men otherwise consti-
tuted. An absolutely just or perfectly sympathetic person could
not live and act according to his nature in a tribe of cannibals.
Among people who are treacherous and utterly without scruple,
entire truthfulness and openness must bring ruin. If all around
recognize only the law of the strongest; one whose nature will not
allow him to inflict pain on others must go to the wall. There
requires a certain congruity between the conduct of each member
of a society and others' conduct. A mode of action entirely alien
to the prevailing modes of action cannot be successfully persisted
inmust eventuate in death of self, or posterity, or both.
Spencer, of course, was not the first to pose this problem. It
had been raised more than a century before, with even greater
force, by David H u m e :
Suppose, likewise, that it should be a virtuous man's fate to fall
into the society of ruffians, remote from the protection of laws
and government, what conduct must he embrace in that melan-
choly situation? He sees such a desperate rapaciousness prevail,
such a disregard to equity, such contempt of order, such stupid
blindness to future consequences, as must immediately have the
most tragical conclusion and must terminate in destruction to
the greater number and in a total dissolution of society to the
rest. He, meanwhile, can have no other expedient than to arm
himself, to whomever the sword he seizes, or the buckler, may
belong; to make provision of all means of defense and security.
And his particular regard to justice being no longer of use to his
own safety or that of others, he must consult the dictates of self-
preservation alone, without concern for those who no longer merit
his care and attention. 2
2. The Mirage of Perfection

Before examining some of the conclusions that Hume and
Spencer respectively draw from this hypothetical situation, I
should like to go on to examine some of the further and possibly
even more basic difficulties in the conception of Absolute Ethics.
These difficulties, it seems to me, center around the concept
of the Absolute and the concept of Perfection. I do not wish
to get bogged down in the interminable discussions of the na-
ture of the Absolute as found in metaphysical literature, 3 so I
will confine myself to a discussion of the concept of Perfection.
Spencer, as we have seen, concludes that the "perfect man"
can exist only in the "perfect society." If we carry his logic a
step further, the perfect society can be conceived to exist only in
a perfect world.
Now to attempt to frame a conception of perfection seems to
me to involve us in insoluble problems and contradictions. Let
us begin with the concept of a perfect world.
A perfect world would be one in which all our desires were
instantly and completely satisfied.4 But in such a world desire
itself could not come into existence. Desire is always a desire
for change of some kindfor changing a less satisfactory state
of affairs into a more satisfactory (or less unsatisfactory) one.
The existence of a desire presupposes, in other words, that the
existing state of affairs is not completely satisfactory. All think-
ing is primarily problem-solving. How could thinking exist with
no problems to be solved? All activity or action is a striving for
something, for a change or alteration in the existing state of
affairs. Why should there be any striving, any action, when
conditions are already perfect? Why should I sleep or waken,
dress or undress, eat or diet, work or play, smoke or drink or
abstain, think or talk or move, why should I raise my hand, or
let it fall, why should I desire any action or change of any
kind, when everything is perfect just as it is?
Our difficulties do not appreciably decrease when we try to
imagine a perfect society or a perfect man in this perfect world.
There would be no place for many of the ethical qualities that
most moralists admireeffort, striving, persistence, self-denial,
courage, and compassion. Those who believe that the great
ethical goal of each of us should be to improve others, to incite
them to more virtue, would find nothing to do. He who was
already perfect would not have to struggle to improve or perfect
himself.
"Self-perfection" is frequently laid down as a man's only true
moral goal. But those who make it the goal dodge the difficulties
by tacitly assuming that it is unattainable. They suggest that a
man should strive to cultivate all his faculties, ignoring the
fact that he can cultivate some only by relative neglect of others.
By treating "self-perfection" as an end in itself, they avoid ask-
ing themselves what a man is going to do with his perfect char-
acter after he has achieved it. For the perfectly moral man not
only must never do the slightest amount of harm but must
always be doing positive goodotherwise he is less than perfect.
He cannot make perfectly wise decisions unless he has infinite
knowledge and clairvoyance, and can forsee all the consequences
of his acts. T h e perfect man must exercise unceasing benevo-
lence; but in a society of perfect men no one would have any
opportunity or need to exercise benevolence.
In brief, it is the effort to conceive of an absolute ethics or a
perfect world and society that has landed ethics, historically,
into so much rhetoric and sterility. We are more likely to make
sense by talking in the relative terms of better and worse. It is
when we try to say what would be worst and what would be
best that our difficulties mount. For to determine what is best
is often to make a choice among an infinite number of possi-
bilities. But if we ask, more modestlyWhat actions or rules
of action would make things worse? What actions or rules of
action would make things better?we are often more likely to
make progress. We would do well to dwell on the meaning and
the important element of truth in Voltaire's aphorism: " T h e
best is the enemy of the good."
But when we state the case against absolutism in ethics, we
must be extremely careful not to overstate it, and so land in the
bottomless swamp of relativism or moral anarchy. We must
avoid, I think, some of the sweeping conclusions of Spencer,
who decided that all present-day ethics must be Relative Ethics,
and that the rules of Absolute Ethics, which contemplate only
"the ideal man . . . in the ideal social state" would be framable
or applicable only in some indefinite future when pain had
ceased to exist and everybody was perfectly adjusted to a perfect
environment. For in Spencer's "ideal" society populated only
by "ideal" men there is, ex hypothesis no ethical problem at all.
I have said that the instances Spencer cited of conflicting
ethical duties or decisions posed real and valid problems; but
I do not think they justify his conclusion that "throughout a
considerable part of conduct, no guiding principle, no method
of estimation, enables us to say whether a proposed course is
even relatively right; as causing, proximately and remotely,
specially and generally, the greatest surplus of good over evil."
Real ethical problems arise; real conflicts arise; but they are
comparatively rare, and they are not insoluble. It is often diffi-
cult to say with confidence what is the best solution, but it is
seldom difficult to say what is the worse and what is the better
solution. Humanity has, over the generations, worked out moral
traditions, rules, principles, which have survived, and are daily
reinforced anew, precisely because they do solve the great major-
ity of our moral problems, precisely because it has been found
that, by adhering to them, we best achieve justice, social co-
operation, and the long-run maximization of happiness or mini-
mization of misery. We do not have to solve our daily moral
problems, or make our daily moral decisions, by a fresh and
special calculus of the probable total consequences of each act
or decision over an infinity of time. The traditional moral rules
save us from this. Only where they conflict, or are patently
inadequate or inapplicable, are we thrown back on the necessity
of thinking out our problem afresh, without any "guiding prin-
ciple" or "method of estimation."
And even when we are thrown into the situation envisioned
by Hume and Spencer we are not entirely without guiding prin-
ciples. A completely moral man is not forced to be as savage
and ruthless as the most savage and ruthless ruffian or scoundrel
in the society, or even as savage and ruthless as the average.
He is forced to defend himself and his family and his property;
he must be constantly on guard against being robbed or swin-
dled or betrayed; but he does not need himself to slaughter
(except in self-defense) or rob or swindle or betray. His duty
and salvation is to try to raise the average level of behavior both
by setting an example and by letting others see that they do not
need to fear him if they act decently.
The Hume-Spencer dilemma does show how tremendously
threatening it is to individual ethics when the general level
of ethics in a community deteriorates. The ethical standards
and practices of the individual and the prevailing ethical stand-
ards and practices of the whole community are clearly inter-
dependent. But if the ethical standards of the community help
to determine the ethical standard of the individual, so do those
of the individual help to determine those of the community.
Criminals and scoundrels everywhere, invariably use as an ex-
cuse to themselves and others, that "everybody" does the crimes
that they do, or "would if they had the nerve." In order to
assure themselves that they are no worse than anybody else,
they contend that nobody else is any better than they are. But
the moral man, the man of honor, will never be satisfied to tell
himself that he is as good as the average. H e will recognize that
his own long-run happiness, and the long-run happiness of the
community, can only be furthered by raising the average. And
this he will tend to do by his own example.
In fact, even in a "completely" demoralized community, the
fear by each individual of assaults, depredations, and betrayals
by others will incite individual and, finally, general efforts to
restore peace and order and morality and mutual trust. Hence,
when the moral "equilibrium" has been violently upset, the
general unacceptability or intolerableness of the resulting situa-
tion may itself finally set in motion forces tending to restore
the equilibrium. Yet irreparable harm may be done before this
restoration can be brought about.
T h e morality of each is enormously influenced by the moral-
ity of all, and the morality of all by the morality of each. W h e n
everyone is moral, it is much easier for me to be so, and the
pressure on me to be so (through the approval and disapproval
of others) is also greater. But where everyone else is immoral
I must fight, cheat, lie, betray, to surviveor at least I may tell
myself that I must. And though self-corrective forces will doubt-
less finally set in, the misfortune is that an immoral social en-
vironment will probably incite immorality in the individual
quicker than a moral social environment will encourage moral-
ity in him. T h a t is why the general level of morality is never
completely secure, and can be raised or even maintained only
by the constant vigilance and effort of each of us.
3. Obligatory and Optional Ethics

So far in our discussion of absolute and relative ethics I have
been using these terms in a different sense than that found in
most contemporary discussion. Ethical "relativism" is frequently
defined as meaning that morality is wholly relative to a particu-
lar place, time, or person. Sometimes it is used as a name for
the doctrine that conflicting ethical opinions can be equally
valid. W e must reject relativism in either of these senses. T h e r e
are basic moral principles that are valid for all ages and all
peoples, for the simple reason that without them social life
would be impossible.
T h i s need not mean, however, that we must all be ethical
absolutists in the rigid sense, say, that Kant was. Morality is
primarily a means rather than an end in itself. It exists to serve
human needswhich means the needs of man as he is or can
become. A society of angels would not need a moral code. We
should distinguish, therefore, between a minimum acceptable
ethics, to which we can insist that everybody conform, and an
ethics of supererogationconduct which we do not expect of
each other, but which we applaud and marvel at when it occurs.
And do we not find, in fact, such a distinction between a
minimum and a supererogatory standard implicit in our tradi-
tional commonsense ethics? For whereas that ethics insists on a
set of duties, it praises a morality that goes beyond duty. As Mill
points out in his Utilitarianism:
It is a part of the notion of Duty in every one of its forms, that
a person may rightfully be compelled to fulfill it. Duty is a thing
which may be exacted from a person, as one exacts a debt. Unless
we think that it may be exacted from him, we do not call it a
duty. . . . There are other things, on the contrary, which we wish
that people should do, which we like or admire them for doing,
. . . but yet admit they are not bound to do.
And as J. O. Urmson writes in supplementing this:
The trichotomy of duties, indifferent actions, and wrongdoing
is inadequate. There are many kinds of action that involve going
beyond duty proper, saintly and heroic actions being conspicuous
examples of such kinds of action. We may look upon our duties
as basic requirements to be universally demanded as providing
the only tolerable basis of social life. The highest flights of
morality can then be regarded as more positive contributions that
go beyond what is universally to be exacted; but while not exacted
publicly they are clearly equally pressing in foro interno on those
who are not content merely to avoid the intolerable.5
The general moral code, in brief, should not impose excessive
positive duties on us, so that we cannot even play, enjoy our-
selves, or relax without a guilty conscience. Unless the code
prescribes a level of conduct that most of us can reasonably
hope to achieve, it will simply be disregarded. There must be
definite limits to our duties. People must be allowed a moral
breathing spell once in a while. The greatest happiness is pro-
moted by rules that do not make the requirements of morality
ubiquitous and oppressive. That is one reason why the negative
Golden Rule: "Do not do unto others as you would not want
others to do unto you" is a better rule of thumb, in most cir-
cumstances, than the positive Golden Rule.
CHAPTER 18
The Problem of Value
1. The Value of Value
Aldous Huxley, in his book Ends and Means (1937) and in
some of his essays, was greatly troubled by what he thought was
the verdict of "Science" regarding the existence of "Value."
"Science," he thought, denied "value" and "meaning" in the
Universe; yet "Science" must be wrong: life, he asserted, does
have "value" and "meaning."
Huxley was completely right in declaring that life does have
value and meaning, but wrong in supposing that Science pro-
claimed the absence of such value and meaning. Only the bad
metaphysical assumptions of materialism or panphysicalism did
that.
It is merely a confusion of thought to assume that Science
denies value. The physical sciences abstract from value, simply
because that is not the problem with which they are concerned.
Every science abstracts from a total situation or an infinity of
facts simply the particular facts or the particular aspects of the
situation with which it is concerned. This abstraction is merely
a methodological device, a necessary simplication. For physics,
chemistry, astronomy, meteorology, mathematics, etc., human
valuations, human hopes and fears, are irrelevant. But when
human values are our subject matter, the case is different. And
in all the "social sciences," in "praxeology," in the "sciences of
human action" x human valuationshuman actions, decisions,
choices, preferences, ends and meansare precisely our subject
matter.
Yet there is another possible course of confusion. Ever since
Max Weber 2 it has been an established maxim that even the
social sciences must be "wertfrei," i.e., free from judgments of
value. But this means that no writer on these subjects is entitled
to impose or smuggle in his own valuations. If he is an econ-
omist, for example, he must deal with the valuations that he
159
finds in the market place as his ultimate data, or "givens." He
studies how market prices and values are formed. He studies
the consequences of given actions and given policies. But he
takes the ends of people for granted, and asks only whether the
means they adopt are appropriate or likely to achieve their ends.
He does not, qua economist, either praise or condemn their
ends, and he does not undertake to substitute his own scale of
values for theirs. 3
When we come to aesthetic values or moral values, however,
the matter becomes more complicated. It seems to be precisely
the function of the moral philosopher to evaluate moral judg-
ments and moral values. For ethics seems to be not only a study
of how people do value actions, means and ends, but of how
they ought to value actions, means and ends. It may be true
that there can be no dispute about ultimate ends. But this does
not mean that there can be no dispute concerning what are
"ultimate" ends and what are merely means or intermediate
ends, and how appropriate or efficacious these means or inter-
mediate ends are in achieving ultimate ends.
Putting the matter another way: Economics is concerned with
the actual valuations that people make; ethics with the valua-
tions they would make if they always had benevolence and
foresight and wisdom. It is the function of the ethical philos-
opher to determine what some of these valuations would be.
In any case we need have no misgivings about the value of
value itself. Values are, by definition, the only things worth
while! There need be no apology for them, no uneasy effort
to "justify" them. T h e function of science is to discover the
objective truth about the universe, or some particular aspect
of it. But the sciences exist only because men have already de-
cided that the objective truth is worth discovering. Men have
recognized that it is importanti.e., valuableto know the
objective truth. That is why they think it important that science,
including the sciences of human action, should be "value-free."
They insist on value-free science, in brief, because they find it
more valuable than argument into which an author has in-
sinuated his own personal prejudices or value-judgments. And
though men are seeking for objective facts or truths, they are
constantly deciding which facts or propositions, out of an infinite
possible number, are worth finding or proving; and what ob-
THE PROBLEM OF VALUE 161
jective knowledge, out of infinite possible knowledge, will best
serve some human purpose.
The case has been eloquently put by Santayana:
Philosophers would do a great discourtesy to estimation if they
sought to justify it. It is all other acts that need justification by
this one. The good greets us initially in every experience and in
every object. Remove from anything its share of excellence and
you have made it utterly insignificant, irrelevant to human dis-
course, and unworthy of even theoretic consideration. Value is
the principle of perspective in science, no less than of Tightness
in life. The hierarchy of goods, the architecture of values, is the
subject that concerns man most. Wisdom is the first philosophy,
both in time and in authority; and to collect facts or to chop logic
would be idle and would add no dignity to the mind, unless that
mind possessed a clear humanity and could discern what facts and
logic are good for and what not. The facts would remain facts
and the truths truths; for of course values, accruing on account
of animal souls and their affections, cannot possibly create the
universe those animals inhabit. But both facts and truths would
remain trivial, fit to awaken no pang, no interest, and no rapture.
The first philosophers were accordingly sages. They were states-
men and poets who knew the world and cast a speculative glance
at the heavens, the better to understand the conditions and limits
of human happiness. Before their day, too, wisdom had spoken in
proverbs. It is better, every adage began: Better this than that.
Images or symbols, mythical or homely events, of course furnished
subjects and provocations for these judgments; but the residuum
of all observation was a settled estimation of things, a direction
chosen in thought and in life because it was better. Such was
philosophy in the beginning and such is philosophy still.4
In sum, for human beings value not only "exists"; it is all

important. It is the very standard by which we judge impor-
tance. All men act. All men seek to substitute a more satisfactory
state of affairs for a less satisfactory state. All men strive for
definite ends. They wish to choose the most effective or appro-
priate means to achieve their ends. This is why they need
knowledgeknowledge of factual truth, knowledge of physical
cause and effect, knowledge of science. All such knowledge helps
them to choose the most effective or appropriate means for
achieving their ends. Science, knowledge, logic, reason, are
means to the achievement of ends. The value of science is pri-
marily instrumental (though knowledge and the pursuit of
knowledge are also valued "intrinsically" and for their own
sake). But men's ultimate ends need not be justified by science;
the pursuit of scientific knowledge is justified, for the greater
part, as a means for the pursuit of ends beyond itself. Science
must be justified by value, not value by science.
It is not Science, in any case, that denies value. It is only an
arbitrary and unprovable metaphysical theory, it is only a phi-
losophy of materialism, panphysicalism or logical positivism that
attempts to deny value. 5
2. Subjectivism vs. Objectivism

W e come now to a problem that has been a source of im-
memorial perplexity and division of opinion in ethics. Is value
"subjective" or "objective"? More often the problem has been
framed in a somewhat different way: Is ethics (or are ethical
rules) "subjective" or "objective"?
T h i s dispute has proved so persistent, I think, partly because
the answers have been oversimplified, and partly because the
wrong questions have been asked (or, what is almost the same
thing, because the wrong vocabulary has been used).
All valuation is in origin necessarily subjective. Value, like
beauty, is in the eye of the beholder. All valuation implies a
valuer. Valuation expresses a relation between the valuer and
the thing valued. T h i s relation depends upon the valuer's own
needs, wants, desires, preferences, as well as upon his judgment
regarding the extent, if any, to which the object valued will
help him to realize his desires.
Objects or activities may be valued as means, or subordinate
ends, or final ends. Activities or states of consciousness that are
valued "purely for their own sake," as ultimate ends, are said
by ethical writers to have "intrinsic" value. T h o u g h the term
is widely used by ethical philosophers, it is troublesome to any-
one trained in economics. Applied to an object, it implies that
the value is in the object itself, rather than in the mind of the
valuer, or in a relation between the valuer and the object. It is
difficult, however, to find a satisfactory substitute for the term
and the distinction it emphasizes. Objects or activities that are
valued merely as means to ends may be said to have merely
instrumental or derivative value. But many thingspromise-
keeping, truth-telling, freedom, justice, social cooperationhave
both "instrumental" and "intrinsic" value.
The distinction between the two types of value in ethics is
analogous to the distinction in economics between the value
of consumers' goods and the value of producers' goods or capital
goods. The value of capital goods is ultimately derived from
the value of the consumers' goods they help to produce. Never-
theless, capital goods have the same kind of exchange value, the
same kind of market value, as consumers' goods. A home, a
dwelling, is a consumers' good: it is wanted for its own sake,
for the direct needs it meets and the direct satisfactions it yields.
A factory is a producers' good: its value is derivative: it is
valued because of the value of the consumers' goods that it helps
to produce, and therefore because of the monetary profit that
it yields its owner. But though the value of the dwelling may be
direct and "final" and "intrinsic," and the value of the factory
is indirect, instrumental, and derivative, the factory has a value
in the market just as the dwelling has, and may be saleable at
a much higher monetary price. A final and "intrinsic" value,
in brief, in the ethical as in the economic realm, is not neces-
sarily a higher or greater value than a derivative or instrumental
value. And many things, in the ethical as well as in the eco-
nomic realm, can have both kinds of value.6
Let us return to the problem of subjectivity and objectivity
in value. All valuation, to repeat, is in origin subjective. But
here a major difficulty develops. My (subjective) opinions, esti-
mates, valuations, and purposes are objective for you. And your
(subjective) valuations and purposes are objective for me. That
is, to me, your valuations are external facts with which I must
deal (say in trying to sell something to you or buy something
from you) as I am forced to deal with any other "objective"
facts. And my valuations are "objective" facts which you must
take into account as you would any other objective fact.
And just as you and I must deal with the valuations and
attitudes of each other as objective facts, so each of us must
deal, as objective facts, with the valuations and attitudes of all
other people, or "society" as a whole. Prices in the market place
are formed by the diverse valuations of individuals. They are
the composite result of these diverse individual valuations. Our
individual valuations have been, in turn, "socially" formed.
And the market price is to each of us an objective fact by which
he must guide his own actions. If the price of a house that you
would dearly love to own is $25,000, this is the hard "objective"
fact with which you must deal (even though this market price
can be traced back to other people's subjective valuations). Un-
less you have or can get the $25,000, and unless you yourself
(subjectively) value the house more than you (subjectively)
value $25,000, you cannot or will not buy it.
And so, again, when the housewife goes to the supermarket
to make her purchases, she is confronted with an enormous
number of (to her) "objective" prices of different foods, different
grades, and different brands, about which she must make her
subjective decisions to buy or not to buy. But her own subjec-
tive decisions of yesterday (by resulting in objective actions)
have helped to form today's objective prices, as her subjective
decisions today will help to form tomorrow's objective prices.
So far we have been drawing our illustrations purely from
the economic realm. But what is true of market prices and
economic values is also true, though in a less precise way, of
aesthetic, cultural, and moral values. T h e individual, in the
whole range of his life and thought and activity, finds himself
confronting and dealing with an infinitely complex set of
social values. These are, of course, ultimately the valuations of
other people; but the mutual relationship and causation are
complex. Just as, in the economic realm, the infinitely diverse
valuations of other people do not result in an infinite number
of market prices, but, at a given time and place, just one market
price for a given (homogeneous) commodity, a price that is
the composite result of individual valuations, so in the political,
aesthetic, cultural and moral realms we find ourselves dealing
also with such composite valuations, which seem to have a life
and existence of their own, and to stand apart from the valua-
tions of any one individual. Thus we speak, and seem to be
warranted in speaking, of the reputation of Beethoven, Mi-
chelangelo, or Shakespeare, of the sentiment of the community,
of public opinion, of the moral tradition, or the prevailing
moral code.
And this is certainly more, and something different from, a
mere "average" of everybody's opinion or valuation. Each of us
individually grows up, in fact, in a world of such social valua-
tions, with a social moral code, which, like our language, had
an existence prior to any of the individuals now living, and
seems to have determined their thought and opinions rather
than been determined by them.
Thus value, which is in origin individual and subjective, be-
comes social, and so in this sense objective. This is true both of
economic and of moral values. The objective heating power of
coal, for example, gives it "objective" value on the market. And
the rules of ethics, of course, are objective in the sense that they
must be acknowledged and followed by everybody. We cannot
have an ethics for one man alone that is not also the ethics of
other people. The rules of ethics demand general acceptance
and conformity. Without this there would be complete ethical
disorder, anarchy, and confusion. Thus moral values are sub-
jective from one aspect and objective from another.
3. The Social Mind

There is nothing inexplicable or mysterious in all this. All
mental processes are in the minds of individuals. There is no
social "oversoul" which transcends individual minds. There is
no social "consciousness" which stands outside of and above the
consciousness of individuals. Yet social moral values are a prod-
uct of the interplay of many mindsincluding the minds of
our long-dead ancestors. The individual is born into a world in
which there already exists a Moral Law, which seems to stand
above him, demanding the sacrifice of many of his impulses and
immediate desires. There is, in brief, a realm of Social Objec-
tivity, which seems to be set above the individual's own will
and purpose.
This "social mind" is completely accounted for when all
individuals (past as well as present) are completely accounted
for. But it cannot be accounted for by considering these in-
dividuals separately. No individual is completely, or primarily,
accounted for until his relations with the rest of society are
analyzed. The individuals are in society, but society is more
than the mere sum of the individuals. It is also their interrela-
tions and interfluences. Men's minds junction together, in a
cooperative unity. Morality is the product of a cooperating
society, the product of the interplay of many minds.
How this works out in the economic as well as in the moral
realm has been brilliantly explained by the late Benjamin An-
derson:
Economic value is not intrinsic in goods, independent of the
minds of men. But it is a fact which is in large degree inde-
pendent of the mind of any given man. To a given individual in
the market, the economic value of a good is a fact as external, as
objective, as opaque and stubborn, as is the weight of the object,
or the law against murder. There are individual values, marginal
utilities, of goods which may differ in magnitude and in quality
from man to man, but there is, over and above these, influenced
by them in part, influencing them much more than they influence
it, a social value for each commodity, a product of a complex
social psychology, which includes individual values, but includes
very much more as well.
Our theory puts law, moral values, and economic values in the
same general class, species of the genus, social value. . . . They
are the social forces, which govern, in a social scheme, the actions
of men.
It may be well to suggest rough differentiae which mark off
these values from one another. Legal values are social values
which will be enforced, if need be, by the organized physical force
of the group, through the government. Moral values are social
values which the group enforces by approbation and disapproba-
tion, by cold shoulders and ostracism or by honor and praise.
Economic values are values which the group enforces under a
system of free enterprise, by means of profits and losses, by riches
or bankruptcy.7
T h e only statement in the preceding quoted paragraphs
which I might seriously question is that maintaining that social
value influences individual values more than they influence it.
But I would certainly agree that social value is more than a
mere average or composite, and more than a mere resultant, of
individual values. There is a two-way interaction, a two-way
causation.
I hope the reader will forgive me if I stress once more the
complex relation of the "individual" to "society." Society is not
merely a collection of individuals. Their interrelations in society
make them quite different from what they would be in isolation.
Brass is not merely copper and zinc; it is a third thing. Water is
not merely hydrogen and oxygen, but something quite different
from either. What an individual would be like if he had lived
completely isolated from birth (assuming he could have sur-
vived at all) we can hardly even imagine. If we did not have
some experience of hydrogen and oxygen in their pure state,
we could certainly not have deduced their nature from looking
at water. We can hope to solve many social problems not by
looking at them exclusively from either an "individualist" or a
"collective" aspect, but by looking at each aspect alternately.
The complex two-way interaction of the individual and so-
ciety is most impressively illustrated by the example of language.
Language is a social product. It was not a gift to man from
heaven. It did not suddenly spring into existence in a Tower of
Babel. All its words and structure and meaning were contrib-
uted by individualsthough very few, proportionately, by
individuals in the present generation. Each of us now living
grew up "into" a language already existing and functioning.
That language has shaped each individual's concepts and values.
Without it the individual could hardly think or reason at all.
We think in words and in sentencesin inherited, socially-
given, words and sentence structures. We improve and develop
our thought by mutual exchange, by listening to words and
sentences, talking words and sentences, reading each other's
words and sentences. Language not only enables us to think as
we do but, by the concepts that its words and sentences embody
or suggest, almost forces us to think as we do. The individual
is almost completely dependent on language.
And yet language isultimatelythe product of the inter-
play and "interfluence" of individual minds. It would certainly
be true to say that language has influenced any given individual
more than that individual has influenced language. It might
even be true to say that language has influenced the present
generation more than the present generation has influenced
language. But it would not be valid to say that language has
influenced all individuals, past and present, more than they
have influenced language. For it is they who created it.
And this applies also when we are discussing the moral tradi-
tion and moral values. The moral tradition in which we grow
up exercises so powerful an influence that it is accepted by many
people as "objective." And for any given individual it is objec-
tive, however subjective it may be in the sense that it originally
developed and was formed by the interplay of individual human
minds. Moral judgments do have objective binding force on the
individual. And moral rules are objective not only in the sense
that they call for objective actions but that they call for objective
adherence by everybody.
4. The Solipsistic and the Shared

In brief, there is an element of truth on both sides of the
subjectivist-objectivist controversyand an element of error
on both sides. Subjectivists are right in contending that all
moral judgments are in one sense subjective. But they are wrong
when they go on to draw disparaging inferences from this
to imply, for example, that they are "merely" subjective.
For there is a profound difference between a subjective judg-
ment, as any judgment is bound to be ; and a solitary or solip-
sistic judgment confined to a single individual. The latter might
be merely the passing hallucination of an unbalanced mind.
But a subjective judgment may be socially shared; it may be a
judgment that is held in only slightly different form by the
majority in a community, or even a judgment that is held gen-
erally and almost universally.
T h e Objectivists are right, on the other hand, in pointing
out that all human acts have objective consequences. But they
are wrong in assuming that these consequences are objectively
"good" or "bad." They can only be good or bad in somebody's
opinion.
T h e controversy between Objectivists and Subjectivists may
take another form. There are "objectivists" who, like Kant,
view morality as a matter of categorical obligation, independent
of the human will, independent of consequences, inherent in
the nature of things. And there are "subjectivists" for whom
morality is merely the arbitrary opinion, emotion, or approval
of some individual, not necessarily binding or valid for anybody
else. We have already, in substance, examined both of these
views. Neither can stand analysis.
T o sum up: T h e individual's moral values are necessarily
subjective, however he may have come by them. The moral
values of others are for him necessarily objective facts to which
he must adjust himself or with which he must deal. And there
is a body of social moral values, of moral values accepted and
shared by most of the people in the community (and even exist-
ing prior to those now living), which for each individual in the
community is an objective fact that exercises tremendous influ-
ence on his own thought and conduct, and which he in turn
may apply to influence the thought and conduct of others.
Finally, moral rules require objective adherence from every-
body.
Perhaps the confusion on this subject may be due to a defi-
ciency in the traditional concepts and vocabulary. Moralists and
scientists have assumed that whatever is not objective must be
subjective, and vice versa. But may this not be equivalent to the
assumption that whatever is not day must be night, or whatever
is not black must be white? Just as there is a twilight zone be-
tween day and night (which cannot, except arbitrarily, be said
to be either), and just as there are an infinite number of possible
shades and colors between black and white, may there not be a
twilight zone, or even a third category, between the objective
and the subjective?
Behaviorists and logical positivists disparage or deny the
subjective completely, and try to resolve everything into the
objectiveor at least think it a waste of time to deal with any-
thing except the objective. On the other hand, in the idealistic
philosophy of Berkeley and others, the objective is absorbed
entirely into the subjective. Even modern scientists recognize
that the "objective" can only be known (or inferred) from the
subjective senses, so that one of our most eminent contemporary
authorities on scientific method refers to "verification" or "falsi-
fication" through laboratory experiments as an "inter-subjec-
tive" verification.8
5. The Multijaceted Nature of Value

The difficulties in which we seem to have become involved
are, I suggest, the result of inadequate analysis. Nearly all
philosophical discussion has hitherto assumed that whatever is
not "objective" must be "subjective," and vice versa; that these
categories are exhaustive, and that they are also mutually exclu-
sive.
But must values necessarily be either "objective" or "subjec-
tive?" Must value, in other words, either be "in the object" or
"in the subject"? Stephen Toulmin has shrewdly suggested that
such an assumption may involve the merely "figurative use" of
the word "in," and that this may be no more than a "spatial
metaphor," valuable enough in its own place, but not to be
taken "too literally." 9
There is a third possibilitythat value refers to a relation
between an "object" and a "subject." This I take to be the view
not only of a moral philosopher like R. B. Perry,10 but of
modern economics. Economists have traditionally divided value
into "use value" and "exchange value." T h e Austrian school
distinguished "subjective-use value" from "objective-exchange
value." Though this latter correspondence, as Bohm-Bawerk11
has pointed out, does not invariably hold, economic value re-
flects a relation between certain objective qualities of an object
and human needs. It is because coal has the objective quality of
giving heat, and that apples have the "objective" quality of
edibleness and nutritiveness, that both have "subjective" value.
In brief, because values are relational, they can be either
objective or subjective, individual or social, depending on the
point of view from which they are regarded. There is no con-
tradiction in this, any more than there is in saying that the
same object may be to the left or to the right, above or below,
depending on the position of the observer.
And this is the reconciliation of Objectivism and Subjectiv-
ism, not only as regards economic values, but as regards moral
values and moral principles. Moral values are subjective from
one point of view, objective from another. Ethics is valid for
everybody, for all ages and for all peoplesif only because (as
Hume put it) of "the absolute necessity of these principles to
the existence of society." 12
T h e reader must keep in mind, however, that when we call
value "objective" we are using that predicate in a special sense.
We mean that a valuation is not necessarily peculiar to one
individual, but that it can be shared by otherseven, in effect,
by a whole society. But an "objective" value in this sense is not
a physical property. Value, in fact, is not a properly of an object
at all. Nor are good and bad properties of objects or actions.
They are relational predicates. They express valuations in the
same way as do such words as valuable and valueless. They ex-
press a relation between the valuer and the thing valued. If the
valuer is an individual they express a "subjective" value. If the
valuer, by implication, is society as a whole, they express an
"objective" value. The tacit assumption that good referred to
a property of a thing or that right referred to a property of an
actionthe failure to recognize that these words simply ex-
pressed valuationswas the basic fallacy of G. E. Moore and the
early Bertrand Russell. Moral philosophers have been taking
half a century to grope their way out of that fallacy.
6. Can Value be Measured?

We come now to the final major problem of value in ethics.
Each of us is constantly seeking to bring about what he regards
as a more satisfactory state of affairs (or a less unsatisfactory
state of affairs). This is another way of saying that each of us
constantly seeks to maximize his satisfactions. And this again is
but another way of saying that each of us is constantly seeking
to get the maximum value out of life.
Now the word "maximum" or "maximize" implies that values
or satisfactions can be increased or added together to make a
sumin other words, that values or satisfactions can be meas-
ured, can be quantified. And in a sense they can be. But we
must be careful to keep in mind that it is only in a special and
limited sense that we can legitimately speak of adding, measur-
ing, or quantifying values or satisfactions.
It may help to clarify the question if we begin by considering
merely economic values, which seem most nearly to lend them-
selves to measurement. Economic value is a quality which we
attach to commodities and services. It is subjective. But in our
unphilosophic moments we are apt to regard it as a quality
inhering in the commodities and services themselves. So re-
garded, it would belong to that class of qualities that can be
greater or less, and can mount or descend a scale without ceasing
to be the same qualitylike heat or weight or length.13 Such
qualities could be measured and quantified.
And probably most economists today still think, like the man
in the street, that economic values are in fact "measured" by
monetary prices. But this is an error. Economic valuesor at
least market valuesare expressed in money; but this does not
mean that they are measured by it. For the value of the mone-
tary unit itself may change from day to day. A measure of weight
or length, like a pound or a foot, is always objectively the
same;14 but the value of the monetary unit may constantly vary.
And it is not even possible to say, in absolute terms, how much
it has varied. We can only "measure" the value of money itself
by its "purchasing power": it is the reciprocal of the price
"level." But what we are "measuring" is merely a ratio of ex-
change. And a change in such a ratioe.g., a change in a money
pricecan be the result either of a change in the market value
of a commodity or of a change in the market value of the
monetary unit, or both. And though we may guess, we can never
know which value changed, or whether both changed, or pre-
cisely by how much each changed.
Even more, we can never measure precisely how much a given
individual (even if he is ourself) values an object in terms of
money. When a man buys something, it means that he values
the object he buys more than he values the money he pays for
it. When he refuses to buy something, it means that he values
the money asked for it more than he values the object.15
Even when we are talking of exchange values, or of the rela-
tive valuations of an individual, in short, we can never know
these more than approximately. We can know when an individ-
ual values sum-of-money A less than commodity B; it is when
he actually pays that much for it. We can know when he values
sum-of-money A more than commodity B; it is when he refuses
to pay that much for it. If a man refuses $475 for a painting but
accepts $500, we know that he values the painting (or valued it)
somewhere between $475 and $500. But we don't know exactly
where. He never values it at precisely the price he accepts; he
values it at less: otherwise he would not have sold. (Of course
he may believe that the "real" value of the painting is consid-
erably more than what he is "forced" to accept; but this does
not change the fact that at the moment of sale he values [for
whatever reason] the sum received more than the painting he
parts with.)
Psychic values can never be measured in any absolute sense,
even when they are "purely economic." To the unsophisticated
layman it may seem obvious that a man will value $200 twice
as much as $100, and $300 three times at much. But a little
study of economics, and particularly of "the law of diminishing
marginal utility," will probably change his mind. For it is not
merely true that a man who will pay, say, $1 for a lunch will
probably refuse to pay $2 for double portions. The law of
diminishing marginal utility works, though not so quickly and
sharply, even with the generalized or "abstract" good called
money. The diminishing marginal utility of added monetary
income will be reflected in practice by a man's refusal to make
proportionate sacrificese.g., to work proportionately longer
hours (though these of course will have an increasing marginal
disutility)to earn it.
When we turn from the realm of strictly "economic" or
"catallactic" values (or the realm of exchangeable goods) to the
broader realm that comprises all values, including the moral,
the difficulties of measurement obviously become greater rather
than less. And this has posed a serious problem for all conscien-
tious and realistic moral philosophers. In order for us to make
the correct moral decision" it has been thought necessary that we
be able to make a correct "hedonistic calculus" or at least that all
values be "commensurable." In other words, it has been thought
necessary that we be able to measure "pleasure" or "happiness"
or "satisfaction" or "value" or "goodness" quantitatively.16
But this is not really necessary. The fact of preference decides.
Values do not have to be (and are not) precisely commensurable.
But they do have to be (and are) comparable. In order to choose
between taking action A and taking action B, we do not have
to decide that action A will give us, say, 3.14 times as much
satisfaction as action B. All we have to ask ourselves is whether
action A is likely to give us more satisfaction than action B.
We can answer questions of more or less. We can say whether
we prefer A to B, or vice versa, even if we can never say by ex-
actly how much. We can know our own order of preferences at
any given moment among many ends, though we can never
measure exactly the quantitative differences that separate these
choices on our scale of values.17
Those who think that we can make an exact "hedonistic
calculus" are mistaken, but they are at least dealing with a real
problem which those who talk vaguely of "higher" and "lower"
pleasures, or who insist that values or ends are "irreducibly
pluralistic," refuse to face. For when it comes to choosing
between a "large amount" of a "lower" pleasure and a "small
amount" of a "higher" pleasure, or among "irreducibly pluralis-
tic" ends, how do we make our choice? Either these pleasures
or ends must be commensurable, or they must at least be com-
parable in such a way that we can say which is greater and
which less.
And the only common "measure" or basis of comparison is
our actual preference. This is why some economists hold that
our choices in the economic realm (and the same would of
course apply in the moral realm) can be ranked but not meas-
ured, that they can be expressed in ordinal but not in cardinal
numbers. 18 Thus, in deciding how to spend an evening, you may
ask yourself whether you prefer staying at home and reading,
going to the theater, or calling up some friends and playing
bridge. You may have no trouble in deciding on your order of
preference, though you would be hard put to it to say by exactly
how much you prefer one to the other.
In the moral realm, both hedonists and antihedonists get into
insuperable difficulties when they talk of "pleasures" and try to
measure or compare them in any other sense than what I have
called the purely formal or philosophic sense of "desired or
valued states of consciousness." 19 But when we define "pleas-
ure" in this formal sense, we see that it is identical with "satis-
faction" or "value." And we see also that it is always possible to
compare satisfactions or values in terms of more or less.
When we say, in short, that our aim is always to "maximize"
satisfactions or values, we mean merely that we are constantly
striving to get the most satisfaction or value or the least dissatis-
faction or "disvalue"though we can never measure this in
exact quantitative terms.
And this brings us back again to the great goal of social
cooperation. Each of us finds his "pleasure," his happiness, his
satisfactions, his values, in different objects, activities, or ways of
life. And social cooperation is the common means by which
we all forward each other's purposes as an indirect means of
forwarding our own, and help each other to achieve our in-
dividual and separate goals and to "maximize" our individual
values.
7. The Pushpin-vs.-Poetry Problem

We are now in a position to solve more fully a problem that
we touched on in Chapter 5.
Bentham's famous dictum: "Quantity of pleasure being equal,
pushpin is as good as poetry," was deliberately written as a
shocker. One of those it shocked was John Stuart Mill, who
tried to rescue Utilitarianism from its supposed philistinism by
insisting on a qualitative difference between "higher" and
"lower" pleasures.
What troubled Mill in ethics was the same "paradox of value"
that baffled the classical economists. Why .was "gold" so much
more valued in the market than "bread," or "platinum" than
"water," when bread and water had an infinitely higher "use-
fulness"? T h e classical economists were confused because they
were unconsciously comparing "gold" and "bread" in general,
and forgetting that what was exchanged on the market was
definite quantities, specific units of gold and bread. When some-
thing of vital importance, like water, is abundant, the marginal
value of a small unit is very low; when something of much less
total importance to humanity, like platinum, is very scarce, the
marginal value of a small unit is very high.
This discovery of marginal-utility economics supplies the key
to the solution of the value problem in ethics. A man does not
choose between pushpin-in-general and poetry-in-general. He is
not forced to choose between abstract classes of activities at all.
And certainly he is not forced to make any exclusive or perma-
nent choice among activities. When he is satiated with poetry he
can turn for a moment to pushpin. When he has had his fill of
golf he can turn to Goethe, and vice versa. So Bentham's dictum
becomes defensible if amended to read: "Marginal satisfaction
being equal, a unit of pushpin is as good as a unit of poetry." A
man need not lose intellectual or moral stature if he occasionally
turns to something trivial. Marginal value being equal, an hour
of tennis is worth an hour of Tennyson.
CHAPTER 19
Intuition and Common Sense

1. When Intuitions Conflict
The ethical doctrine known as Intuitionism is perhaps the
oldest known to man. It existed as a tacit assumption long be-
fore it made any appearance as an explicit philosophical tenet.
It is the theory that we know immediately, without considera-
tion of their consequences, what acts are "right" and what acts
are "wrong."
When they come to saying how we know this, the Intuition-
ists give a wide variety of answers. Some say we know it by
a special "moral sense" implanted in each of us by God. Some
say we know it through the Inner Voice of our "conscience."
Some (e.g., Alfred C. Ewing) say we know it by immediate
perception, or "direct cognition." Sir David Ross tells us that
at least certain acts ("fulfilling a promise . . . effecting a just
distribution of good . . . returning services rendered . . .
promoting the good of others . . . promoting the virtue or
insight of the agent") are "prima facie duties," and that their
prima facie Tightness is "self-evident . . . just as a mathe-
matical axiom, or the validity of a form of inference, is evi-
dent." 1
Sidgwick defines Intuitionism as the theory that regards
"rightness as a quality belonging to actions independently of
their conduciveness to any ulterior end." 2 The presence of
that quality is presumably ascertained simply by "looking at"
the actions themselves, without considering their consequences.
But Sidgwick goes on to point out that "no morality ever
existed which did not consider consequences" 3at least some-
times and to some extent. Prudence (or forethought), for
example, has always been considered a virtue. All modern lists
of virtues "have included Benevolence, which aims generaHy
at the happiness of others, and therefore necessarily takes into
consideration even remote effects of actions." 4 It is difficult,
176
INTUITION AND COMMON SENSE 177
also, to draw the line between an act and its consequences.
A consequence of beating a dog is that it suffers; a consequence
of shooting a man is that he dies. Such consequences are usually
thought of as part of the act itself. T h e distinction between an
act and its consequences is in part arbitrary. In a sense all
inevitable or reasonably foreseeable consequences may be con-
sidered as part of the act itself.
I shall not enter here into any lengthy refutation of Intuition-
ism. That has already been amply supplied by other writers. 5
It is no more rational to judge an act without some considera-
tion of its consequences than it would be to perform the act
without some consideration of its consequences. And the moral
notions that have seemed equally innate, self-evident, or au-
thoritative to those who held them have varied enormously
with different races, nations, periods, and individuals. Can-
nibalism, slavery, polygamy, incest, prostitution, have all
seemed morally acceptable to some tribes or peoples at some
time. Our concepts of chastity, decency, propriety, modesty,
pornography, are constantly undergoing subtle changes. Our
judgments on what constitutes sexual morality and immorality
have altered enormously even in our own generation. Even
within the Bible itself we find the most direct conflicts be-
tween moral injunctions. T h e Mosaic Law tells us to repay
injury with its like: "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for
hand, foot for foot; burning for burning, wound for wound,
stripe for stripe" (Exod. 21:24-25). But Jesus tells us: "Ye
have heard that it hath been said, An eye for an eye, and a
tooth for a tooth: But I say unto you, that ye resist not evil:
but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him
the other also" (Matt. 5:38-39).
I need not go further into the differences and conflicts be-
tween the moral "intuitions" that have been regarded as "self-
evident" in different times and places. Overwhelming docu-
mentation of these can be found in the works of John Locke,
Herbert Spencer, W. E. H. Lecky, William Graham Sumner,
L. T . Hobhouse, Robert Briffault, etc.
When we decide whether or not to act in accordance with
any given moral rule, we do in fact give some consideration
to the probable consequences of acting on it or failing to act
on it. This is especially true when two established moral rules
conflicte.g., the rule that we should always tell the truth
with the rule that we should not cause avoidable humiliation,
distress, or pain to others. There is still no "self-evident" answer
to the question whether a doctor should tell his patient that
she is dying of cancer.
2. Morals Built into Language

But if there are no moral "intuitions," how have so many
philosophers, and so many other intelligent persons, come to
think that there are? The reason is that most of our moral
judgments seem immediate, seem to be instantaneous and
made without consideration of the probable consequences of
an act. But this is so because these judgments have been, as
it were, built into us by the social traditions and conventions,
and from our earliest infancy. They are built into the language.
From its earliest days an infant hears the words "good baby"
or "bad baby," "good doggie" or "bad doggie." Moral judg-
ment is embodied in description, and confused with it. We
absorb our moral judgments with our language. They are
both parts of our social inheritance. The reason we know that
lying is wicked and being mistaken is not necessarily so; that
theft is wrong but transfer not necessarily so; that murder is
monstrous but killing in self defense is justified, is that these
judgments are embodied in the words themselves, by the judg-
ments of our fellows and the generations that have gone be-
fore us.
Now no philosopher, to my knowledge, has held or holds
that we know the meaning of wordsof black and white, dog
and cat, table and chair, high and lowby intuition. But some
philosophers do seem to maintain that we know the meaning
of good and bad, right and wrong, by some sort of intuition.
They are held to be "indefinable" in some much more mysteri-
ous and "nonnatural" way than blue and yellow, up and down,
right and left, are indefinable.6
Now the ethical tradition in which we have grown up, and
the ethical valuations and judgments that go with it, impreg-
nate and color all our thought. We pick them up in the same
way as we do our language. Like our language, they condition
our thought. They do not do so to quite the same extent as
our language (for without the social inheritance of language
it is doubtful that the individual could think, in any civilized
sense of the term, at all); but our social ethical conventions
and valuations condition our individual thought and attitudes
to an enormous extent. It is because they are so habitual, im-
mediate, and instantaneous that they are so often mistaken for
"intuitions."
A writer like Henry Sidgwick7 does sometimes confuse them
with intuitions. Nevertheless, one of the great contributions
that Sidgwick made to ethics was to examine and try to spell
out the ethical tradition of his time and place with more care
and in more detail than any of his predecessors had done.
He did not call it the ethical tradition but the Morality of
Common Sense. As he explains in the preface to the second
edition of his Methods of Ethics: "The Morality that I examine
in Book III is my own morality as much as it is any man's:
it is, as I say, the 'Morality of Common Sense,' which I only
attempt to represent in so far as I share it; I only place my-
self outside it either (1) temporarily, for the purpose of im-
partial criticism, or (2) in so far as I am forced beyond it by
a practical consciousness of its incompleteness. I have certainly
criticized this morality unsparingly. . . ." 8
As a Benthamite (i.e., a direct and ad hoc) Utilitarian, Sidg-
wick sometimes criticizes "common sense" morality too hastily
and cavalierly; but he is for the most part far more cautious
and respectful in doing so than Bentham was. At one point,
indeed, he pays eloquent tribute to it:
If, then, we are to regard the morality of Common Sense as a

machinery of rules, habits, and sentiments, roughly and generally
but not precisely or completely adapted to the production of the
greatest possible happiness for sentient beings generally; and if,
on the other hand, we have to accept it as the actually established
machinery for attaining this end, which we cannot replace at once
by any other, but can only gradually modify; it remains to con-
sider the practical effects of the complex and balanced relation in
which a scientific Utilitarian thus seems to stand to the Positive
Morality of his age and country.
Generally speaking, he will clearly conform to it, and endeavor
to promote its development in others. For, though the imperfec-
tion that we find in all the actual conditions of human existence
we may even say in the universe at large as judged from a
human point of viewis ultimately found even in Morality itself,
in so far as this is contemplated as Positive; still, practically, we
are much less concerned with correcting and improving than we
are with realizing and enforcing it. The Utilitarian must repu-
diate altogether that temper of rebellion against the established
morality as something purely external and conventional, into
which the reflective mind is always apt to fall when it is first con-
vinced that its rules are not intrinsically reasonable. He must, of
course, also repudiate as superstitious that awe of it as an absolute
Divine Code which Intuitional moralists inculcate. Still, he will
naturally contemplate it with reverence and wonder as a marvel-
lous product of nature, the result of long centuries of growth,
showing in many parts the same fine adaptation of means to com-
plex exigencies as the most elaborate structures of physical organ-
isms exhibit: he will handle it with respectful delicacy as a
mechanism, constructed of the fluid element of opinions and dis-
positions, by the indispensable aid of which the actual quantum of
human happiness is continually being produced: a mechanism
which no "politicians or philosophers" could create, yet without
which the harder and coarser machinery of Positive Law could not
be permanently maintained, and the life of man would become
as Hobbes forcibly expresses it"solitary, poor, nasty, brutish,
and short." 9
Sidgwick goes on to say: "Still, as this actual moral order
is admittedly imperfect, it will be the Utilitarian's duty to aid
in improving it; just as the most orderly, law-abiding, member
of a modern civilized society includes the reform of laws in
his conception of political duty." 10
This is all excellent as far as it goes. Still, it is not quite as
easy to reform and improve traditional or common-sense11
morality as Sidgwick and other classical Utilitarians too often
seemed to suppose. Certainly I cannot agree, with Sidgwick,
that "the only possible method" of modifying or supplementing
common-sense morality is that of "pure empirical Hedon-
ism." 12
It is of cardinal importance that we recognize why we must
treat the existing positive moral code not only with as murh
respect as we do our country's laws but with a great deal more
with something very close to reverence and awe. This moral
code grew up spontaneously, like language, religion, manners,
law. It is the product of the experience of immemorial genera-
tions, of the interrelations of millions of people and the inter-
play of millions of minds. The morality of common sense is
a sort of common law, with an indefinitely wider jurisdiction
than ordinary common law, and based on a practically infinite
number of particular cases. We are not required to perform the
optimum actthe specific act that would do most to increase
the sum of human happinessbecause we can never know pre-
cisely what that act is. But we do know what the traditional
moral rules prescribe. These rules crystallize the experience
and moral wisdom of the race.
The morality of common sense cannot be put beyond criti-
cism, of course, for then there would be no ethical progress.
But this criticism should never be made impatiently, arro-
gantly, condescendingly, or frivolously (after the fashion of so
many philosophers, from Thrasymachus to Bentham, and from
Nietzsche to Bertrand Russell and other Logical Positivists),
but with great care and caution, and only after every effort
has been made to see the possible utility or need of some tra-
ditional moral rule whenever such utility or need is not im-
mediately obvious.
3. The Importance of Precedent

We have elsewhere discussed at length the need to be guided
in ethics by the utility of general rules, rather than by the
estimated consequences of particular acts considered in isola-
tion. Common-sense morality has always implicitly recognized
the need of abiding by such general rules. It has also recog-
nized the need of allowing very few exceptions, even when
such exceptions would in themselves be harmless, for the rea-
son that such exceptions, once admitted, would tend to become
too wide and numerous. The whole social code that restricts
the time, place, and circumstances of social intercourse between
men and women is based on this principle. 13 Common and
statute law embody the same principle: one is supposed to
stop at the red light even at a deserted intersection. But this
principle is usually ignored or overlooked by hasty critics of
common-sense morality.
Another consideration that these critics commonly overlook
is the importance of precedent. Precedent is at least as im-
portant in ethics as in law. Rules should be changed slowly,
individually, after careful thought. An attempt at any sudden
"transvaluation of all values" can merely create confusion and
chaos.
Precedent is of the first importance in law for the protec-
tion of individual rights. The law must be certaini.e., not
only must the law be reasonably precise but decisions of the
courts, must be reasonably predictable, so that people may
know when they are acting within their rights, and may em-
bark on a course of action with reasonable assurance that the
rules will not be changed in the middle of the game. This is
no less true of ethical laws. The standards of right and wrong,
of praise and blame, should change only gradually, slowly,
piecemeal, so that people can become accustomed to the new
rules. This gradualness assures the maximum of social coopera-
tion and even of progress. This is the element of truth in
conservatism, in so far as this reflects a philosophy of gradual-
ism. New rules and standards must be tested by a minority
before they are adopted by or enforced on everyone.
Let us put this in still another form. Why is devotion to
duty important? Because it means following a recognized and
established rule. Why is following an established rule im-
portant? Because these rules are the product of millions of
individual decisions in millions of situations and embody the
accumulated experience and wisdom of the race. Because fol-
lowing these established rules has been found to have the con-
sequence in the long run of maximizing human harmony, co-
operation, and well-being (or of minimizing human discord
and strife). And finally, because it is necessary that we should
be able to depend on each other's reactions and responses.
If we stopped before each act or decision to make a fresh cal-
culation of the probable consequences of action A, B, C, or N,
if we decided to "judge each case on its merits" without regard
to any established rule or principle of action, others could not
depend on our actions or responses. The primary basis of
human cooperation, which is mutual dependence on each of
us playing his expected role, would be undermined or de-
stroyed.
In a symphony, every player and instrument has his or its
assigned role in carrying the theme or producing the harmony.
Any false or untimely note from any instrument, any failure
in tempo or synchronization, would spoil the cooperative re-
sult. So with the symphony of life.
This brings us to a still further corollary. Even a rather
poor ethical rule is better than no rule at all. This is again
because we need to know in our daily actions what to expect
of each other, because we are obliged to rely on each other's
conduct, and must be reasonably able to count in advance on
what the action of others is going to be.
Perhaps an analogy with traffic laws will make this clearer.
A rule that permits you to turn right at a red light may be
better or worse than a rule that forbids you to turn right at a
red light. A rule that one must drive on the right side of the
road may be better or worse than a rule that one must drive
on the left side. But it is much more important that we adopt
and abide by even the inferior rule (whichever it is) than that
we adopt no rule at all. For in the former case each driver
knows what to expect of the other drivers; in the latter case
he does not know what to expect, and the number of argu-
ments, snarls, and accidents is bound to increase.
Let us summarize the conclusions at which we have arrived.
The existing Common Law and the existing Moral Tradition
deserve tremendous respect from each of us because of the
process by which they have come into being. The Common
Law is the product of the hundreds of thousands of decisions
by thousands of judges passing on specific cases, trying not
only to settle each of them but to settle it on the basis of
established precedents and principles acceptable to both sides.
(Scientists and "advanced thinkers" often ridicule the law and
lawyers for their "blind" deference to precedents. But this
is what gives certainty to the law. This is what allows people
to know that they have certain rights that others are bound to
respect; to know what it is that they have a right to expect
from others and can reasonably depend on from others when
they make their own plans.) And what applies to the Common
Law applies to the Moral Tradition (or "common-sense" mor-
ality, or the moral consensus) multiplied a hundredfold. From
the beginning of time, all of us have experienced daily con-
flicts, disputes, problems of division, precedence, priority, and
"fairness," and in seeking to resolve these have sought to do
so on the basis of consistent or accepted principles that would
also appeal to others. Our "common-sense" morality is the
composite product of these immemorial millions of judgments
and decisions.
4. "Always Follow the RuleUnless"

The practical course to which all this leads is clear. We
should abide by the morality of common sense, we should
abide by the conventional rules of conduct of our time and
place, whatever they happen to be, unless in some particular
case we have strong reasons for departing from the rule. We
should never refuse to abide by an established moral rule
merely because we cannot understand the purpose of it. No
single person can be in a position to know all the experiences,
decisions, and considerations that have caused a moral rule to
take some particular form.
This is the great element of practical truth (though not of
"self-evidence") in the injunction of Sir David Ross that we
should always abide by what he calls our "prima facie duties"
even when we cannot see in some particular case precisely how
this will promote our own individual well-being or even the
well-being of our community in the long run. Our general
maxim should be this: Always follow the established moral
rule, always abide by our prima facie duty, unless there is a
clear reason for not doing so.
This is little more than the general form of Mark Twain's
sarcastic admonition: "When in doubt, tell the truth." When
in doubt, follow the established moral rule.
The burden of proof must be upon the exception, or upon
the alleged moral innovation. In fact, it should be a large part
of the aim of the moral philosopher to discover the reasons
for an existing moral rule, or the function that it serves.14
If each of us were free to change or to ignore the traditional
moral code at whatever point it did not suit him, or even at
whatever point he did not fully understand the reason for its
application, the code would lose all its authority.
There is truth, then, in the conclusion of Hegel: "Virtue
is not a troubling oneself about a peculiar and isolated morality
of one's own. The striving for a positive morality of one's own
is futile, and in its very nature impossible of attainment. In
respect of morality the saying of the wisest men of antiquity
is the only one which is true, that to be moral is to live in
accordance with the moral tradition of one's country." 15
This, however, overstates the matter. Unless a few had the
courage to depart from the prevailing moral code of their
country or time in this or that particular, for some carefully
considered reason, there would be no moral progress. We must
never allow the existing moral code to become petrified and
immutable, for then even the reasons behind it would be for-
gotten, and it would tend to become meaningless. "The letter
killeth, but the spirit giveth life." Each of us may and must
cooperate in its continuous improvement and perfection.
Fortunately, each of us daily has this opportunity. For the
prevailing moral code, or the Morality of Common Sense, when
closely examined, consists for the most part of generalities
which, when it comes to detailed application, lack a great deal
in clarity and precision. Common-Sense Morality prescribes
such virtues as Prudence, Temperance, Self-Control, Good
Faith, Veracity, Justice, Courage, Benevolence, etc.; but these
concepts are often vague, and sometimes even mutually con-
tradictory. They do not tell us, for example, precisely how,
where they conflict, we can reconcile the claims of Prudence
with the claims of Benevolence, or precisely at what point
Courage becomes Foolhardiness. Yet each of us, in his praise
and blame, his advice, and above all in his own conduct and in
his own decisions, can help to make these ideas more exact. The
function of the moral philosopher is constantly to look for some
unifying principle that can explain the origin and necessity of
most of the traditional virtues and duties, can help to give
them a more precise form, and can reconcile them in a more
coherent system.16
Meanwhile, however, the existing morality seems quite ade-
quate, and is certainly indispensable, for practical guidance for
most people in most circumstances. Without a profound gen-
eral respect for and deference to the traditional moral code,
there would be no morality at all, but moral chaos. And in our
age this is a far greater danger than that of an imperfect and
inflexible code held in superstitious awe.
5. The Moral Contract

Before we leave this consideration of the traditional moral
code, a word should be said about one significant element in its
nature. The chief function that the common morality serves
is to reduce social conflict and to promote social cooperation.
And it is important to notice in this morality the role played
by tacit agreement. Since the days of Rousseau, a great deal has
been said in political theorizing about the "Social Contract."
Now there is no evidence that there ever was an explicit his-
torical social contract. Nevertheless, men have acted, from
time immemorial, politically and morally, as if there were a
social contract. This has been a tacit, unformulated, unexplicit,
but none the less real agreement, an agreement reflected in our
actions and in our rules of action. It takes the general form:
I will do this if you do that; I will refrain from this if you
refrain from that. I will not attack you if you do not attack me.
I will respect your person and family and property and other
established rights if you respect mine. I will keep my word
if you keep yours. I will tell the truth if you do. I will take
my place on line and wait my turn if you will do the same.
Those who violate these tacitly-agreed-upon rules not only do
direct and immediate harm, but also imperil general ad-
herence to the rules. Individual respect for law and general
respect for law, individual morality and general social morality,
are interdependent. They are, in fact, two names for the same
thing.
6. Are Maxims "Self-Evident"?

" We come now to a final question. Granted that there are no
such things as moral "intuitions"or granted, at least, that
the word should not be used because of its misleading mystical
connotationsdo we have "direct moral cognitions"? Are there
any moral "axioms" that are "self-evident"?
Euclidian geometry, and all deductive reasoning, rest on
"axioms" or postulates, the truth of which is assumed to be
self-evident, or is at least taken for granted. Let us see how
this applies to ethical reasoning.
Ethical reasoning, as we have seen in Chapter 15, deals with
ends and means. This reasoning may be hypothetical or factual.
It may take the hypothetical form: // you want to maximize
your own happiness in the long run, then you ought to adopt
the rules of conduct that will tend to maximize your happiness
in the long run; and those rules are these. . . . Or it may take
the factual form: You want to substitute a more satisfactory
state of affairs for a less satisfactory state. You want to maxi-
mize your happiness in the long run; therefore you should
adopt the rules of action that will tend to maximize your
happiness in the long run. Or: We want to achieve the maxi-
mum happiness for each of us. Therefore we should adopt for
ourselves, and impose (by censure or praise) on each other,
the rules of action most likely to achieve the maximum happi-
ness for each of us.
We may say, therefore, that moral rules tend to become
self-evident when they tend to become tautologous, or when our
goal is self-evident for the reason that we see it to be in fact
our goal.
We need not go here into the question of how far this realm
of "self-evident morality" extends. Many moral rulessuch as
the rule that we should not torture a childare self-evident in
the sense that no person of normal feelings would ever ask the
reason or the justification for the rule. Henry Sidgwick held
that "in the principles of Prudence, Justice and Rational
Benevolence as commonly recognized there is at least a self-
evident element, immediately cognizable by abstract intui-
tion. 17 Other ethical writers have contended that this "self-
evidence" extends over a much wider field. As a practical mat-
ter, however, the ethical philosopher will be well advised to
adhere in his reasoning to something like the equivalent of
Occam's razor, and not multiply alleged intuitions or direct
cognitions unnecessarily, but reduce them to the minimum, or
try to get along without them altogether if he can.
CHAPTER 20
Vocation and Circumstance

1. DutiesUniversal or Special?
Just as, in our economic life, there is a necessary division
and specialization of labor, so in our moral life there is a
necessary division and specialization of duty. Failure to recog-
nize this has led to a great deal of confusion in ethical thought.
It is commonly assumed that what is a duty for one must be
a duty for all, and that what is not a duty for most of us can-
not be made a duty for anyone. It is commonly assumed, in
other words, that a duty must either be universal or it is not a
duty at all. This is the common interpretation of Kant's rule:
"Make the maxim of thy action that which thou wouldst at the
same time to be universal law."
A little reflection will show, however, that each of us has
special moral duties just as each of us has a special vocation
and a special job. In fact, a large number of these special duties
grow directly out of our special vocation and our special job.
Just as it is the moral duty of each of us to fulfill the condi-
tions of an economic contract, so it is the moral duty of each
of us to fulfill the implied duties of any job we have accepted.
And often, precisely because we have accepted these special
duties, they are not the necessary duties of others.
Let us illustrate this by a few special situations. If you are
walking alone along a deserted beach, and someone in the
water is drowning and cries for help, and the distance from
the shore, the waves and tide, your own swimming ability and
other conditions are such that you can probably save him
without excessive risk to your own life, then it is your duty to
try.
But suppose, now, under the same conditions, a hundred
people are on that beach? Your duty to undertake the rescue
does not altogether disappearsomebody must be the rescuer
but it is considerably attenuated. The duty is heavier on the
stronger swimmers than on the weaker onesbecause their
188
VOCATION AND CIRCUMSTANCE 189
chances for success are higher and their risks to themselves are
lower. And if there is on the beach a professional lifesaver
specifically employed to watch that beach, then the duty is
clearly his. If the lifeguard were absent, or ill, or drunk, or
had just announced that he had gone on strike, then it would
become the duty of someone else on the beach to undertake
the rescuebut neither the law nor the rules of morality could
say specifically whose duty. All one is entitled to say is that if
no one at all undertook the rescue, and the victim drowned,
everyone on that beach capable of having made the rescue
would share the guilt of nonfeasance and would have good
reason to feel ashamed of himself.
Clear specific vocation and specific assignment of duties
solves many a moral problem of this sort. If you know that a
helpless little girl or a woman invalid is in a burning building,
is it your duty to try to save her? The answer depends on many
circumstanceson the possibility of a successful attempt or the
apparent hopelessness of it; on your particular relationship to
the victim; on whether other possible rescuers, better equipped,
are present. But if professional firemen have arrived, with
proper equipment, then the question whose duty it isif the
rescue is feasible at allis practically settled.
Suppose a bandit on the street is holding someone up at the
point of a gun. You happen to be there and are unarmed. Is
it your duty to try to stop him, in spite of the huge risk? Sup-
pose he starts to beat the victim with the butt of his gun?
Does your duty to intervene become stronger? Or supposea
situation that sometimes occursan armed bandit is robbing or
shooting someone and a crowd of people are present? It is, most
people would say, the crowd's duty to stop him. But one essen-
tial part of the question is usually left unanswered. Whose duty
is it to make the first moveto try to take the gun away from
the bandit?
Again, the answer to these questions must depend to some
extent on special circumstancesfor instance, on whether the
object of the bandit's attack is your wife, say, or a stranger.
But one circumstance would definitely settle the question, in
most people's opinion. If an armed policeman were on the
scene, it would be his duty to take the risks of intervention.
Thus certain duties become clear and unequivocal for the
simple reason that they have already been accepted either ex-
plicitly or implicitly by the adoption of a vocation or the
acceptance of a particular job or assignment. We often speak
of the "duties" of a particular job when referring merely to
the routine requirements of it. But whenever failure to per-
form these requirements would do appreciable harm, these
are moral duties also. No man who has no intention of assum-
ing the risks necessary to the vocation he has voluntarily
chosenwhether that of a policeman, soldier, ship captain,
airplane pilot, fireman, lifeguard, night watchman, or doctor
has any right to adopt such a vocation.
"Common-sense" ethics suggests, as we have seen in the
course of this discussion, that we have certain duties which
might almost be called duties of accident. If we happen to be
the only person on a beach when someone calls for help in
the water, if we are in the first car to arrive when someone
has met an accident or some pedestrian lies groaning on the
road, we cannot tell ourselves that it is a mere accident that
we, and we alone, happen to be at this precise spot at this
precise moment, that rescue or help by us would be incon-
venient, that we are somewhat in a hurry, that this is none of
our business, and that someone else will probably be along
a little later. A duty has fallen upon usby accident, it is true
but it is none the less a duty. So of the three people who
came upon the man who went down from Jerusalem to
Jericho, and fell among thieves, the two who passed by on the
other side were ignoring the plainest duty of compassion, and
only the good Samaritan was acting morally (Luke 10:30-33).
T h e rationale of this duty is clear enough. Any one of us
would expect this of a passer-by if we were the man who had
been beaten and robbed. And a world in which passers-by did
not accept such a duty is one that no one could envisage as a
truly moral world.
2. The Limits of Responsibility

Yet we would greatly underrate the importance of such
duties if we called them "duties of accident." A much better
term would be duties of circumstance or duties of relation. And
the latter term would cover not only the duties that fall to us
because of our blood relation to some other person or persons
the duties of consanguinitybut the duties that fall to us
because of our relationships of all kinds, sometimes even spa-
tial, to other personsthe duties of proximity.
None of us is an abstract or disembodied spirit. Each of us
is a citizen of a particular country, a resident of a particular
city or a particular neighborhood, a son or daughter, a father
or mother, a brother or sister, a husband or wife, a friend or
acquaintance, an employer or employee, a business colleague,
or fellow worker, a neighbor, a tradesman or his customer, a
doctor or his patient, a lawyer or his client, or, temporarily, a
fellow traveler with others in the same boat or the same bus.
And in each of these capacities he has assumed certain ex-
plicit or implied duties to other specific persons. It is a man's
duty to support and defend his own wife but not necessarily
anybody else's. It is a man's duty to provide for the education
of his own children but not necessarily for other peope's chil-
dren. If a man is driving his car along a lonely road and comes
upon a motorist who has had a serious accident, it is his duty,
even if he happens to be in a foreign country, or is on that
road by the merest chance, to stop and do what he reasonably
can to help.
But it is precisely because each of us has so many special
duties of vocation, relation, or proximity that he cannot and
does not have limitless duties in all directions. If we come
upon someone in distress, and we are the only source of help
available to him at the moment, it is our duty to do what we
reasonably can to relieve him. But it is not therefore our duty
to go around looking for people to help. It is not our duty to
meddle in other people's affairs or to force our assistance on
them. In the world today, someone is dying with almost every
tick of the clock. In the United States alone three people die
every minute. Somewhere, we may be sure, perhaps in Korea
or in Paraguay, some people must be suffering or starving. But
it does not follow that it is our duty to drop whatever we are
doing and help; or even to let ourselves be endlessly taxed for
bottomless "foreign aid" distributed by well-paid bureaucrats
who constantly search for possible aid-recipients and derive a
sense of immense self-righteousness from their vicarious generos-
ity. Nor does it follow that, because of our abstract knowledge of
death and suffering somewhere, we must develop a guilt-com-
plex because we happen at the moment to be enjoying our-
selves.
T h e conclusion that each of us has special duties, in brief,
peculiar to his vocation, relation, or circumstances, must have
as its corollary and obverse the conclusion that the duty of
each of us has certain definite limits.
But the problem of defining the exact sphere and limits of
our individual duties is one of the most difficult in ethics. I
do not remember reading anywhere any fully satisfactory solu-
tion. In fact, few moral philosophers seem even to have been
aware of the problem. One of those who has, and who has
framed at least a partial criterion of the limits of individual
responsibility, is F. A. Hayek:
The sense of responsibility has been weakened in modern times
as much by overextending the range of an individual's responsi-
bilities as by exculpating him from the actual consequences of
his actions. . . . To be effective, responsibility must be both defi-
nite and limited, adapted both emotionally and intellectually to
human capacities. It is quite as destructive to any sense of respon-
sibility to be taught that one is responsible for everything as to
be taught that one cannot be responsible tor anything. . . .
Responsibility, to be effective, must be individual responsibil-
ity. . . . As everybody's property in effect is nobody's property,
so everybody's responsibility is nobody's responsibility. . . .
The essential condition of responsibility is that it refer to cir-
cumstances that the individual can judge, to problems that, with-
out too much strain of the imagination, [a] man can make his
own. . . .
We cannot expect the sense of responsibility for the known and
familiar to be replaced by a similar feeling about the remote and
the theoretically known. While we can feel genuine concern for
the fate of our familiar neighbors and usually will know how to
help them when help is needed, we cannot feel in the same way
about the thousands or millions of unfortunates whom we know
to exist in the world but whose individual circumstances we do
not know. However moved we may be by accounts of their misery,
we cannot make the abstract knowledge of the numbers of suffer-
ing people guide our everyday action. If what we do is to be useful
and effective, our objectives must be limited, adapted to the capac-
ities of our mind and our compassions. To be constantly reminded
of our "social" responsibilities to all the needy or unfortunate
in our community, in our country, or in the world, must have
the effect of attenuating our feelings until the distinctions be-
tween those responsibilities which call for our action and those
which do not disappear. In order to be effective, then, responsi-
bility must be so confined as to enable the individual to rely on
his own concrete knowledge in deciding on the importance of the
different tasks, to apply his moral principles to circumstances he
knows, and to help to mitigate evils voluntarily.1
Professor Hayek was writing primarily a political book; but
we need merely substitute the word "duty" in the foregoing
passage for the word "responsibility" to recognize that it ap-
plies equally in the ethical realm. The individual's duties are
not limitless.
3. "All Mankind"or Your Neighbor?

Yet the typical utilitarian tells us that, "We have in each
case to compare all the pleasures and pains that can be foreseen
as probable results of the different alternatives of conduct pre-
sented to us, and to adopt the alternative which seems likely
to lead to the greatest happiness on the whole." 2 Or that, "The
criterion of an actionwhat constitutes it right or wrongis
its tendency to promote for all mankind a greatest quantity of
good on the whole." 3
Now it is one thing to concede that this criterion may be a
legitimate test for a system of moral rules considered as a whole.
But it does not follow that each individual must make this a
direct criterion to guide his own actions. For it may turn
out (as I believe it does) that the most promising way to
maximize the happiness of humanity as a whole is not by each
individual's trying to achieve that result directly but, on the
contrary, by each individual's acting in accordance with ap-
propriate general rules, by doing his own special job well, and
by cooperating with his immediate family and associates.
Some utilitarians tell us that each of us, on the basis of the
goal of maximizing human happiness, should be willing by a
benevolent action to sacrifice his own happiness at least up to
the point where his action reduces it less than it can increase
the happiness of another. Common-sense morality would reply,
I think, that much depends on what the sacrifice is and on who
this "other" is. If he or she is one's wife or daughter or other
loved one, the rule seems acceptable enough: in such a case,
in fact, it may be doubtful that one is really sacrificing any
of his own happiness at all. But if the person for whom one is
asked to make this sacrifice is a complete stranger, or someone
that one knows but detests, I doubt that common-sense morality
would accept any such mathematical calculation for "maximiz-
ing human happiness," even if it were in fact possible to meas-
ure the decrease in one's own happiness against the increase
of the stranger's.
Is it possible to solve this problem in abstract terms or by
definite general rules? Let us at least try; and let us begin by
looking at the implicit but rather nebulous rules that have
been worked out by common-sense morality, to see whether
they can furnish us with any clue.
The spirit of that morality leads us to be properly suspicious,
I think, of the modern reformer, typified by Rousseau or Marx,
whose professed love for all mankind is so often accompanied
by neglect of or callousness toward his own family and friends.
"For the social courtesies and minor loyalties of life," once
wrote Albert Jay Nock, "give me the old fogy every time in
preference to radicals . . . or indeed most of us. We are so
taken up with our general love for humanity that we don't
have time to be decent to anybody." 4
And perhaps this result is not accidental. I suspect that the
classical utilitarians slipped into a confusion of thought, which
can have, and has already had, some pernicious consequences.
It is one thing, and correct, to say that our moral rules should
be such as to promote the maximum happiness for all hu-
manity. But it is a questionable corollary that it is therefore
the duty of each individual himself to attempt to promote
directly the maximum general happiness for all humanity.
For the best way to promote this maximum general happiness
may be for each individual to cooperate with, and perform his
duties toward, his immediate family, neighbors, and associates.
I hope I may be forgiven if I attempt to clarify and illus-
trate the point by a graphic illustration. In the chart (Fig. 1)
A has direct ties of family, friendship, business, or neighbor-
hood with B, C, D, and E, and corresponding (reciprocal) ob-
ligations and duties. If A takes care of these, and B, C, D, and E
respectively take care of their direct ties and duties, and so
throughout, then total social cooperation and mutual helpful-
ness is assured. But if A is told or believes that he not only has
direct duties toward B, C, D, and E, but equal duties and ob-
<N> A-
Figure 1
ligations toward N, and toward a practically infinite number

of N's, the sheer impossibility of fulfilling any such duties and
obligations may cause him to slight or abandon his direct
duties to those near him. If his duty to N, a stranger (he may
unconsciously reason), is no less than that to B, his brother,
then his duty to B is no greater than his duty to Nand he
may therefore neglect both, or give them both mere lip-service.
But if A fulfills his direct duties to B, etc., and B fulfills his
direct duties to A, H, F, and G, then F and G can be de-
pended on to cooperate with N, etc.
It may, perhaps, never be possible to reduce to any precise
rule the strength and urgency of A's duty to B as compared
with his remote and indirect duty to N, etc. Possibly one day
some law may be formulated that is equivalent in the moral
realm to the law of gravitation in the physical, according to
which one's duties to others decrease, say, as the square of the
"distance" (or increase inversely as the square of the "dis-
tance").
Meanwhile, we can only be guided by the rather nebulous
rules that have been worked out by common-sense morality. But
these nebulous rules do, I think, implicitly follow some such
Principle of Proximity as the one I have here outlineda duty
of person-to-person rather than of person-to-people, of each-to-
each rather than of each-to-all or each-to-humanity, which the
classical utilitarians too hastily adopted. For there is much
wisdom in the proverb: "What's everybody's business is no-
body's business." And a corollary is: What's everybody's vague
"responsibility" tends to be nobody's real responsibility.
But here we are brought to a major problem that has re-
ceived astonishingly little discussion by moral philosophers.
We have recognized validity in Kant's precept: "Act as if the
law of thy action were to become by thy will law universal."
Many have drawn from this the corollary that all moral rules
should be "universalizable." But now we seem to be saying
the opposite: that the duties of each of us are particular, de-
pending upon our vocation, our "station," or our special re-
lations with others.
Is there really a contradiction here? Or is there some way
in which we can reconcile the necessary universality with the
necessary particularity of duties? Such a reconciliation is pos-
sible, I think, if we state each person's duty correctly. Then
we would say, for example, that every mother has duties to-
ward her own children, every husband toward his own wife,
every man toward his own job and his own employer, every
employer toward his own employees, etc. Thus we can state
the rule or the duty so that it is at once particular and of
universal application.
Another way of reconciling the necessary universality with
the necessary particularity of duties is to say that a man's duty
depends on the particular circumstances in which he finds him-
self or in which he is asked to act; and that his duty in those
circumstances would be anyone's or everyone's duty in the
same circumstances. T h e difficulty with this solution is that
no two people ever do find themselves in exactly the same
circumstances, and that some circumstances are morally rele-
vant and others are not.
But the only way we can decide which circumstances are
morally relevant is to ask ourselves what would be the con-
sequences of embodying those circumstances in a general rule.
Thus we can relevantly say that it is the duty not only of A,
but of anybody in the same comfortable circumstances, to pay
for a college education for his own son. But we cannot rele-
vantly say that it is not only the duty of A, but of anybody else
in the soap business, to pay for a college education of his own
son. We can relevantly say that it is right not only for A, but
for everyone, to tell a lie if he has to do so to save a life; but
we cannot relevantly say that it is right not only for A, but
for everyone, to tell a lie on Thursday night.5
In brief, the extent to which a moral rule or a duty should
be generalized or particularized can only be determined by
the social consequences that generalization or particularization
would tend to have. And this once more points to the unsatis-
factoriness of Kant's formulation of the principle of universal-
izibility. It is valid (in so far as it insists that no one is entitled
to treat himself as an exception), but it is not of much use.
It tells us only that what is a moral rule for A is a moral rule
for B or for anybody, that what is a duty for A is a duty for
B or for anybody else in those circumstances. But it gives us
no hint of how we are to test the validity or expediency of one
moral rule as against another, or of what our particular duty
is in particular circumstances.
A practical problem for which it is even more difficult to
draw specific rules is: When someone fails, for any reason, to
perform his or her specific duty, whose duty is it to substitute?
If a mother and father fail in their duties to their own children,
and allow them to go hungry or carelessly expose them to
some contagious disease, whose duty is it to try to rectify the
situation? The common law finds no solution to this problem,
and common-sense morality gives no definite answer.
4. The Choice of Vocation

But it is clear from the foregoing discussion that our special
duties of relation and circumstance tend to merge with our
special duties of vocation. Let us therefore return to our con-
sideration of the latter.
Once we have adopted a vocation, we have either implicitly
or explicitly adopted the special duties and risks that attend it.
But this brings us to the problem: Have we any duty to adopt
one vocation rather than another? Does each of us have one
"true" vocation? Are we obliged to follow it? And how are we
to determine what it is?
Obviously within a very wide range the choice of a trade or
profession (when it is not more or less forced on us, as it often
is) is a decision to be made mainly on economic grounds and
on grounds of personal taste and preference. Within this wide
range moral considerations cannot be said to enter. Yet the
"duty" of choosing a profession has been called by one writer
"the most important of all duties." 6 Certainly it is one of the
most important decisions, and sometimes the most important,
that each of us makes in his life. T o what extent do or should
moral considerations enter into this decision?
It is obvious that they must certainly enter in a negative
sense. Nobody can excuse himself for a life of crime by declar-
ing that he decided to adopt it because he thought this the
quickest way to make a living, or because he had a special
taste or talent for that kind of life. And even when we come to
occupations that are within the law, many men will refuse
even to consider going into a business that they feel to be
ignoble or disreputable. Other men will feel that they have a
positive "calling" or a positive duty to take up, say, the minis-
try or medicine.
We have said enough to indicate that the choice of a pro-
fession or vocation, though within certain limits it may be
morally indifferent, must often involve a moral choice. Most
of us recognize, in our judgments on our friends or on public
figures, that a man owes a special obligation to his own gifts.
Of the men whom we find throwing away their lives in drunken-
ness and dissipation, we condemn far more strongly a man
whom we consider to be a great potential artist, scientist or
writer, than one who has never shown any particular talent
at all. We say of the former that he has sinned against his own
talents. We are apt to be intolerant even of a mild laziness in
him.
This may seem unjust and paradoxical. But common-sense
morality is right in recognizing that special talents do impose
special duties. For it recognizes that when such talents are un-
used, humanity loses far more than it does from the idleness
or dissipation of mediocrities.
A man, then, has a duty to his own talents. He has a duty
not to underestimate them, if this underestimate leads him to
set his sights too low. "A man's reach should exceed his grasp."
But only slightly. It is almost an equal sin for a man to over-
estimate his talents when it leads him into ambitious projects
at which he cannot succeed rather than into a more modest but
more useful career. It is the latter possibility that is today more
often forgotten or neglected. If one were to judge from the
bulk of novels and plays on this theme in the last generation,
the world is full of men who would have made great novelists
or artists but were forced by their in-laws to go into the
advertising business instead. Yet the real truth seems to be
that America has a surplus of incompetent novelists and paint-
ers who, given the true nature and level of their talents, might
at least have made useful and successful advertising-copy
writers or illustrators.
If a man does have a duty to his talents, however (and I am
assuming he does), this implies that special talents impose
special duties. These duties rest on two grounds. We assume
that a man who does not fully employ his talents will be un-
happy. And if it is a duty of all of us to maximize the general
happiness, then those whose powers enable them to make a
greater contribution must have a greater obligation.
But does this not also have its reverse side? Does the genius
who is the slave of his talent not have in compensation certain
immunities from the duties of ordinary men? Does he have
the right, for example, to abandon his wife and children to
pursue his chosen workor is he bound, like the rest of us,
to the obligations he assumed by his earlier choice?
I shall not attempt here to answer this question, which has
fascinated many novelists and dramatists (Somerset Maugham
in The Moon and Sixpence, Bernard Shaw in The Doctor's
Dilemma, Joyce Cary in Herself Surprised, The Horse's
Mouth, etc.), but I can make one generalization. We have
said that the great test of the morality of actions is their
tendency to promote or contribute toward social cooperation.
But an individual can sometimes cooperate best in the long
run by declining all but the most imperative family duties and
appeals for cooperation in specific "good causes" in order to
concentrate all his time and energies on something that he
alone can do, or at least on something that he can do superla-
tively wellwriting, painting, composing, scientific research,
or whatnot. The moral judgment that we pass on him will
depend both on whether his neglect of the ordinary duties and
decencies was really necessary to his end, and whether we de-
cide that he really was a genius, or only a mediocrity afflicted
with megalomania.
5. A Moral Aristocracy?
One further question may be raised under the heading of
Vocation. Can there be or should there be a specific Moral
Vocation? As it is necessary to have policemen, but not neces-
sary that everyone be a policeman, may it not be necessary to
have saints and heroes, even though not everyone can be a saint
or a hero? 8
There are masters in all lines, whether in sports or games,
like golf, tennis, swimming, chess, and bridge, or in industry,
in science, in music, and in art. These masters in each line
not only by what they have specifically learned and taught but
by the inspiration of their very existenceraise the level of
performance in their line. Is there not similarly a need for
an ethical elite, a moral aristocracy? And is there not similarly
a need for this moral leadership not only in the ministry, the
priesthood, or in religious orders, but in business and the
professions? Where millions have been inspired by the ex-
ample of Jesus of Nazareth and of the Christian saints, and
other millions by the example of a Confucius or a Buddha,
thousands also have found moral inspiration in the example of
a Socrates, a Spinoza, a Washington, a Jenner, a Pasteur, a
Lincoln, a Darwin, a John Stuart Mill, a Charles Lindbergh,
an Albert Schweitzer. (I am speaking now, not of anyone in
his capacity as a moral philosopher, but as a moral exemplar or
character, distinguished by outstanding dedication, courage,
singleness of purpose, compassion, or nobility.)
And if there is a need for such a moral elite, to serve as an
inspiration to the rest of us, upon whose shoulders does the
duty fall? Here we can only reply, I think, that the duty, if
there is one, must be self-assumed. We can welcome, applaud,
and admire it, but we cannot demand it. It probably requires,
in fact, an inborn moral genius, as scientific or artistic mastery
requires an inborn intellectual or artistic genius.
From the holders of certain positions, however, like a minis-
ter or a priest, a public official, a teacher, or a college president,
we have a right to expect a much better than average conduct
because of the greater good that its existence could do or the
greater harm that its absence could do to the parishioners, the
citizens, or the students who look to them for guidance.
6. Summary
To sum up, then: A large part of human duty consists of
acts that are not the duty of everybody. There is and must be
a division and specialization of duty as there is and must be
division and specialization of labor. This is not merely an
analogy: the one implies the other. Because we have to assume
the full duties and responsibilities of our particular job, we
are unable to take over the duties or responsibilities of other
jobs. Most of an educator's duties are confined not merely to
education, but to the education of his particular students in
his particular subject, and not to other students or even to
his own students in other subjects. A policeman cannot be held
responsible for the efficiency of the police department even in
another precinct, let alone for the efficiency of the fire de-
partment, or the efficiency of the fire department in another
city.
And apart from the division and specialization of duty as
the result of the division and specialization of labor, our duty
is also limited and defined by our special talents, and by the
vicinity, the relation, the particular circumstances, place, or
"station" in which we find ourselves. It is because some of us
have these special duties that others are relieved of them. This
is precisely what we mean when we say that everyone has his
own inescapable personal responsibilities, which he cannot
foist on others.
This does not mean, of course, that there are no universal
duties. Everyone has a duty to speak the truth, to keep his
promises and agreements, to act honorably. And even much
particularity of duties (as we saw on page 196) can be reconciled
with universality. But every act does not depend for justifica-
tion on its universalizability. Some courses (such as voluntary
celibacy) can quite properly, in fact, only be chosen by some
on condition of their not being chosen by all.7
And if we ask how we are to know our special duties, apart
from those that inhere in the special vocation we have chosen,
we are brought back for answer to two very old maxims, which
may profitably be combined into one: Know thyself and Be
thyself.
From our discovery of the necessary specialization of many
duties we can come to a further conclusion. Our duties are not
bottomless and endless. If the duties of each of us are special-
ized, they are also limited. No man is required to take the
burdens of all mankind on his shoulders.
Many moral writers tell us that, "A man's duty under all
circumstances is to do what is most conducive to the general
good." 9 But this should not be interpreted as imposing on us
the duty of trying to relieve the distress of everybody in the
world, whether in India, China, or Upper Chad. The weight
of such limitless duties, if we assumed we had them, would
make us all feel constantly inadequate, guilty, and miserable.
It would distract us from properly fulfilling our duties to our-
selves and our immediate family, friends, and neighbors. These
limited duties are as much as we can reasonably call upon most
men to perform. Any generosity or dedication beyond that is
optional, to be admired but not exacted. The professional do-
gooders now rushing about the world, meddling in everybody's
affairs, and constantly exhorting the rest of us that we are for-
getting the wretchedness and poverty in Bolivia, Burma, or
Brazil, and are relaxing, playing or laughing when somebody
is suffering or dying somewhere, make a very dubious contribu-
tion to the betterment of the human lot.
The principal real duties of the average man are, after all,
not excessively onerous or demanding. They are to do his own
job well, to treat his family with love, his intimates with kind-
ness, and everyone with courtesy, and apart from that not to
meddle in other people's affairs. A man who does this much
is in fact cooperating with his fellows, and very effectively. If
everyone did as much, the lot of man might still be far from
perfect, but it would show infinite improvement over its pres-
ent state.
CHAPTER 21
"The Law of Nature"

From time immemorial, many philosophers and poets have
held that the sufficient ethical guide for man was to "follow
the laws of nature."
Taken literally, the advice is unnecessary and absurd. It is
impossible to violate the laws of nature; man cannot help obey-
ing them.
The definitive word on the theory that man "ought" to fol-
low the laws of nature, or that he should take whatever hap-
pens in "nature" as his moral guide, was said by John Stuart
Mill in his essay on Nature (written in 1854 but not published
until 1874, after his death).
The word Nature, Mill points out, has two principal mean-
ings: it either denotes the entire system of things, with the
aggregate of all their properties, including the relations of
cause and effect, or it denotes things as they would be if there
were no human intervention.
In the first sense, the doctrine that man ought to follow na-
ture is meaningless. Man has no power to do anything else. All
his actions are necessarily in conformity with or "obedience" to
one or more of nature's physical or mental laws. The other
sense of the term, the doctrine that man ought to follow nature
i.e., ought to make the spontaneous course of things the
model of his own voluntary actionsMill held to be not only
irrational but immoral.
It is irrational because all human action whatever consists
in altering the spontaneous course of nature, and all useful
action consists in improving it. It is immoral because nature
can be wanton, destructive, and cruel:
In sober truth, nearly all the things which men are hanged or
imprisoned for doing to one another, are nature's every day per-
formances. Killing, the most criminal act recognized by human
laws, Nature does once to every being that lives; and in a large
proportion of cases, after protracted tortures such as only the
203
greatest monsters whom we read of ever purposely inflicted on
their living fellow-creatures. If, by an arbitrary reservation, we
refuse to account anything murder but what abridges a certain
term supposed to be allotted to human life, nature also does this
to all but a small percentage of lives, and does it in all the modes,
violent or insidious, in which the worst human beings take the
lives of one another. Nature impales men, breaks them as if on
the wheel, casts them to be devoured by wild beasts, burns them
to death, crushes them with stones like the first Christian martyr,
starves them with hunger, freezes them with cold, poisons them
by the quick or slow venom of her exhalations, and has hundreds
of other hideous deaths in reserve, such as the ingenious cruelty
of a Nabis or a Domitian never surpassed. All this Nature does
with the most supercilious disregard both of mercy and of justice,
emptying her shafts upon the best and noblest indifferently with
the meanest and worst; upon those who are engaged in the high-
est and worthiest enterprises, and often as the direct consequence
of the noblest acts; and it might almost be imagined as a punish-
ment for them. She mows down those on whose existence hangs
the well-being of a whole people, perhaps the prospects of the
human race for generations to come, with as little compunction
as those whose death is a relief to themselves, or a blessing to
those under their noxious influence.
Such are Nature's dealings with life. Even when she does not
intend to kill, she inflicts the same tortures in apparent wanton-
ness. In the clumsy provision which she has made for that per-
petual renewal of animal life, rendered necessary by the prompt
termination she puts to it in every individual instance, no human
being ever comes into the world but another human being is
literally stretched on the rack for hours or days, not unfrequently
issuing in death. Next to taking life (equal to it according to a
high authority) is taking the means by which we live; and Nature
does this too on the largest scale and with the most callous in-
difference. A single hurricane destroys the hopes of a season; a
flight of locusts, or an inundation, desolates a district; a trifling
chemical change in an edible root starves a million of people.
The waves of the sea, like banditti, seize and appropriate the
wealth of the rich and the little all of the poor with the same
accompaniments of stripping, wounding, and killing as their hu-
man antitypes. Everything, in short, which the worst men commit
either against life or property, is perpetrated on a larger scale by
natural agents. Nature has Noyades more fatal than those of
Carrier; her explosions of fire damp are as destructive as human
artillery; her plague and cholera far surpass the poison cups of
"THE LAW OF NATURE" 205
the Borgias. Even the love of "order" which is thought to be a
following of the ways of Nature, is in fact a contradiction of them.
All which people are accustomed to deprecate as "disorder" and
its consequences, is precisely a counterpart of Nature's ways.
Anarchy and the Reign of Terror are overmatched in injustice,
ruin, and death, by a hurricane and a pestilence. . . .
Nature cannot be a proper model for us to imitate. Either it is
right that we should kill because nature kills; torture because
nature tortures; ruin and devastate because nature does the like;
or we ought not to consider at all what nature does, but what it
is good to do. If there is such a thing as a reductio ad absurdum,
this surely amounts to one. If it is a sufficient reason for doing
one thing, that nature does it, why not another thing? If not all
things, why anything? . . .
Conformity to nature has no connection whatever with right
and wrong.
The point is sufficiently made. Perhaps it is over-made, and I
need to call attention to some reservations. If we see nature as
the source of all evil, we must not overlook that it is also the
source of all good. If it wounds and kills us, it also gives us
health and life. Nature may someday destroy Man, but it is
Nature that has made Man possible. And as Bacon reminded
us, "Nature is not governed except by obeying her." We can-
not "improve" on nature, we cannot use her to forward our
own purposes, unless we study her and learn her laws. We
must make use of one or more of her laws to help us to
overcome the obstacles presented to our aims by one or more
of her other laws. "That art which you say adds to nature, is
an art that nature makes. . . . The art itself is nature." 1 The
study of the ways of nature is the first law of intelligence, of
prudence, and even of survival.
But all this does not mean, as Cicero thought, that "What-
ever befalls in the course of nature should be considered good."
The identification or confusion of the idea of Nature with
the idea of Reason or the idea of Good has, in fact, almost
hopelessly confused legal thought for almost twenty centuries.
This is illustrated by the history of the doctrine of Jus Na-
turale, or natural law in the legal sense, which has for the most
part been advocated and rejected for the wrong reasons. The
concept is right, and indispensable to all legal reform; but
the terminology is misleading. The ancient Romans came by
both "naturally" enough. All legal rules, they thought, should
be reasonable and "natural." The Stoics saw and worshiped
the "rule of nature" in the world at large. They were con-
vinced that Reason and Right were the voice of Nature. But
what was really meant by the Law of Nature was the Law of
Reason or Ideal Law. "The law of nature," as one writer has
put it, "is an appeal from Caesar to a better informed Caesar.
It is an appeal by society at large, not against single decisions
or rules, but against entire systems of positive law." 2 The
plea for Natural Law, in brief, is a plea for the purification and
reform of positive law, an appeal from positive law to justice,
an appeal from reality to ideals, an appeal, so to speak, from the
highest existing human court to a still Higher Court.
All improvement in positive law depends on the retention
of that ideal, as all improvement in positive morality depends
on the retention, and the purification and perfection, of our
ethical ideals.
CHAPTER 22
Asceticism
1. The Cult of Self-Torture
Deeply embedded in the Christian ethical traditionin fact,
deeply embedded in nearly every ethical tradition that rests on
a religious foundation, is a broad vein of asceticism. So deep does
this go that even today a "moralist" is usually thought of as
a killjoy, and most writers on ethics are at best rather patroniz-
ing toward pleasure and seem fearful of repudiating the ascetic
principle except in its more extreme forms.
Jeremy Bentham scandalized most of his contemporaries by
his open derision of the principle of asceticism. He defined it
as "that principle which, like the principle of utility, approves
or disapproves of any action according to the tendency which
it appears to have to augment or diminish the happiness of the
party whose interest is in question; but in an inverse manner:
approving of actions in as far as they tend to diminish his
happiness; disapproving of them in as far as they tend to
augment it. It is evident that any one who reprobates any the
least particle of pleasure, as such, from whatever source de-
rived, is pro tanto a partisan of the principle of asceticism." x
And he went on to ridicule its logical basis:
Ascetic is a term that has been sometimes applied to Monks.
It comes from a Greek word which signified exercise. The prac-
tices by which Monks sought to distinguish themselves from other
men were called Exercises. These exercises consisted in so many
contrivances they had for tormenting themselves. By this they
thought to ingratiate themselves with the Deity. For the Deity,
said they, is a Being of infinite benevolence: now a Being of the
most ordinary benevolence is pleased to see others make them-
selves as happy as they can: therefore to make ourselves as un-
happy as we can is the way to please the Deity. If any body asked
them, what motive they could find for doing all this? Oh! said
they, you are not to imagine that we are punishing ourselves for
nothing: we know very well what we are about. You are to know,
207
that for every grain of pain it costs us now, we are to have a
hundred grains of pleasure by and by. The case is, that God loves
to see us torment ourselves at present: indeed he has as good as
told us so. But this is done only to try us, in order just to see how
we should behave: which it is plain he could not know, without
making the experiment. Now then, from the satisfaction it gives
him to see us make ourselves as unhappy as we can make our-
selves in this present life, we have a sure proof of the satisfaction
it will give him to see us as happy as he can make us in a life to
come.2
Asceticism, when it is carried to its logical conclusion, can
only result in suicide, or voluntary death. No man can sup-
press all his desires. Unless he keeps at least the desire for
food and drink, or "consents" to take them, he can survive
only a few days. The ascetic who constantly flagellates himself
renders himself even unfit for work, by exhausting his body
and mind. He must then depend for survival upon the generos-
ity of others who consent to give him alms. But this means that
the ascetic can survive only because asceticism is not obligatory
upon everybody. Others must work productively so that he
may live on part of what they produce. And as the ascetic must
not only tolerate but even depend on nonascetics for survival,
asceticism must develop a dual morality, one for saints and
one for worldlings, that splits ethics in two. If ascetics suppress
all sexual desires, they must depend on others to keep the
human race from dying out. 3
But though only a few have been able to carry the ascetic
principle to its logical conclusion, and then only in the last
week of their lives, many have succeeded in carrying it to
fantastic and incredible lengths. Let us listen to the account
that Lecky gives of the "ascetic epidemic" that swept over the
Christian world during the fourth and fifth centuries:
There is, perhaps, no phase in the moral history of mankind of
a deeper or more painful interest than this ascetic epidemic. A
hideous, sordid, and emaciated maniac, without knowledge, with-
out patriotism, without natural affection, passing his life in a long
routine of useless and atrocious self-torture, and quailing before
the ghastly phantoms of his delirious brain, had become the ideal
of the nations which had known the writings of Plato and Cicero
and the lives of Socrates and Cato. For about two centuries, the
ASCETICISM 209
hideous maceration of the body was regarded as the highest proof
of excellence. St. Jerome declares, with a thrill of admiration,
how he had seen a monk, who for thirty years had lived exclu-
sively on a small portion of barley bread and of muddy water;
another, who lived in a hole and never ate more than five figs for
his daily repast; a third, who cut his hair only on Easter Sunday,
who never washed his clothes, who never changed his tunic till it
fell to pieces, who starved himself till his eyes grew dim, and his
skin "like a pumice stone," and whose merits, shown by these
austerities, Homer himself would be unable to recount. For six
months, it is said, St. Macarius of Alexandria slept in a marsh, and
exposed his body naked to the stings of venomous flies. He was
accustomed to carry about with him eighty pounds of iron. His
disciple, St. Eusebius, carried one hundred and fifty pounds of
iron, and lived for three years in a dried-up well. St. Sabinus
would only eat corn that had become rotten by remaining for a
month in water. St. Besarion spent forty days and nights in the
middle of thorn-bushes, and for forty years never lay down when
he slept, which last penance was also during fifteen years prac-
tised by St. Pachomius. Some saints, like St. Marcian, restricted
themselves to one meal a day, so small that they continually suf-
fered the pangs of hunger. Of one of them it is related that his
daily food was six ounces of bread and a few herbs; that he was
never seen to recline on a mat or bed, or even to place his limbs
easily for sleep; but that sometimes, from excess of weariness, his
eyes would close at his meals, and the food would drop from his
mouth. Other saints, however, ate only every second day; while
many, if we could believe the monkish historian, abstained for
whole weeks from all nourishment. St. Macarius of Alexandria is
said during an entire week to have never lain down, or eaten
anything but a few uncooked herbs on Sunday. Of another famous
saint, named John, it is asserted that for three whole years he
stood in prayer, leaning upon a rock; that during all that time
he never sat or lay down, and that his only nourishment was the
Sacrament, which was brought him on Sundays. Some of the
hermits lived in deserted dens of wild beasts, others in dried-up
wells, while others found a congenial resting-place among the
tombs. Some disdained all clothes, and crawled abroad like the
wild beasts, covered only by their matted hair. In Mesopotamia,
and part of Syria, there existed a sect known by the name of
"Grazers," who never lived under a roof, who ate neither flesh nor
bread, but who spent their time for ever on the mountain side,
and ate grass like cattle. The cleanliness of the body was regarded
as a pollution of the soul. And the saints who were most admired
had become one hideous mass of clotted filth. St. Athanasius
relates with enthusiasm how St. Antony, the patriarch of mon-
achism, had never, to extreme old age, been guilty of washing his
feet. The less constant St. Poemen fell into this habit for the first
time when a very old man, and, with a glimmering of common
sense, defended himself against the astonished monks by saying
that he had "learnt to kill not his body, but his passions." St.
Abraham the hermit, however, who lived for fifty years after his
conversion, rigidly refused from that date to wash either his face
or his feet. He was, it is said, a person of singular beauty, and his
biographer somewhat strangely remarks that "his face reflected
the purity of his soul." St. Ammon had never seen himself naked.
A famous virgin named Silvia, though she was sixty years old and
though bodily sickness was a consequence of her habits, resolutely
refused, on religious principles, to wash any part of her body
except her fingers. St. Euphraxia joined a convent of one hundred
and thirty nuns, who never washed their feet, and who shuddered
at the mention of a bath. An anchorite once imagined that he was
mocked by an illusion of the devil, as he saw gliding before him
through the desert a naked creature black with filth and years of
exposure, and with white hair floating to the wind. It was a once
beautiful woman, St. Mary of Egypt, who had thus, during forty-
seven years, been expiating her sins. The occasional decadence of
the monks into habits of decency was a subject of much reproach.
"Our fathers," said the abbot Alexander, looking mournfully back
to the past, "never washed their faces, but we frequent the public
baths." It was related of one monastery in the desert, that the
monks suffered greatly from want of water to drink; but at the
prayer of the abbot Theodosius a copious stream was produced.
But soon some monks, tempted by the abundant supply, diverged
from their old austerity, and persuaded the abbot to avail him-
self of the stream for the construction of a bath. The bath was
made. Once, and once only, did the monks enjoy their ablutions,
when the stream ceased to flow. Prayers, tears, and fastings were
in vain. A whole year passed. At last the abbot destroyed the bath,
which was the object of the Divine displeasure, and the waters
flowed afresh. But of all the evidences of the loathsome excesses to
which this spirit was carried, the life of St. Simeon Stylites is
probably the most remarkable. It would be difficult to conceive
a more horrible or disgusting picture than is given of the penances
by which that saint commenced his ascetic career. He had bound
a rope around him so that it became imbedded in his flesh, which
putrefied around it. "A horrible stench, intolerable to the by-
standers, exhaled from his body, and worms dropped from him
ASCETICISM 211
whenever he moved, and they filled his bed. Sometimes he left the
monastery and slept in a dry well, inhabited, it is said, by demons.
He built successively three pillars, the last being sixty feet high
and scarcely two cubits in circumference, and on this pillar, dur-
ing thirty years, he remained exposed to every change of climate,
ceaselessly and rapidly bending his body in prayer almost to the
level of his feet. A spectator attempted to number these rapid
motions, but desisted from weariness when he had counted 1,244.
For a whole year, we are told, St. Simeon stood upon one leg, the
other being covered with hideous ulcers, while his biographer was
commissioned to stand by his side, to pick up the worms that fell
from his body, and to replace them in the sores, the saint saying
to the worm, "Eat what God has given you." From every quarter
pilgrims of every degree thronged to do him homage. A crowd
of prelates followed him to the grave. A brilliant star is said to
have shone miraculously over his pillar; the general voice of man-
kind pronounced him to be the highest model of a Christian saint;
and several other anchorites imitated or emulated his penances.4
Lecky goes on to tell us that

. . . self-torture was for some centuries regarded as the chief
measure of human excellence. . . . The hermit's cell was the
scene of perpetual mourning. Tears and sobs, and frantic strug-
glings with imaginary daemons, and paroxysms of religious de-
spair, were the texture of his life. . . . The solace of intellectual
occupations was rarely resorted to. "The duty," said St. Jerome,
"of a monk is not to teach, but to weep." . . . The great majority
of the early monks appear to have been men who were not only
absolutely ignorant themselves, but who also looked upon learn-
ing with positive disfavor. . . .
Most terrible of all were the struggles of young and ardent
men. . . . With many of the hermits it was a rule never to look
upon the face of any woman. . . . [In the fourth and fifth cen-
turies] the cardinal virtue of the religious type was not [Christian]
love, but chastity. And this chastity, which was regarded as the
ideal state, was not the purity of an undefined marriage. It was
the absolute suppression of the whole sensual side of our nature.
. . . The business of the saint was to eradicate a natural appe-
tite. . . . The consequence of this was first of all a very deep sense
of the habitual and innate depravity of human nature; and, in
the next place, a very strong association of the idea of pleasure
with that of vice. All this necessarily flowed from the supreme
value placed upon virginity. . . .
Severance from the interests and affections of all around him
was the chief object of the anchorite, and the first consequence
of the prominence of asceticism was a profound discredit thrown
upon the domestic virtues.
The extent to which this discredit was carried, the intense hard-
ness of heart and ingratitude manifested by the saints towards
those who were bound to them by the closest of earthly ties, is
known to few who have not studied the original literature on the
subject. These things are commonly thrown into the shade by
those modern sentimentalists who delight in idealizing the de-
votees of the past. To break by his ingratitude the heart of the
mother who had borne him, to persuade the wife who adored him
that it was her duty to separate from him for ever, to abandon his
children, uncared for and beggars, to the mercies of the world,
was regarded by the true hermit as the most acceptable offering
he could make to his God. His business was to save his own soul.
The effect of the mortification of the domestic affections upon
the general character [concludes Lecky] was probably very per-
nicious. The family circle is the appointed sphere, not only for
the performance of manifest duties, but also for the cultivation
of the affections; and the extreme ferocity which so often charac-
terized the ascetic was the natural consequence of the discipline
he imposed upon himself.5
2. William James for the Defense

In William James's Varieties of Religious Experience (1902)
we find further examples of asceticism, drawn, for the most
part, from much later periods. James is almost as severe as
Lecky in condemning self-torture in its more extreme forms.
"Catholic teachers," he points out, "have always professed the
rule that, since health is needed for efficiency in God's service,
health must not be sacrificed to mortification." And he adds:
"We can no longer sympathize with cruel deities, and the no-
tion that God can take delight in the spectacle of sufferings
self-inflicted in his honor is abhorrent." 6 But James defends
asceticism in its milder forms, and it may be instructive to
examine his arguments.
His first defense rests chiefly on psychological grounds. The
saint may find "positive pleasure in sacrifice and asceticism." 7
He later cites a striking example:
ASCETICISM 213
Of the founder of the Sacred Heart order . . . we read that:
"Her love of pain and suffering was insatiable. . . . She said that
she could cheerfully live till the day of judgment, provided she
might always have matter for suffering for God; but that to live
a single day without suffering would be intolerable. She said again
that she was devoured with two unassuageable fevers, one for the
holy communion, the other for suffering, humiliation, and an-
nihilation. 'Nothing but pain,' she continually said in her letters,
'makes my life supportable.' " 8
It is true that James treats this case as "perverse" and "pa-
thological," but he does strongly commend a more "healthy-
minded" asceticism:
Asceticism may be a mere expression of organic hardihood, dis-
gusted with too much ease. . . .
Quite apart from the immediate pleasure which any sensible
experience may give us, our own general moral attitude in pro-
curing or undergoing the experience brings with it a secondary
satisfaction or distaste. Some men and women, indeed, there are
who can live on smiles and the word "yes" forever. But for others
(indeed for most), this is too tepid and relaxed a moral climate.
Passive happiness is slack and insipid, and soon grows mawkish
and intolerable. Some austerity and wintry negativity, some rough-
ness, danger, stringency, and effort, some "no! no!" must be mixed
in, to produce the sense of an existence with character and texture
and power.9
No one can deny that this is psychologically true. But it is
not, on examination, an argument in favor of real asceticism.
It merely points out that men find their happiness in different
ways. It is an argument only against a shallow and short-
sighted hedonism that identifies "pleasure" with a mere sensual
indulgence or foam-rubber comfort. It might even be con-
sidered a refined hedonistic argument for "asceticism," which
counsels "austerity" in order to sharpen "the keen edge of
seldom pleasure." It assumes, in other words, that one can
maximize one's satisfactions and one's long-run happiness by
some temporary deprivation, toughening, or struggle, or else
what is gained, in James's own words, "comes too cheap and
has no zest."
It is surprising to find how many of the ostensibly "anti-
hedonist" arguments that fill the ethical textbooks really turn
out, on examination, to be arguments in favor of more subtle,
intelligent, and far-sighted ways of maximizing pleasure or
happiness than those that the so-called "hedonists" are sup-
posed to recommend.
But in addition to this psychological defense of "asceticism,"
James does undertake an ethical justification, which I think
is worth quoting at some length:
Yet I believe that a more careful consideration of the whole
matter, distinguishing between the general good intention of
asceticism and the uselessness of some of the particular acts of
which it may be guilty, ought to rehabilitate it in our esteem.
For in its spiritual meaning asceticism stands for nothing less than
for the essence of the twice-born philosophy. It symbolizes, lamely
enough no doubt, but sincerely, the belief that there is an element
of real wrongness in this world, which is neither to be ignored
nor evaded, but which must be squarely met and overcome by an
appeal to the soul's heroic resources, and neutralized and cleansed
away by suffering. . . .
Does not . . . the worship of material luxury and wealth,
which constitutes so large a portion of the "spirit" of our age,
make somewhat for effeminacy and unmanliness? Is not the ex-
clusively sympathetic and facetious way in which most children
are brought up todayso different from the education of a hun-
dred years ago, especially in evangelical circlesin danger, in
spite of its many advantages, of developing a certain trashiness of
fibre? Are there not hereabouts some points of application for a
renovated and revised ascetic discipline? . . .
One hears of the mechanical equivalent of heat. What we now
need to discover in the social realm is the moral equivalent of
war: something heroic that will speak to men as universally as war
does, and yet will be as compatible with their spiritual selves as
war has proved itself to be incompatible. I have often thought
that in the old monkish poverty-worship, in spite of the pedantry
which infested it, there might be something like that moral equiv-
alent of war which we are seeking. May not voluntarily accepted
poverty be "the strenuous life," without the need of crushing
weaker peoples?
Poverty indeed is the strenuous life,without brass bands or
uniforms or hysteric popular applause or lies or circumlocutions;
and when one sees the way in which wealth-getting enters as an
ideal into the very bone and marrow of our generation, one won-
ASCETICISM 215
ders whether a revival of the belief that poverty is a worthy reli-
gious vocation may not be "the transformation of military cour-
age," and the spiritual reform which our time stands most in
need of.
Among us English-speaking peoples especially do the praises of
poverty need once more to be boldly sung. We have grown liter-
ally afraid to be poor. We despise any one who elects to be poor
in order to simplify and save his inner life. If he does not join
the general scramble and pant with the money-making street, we
deem him spiritless and lacking in ambition. We have lost the
power even of imagining what the ancient idealization of poverty
could have meant: the liberation from material attachments, the
unbribed soul, the manlier indifference, the paying our way by
what we are or do and not by what we have, the right to fling
away our life at any moment irresponsibly,the more athletic
trim, in short, the moral fighting shape. When we of the so-called
better classes are scared as men were never scared in history at
material ugliness and hardship; when we put off marriage until
our house can be artistic, and quake at the thought of having a
child without a bank-account and doomed to manual labor, it is
time for thinking men to protest against so unmanly and irreli-
gious a state of opinion.10
Most readers will find it difficult not to feel a great deal of

sympathy with this eloquent exhortation, though they may
suspect that James has temporarily deserted the role of moral
philosopher for that of preacher. When we examine his plea
critically, we find a certain ambiguity in his use of the word
"poverty" as well as in his use of the word "asceticism." Cer-
tainly it is hard to admire mere acquisitiveness, the pursuit
of wealth simply for wealth's sake, or for the sake of mere
comfort or, worse, of mere ostentation. But does this apply to
the pursuit of wealthat least of a competenceas a means to
other ends? Is James advocating real povertythe kind of pov-
erty that means the constant pangs of hunger or actual starva-
tion, lack of proper education or even proper nutrition for
one's children, the inability to secure medical help for oneself
or one's family when suffering pain or wasting away from some
grave disease? Would this kind of poverty really "simplify and
save" one's "inner life"? Or would it not tend rather to make
the enrichment of one's inner life almost impossible?
A person with this kind of "voluntarily accepted poverty,"
moreover, is not in a very good position to be of much help
to others; he is likely, on the contrary, when it comes to a
crisis, to find himself dependent on the wealth-seeking neigh-
bors whom he despises.
What James overlooked is that all honestly acquired wealth
tends to be achieved in direct proportion to what a man
contributes to productionto the production, that is, of the
goods and services that his neighbors need or want. The phrase
"money-making" is a misleading metaphor. What people (ex-
cept counterfeiters) "make" or produce is not money, but goods
and services that are sufficiently desired so that people are will-
ing to pay money for them. The phrase "money-making" is apt
to be applied to activities that one does not admireperhaps
because one does not understand the function they serve or
the need for them. Good doctors, dentists, and surgeons all
"make money"usually in proportion to how good they are.
This money is voluntarily paid. Would James have disapproved
of such careersor of the efforts of a man to make himself
a better doctor, dentist, or surgeon in order to "make more
money"?
In the cultural field, eminent pianists, violinists, opera sing-
ers, orchestra leaders, painters, architects, actors, playwrights,
novelists, even psychologists, philosophers, and professors,
"make money." But this does not mean that they are primarily
engaged in money-making. And all of them make their money
by rendering a service to others that others are willing to pay
for. For many of them, as for a Henry Ford or a Thomas Edi-
son, the money they make is merely a by-product of what they
add to the community's amenities, satisfactions and progress.
True, most people in our civilization never achieve eminence,
and most of them are in humbler occupations that contribute
nothing to "culture" but a good deal to the material basis with-
out which culture would not be possible. A sensible man does
not despise the baker, the butcher, the dairyman, the grocer,
the trucker, or farmers because their activities have been
undertaken to make money. In making money for themselves
these people have been rendering essential services to him.
So money-making, in the disparaging sense, is apt to be applied
to activities of which the speaker does not approve, such as
brewing or distilling, or of which he does not quite under-
ASCETICISM 217
stand the economic purpose, such as stockbroking or advertis-
ing. The disparagers are apt to forget, also, that callings that
seem dull to them are often intensely interesting to those who
engage in them, and help to give excitement, color, and flavor
to their lives.
Finally, it seems inconsistent of James to praise "voluntarily
accepted poverty" because it involves "the strenuous life" and
to condemn money-making because it involves "scrambling"
and "panting." This is really to condemn money-making as
entailing much too strenuous a life. Could it not be that many
people do in fact find in production and intense business
rivalry the exercise for their talents, the outlet for their ener-
gies, the strengthening of their faculties, and the testing of their
nerve, grit, and stamina that become for them "the moral equiv-
alent of war"?
The moral philosopher should not attempt to impose his own
merely personal preferences and values on others. None of us
has the right to insist that other people must lead the kind of
lives or pursue the special ends that would appeal to us. What
the moral philosopher can do, qua moral philosopher, is to
suggest that people ask themselves whether the kind of lives
they are leading and the objectives they are pursuing are really
most likely to promote their own happiness in the long run
or the happiness of the community of which they are a part.
Within these limits, everyone must decide for himself what
kind of life or what objectives would be most likely to promote
his own happiness. This is the realm of chacun a son gout.
3. Self-Restraint, and Self-Discipline

The ascetic ideal, however, is still reflected in most contem-
porary ethical theories. Let us see how it makes its appearance,
for example, in the ethics of Irving Babbitt.11 The whole em-
phasis of Babbitt is on the virtues of decorum, moderation,
restraint, self-conquest, "the inner check," "the Will to Re-
frain." 12 But very little is said in answer to the natural ques-
tion: To refrain from what? From doing good? From painting
a great picture, composing a great symphony, discovering a
cure for some dread disease?
The ideal of Virtue summed up in "the will to refrain," like
the monkish and ascetic ideals of the Dark Ages, is essentially
negative. Virtue is to consist in refraining from something. But
virtue is positive. Virtue is not the mere absence of vice, any
more than vice is the mere absence of virtue. When a man
is asleep (unless he is a sentry on duty or otherwise in a posi-
tion where he should not be sleeping) he cannot be said to be
either virtuous or vicious. If, as Aristotle once put it, "The
greatest virtues are those which are most useful to other per-
sons," 13 your "will to refrain" is only negatively useful to them.
The element of truth in Babbitt's theory is an element that
has been recognized, if not by Rousseauistic romanticists and
the apostles of self-indulgence, at least by every intelligent
utilitarian since Bentham. We must refrain from impulsive
acts that may give us momentary pleasure at the cost of a more
than offsetting disappointment, pain, and misery in the long
run. Each of us, in brief, must practice self-discipline. This is un-
expectedly but eloquently affirmed even by Bertrand Russell
in a sketch of his friend Joseph Conrad:
He thought of civilized and morally tolerable human life as

a dangerous walk on a thin crust of barely cooled lava which at
any moment might break and let the unwary sink into fiery
depths. He was very conscious of the various forms of passionate
madness to which men are prone, and it was this that gave him
such a profound belief in the importance of discipline. His point
of view, one might perhaps say, was the antithesis of Rousseau's:
"Man is born in chains, but he can become free." He becomes
free, so I believe Conrad would have said, not by letting loose his
impulses, not by being casual and uncontrolled, but by subduing
wayward impulse to a dominant purpose. . . .
Conrad's point of view was far from modern. In the modern
world there are two philosophies: the one, which stems from
Rousseau, and sweeps aside discipline as unnecessary; the other,
which finds its fullest expression in totalitarianism, which thinks
of discipline as essentially imposed from without. Conrad adhered
to the older tradition, that discipline should come from within.
He despised indiscipline, and hated discipline that was merely
external.14
Self-discipline is certainly a major virtue, and a necessary

means for most of the other virtues. But self-discipline is essen-
tially a means. It is a confusion of thought to treat it as the end
ASCETICISM 219
itself. Its value is largely instrumental rather than "intrinsic,"
derivative rather than independent. One refrains from sexual
excesses, or excesses in smoking, drinking, or eating, in the
interests of one's long-run health and happiness.
Anything that is so important as a means tends of course
to be regarded also as an end in itself. And provided the
primarily instrumental function of self-restraint or self-dis-
cipline is kept in mind, this does no harm. But when self-
discipline is regarded as the virtue, when its pursuit becomes
obsessive, it is in danger of being perverted into a form of
asceticism.
There is, however, a twilight zone in which practical de-
cision may be difficult. William James, in a famous passage of
his Psychology, urged his readers to practice self-restraint in
little "unnecessary" things to develop the moral strength and
the habit:
Keep the faculty of effort alive in you by a little gratuitous ex-
ercise every day. That is, be systematically ascetic or heroic in
little unnecessary points, do every day or two something for no
other reason than that you would rather not do it, so that when
the hour of dire need draws nigh, it may find you not unnerved
and untrained to stand the test. Asceticism of this sort is like the
insurance which a man pays on his house and goods. The tax does
him no good at the time, and possibly may never bring him a re-
turn. But if the fire does come, his having paid it will be his
salvation from ruin. So with the man who has daily inured him-
self to habits of concentrated attention, energetic volition, and
self-denial in unnecessary things. He will stand like a tower when
everything rocks around him, and when his softer fellow-mortals
are winnowed like chaff in the blast.15
This is bracing and altogether admirable advice for the
young, and probably essential to a good moral education. But
when the character has been formed, and one has reached mid-
dle age, I doubt the necessity of being ascetic or heroic in "un-
necessary" points. If one gets up every morning early enough
to catch the 8:05, showers, shaves, and does one's other neces-
sary morning chores, puts in a full day's work at a job suffi-
ciently arduous to be lucrative, keeps one's appointments and
other promises, keeps regular hours, doesn't indulge excessively
in drinking or smoking, eats moderately, stays away from foods
that one can't digest or that lead to overweight or excessive
cholesterol, does enough exercise to keep fit and prevent flab-
biness, one is doing a good deal. The Lord will not blame
you too much for not looking around for little "unnecessary"
deprivations simply in order to develop your moral muscles.
We may agree with William James, in brief, in regarding
self-discipline as, so to speak, a form of moral insurance, but
this is no reason for paying an excessive insurance premium.
James frequently used the word "asceticism" when he did not
mean real asceticism but only self-discipline or self-toughening
what might better be called athleticism. Let us say, for
clarity of concept and definition, that any voluntary deprivation
or exertion that undermines one's health and strength is really
asceticism, but any voluntary deprivation, exercise, or exertion
that increases one's health, strength and hardihood is not asceti-
cism but athleticism or self-discipline.
In sum: We practice self-restraint, we refuse to yield to every
impulse or passion or animal appetite, not for the sake of
sacrifice itself, but only in the interests of our health, happiness,
and well-being in the long run.
As Ludwig von Mises has put it:
To act reasonably means to sacrifice the less important to the
more important. We make temporary sacrifices when we give up
small things to obtain bigger things, as when we cease to indulge
in alcohol to avoid its physiological after-effects. Men submit to
the effort of labor in order that they may not starve.
Moral behavior is the name we give to the temporary sacrifices
made in the interests of social cooperation, which is the chief
means by which human wants and human life generally may be
supplied. All ethics are social ethics. . . . To behave morally,
means to sacrifice the less important to the more important by
making social co-operation possible.
The fundamental defect of most of the anti-utilitarian systems
of ethics lies in the misconstruction of the meaning of the tempo-
rary sacrifices which duty demands. They do not see the purpose
of sacrifice and foregoing of pleasure, and they construct the
absurd hypothesis that sacrifice and renunciation are morally
valuable in themselves. They elevate unselfishness and self-sacri-
fice and the love or compassion which lead to them, to absolute
moral values. The pain that at first accompanies the sacrifice is
defined as moral because it is painfulwhich is very near assert-
ing that all action painful to the performer is moral.
ASCETICISM 221
From the discovery of this confusion we can see why various
sentiments and actions which are socially neutral or even harmful
come to be called moral. . . .
Man is not evil merely because he wants to enjoy pleasure and
avoid painin other words, to live. Renunciation, abnegation,
and self-sacrifice are not good in themselves. . . ,16
4. Erecting Means into Ends

But the immemorial persistence of this moral confusion, of
this erection of temporary means into absolute ends, has tended
to make the dominant philosophies of morals dismal and grim.
All theories that insist on Virtue and Duty for their own
sake are almost necessarily dreary and joyless. They place their
emphasis always on self-denial, self-deprivation, self-sacrifice
for their own sake, and tend to lead to the fallacy that suffer-
ing, mortification, and flagellation are pleasing to God. But
theories that emphasize Virtue and the performance of Duty
as primarily means to the reduction of human misery and the
promotion of human happiness not only have the enormous
advantage of making Virtue attractive rather than unpalatable
to the mass of mankind, and are not only cheering in them-
selves, but imply that Cheerfulness is itself one of the Virtues,
because it makes those who adopt it a source of cheer and joy
to others, by example and contagion rather than by solemn
(and inconsistent) admonition.
Both asceticism and self-sacrifice, as moral ideals, can be a
perversion of true morality. Both confuse means with ends,
and erect a means into an end. The readiness to undergo hard-
ships or to make sacrifices, if they should prove necessary, is one
thing; the insistence on undergoing hardships and making
sacrifices (and making the extent of the hardships and sacri-
fices rather than the good achieved the test of the "morality"
of an action) is quite another.
Yet this moral confusion, this exaltation of means above ends,
persists in modern moral judgments. A chemist who develops
a new drug that cures millions (but whose work may involve no
particular risk to himself and may even bring him a profit),
is not regarded as an outstanding exemplar of "morality,"
whereas a Western doctor who goes to Africa to cure a com-
parative handful of savages, and perhaps administer this same
drug to them, gets a worldwide reputation as a "saint" because
his actions, while quantitatively far less beneficial to mankind,
involve great hardships and self-sacrifice.
It may be argued that while this doctor has not perhaps con-
ferred as much direct and immediate good on humanity as
the discoverer of the new drug, he has nevertheless earned
greater moral merit, and that in the long run his inspiring
personal example may confer a benefit upon mankind not to
be measured merely by the immediate physical suffering that
the doctor has relieved by his work. Perhaps. Yet it is hard to
escape the suspicion that much of the idolatry of the doctor
in Africa is the result of regarding asceticism, sacrifice, "moral-
ity," "self-perfection," as the end in itself, wholly apart from
what it may or may not contribute to relieving human misery.
The medieval saint, symbolized by Simeon Stylites, performed
prodigious feats of asceticism, but was of very little use to any-
body else, whereas a modern medical researcher, who injects
himself with the germs or virus of a dread disease, in order that
he may test his remedy, may confer a priceless benefit on man-
kind. His risk or self-sacrifice is not sacrifice for its own sake,
but for the sake of a goal which gives meaning and value to the
sacrifice.
In sum, morality is a means. The striving for "morality" or
"self-perfection" for its own sake is a perversion of true moral-
ity.
CHAPTER 23
Ethical Skepticism
1. One-Sided Skepticism
Hume begins his Inquiry Concerning the Principles of
Morals by dismissing "those who have denied the reality of
moral distinctions" as "disingenuous disputants" who "really
do not believe in the opinions they defend, but engage in the
controversy from affectation, from a spirit of opposition, or
from a desire of showing wit and ingenuity superior to the
rest of mankind." And he contemptuously suggests that "the
only way . . . of converting an antagonist of this kind is to
leave him to himself."
Hume may be right in assuming that the professed ethical
nihilist is not sincere. But one can think of more persuasive
refutations than a mere refusal to answer him. One could
point out to him, for example, that if he were set upon by a
gang of thugs, and savagely beaten and robbed, he would feel,
in addition to his physical pain, something very close to moral
indignation.
It is hard, in fact, to find consistent ethical nihilists. When
they boldly profess their nihilism, they are thinking of only
one side of the problem. They do not see why they should be
bound by any of the traditional moral rules. But cross-examina-
tion, or their own unguarded statements, will quickly reveal
that they expect others to be. And in this respect they perhaps
differ from the rest of us only in degree. In fact, morality might
be cynically denned as the conduct that each of us desires others
to observe toward himself. We do not want others to kill us,
beat us, rob us, cheat us, lie to us, break their promises to us,
or even to be carelessly late for an appointment with us. And
the best way to assure that these things are not done to us, we
recognize (when they are not acts that can be forbidden by
enforceable law), is not to do them ourselves. In addition to
this directly utilitarian consideration, most of us feel the need
223
of intellectual consistency in the standards we apply to our-
selves as well as to others.
We might not be going too far wrong, in fact, if we thought
of this as the origin and basis of common-sense ethics. I do
not mean to suggest that this type of reasoning arose at some
particular historic time in the past, but rather that it has
gradually evolved, and is a consideration that is continually
occurring to each of us anew, half-consciously if not explicitly.
Ethics may be thought of as a code of rules that we first try to
impose on each other and thenrecognizing the need for con-
sistency, the importance of our own example, and the force of
the retort: "How about you?"agree to accept also for our-
selves.
In brief, people may profess to be- ethical skeptics when
asked to abide by some moral rule, but no one is an ethical
skeptic about the rules he thinks others should adopt in their
conduct towards him. And out of this consideration grow both
the Confucian or negative Golden Rule: "Do not do unto
others what you would not wish others to do unto you," and
the Golden Rule itself: "Do unto others as ye would have
others do unto you." (Both of these rules are too subjective in
form, however, for a scientific ethics. The objective state-
ment would be: It is right to act toward others as it would be
right for them to act toward you.)
2. "Might Is Right?'
Now the professed ethical skeptic or nihilist will nearly
always be found to be either insincere or inconsistentwhen
he is not merely being ironical. This applies to the first such
skeptic we meet in systematic ethical literaturethe Thrasyma-
chus of the Platonic dialogues, who proclaims that "justice is
nothing else than the interest of the stronger." 1
It soon becomes clear, however, as the dialogue progresses,
that Thrasymachus does not believe that this is really justice,
but merely what commonly passes as such. His actual belief,
as his argument reveals, is that injustice is the interest of the
stronger. At the back of his mind he believes, as Socrates does,
that the true rules of justice are the rules that are in the
interest of the whole community. Perhaps Socrates does not
ETHICAL SKEPTICISM 225
make the best possible refutation, but he does make a very
good one. Its most effective point, in fact, is that justice tends
to increase social cooperation, whereas injustice tends to de-
stroy it: "Injustice creates divisions and hatreds and fighting
and justice imparts harmony and friendship. . . . The just are
clearly wiser and better and abler than the unjust. . . . The
unjust are incapable of common action." 2 Unfortunately Soc-
rates did not recognize the full importance or develop the full
utilitarian implications of this point. If he had, he would
have made an even greater contribution to philosophical ethics.
One of these implications, for example, is that even criminals
must have a code of ethics among themselves if they are to be
reasonably successful when they operate as a gang. Recognition
of this requirement is embodied in proverbial wisdom. "When
thieves quarrel, robberies are discovered." "When thieves fall
out, honest men come by their own." Hence there must be
"honor" even among thieves. They must agree to and abide by
a "fair" division of the loot. They must not betray each other.
The bribed official must "stay bought." The same transgres-
sions that are condemned by the law-abiding community are
denounced as "double-crossing" by criminals themselves when
practiced against them by their fellow-criminals. This under-
world code is the homage that criminals must pay to virtue.
In Thrasymachus we have the original form of the theory that
Might makes Right. We have an anticipation of the later ethi-
cal cynicism of Mandeville as well as the germ of Nietzsche's
master-morality and Marx's theory of class-ethics. But in all
these theories we find either a lack of sincerity or a lack of
consistency, or a lack of both.
How many people sincerely believe, for example, that Might
is Right? In the mouth of the conqueror, the tyrant, or the
bully, it is merely the shortest way of saying: "What I say goes!
Do thisor else!" Or, "What are you going to do about it?"
In the mouth of the conquered, the victim, or the cynical phi-
lospher, it is the shortest way of saying, "The strong will al-
ways act solely in their own interest, and impose their will
upon the weak. It is vain to expect anything better." But
neither the tyrant nor the victim really means: "This is the
way things ought to be. The rules laid down by the strong are
always the best rules. This is the system that would work out,
in the long run, to the best interests of humanity." And if the
tyrant really thinks he means this when he is on top, he changes
his mind as soon as somebody stronger comes along and de-
poses him.
Bernard Mandeville's Fable of the Bees, or Private Vices
Made Public Benefits (1724), while marked by great penetra-
tion, suffers from this very lack of sincerity or consistency.
Mandeville's thesis is that naturally egoistic man was tricked by
clever politicians into relinquishing his own individual interests
and subordinating them to the good of the community. But
Mandeville never seems quite certain whether this outcome
has been good or bad for humanity.
3. Nietzsche's "Master-Morality"
Nietzsche's "master-morality" is merely another form of the
Thrasymachus doctrine that "justice is nothing else than the
interest of the stronger." But the master-morality is inconsistent
and self-destructive. In order that some may be masters, others
must be slaves. Nietzsche recognizes this, but he does not recog-
nize its implications. For he does not advocate slave-morality;
he despises it. The master-morality is for the "superior," the
slave-morality for the "inferior." But who is to separate the
"superiors" from the "inferiors" and assign them their respec-
tive roles?
Perhaps Nietzsche thought himself capable of doing this, but
he was vague concerning the criterion he would apply. Would
it be comparative intelligence, or craftiness and cunning (a
quite different thing), or physical courage, or moral courage,
or will to dominate others, or physical strength? Or would it
be some weighted average of these qualities? In any case, what
he (or his disciple) would undoubtedly find is that if he ar-
ranged men in this order they would form, not two classes
with a definite break or gap between them, but a continuous
series, running from the tallest to the shortest (in the quality
or amalgam of qualities specified), with an almost infinitesimal
difference between each man and the next, so that the line
would look like the smooth "demand curves" drawn by the
economist. The dividing point would be arbitrary. The border-
line cases would present insoluble problems. For men in the
"inferior" class would be growing into maturity and strength,
and men in the "superior" class would be sinking into weak-
ness and senility.
Is each man then himself to decide whether he belongs in
the "superior" or "inferior" class? Then, as each man seeks to
be admired and not to be despised, all will seek to belong to
the master classwhich is impossible. But if each seeks to
enslave all the others, then there is a mutually destructive war
of each against all, until one "superman" has enslaved all the
rest.
Nietzsche does at times seem to favor this ideal. At other
times he seems to favor an ideal under which a small class of
masters owe certain vaguely specified obligations to their
"equals," but none at all to their "inferiors." But who is to
decide which are one's "equals" and which are one's "in-
feriors"? How does one convince or compel anyone else to
acquiesce in the role of "inferior"? And if all have the mental-
ity and the "will to power" that Nietzsche admires, if none
will ever passively or permanently accept the role of slave,
then the only alternative is a war of mutual destruction until
only the top superman is leftafter which even he cannot
function as a master because there is no one left to enslave.
Possibly this is being unfair to Nietzsche, but this is the
best I can make of him. True, his work is full of acute insights.
But it is impossible to fit them into a coherent system. His
philosophy is made up of rhetoric, rhapsody, and rant; and the
only way a coherent philosophy can be made out of this is for
the interpreter or the commentator to ask the reader to select
this statement or that one and forget all the rest.
The theory that man not only is but ought to be entirely
selfish, and give no consideration to others, has certain similari-
ties to Nietzscheanism, and might be thought to require dis-
cussion here. I doubt, however, that this can be properly re-
garded as ethical skepticism or nihilism. It is rather to be
classed as a definite moralor immoraltheory. In any case,
I have said what little needs to be said about it in Chapter 13.
4. The Class Theory of Marx

But I do believe that a discussion of the Marxist theory of
morals belongs here, even though I have a separate chapter
(31) on "Socialism and Communism." For the Marxist theory
is something quite different from socialist and communist prac-
tice.
Marx's ethical theory is simply part of his general social
theory. This is that economic forces determine the course of
history. "The material conditions of production" determine
the entire "superstructure" of societypolitical organization,
laws, ideology, culture, art, philosophy, religion and, of course,
morals. And since all societies have hitherto been class so-
cieties, the morality prevailing at any time has been a code
devised to serve the interests of the ruling class.
The reader will perceive that we have here merely another
and not very different form of the doctrine of Thrasymachus
that "justice is nothing else than the interest of the stronger."
The difference consists merely in the greater and more com-
plex elaboration of the theory.
The defects of the theory are quickly apparent (though gen-
erations of pious Marxists have been blind to them). It ex-
plains the current morality as a mere "result" of the "material
productive forces." But it never explains the origin of the
"material productive forces" themselves, or how or why one
"mode of production" is superseded by another. Obviously
the changes in "modes of production" are brought about by
human thought,3 but this never seems to have occurred to
Marx. It is true, of course, that once one man has improved
a productive method or process, other people see the improve-
ment and this leads to further improvements and further ideas.
It is likewise true that our physical environment affects our
ideas: a child who grows up in a world of telephones and elec-
tric lights, automobiles and airplanes, radio and television,
intercontinental missiles and space probes, computers and auto-
mation, will not have precisely the same outlook on life as a
child who grew up in a world of windmills and ox-carts. But
this is an entirely different thing from saying that there is a
merely one-way causation from an (uncaused?) "material pro-
ductive force" to human thought or a definite set of ideas.
Man determines and creates his technological environment far
more than that environment, in turn, influences him. But Marx
was himself deeply influenced by the fashionable philosophic
"materialism" of his time.
Another difficulty with the Marxist moral theory (which is
much less a moral theory than a theory of how moral theories
originate) is the whole Marxist concept of an economic "class."
In the Marxian schematism, slavery, feudalism, and capitalism
form an ascending economic and moral series which will cul-
minate in socialism. The first three are all called "class" sys-
tems; only the last is the "classless" society. This schematism
is not only arbitrary, but palpably unreal. Slavery and feudal-
ism are, indeed, class systems, even caste systems. But what
distinguishes the system that Marx labeled capitalism (i.e., the
system of private property, free markets, and freedom of con-
tract) is precisely that it broke up the old system of status and
introduced mobility and fluidity into economic and other hu-
man relations. In a word, it moved toward the classless society.
The transition was slow; but nobody could any longer be
counted upon to stay put, to "know his place," to aspire to
nothing beyond the status and occupation to which he was
born. It is rather the socialist society, with its ruling bureauc-
racy, and its assignment of each individual by a monopolistic
employer, the state, to his specific job and role and rank, as
in an army, that marks a return toward a class society.
Marx's class theory faces the same schematic difficulty as
Nietzsche's Superman theory. If you arrange men in a series
on the basis either of wealth or income, from the lowest income
receiver to the highest, then the line would run in a smooth
curve with a barely perceptible difference between each man
and the next. Just where would the dividing line between
"classes" be drawn? Who would be the richest proletarian and
who would be the poorest capitalist? And would not today's
class division have to be changed tomorrow? The problem is
not escaped by Marx's customary division of "capitalists" and
"workers," employer and employed, "exploiters" and "ex-
ploited." For, on the one hand, the highly-paid motion picture
star or president of a big airline may be merely an employee,
and hence, by definition, an exploited wage slave, while a
barber in business for himself, who hired one additional
barber (providing him with a customer's chair and a pair of
scissors), would be a "capitalist" and an "exploiter." To speak
of a "proletariat" in the Marxist sense in modern-day America
has become so ridiculous, with its 80,000,000 automobiles and
its 75,000,000 telephones, that even Communists blush to do it.
But even if one could find such a class division, the interflow
between them is so great that it is absurd to speak of a moral
ideology peculiar to each class.
A further reply to be made to the Marxist moral theory is
almost identical with that made by Socrates to the theory of
Thrasymachus. When the latter declared that "justice is noth-
ing else than the interest of the stronger" he tacitly assumed
that the stronger always infallibly knew what their true inter-
ests were. Socrates simply pointed out that they could be mis-
taken. So Marx's class theory of morals tacitly assumed that
the bourgeoisie infallibly know precisely what moral code is
in their own interest as a class. He never learned that people,
whether "bourgeoisie" or "proletarians," do not act in ac-
cordance with their interests, but in accordance with what
they think is their interestswhich may be merely in accord-
ance with their illusions.
One further aspect of Marx's ethical theory deserves men-
tion. It is only another form of "moral positivism"the theory
that there is no moral standard but the one that exists. But as
an "historicist" moral theory, it does not hold, like ordinary
moral positivism, simply that might is right, but rather that
COMING might is right. The future is substituted for the pres-
ent. Popper calls this theory a kind of "moral futurism." 4
It is hard to refrain, finally, from one or two ad hominem
arguments, for in this case they are slightly more than that.
Marx and Engels held that the bourgeoisie could not escape
from their "class" ideology. But they were themselves both
members of the bourgeoisie. (Engels was the son of a wealthy
cotton-spinner; Marx the son of a lawyer, and university edu-
cated). Neither was a proletarian. How, then, were they not
only able to escape from their predestined bourgeois ideology,
but actually to formulate the proletarian ideology that the
proletarians had been unable to formulate for themselves? 5
A final point. When Marx and Engels denounce the "greed,"
the "cynicism," the "callousness," the "ruthless exploitation"
practiced by the employers, the capitalists, and the bourgeoisie,
they do not appeal to any new proletarian code of morality.
They base their moral indignation and rest their case against
capitalism on moral standards and moral judgments assumed
to be already common to all classes.6
5. The Freudian Ethic

There is some question whether "the Freudian ethic" should
be regarded as a special ethical system or as an anti-ethical
system. I am referring here not to the ethical views explicitly
propounded by Freud himself at various times, but to the
ethics implied in popular "Freudianism," with its hostility to
self-restraint and self-discipline in all forms and its tolerance
of self-indulgence and irresponsibility. An examination of this
would carry me to excessive length, and I will content myself
with referring the reader to the instructive analysis by Richard
LaPiere in The Freudian Ethic.7
Professor LaPiere defines "the Freudian ethic" as the idea
that man cannot and should not be expected to be provident,
self-reliant, and venturesome, but that he must and should be
supported, protected, and socially maintained. He contends
that this ethic is being spread in America through "the per-
missive home" and "the progressive school," that it stresses
"adjustment" and security, and that it is used to condone crime
and social incompetence. In this view the criminal is merely
"sick"; he invariably requires psychiatric "treatment" and
never punishment; he is not personally responsible for his
actions; he is the victim of "society," with the stresses and
strains and repressions that its rigorous moral code puts upon
him; and any attempt to make him live in accordance with this
moral code will turn him into a complex-ridden, guilt-ridden
neurotic. There can be little doubt that this "ethic" has en-
couraged the spread of lawlessness and juvenile delinquency.
While leaving the detailed examination of this attitude to
Professor LaPiere, I should like to say a word of my own about
a somewhat related "ethic," that of the celebrated Dr. Alfred
C. Kinsey, the author (with W. B. Pomeroy and C. E. Martin)
of Sexual Behavior in the Human Male8 and Sexual Behavior
in the Human Female.9 These books gave everybody an oppor-
tunity to satisfy his prurient curiosity under the comforting
assurance that he was not reading pornography but "science."
This is not the place to ask just how "scientific" the Kinsey
report actually was, or how trustworthy its statistical methods
and conclusions. I wish here merely to examine its implied
moral philosophy, which I shall call the Statistical Theory of
ethics. Much sexual conduct is considered "immoral," declared
many admirers of Dr. Kinsey's work, because people did not
know, prior to this study, just how widely practiced it was,
but now that we have found out, it is obvious that we can no
longer call it immoral.
Suppose we extend this reasoning into other fields than
sexual conduct. If we found that the amount of lying, cheating,
stealing, vandalism, assault, mugging, and murder were greater
than we had previously supposed, or if those forms of conduct
were to become more frequent or prevalent, would that make
them less immoral? Whether any form of conduct is to be
called moral or immoral does not depend upon its frequency,
but upon its tendency to lead to good or bad results for the
individual and the community.
6. Haphazard Skepticism
While skeptical and cynical statements are constantly being
made about morality, few of them form part of a coherent and
consistent philosophy. I shall call these random or haphazard
skepticism. Precisely because such skepticism is not systematic-
ally developed, it is hard to refute. It may be asked, indeed,
whether it is worth trying to refute it. To analyze every such
random remark would be an endless task, and an appallingly
repetitious one. Yet this haphazard ethical skepticism is so fre-
quently met in our era, and is so widely regarded as evidence
of profound wisdom, insight, or originality, that it may be
useful to take one or two samples for examination.
This random skepticism is commonly found, not among pro-
fessional philosophers, but among literary men. Every eminent
literary man today is expected to be not only a good story-
teller, and a wit and a stylist, but to have his own special
"philosophy of life." Sooner or later he is tempted to set up
shop as a philosopher, and often (e.g., Jean-Paul Sartre) as head
of a new philosophic cult or "school."
One such home-made philosopher was the late Theodore
Dreiser. His philosophy was typified by his frequent remark
that "Man is a chemism." Now if this meant merely that man's
body is made up of chemical constituents, and that the nature
and changes of these constituents in some way, still only frag-
mentarily understood, affect his energy, actions, thoughts, emo-
tions, character, and whether he lives or dies, he would have
been saying what was true but also what was commonly known.
But if he meant, as he seemed to, that man is nothing but a
"chemism," he was saying something that he did not know
to be true. He was guilty of what logicians would call the fallacy
of reduction, and the fallacy of simplism or pseudo-simplicity.10
Even some logical positivists might point out that no conceiv-
able series of experiments could conclusively prove that man
is nothing but an aggregation of chemicals, and therefore by
their logic they would have to call Dreiser's contention mean-
ingless or nonsensical. This applies to all materialism or pan-
physicalism which, as we have already seen,11 is a metaphysical
dogma and not a "verdict of science."
I turn now to a writer far more sophisticated than Dreiser,
one who has a background of philosophic reading and who
writes a prose of rare lucidity and charmW. Somerset
Maugham. I shall take a few samples of his philosophy as they
appear in that fascinating book, The Summing Up.12
"There is no reason for life," we find Maugham writing (on
page 276), "and life has no meaning." What does this sentence
mean? How does Maugham know that there is no "reason" for
life? How would he go about proving this? How would anyone,
for that matter, go about disproving it? What would be the
"reason" for life if there were one? And what, in turn, would
be the reason for the reason, and so ad infinitum?
Maugham apparently here uses the word reason as a synonym
for purpose. But purpose is a purely anthropomorphic con-
cept. Purpose applies only to the use of means to attain ends.
The means we employ are explained in terms of the end we
have in view. Human beings can have a purpose; means have
a purpose; but ends cannot have a purpose, precisely because
they are ends. An omniscient and omnipotent Being, the Cre-
ator of the Universe, would not have to use means to attain
ends. He need have no purpose. He would certainly not have
to use elaborate means to attain some far-off end; He would
not require millions of years, He would not even require time
at all, to achieve his end; He could simply will it immediately.
T o demand a reason for life is like demanding a reason for
happiness. Life no more needs a reason than health or happi-
ness or satisfaction needs a reason.
The same kind of comment must be made about the second
half of Maugham's statement: "Life has no meaning." What
does Maugham mean by "meaning" in this context? This word
too seems to be used here as a synonym for purpose. What
would life need, in Maugham's view, to give it a "meaning"?
What experiments, procedures, or tests could be devised to
prove that life has a "meaning" or that it doesn't have? Why
does life need a "meaning" beyond itself? I am tempted to
say, with the logical positivists, that the sentence "Life has no
meaning" is itself meaningless.
Maugham goes on in this vein and writes again of "the sense-
lessness of life" 13 and "the meaninglessness of life." 14 But I
call this random skepticism because there is no attempt to fol-
low it out consistently. On the very next page we are told that
"the wisdom of the ages" has selected three values as "most
worthy," and: "These three values are Truth, Beauty and
Goodness." 13 How such values can exist in a meaningless and
senseless world we are not told. But in an especially interesting
section, in discussing Platonism and Christianity, Maugham
makes an instructive distinction between "love" (in the sense
of sexual love) and "loving-kindness." "Loving-kindness," he
tells us, "is the better part of goodness. . . . Goodness is the
only value that seems in this world of appearances to have any
claim to be an end in itself. Virtue is its own reward. I am
ashamed to have reached so commonplace a conclusion." 10
This seems to place him definitely among the moralists, almost
among the Kantian moralists. But two pages farther on he is
back again among the Skeptics: "But goodness is shown in
right action and who can tell in this meaningless world what
right action is? It is not action that aims at happiness; it is
a happy chance if happiness results." 17 This is dismissing utili-
tarianism rather summarily. Right action can be action made
in accordance with rules that experience has shown to be most
likely (though not certain) to promote the happiness of the
individual or society in the long runor, to put it negatively,
that are most likely to minimize the unhappiness of the indi-
vidual or society in the long run. One of Maugham's fallacies
here is a frequent fallacy of opponents of utilitarianismthat
of forgetting its negative corollary. Right action is necessary
to the attainment of happiness but not sufficient.
7. Logical Positivism
I have reserved until last consideration of the most plausible
and influential attack on ethics in our timethat of the logical
positivists. This attack has been made by a number of writers
and in many forms; but the most slashing onslaught in English
has come from Alfred J. Ayer in Language, Truth and Logic.18
This attack was made nearly thirty years ago. The controversy
stimulated by it has continued ever since, and has given rise
to a formidable literature. But precisely because Ayer's attack
was so unqualified and unequivocal, I think we can do most
to clarify the issues it raises by first examining it in the form in
which he originally made it.
The contention of Ayer is not that the propositions of ethics
are untrue, but that they are meaninglessthat they are liter-
ally nonsense. They are mere "ejaculations," commands,
shouts, squeals, or noises which do nothing but express the
emotions of the speaker, his approval or disapproval. They "are
simply expressions of emotion which can be neither true nor
false. . . . They are mere pseudo-concepts. . . . If now I . . .
say, 'Stealing money is wrong,' I produce a sentence which has
no factual meaning. . . ." 19
We can now see why it is impossible to find a criterion for de-
termining the validity of ethical judgments. It is not because
they have an "absolute" validity which is mysteriously inde-
pendent of ordinary sense-experience, but because they have no
objective validity whatsoever. If a sentence makes no statement
at all, there is obviously no sense in asking whether what it says
is true or false. And we have seen that sentences which simply ex-
press moral judgments do not say anything. They are pure
expressions of feeling and as such do not come under the category
of truth or falsehood. They are unverifiable for the same reason
as a cry of pain or a word of command is unverifiablebecause
they do not express genuine propositions. . . . Ethical judgments
have no validity.20
Before we deal with these specific statements, it is perhaps

necessary to say a few words about the philosophy of logical
positivism in general. As this has been elaborated in many and
often lengthy books, it would be obviously a little difficult to
refute it satisfactorily in a few paragraphs. Fortunately, how-
ever, the task of refutation has already been done, and out of
several excellent refutations I should like to refer the reader
to the late Morris R. Cohen's Preface to Logic,21 and to Karl
R. Popper's The Logic of Scientific Discovery.22
I shall not even undertake to summarize Cohen's argument
here, but I shall indicate its general lines. The central thesis
of logical positivism is that no statement that is not "verifiable"
(outside of a "tautology") can have any meaning at all. Cohen's
argument deals with the theory as elaborated by Rudolph
Carnap, on whose writings Ayer's attack on ethics is based.
I quote a few scattered sentences from Cohen's comments:
Carnap and others deny that any unverifiable proposition has
meaning. This seems at the outset a violent tour de force. We do
not ordinarily think the meaning of anything is identical with its
verifiable consequences. . . . Thus Carnap's assertion that un-
verifiable statements are meaningless is not itself verifiable. . . .
The fundamental error of the positivists arises from the fact
that they view the world solely under the categories of deter-
minate existence and nonexistence, losing sight of the twilight
zones in which most of our statements are made. They paint the
world exclusively black or white to the utter neglect of the grays
or other intermediate colors. . . .
We may conclude that the realm of meaning is broader than
the realm of propositions. . . . It is not true that without verifica-
tion propositions are utterly meaningless. . . .
You may identify the words meaningful and physical by an
arbitrary definition or resolution. But the difference between
what is ordinarily meant by meaning and by physical existence
cannot thereby be wiped out. . . .
Logical analysis, as practiced by Carnap, seems to be another
term for what used to be called the fallacy of division. Thus
Carnap tries to do away with the possibility of metaphysics or
ethics by trying to show that they are neither empirical, nor
a priori, nor tautologous, nor instances of logical analysis. In
point of fact, even the wildest metaphysics contains many empiri-
cal elements as well as purely logical propositions. . . .
There is no conclusive reason why ethics may not follow the
ideal of rigorous scientific methodsystematizing not only judg-
ments of existence but also judgments as to what is desirable if
certain ends are to be attained.23
I do not think much needs to be added to the argument of
Morris Cohen or Karl Popper in its full form. If it is necessary
to add anything, it might be a few words concerning the neces-
sary role of judgments of relevance and the necessary role or
judgments of importance in all scientific procedure. Judgments
of relevance and judgments of importance are not only neces-
sarily involved in selecting, out of an infinity of "facts" and
possible propositions, the facts and propositions bearing on
the particular problem to be solved; they are necessarily in-
volved in selecting the problem itself out of an infinity of pos-
sible problems. But the word importance is a value-word, and
the concept of importance is a value-concept. And value-words
and value-concepts, according to the logical positivists, have
no place in scientific procedure or in philosophical analysis!
I should like to add just one short quotation from Karl
Popper's discussion:
The positivist dislikes the idea that there should be meaningful
problems outside the field of "positive" empirical science. . . .
[And] nothing is easier than to unmask a problem as "meaning-
less" or "pseudo." All you have to do is to fix upon a conveniently
narrow meaning for "meaning," and you will soon be bound to
say of any inconvenient question that you are unable to detect any
meaning in it. Moreover, if you admit as meaningful none except
problems in natural science, any debate about the concept of
"meaning" will also turn out to be meaningless.24
The first logical positivist in the realm of ethics, in fact, was
not Ayer, or Carnap, or Moritz Schlick, or Wittgenstein, or
even Comte or Saint-Simon, but Falstaff. Falstaff showed by
linguistic analysis that "honor" was a meaningless sound:
Can honour set to a leg? no: or an arm? no: or take away the
grief of a wound? no. Honour hath no skill in surgery, then? no.
What is honour? a word. What is in that word honour; what is
that honour? air. A trim reckoning! Who hath it? he that died
o' Wednesday. Doth he feel it? no. Doth he hear it? no. It is
insensible, then? yea, to the dead. But will it not live with the
living? no. Why? detraction will not suffer it. Therefore I'll none
of it. Honour is a mere scutcheon. And so ends my catechism.25
In one point, of course, the logical positivists are right. You
can only verify or refute a proposition, or an alleged statement
of fact. You cannot verify or refute a value. You can only recog-
nize a value, or feel it, or tacitly accept or assume it, or ex-
plicitly reject it. You cannot prove that a beautiful world is
better than an ugly world. You cannot prove that a life that
is shared, rich, happy, civilized, and long is any better than a
life that is "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short."
Extreme logical positivism would leave no room for, and
attach no meaning to, beauty or ugliness, health or sickness,
pleasure or pain, happiness or misery, good or bad, right or
wrong, better or worse. These concepts or categories are not
tautologies; they cannot be measured or weighed; there are no
physical experiments that can prove or disprove their existence.
True, you can show that if you tear a child's arm from its
socket, the child will scream or faint or die. But you cannot
prove that there is anything "cruel" or "horrible" or "wrong"
or even "harmful" or "undesirable" in this, because these
words are mere value-judgments, i.e., "ejaculations," nonsensical
expressions of disapproval, meaningless noises.
The extreme logical positivists talk as if the only purpose of
life is to verify or refute propositions, and as if everything
else is to be tested or judged by science. But they forget to
ask themselves: What is the purpose of verifying propositions?
What is the purpose of science? What is the purpose of learning
the truth about anything? What is the use of it? In a word,
what is the value of it?
The answer to this question is tacitly taken for granted by
the logical positivists. The answer is in their minds, but never
mentioned, never explicitly uttered. No, I am wrong; it is
sometimes uttered, but absentmindedly, and without recogniz-
ing the implication of the answer. It is uttered by Ayer, who
explicitly recognizes its crucial importance. "Actually," writes
Ayer, at one point in Language, Truth and Logic, "we shall
see that the only test to which a form of scientific procedure
which satisfies the necessary condition of self-consistency is
subject, is the test of its success in practice." 26
But what, if anything, does this sentence mean? What is the
meaning of the word "success"? How do you prove that some-
thing is a "success" or a "failure"? What are the physical char-
acteristics of "success"? How long, wide, and thick is it; how
hard is it; how much does it weigh? Ayer has committed the
cardinal positivist sin. He has used a mere value-word, and
used it as if it actually meant something.
But, says Ayer, "success" enables us to "predict future ex-
perience, and so to control our environment." We answer, like
a more consistent positivist: So what? What is the purpose of
"controlling our environment" if not to make conditions more
satisfactory to ourselves, if not to fulfill more human desires,
if not to produce an environment that more nearly meets our
approval? Even our "mere" approval?
So even Ayer, after having ostentatiously thrown out "value"
because we cannot establish its "truth," finally admits, inad-
vertently, that we seek Truth itself primarily because it has
Value for us. Truth-seeking is a means to an end, as ethics
is a means to an end. And the end is to substitute a more satis-
factory state of affairs for a less satisfactory state.
The reader who has prior knowledge of this controversy may

ask at this point why I have confined my answer to the logical
positivists' attack on ethical judgments in the very vulnerable
form in which it was made by A. J. Ayer in 1936. Not only has
Ayer himself since substantially modified his position, it may
be urged, but a full-length and far more formidable presenta-
tion of the "emotivist" argument has since been made by
Charles L. Stevenson in Ethics and Language,27 not to speak
of Paul Edwards in The Logic of Moral Discourse28 and scores
of presentations of still other forms of the theory.
My answer would be that this chapter is devoted to ethical
skepticism. I have centered my discussion on Ayer's 1936 attack
because that was so extremely skeptical and even derisive. But
though I have no wish to take up at great length a linguistic
problem that seems to me already to have received such dis-
proportionate attention in the ethical literature of the last
thirty years,29 I suppose I must in justice, now that I have gone
this far, say something of Ayer's later writing and of the theory
in the form presented by C. L. Stevenson.
Ayer returned to the subject in an essay "On the Analysis
of Moral Judgments" in his Philosophical Essays.30 In this he
concedes at one point that: "To say, as I once did, that these
moral judgments are merely expressive of certain feelings, feel-
ings of approval or disapproval, is an over-simplification." 31
But he fails to make clear either the nature or extent of that
"over-simplification." And he still goes on to assert that his
theory of moral judgments "is neutral as regards all moral
principles" 32a lily that needs no gilding by me.
"Does not the promulgation of such a theory," he goes on
to ask, "encourage moral laxity? Has not its effect been to de-
stroy people's confidence in accepted moral standards? And
will not the result of this be that something mischievous will
take their place?" 33 I think we must answer: "To the extent
that his theory is taken seriously, Yes."
Ayer cannot see that this answer follows. "My own observa-
tions," he protests, "for what they are worth, do not suggest
that those who accept the 'positivist' analysis of moral judg-
ments conduct themselves very differently as a class from those
who reject it." 34
I am willing to believe that this is true. I do believe that
it is true. I am not accusing the logical positivists of moral
turpitude but of intellectual error. But I suggest that the rea-
son they are just as moral as most of the rest of us is that they
do not take their own analysis too seriously. In this respect they
are the analogues in the moral realm of the philosophical ideal-
ists in the physical realm. The idealist solemnly affirms that
only minds or mental events exist, and that the furniture in
his room, for example, "exists" only because and to the extent
that he perceives it. Nevertheless, if he has to get up in the
middle of the night in pitch dark, he will grope his way as
cautiously as the crudest materialist, for fear of stubbing his
toe or bumping his shins against an unperceived chair. For
he cannot (fortunately for him) get rid of his "animal faith"
that the unperceived furniture "really" exists and can hurt
him. Just so, the logical positivists, in the moral realm, can-
not quite shed the results of their upbringing or shrug off the
disapprobation by their fellows (or even the disapprobation by
themselves) that would be certain to follow the commission of
an immoral act. But if they took their skeptical views with en-
tire seriousness, and if they persuaded a sufficient number of
others to do the same, morality would undoubtedly be under-
mined and irreparable mischief would be done. Ethical theoriz-
ing must be serious and responsible. It is not a philosopher's
plaything.
And Ayer, by a glaring inconsistency in his final paragraph,
reveals that he does not take his own theory with entire serious-
ness. "If it could be shown," he writes, "as I believe it could
not, that the general acceptance of the sort of analysis of moral
judgments that I have been putting forward would have un-
happy social consequences, the conclusion drawn by illiberal
persons might be that the doctrine ought to be kept secret.
For my part I think that I should dispute this conclusion on
moral grounds." 35
Moral grounds? What moral grounds? Whose moral grounds?
Isn't this the same A. J. Ayer who has been telling us that
moral judgments are "mere ejaculations"? That they are un-
verifiable and hence "meaningless"? And who has just told us
in the preceding paragraph that his theory is "neutral as re-
gards all moral principles"? What could his "moral" argu-
ment possibly be? Would he merely resort to the same kind of
meaningless ejaculations he has just been deriding?
With this non sequitur Ayer throws away his entire case.
8. Mr. Stevenson's Empiricism

When we turn to Charles L. Stevenson, we find a writer far
more guarded in reasoning and far more conciliatory in tone.
His Ethics and Language is a real contribution. 36 Though we
must reject its central thesis and its underlying "empiricist"
philosophy, we owe a great deal to many of its shrewd analyses.
Stevenson repudiates the simplism of Ayer, and regards the
term emotive "as a tool for use in careful study, not as a de-
vice for relegating the nondescriptive aspects of language to
limbo." 37 He even concedes that "persuasive methods, cau-
tiously used, have a legitimacy that is scarcely open to ques-
tion." 88
Nevertheless, Stevenson is rightly classed as an "emotivist,"
and preaches an empiricism that would make true ethical
understanding and progress impossible. He talks as if nothing
had yet been firmly established in ethics, and as if it must be
left to future writers whose "slow results will be cumulative,"
to contribute "to an ethics that will progressively come to grips
with the issues of practical life." 39 He talks, in fact, in the
final paragraphs of his book, as if the establishment of firm
ethical principles were something that must wait for a distant
future, if it is possible at all:
"Ethical theory is given to the age-old quest for ultimate
principles, definitively established. This not only hides the full
complexity of moral issues, but puts static, other-worldly norms
in the place of flexible, realistic ones. It is the writer's hope
that the present study, attentive to the role of science in ethics,
but attentive also to the way in which ethical issues differ from
scientific ones, will help to make illusory conceptions of certi-
tude give place to conceptions which are commensurate with
the problems that they seek to resolve.
"The demand for a final proof springs less from hopes than
from fears. When the basic nature of a subject is poorly under-
stood, one must conceal his insecurity, from himself as much
as from others, by consoling pretenses. . . . Living questions
are too rich in their complexity to be answered by a formula." 40
The foregoing paragraphs seem to me to make use of the
very kind of "emotive" terms and "persuasive definitions" that
Mr. Stevenson has spent most of his book in deploring. How
can he be so certain, one is tempted to ask, that we can never
be certain? In any case, I suggest that contemporary confidence
that at least certain broad moral principles have been "defini-
tively established" is not altogether misplaced. We do not
have to wait until future writers "come to grips with the issues
of practical life." Older writers have already done so. It has
already been reasonably well established that promise-breaking,
lying, cheating, mugging, and murder do not lead to very satis-
factory social results, and that promise-keeping, truthfulness,
non-violence, fair-dealing, and kindness do in general lead to
much more satisfactory social results. To say this, of course,
is not to disparage efforts toward further progress in both prac-
tical and theoretical ethics; it is merely to remind ourselves
that we do not have to begin from scratch.
Stevenson's difficulty, I suspect, lies in his special brand of
empiricism, with its assumption that only empirical methods
are scientifically valid. This assumption must be rejected. In
ethics these empirical methods, standing alone, would be frus-
trating and sterile. In ethics we are dealing with human action,
with human purposes, with human wishes and desires, with
human choices and preferences, with the conscious use of means
to attain chosen ends. Ethics is not a branch of physics, and the
methods appropriate to it are not the experimental, statistical,
and empiric methods appropriate to physics. Ethics is sui
generis, with methods peculiarly its own. But it is, among other
things, based on "praxeology," which, like logic and mathe-
matics, is deductive and aprioristic.41
9. Ethics Is Not Linguistics

Three-fourths of the recent literature on ethics seems to
treat ethical problems as if they were primarily linguistic or
semantic problems. This is revealed in the very titles of some of
the outstanding booksCharles L. Stevenson's Ethics and
Language (1944), and R. M. Hare's The Language of Morals
(1952). Mr. Hare tells us in his Preface, for example, that,
"Ethics, as I conceive it, is the logical study of the language of
morals." (My italics.) I do not wish to deny that there is some-
thing to be learned from this approach. But I do confess that,
with a few notable exceptions, I find most of this literature
sterile and dreary. Are ethical statements and judgments merely
"emotive"? Is it their sole function to have a "magnetic effect"
on attitudes? Are they essentially commands, requests, orders?
Or are they recipes or prescriptions? Or is ethical language
"multifunctional"?
The answer to the last question is surely Yes. As P. H.
Nowell-Smith puts it: "[Ethical terms] are used to express
tastes and preferences, to express decisions and choices, to
criticize, grade, and evaluate, to advise, admonish, warn, per-
suade and dissuade, to praise, encourage and reprove, to pro-
mulgate and draw attention to rules; and doubtless for other
purposes also." 42
But it has taken thousands of words and scores of volumes
to get around to this conclusion; and the "emotivists" haven't
got there yet. I cannot refrain from quoting Karl Popper once
more: "These philosophers who had started by denouncing
philosophy as merely verbal and who had demanded that, in-
stead of attempting to solve them, we should turn away from
the verbal problems to those that are real and empirical, found
themselves bogged in the thankless and apparently endless task
of analyzing and unmasking verbal pseudo problems." 43
I do not want to say that all this linguistic discussion, this
hair-splitting and logomachy, has been futile and worthless.
It became, perhaps, unavoidable once the challenge was raised.
And some of it has, in fact, been clarifying and illuminating.
But I do suggest that the discussion of these verbal "meta-
ethical" problems has been grossly disproportionate compared
with other and genuinely ethical problems. "Moral" philos-
ophers have become excessively preoccupied, not to say ob-
sessed, with purely linguistic problems. A great part of the
ethical literature of the last sixty years has been like an enor-
mous detour in which the drivers have become so fascinated
by the strange and unexpected scenery that they have forgotten
to get back on the main road and have even forgotten their
original destination.
The Great Digression started in 1903, when G. E. Moore
published his celebrated Principia Ethical in which he con-
tended that the word "good" was "indefinable" and "unanalyz-
able." This became the most widely discussed book on ethics
of the twentieth century. Then, in 1930, the digression was .
carried even further by the publication of The Meaning of
Meaning, by C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards.45
" 'Good,' " wrote these authors, "is alleged to stand for a
unique, unanalyzable concept. This concept, it is said, is the
subject matter of Ethics. This peculiar ethical use of 'good' is,
we suggest, a purely emotive use. When so used the word
stands for nothing whatever, and has no symbolic function." 46
And then in a footnote, specifically referring to Moore's Prin-
cipia Ethica, they added: "Of course, if we define 'the good'
as 'that of which we approve of approving,' or give any such
definition when we say 'This is good,' we shall be making an
assertion. It is only the indefinable 'good' which we suggest to
be a purely emotive sign. The 'something more' or 'something
else' which, it is alleged, is not covered by any definition of
'good' is the emotional aura of the word.47
And then the Thirty Years War broke out.
The "emotivists," I think, slipped into two main fallacies.
Their first mistake was not in asserting that ethical language
had an "emotive" function, but in denying that it had any
other. And their second mistake was to try to dispose of ethics
by calling it names. For the word "emotive" is a derogatory
word. Those who use "emotive" language, it suggests, are
using merely emotional language; and may even be pretending
to be stating a fact when they are simply giving vent to their
personal feelings.
If, instead of asserting that all ethical statements and judg-
ments were "emotive," the positivists had merely insisted that
they were valuative,48 they would have been saying what was
true, but what few moral philosophers have ever ventured to
deny. But the fact that ethical statements are valuative does
not mean that they cannot also state facts.
Ethical judgments and decisions do, after all, deal with facts.
They deal with actions, which are facts. They deal with the
consequences of actions, which are facts. They deal with the
ends that people wish to achieve (and it is a fact that people
do have these ends) and with the means they employ (and these
means are facts) to achieve those ends. True, in addition to
dealing with facts, or to stating facts"John stole the money"
ethical statements imply judgments and contain value-words.
They are valuative. But this seems a strange reason for ob-
jecting to them, or trying to dismiss them as meaningless. They
judge the efficacy of means, and the reasonableness or desira-
bility, from the social standpoint, of the intermediate if not
the ultimate ends of individuals.
It is not only ethical language that is valuative. All practical
language is valuative. All human action implies valuation. All
human action is purposeful: which means that it employs
means to achieve ends: which means that it must evaluate the
comparative desirability of ends and the comparative efficacy
of means.
10. What Is the Best Thing to Do?

The prescriptions of the moral philosopher need be no more
"emotive" (in the disparaging sense in which that term is com-
monly used) than the prescriptions of the engineer. Both are
trying to answer the question: What is the best thing to do?
The answer of the moral philosopher need be no more emo-
tional 49 than the answer of the engineer. Suppose the problem
set before an engineer is: What is the best way to connect
Staten Island with the mainland? Should it be by a bridge or
a tunnel? If a bridge, what type of bridge? How should it be
designed? What materials should be used? How thick should
the cables be, how wide the arch, how high the towers? What
kind of design would look best? Of course not all of these
are strictly engineering problems, though on all of them the
engineer must be consulted. Some of them are political prob-
lems. Some are economic problemsproblems of relative costs.
Some are traffic problems. Some are aesthetic problems. But
they can all be subsumed under the overriding question: What
is the best thing to do? And this, of course, is a value problem.
It may be objected that the moral philosopher does not ask,
"What is the best thing to do?" in the same sense that the
engineer does, but that his predominant question is, rather,
"What is the right thing to do?" The real difference, however,
is that the moral philosopher's question must take account of
much wider considerations (than, say, the engineer's)not
merely what is the best thing to do from the standpoint of the
long-run good of the agent, but what is the best thing to do
what are the best rules to makefrom the standpoint of the
long-run good of society. But when these wider considerations
are kept in mind, the best thing to do and the right thing to
do become identical.
To sum up: Ethical propositions are not true or false in the
sense that existential propositions are true or false. Ethical
rules are not descriptive but prescriptive. But though not true
or false in the existential sense, ethical propositions can be
valid or invalid, consistent or inconsistent, logical or illogical,
rational or irrational, justified or unjustified, expedient or in-
expedient, intelligent or unintelligent, wise or unwise. True,
ethical judgments or propositions, though they must always
take facts into consideration, are not themselves purely factual
but valuative. But this does not mean that they are arbitrary
or merely "emotive" (in the derogatory sense in which that
adjective is used by positivists and, indeed, for which it seems
to have been coined). Ethical rules, judgments, and proposi-
tions are attempts to answer the question: What is the best
thing to do?
And should it be so astonishing that "What is the best thing
to do?" should be a different kind of question from the factual
and descriptive one, "What is the present situation?" It is the
latter, the "scientific" question, that is the derivative one: the
answer to it is the means to the answer to the first. The chief
thing we are interested in regarding cancer is how to cure it.
To answer that, we must first answer such questions as "Exactly
what is it?" and "What causes it?" But no one in his senses says
or implies that the latter questions are the only "real" ones,
because the only "scientific" ones, or that the question "How
can we cure it?" is merely "emotive" or "merely" valuative. Yet
this is the kind of thing that is being said constantly today, by
positivists and others, concerning ethical questions.
The overriding problem of man, from the beginning of time,
has been "How can I improve my condition?" (As the individ-
ual, in society, finds that his condition is inextricably bound
up with that of his fellows, the problem evolves into "How can
we improve our condition?") Mankind finds that to answer this
question it must first increase its knowledge of what existing
conditions actually are, its knowledge of facts, of the operation
of cause and effect, of the distinction between reality and
illusionin brief, its mastery of positive science.
Thus the study of fact and science is, to repeat, a means to
the solution of the problem of how to improve man's condition.
Ethics is the attempt to deal with one broad aspect of this prob-
lem; the individual sciences are a relatively roundabout means
of dealing with specific aspects of the problem. But along come
the positivists and prove triumphantly that ethics is not a de-
scription of existing fact or the discovery of scientific laws; and
they therefore dismiss it as "purely emotive" or "meaningless."
This is the exaltation of means over end. The end, how to
improve our condition, is treated as meaningless or unimpor-
tant; the means, scientific knowledge, is treated as all-important,
as solely important. The instrumental and derivative value is
rated above the intrinsic value from which it is derived.
To hold this inverted view is to be completely at sea in moral
philosophy.
CHAPTER 24
Justice
1. Justice and Freedom
The key terms used by moral philosophers"good," "right,"
"ought," etc.all seem to be indefinable except in other terms
that already imply the same notion. Such a term is Justice.
Ask the average man what he means by justice and he will
probably reply that what is just is what is "equitable" or what
is "fair." To the Institutes of Justinian we owe the famous
definition that justice is the constant and continual purpose
which gives to everyone his own. But if we ask how we deter-
mine what is a man's "own," we are told that his own is what
is "rightfully" his own, and if we ask how we are to determine
what is rightfully his own, we are likely to be brought back
to the answer that this is determined in accordance with the
dictates of justice.
One difficulty is that the terms Justice and Just are used in
many different senses in many different settings. As Roscoe
Pound has written:
In different theories which have been urged justice has been
regarded as an individual virtue, or as a moral idea, or as a regime
of social control, or as the end or purpose of social control and
so of law, or as the ideal relation among men which we seek to
promote and maintain in civilized society and toward which we
direct social control and law as the most specialized form of social
control. Definitions of justice depend upon which of these ap-
proaches is taken.1
The problem is difficult, and perhaps the best procedure is
to clear the ground by examining at least two famous defini-
tions or formulas of justice to see whether they are satisfactory.
The first of these is the formula of justice originally enunci-
ated by Kant and later (independently, as he thought) by Her-
bert Spencer. The Kantian idea of justice was the external
liberty of each limited by the like liberty of all others: "The
248
JUSTICE 249
universal Law of Right may then be expressed thus: 'Act ex-
ternally in such a manner that the free exercise of thy Will
may be able to co-exist with the Freedom of all others, accord-
ing to a universal Law!' " The rule as formulated by Herbert
Spencer is very close to this: "Every man is free to do that which
he wills, provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any
other man." 2
The first thing to be said about this is that it sounds much
more like a formula for Liberty than a formula for Justice.
And it does not appear, on examination, to be a very satisfac-
tory formula for either. Interpreted literally, it implies that
a thug should have the freedom to stand behind a street corner
and hit everyone who rounds the corner on the head with a
club provided he concedes the equal freedom of anybody else
to do the same thing. If it be answered that such action would
infringe the freedom of others to do the same thing because
it would incapacitate them from doing so, the formula still
seems to give a license for all sorts of mutual injuries and an-
noyances that are not actually crippling or fatal.
The curious fact is that (probably as a result of prior criti-
cisms) Spencer recognized this objection and attempted to an-
swer it:
A possible misapprehension must be guarded against. There
are acts of aggression which the formula is presumably intended
to exclude, which apparently it does not exclude. It may be said
that if A strikes B, then, so long as B is not debarred from striking
A in return, no greater freedom is claimed by the one than by
the other; or it may be said that if A has trespassed on B's prop-
erty, the requirement of the formula has not been broken so long
as B can trespass on A's property. Such interpretations, however,
mistake the essential meaning of the formula. . . . Instead of
justifying aggression and counter-aggression, the intention of
the formula is to fix a bound which may not be exceeded on either
side.3
But this is a strange defense. A philosopher cannot set forth
an explicit formula, and then say that it does not mean exactly
what it appears to mean, because it is intended to mean some-
thing else. What it "really" means and what it does not "really"
mean must be explicitly embodied in the formula itself. If
it is not, the formula must be restated, or another formula must
be substituted that does in fact say what it is intended to say,
no more and no less.
His formula "does not countenance," Spencer explains, "a
superfluous interference with another's life [my italics]." 4 But
he does not define what he means by "superfluous," or which
interferences are superfluous and which are not. He is com-
pelled, in fact, in his later explanations, to fall back upon a
utilitarian justification of his formula as tending to promote
the maximum of freedom, happiness, and life; but elsewhere
he declares that the principle of utility presupposes the anterior
principle of justice, and that the principle of justice rests on an
a priori cognition.
It is very doubtful, in fact, that any autonomous formula
can be framed for either Liberty or Justice. Any satisfactory
formula will be found to depend upon or to imply teleological
or utilitist considerations. But before passing on to the justifica-
tion of this conclusion, we must consider further the difficulties
of any independent formula.
The difficulty is excellently summed up (if I may anticipate
the discussion of Chapter 26) by Henry Sidgwick in connection
with freedom:
The term Freedom is ambiguous. If we interpret it strictly, as
meaning Freedom of Action alone, the principle seems to allow
any amount of mutual annoyance except constraint. But obvi-
ously no one would be satisfied with such Freedom as this. If,
however, we include in the idea freedom from pain and annoy-
ance inflicted by others, the right of freedom itself seems to pre-
vent us from accepting the principle in all its breadth. For there
is scarcely any gratification of a man's natural impulses which
may not cause some annoyance to others: and we cannot prohibit
all such annoyances without restraining freedom of action to a
degree that would be intolerable: and yet it is hard to lay down
any principle for distinguishing intuitively those that ought to
be allowed from those that must be prohibited.5
2. The Golden Rule

Suppose we try a different formula altogether. The Golden
Rule in its positive form enjoins one to "Do unto others as
you would have others do unto you." This is intended as much
more than a formula of Justice; it is a formula of Benevolence.
JUSTICE 251
Even as such it raises many problems. I may wish my uncle
to leave me his fortune. Should I, therefore, turn over my own
wealth to my uncle? Even if we dismiss all such extreme in-
terpretations, the Rule seems to ignore differences in prefer-
ence and taste. You may wish your friend to give you a set
of Shakespeare for Christmas. Should you, therefore, give him
a set? He may prefer a case of whiskey. You may wish a girl
to give you her love; but she may prefer not to have yours.
Most of these difficulties are avoided by the Golden Rule in
its negative form (which also appears to be historically much
older): "Do not do unto others," as Confucius put it, "what
you would not wish others to do unto you." This is certainly
a good practical rule of thumb both in ethics and in law. Its
political utility is well explained by Bruno Leoni:
In any society feelings and convictions relating to actions that
should not be done are much more homogeneous and easily iden-
tifiable than any other kind of feelings and convictions. Legisla-
tion protecting people against what they do not want other people
to do to them is likely to be much more easily determinable and
more generally successful than any kind of legislation based on
other "positive" desires of the same individuals. In fact, such de-
sires are not only usually much less homogeneous and compatible
with one another than the "negative" ones, but are also often very
difficult to ascertain.6
Yet though the negative form of the Golden Rule is a rough
working formula of justice, it is not, any more than the positive
form of the Rule, a precise guide that can be applied with
complete literalness. A man may not like to be haled into
court for nonpayment even of a just debt. But this does not
mean that he should never sue anybody else to collect a just
debt.
3. "Every One to Count for One"

One of the principal difficulties in the concept of justice is
that, though almost everyone uses the word with assurance,
its meaning varies widely in different contexts. At times it
seems to call for Equality and at other times for Inequality.
This is recognized at the beginning of a long discussion by
Hastings Rashdall:
Now, when we ask "What is Justice?", we are at once met by two
conflicting ideals, each of which on the face of it seems entitled to
respect. In the first place the principle that every human being
is of equal intrinsic value, and is therefore entitled to equal re-
spect, is one which commends itself to common sense, a principle
which may naturally claim to be the exacter expression of the
Christian ideal of Brotherhood. On the other hand, the principle
that the good ought to be preferred to the bad, that men ought
to be rewarded according to their goodness or according to their
work, is one which no less commends itself to the unsophisticated
moral consciousness. We shall perhaps best arrive at some true
idea of the nature of Justice by examining the claims of these
two rival and prima facie inconsistent idealsthe ideal of equal-
ity, considered in the sense of equality of consideration, and the
ideal of just recompense or rewardand we shall perhaps do well
to start with the suspicion that there will be a considerable pre-
sumption against any solution of the problem which does not
recognize some meaning or element of truth in each of them.7
Though I find Rashdall's subsequent discussion of Justice
somewhat disappointing, the procedure he suggests, of examin-
ing "these two rival and prima facie inconsistent ideals" of
Justice, cannot fail to be enlightening, so I propose to follow
him a little further.
He begins by examining the Benthamite maxim "Every one
to count for one and nobody to count for more than one." This
maxim, Rashdall continues, was put forward by Bentham "as
a canon for the distribution of happiness. He saw clearly
enough that his 'greatest happiness' principle, or the principle
of greatest good (however good may be interpreted), stands in
need of this or some supplementary canon before it can be
available for practical application." 8
Rashdall then considers the alleged mathematical problem
of "distributing" maximum happiness as among, say, a hundred
people, and adds: "The principle which Bentham adopted as
a solution of such problems is the maxim 'Every one to count
for one and nobody for more than one.' He failed to see how
impossible it is to establish such a principle by experience or
to rest it upon anything but an a priori judgment." 9
Rashdall then goes on to consider in what sense the maxim
properly applies. He rejects the formula of equality of material
rewards or "equality of opportunity" and concludes that "there
JUSTICE 253
is only one sort of equality that is always practicable and always
right, and that is equality of consideration." 10 (My italics.) He
then proceeds to argue that the Benthamite maxim is accepta-
ble only if it is interpreted to mean: "Every man's good to
count as equal to the like good of every other man." u
Let us return to Rashdall's contention that the Benthamite
maxim could not possibly have been established by experience
but must rest upon "an a priori judgment." This is the con-
tention not only of Rashdall, but of many other ethical writers.
It is found, for example, even in Herbert Spencer:
Already I have referred to Bentham's rule"Everybody to
count for one, nobody for more than one," joined with Mr. Mill's
comment that the greatest happiness principle is meaningless
unless "One person's happiness . . . is counted for exactly as
much as another's." Hence the Benthamite theory of morals and
politics posits this as a fundamental, self-evident truth. . . . For
this assumption no warrant is given, or can be given, other than
alleged intuitive perception. It is an a priori cognition.12
Now I think it can be shown that this principle is not
"intuitive" or a priori, but was developed out of human experi-
ence. It is the ethical parallel of the juridical principle of
equality before the law. If this principle is intuitive or a priori,
it would become enormously difficult to explain why moral
and legal philosophy took so long to get around to recognizing
it, or why it is still so difficult to formulate the principle with
satisfactory precision. In examining this question we shall be
incidentally examining the whole problem of intuitionism in
ethics.
Bentham, of course, did not invent or discover the principle.
He merely gave explicit verbal formulation to a principle al-
ready implicit in existing social customs, conventions, tacit
rules and understandings, and working arrangements. How did
such tacit rules and arrangements come into being?
We can clarify our understanding of the process if we begin
by imagining a minimum society consisting solely of A and B.13
If A and B are of equal strength and ability, or approximately
so, A will not be able to keep the product of their joint effort
entirely for himself, or even to appropriate a grossly dispro-
portionate share of it, for the simple reason that B will not
let him. After a certain number of squabbles they will, for
the sake of economizing effort, minimizing annoyance, and
keeping the peace, probably arrive at a tacit or even explicit
modus vivendi by which each will agree to accept approxi-
mately equal shares of their joint product or will agree to
certain uniform rules of division of work, division of product,
priority, etc.
And such a modus vivendi of rules and division becomes
more and more likely as we expand our imaginary society to
three, four, five or n persons. For then no individual will be
strong enough to grab for himself what the rest regard as an
excessive share, and there will grow up a tacit and even an
explicit set of rules embodied in laws which will force equality
of consideration and "fairness" in "ownership" or "distribu-
tion" simply because this will be recognized as the best if not
the only way of minimizing disputes and of keeping the peace.
But suppose, coming back to our minimum society of two,
that A is much stronger than B? Then A may try to grab every-
thing for himself, to let B starve, or even to kill her. Then
that society is over and sets no precedent. But if, as is more
likely and more frequent, A recognizes that he needs or prefers
B's company and cooperation, he will have to release to B at
least enough to assure the continuance of that cooperation, and,
in proportion as he is wise, he will release enough to maximize
that cooperation. This means that it is in A's interest to maxi-
mize the incentives of B as it is in B's interest to maximize
those of A. And this also is true as we enlarge our imaginary
society. No matter how unequal the respective members are
in talents or abilities, it is in the interest of each that the
contributions of all the others should be maximized. And each
will eventually discover (after perhaps having tried slaughter,
robbery, pillage, slavery, coercion, chicanery, or exploitation)
that the best way to assure this maximum contribution by others
is to provide those others with maximum incentives.
Let us, at the risk of excessive repetition, state this in another
way. The "Benthamite" rule, "Every one to count for one and
no one to count for more than one," is merely another way of
stating the rule of equality before the law. It is not an "axiom"
in the sense that its truth is immediately self-evident or that a
contrary rule is inconceivable or self-contradictory. It is not
based, as Spencer and Sidgwick and Rashdall seemed to as-
JUSTICE 255
sume, on an "intuition." It evolved because it was the only
rule on which it was possible to secure agreement. It was, in
origin, empirically determined. It doubtless developed gradu-
ally out of thousands of decisions by courts and tribunals. Its
acceptance was, at the beginning, ad hoc in particular cases.
It was vague, not definite; implied, not explicit. It was not at
first consciously generalized. When generalized, in fact, it is
still resisted by some writers. The rule was established in thou-
sands of legal decisions and millions of private agreements and
understandings because it was the only rule that could peace-
ably resolve disputes. Disputants or acting individuals came to
accept it for much the same reasons that the impartial spectator
now accepts it. It is now a rule that is basic to a thousand other
rules.
Here we begin to glimpse the origins of our modern concept
of justice both in the economic and in the legal and moral
realm. The concepts of equality before the law, and equality
of consideration, develop because the majority see the danger
to themselves, as well as to the public peace, of more arbitrary
or discriminatory rules.
And here we see, also, the reconciliation of the two appar-
ently inconsistent rules of equality of consideration and in-
equality of rewards for inequality of contribution, that puzzled
Rashdall in his search for some absolute rule of Justice. For
the secret of both of these apparently inconsistent rules is
that they tend to preserve the public peace, to satisfy most
individuals, and to maximize the incentives of each for pro-
duction and social cooperation.
4. Rules to Promote Cooperation

So we are brought back once more to the promotion of
Social Cooperation as the key to the problem of Justice as well
as other major ethical problems. "The ultimate yardstick of
justice is conduciveness to the preservation of social coopera-
tion. . . . Social cooperation becomes for almost every man
the great means for the attainment of all ends. . . . In ethics
a common ground for the choice of rules of conduct is given
so far as people agree in considering the preservation of social
cooperation the foremost means for attaining all their ends." 14
Now if we adopt this explanation, we recognize that Justice
is not the ultimate ethical end, existing purely for its own sake,
but is primarily a means, and even a means to a means. Justice
and Freedom are the great means to the promotion of Social
Cooperation, which in turn is the great means to the realiza-
tion of each individual's ends and therefore to the realization
of the ends of "society."
The subordination of Justice to a "mere" means, however
important that means is regarded to be, may come as a shock
to many moral philosophers, who. have been accustomed to
regard it as the supreme ethical end, at least in the social field.
The extreme form of this view is epitomized in the famous
phrase: fiat justitia, mat caelum, or even fiat justitia, pereat
mundus. Let justice be done though the heavens fall, let justice
be done even if it destroys the world. Common sense draws
back from any such frightful conclusion. But the answer to
such slogans is not that we should be satisfied with a little less
than Absolute Justice, in order to hold things together; the
answer is that there is something wrong in the conception of
justice embodied in such slogans. Justice was made for man,
not man for justice.
Let us see what happens when we reject the notion of justice
as a means to the promotion of social cooperation and hence
to the maximization of happiness and well-being, and treat
Justice as the supreme end in itself. Even Herbert Spencer
came near doing this in his section on Justice in the second
volume of his Principles of Ethics. We have already seen that
he regarded the Benthamite rule "Everybody to count for one,
nobody for more than one" as "an a priori cognition." 15 He
quoted Sir Henry Maine in support of putting the Law of
Nature, or Justice, above the goal of human happiness, and
went on: "Since Roman times there has continued to be this
contrast between the narrow recognition of happiness as an
end, and the wide recognition of natural equity as an end."
And he concluded that we must accept "the law of equal free-
dom [his formula for Justice] as an ultimate ethical principle,
having an authority transcending every other." 16
Now if we want to decide the relative claims of Happiness
and Justice as the ultimate ethical goal we can hardly do better
than adopt the same type of argument that Spencer himself
JUSTICE 257
used in the Data of Ethics ( 15) when ridiculing Carlyle's
attempt to substitute "blessedness" for happiness as the end
of mankind. Are Happiness and Justice antithetical? Then
would we prefer more Justice at the cost of less Happiness and
of more pain and misery? Would we fight hard and persistently
for more Justice even though we knew this would have no
effect whatever in increasing Happiness or reducing Misery?
Or would we not be tempted to insist on an actual reduction
of Justice if we found that to reduce Justice was the best means
of reducing misery and increasing Happiness? Which would
we prefer: Happiness without Justice or Justice without Happi-
ness?
It is obvious that to treat Justice as an alternative to Happi-
ness, or as preferable to Happiness, gets us into absurd con-
tradictions. Once we accept Justice as a means to the increase
as well as the "better distribution" of Happiness, however,
these contradictions disappear.
One could apply the same method in deciding between
Justice and Social Cooperation as end or means. Social Coopera-
tion is the great means of maximizing the happiness and well-
being of each and therefore of all; and Justice is the name we
give to the set of rules, relationships, and arrangements that
do most to promote voluntary Social Cooperation. The most
just rules are those rules governing distribution, ownership,
rewards, and penalties that, while minimizing the temptations
to antisocial behavior, maximize the encouragements and in-
centives to effort, production, and mutual helpfulness.
I have in this chapter several times criticized some of Herbert
Spencer's ideas regarding Justice; but it would be unfair as
well as ungenerous not to pay tribute to one of his greatest
contributions to the subject. It is strange, in fact, that his defini-
tion and concept finally went wrong after they came so close
to being right. For I find in Spencer a clearer anticipation of
the central importance of Social Cooperation as the great means
to all our ends than in any other writer up to his time. He
again and again uses the phrase. Already in the Data of Ethics,
published in 1879, we find him writing:
Harmonious co-operation, by which alone in any [society] the
greatest happiness can be attained, is, as we saw, made possible
only by respect for one another's claims: there must be neither
those direct aggressions which we class as crimes against person
and property, nor must there be those indirect aggressions con-
stituted by breaches of contracts. So that maintenance of equitable
relations between men is the condition to attainment of greatest
happiness in all societies, however much the greatest happiness
attainable in each may differ in nature, or amount, or both.17
This is an isolated reference. But in the section on Justice,
which did not appear until 1891, and was embodied in Volume
II of The Principles of Ethics, we find Spencer repeatedly re-
turning to the phrase and the concept: "Active co-operation"
(p. 11). "The a priori condition to harmonious cooperation
comes to be tacitly recognized as something like a law" (p. 13).
"The advantages of co-operation can be had only by conformity
to certain requirements which association imposes" (p. 20).
"This pro-altruistic sentiment of justice serves temporarily to
cause respect for one another's claims, and so to make social
co-operation possible" (p. 31). "As fast as voluntary co-operation
which characterizes the industrial type of society, becomes
more general than compulsory co-operation which characterizes
the militant type of society" (p. 33). "The equality concerns
the mutually-limited spheres of action which must be main-
tained if associated men are to co-operate harmoniously. . . .
But here we have only to do with those claims and those limits
which have to be maintained as conditions to harmonious co-
operation" (p. 43). "Amicable social co-operation" (p. 56).
"Peaceful co-operation" (p. 61).
How did it happen, after coming so near to the truth in his
preliminary argument, that Spencer ended by offering, not an
adequate explanation of the nature and purpose of Justice,
but an (unsatisfactory) formula for Freedom? The reason, I
think, is that, in spite of his new insights, he could not bring
himself to abandon the chief concepts and conclusions at which
he had arrived in his Social Statics in 1850.
Before we leave this subject, it will be profitable to return
for a moment to the slogan: fiat justitia, ruat caelum. It is ex-
travagant and absurd, but there is a grain of truth in it. We
should not lightly abandon the established rules of equity,
fairness, and justice in a particular case because we may feel
that in that particular case their application may do more harm
than good. For the established rules of justice must have a
JUSTICE 259
certain sanctity or near-sanctity. They are the product of
mankind's reason applied to its accumulated experience. They
are to be tested by their long-run consequences in the over-
whelming majority of cases rather than by their short-run
consequences in particular cases. The dangers of breaking an
established rule of justice or equity in a particular case are
not to be underestimated. The harm that the strict application
of these rules may do in particular cases is enormously less
than the harm that would follow from applying the rules dis-
criminately or capriciously, from making constant exceptions
in the alleged interest of the "merits of the particular case."
But all this has been pointed out by Hume. I need merely
refer the reader again to the extensive quotations I made from
Hume in Chapter 8, on "The Need for General Rules," in
which Hume points out that just laws may sometimes "de-
prive, without scruple, a beneficent man of all his possessions
if acquired by mistake, without a good title, in order to bestow
them on a selfish miser who has already heaped up immense
stores of superfluous riches." 18 Nevertheless, in the interests of
long-run public good, it is essential that established general
rules of justice be applied without arbitrary exceptions.
So, to come back once more to fiat justitia, ruat caelum, the
demand that "justice be done, though the heavens fall" is in-
deed preposterous; but it is not preposterous to demandon
the contrary, it is essential to demandthat justice be done
(i.e., that the established rules of justice be applied) even
though it causes some temporary inconvenience or regrettable
result in this or that particular case.
5. Justice as a Means
That justice is primarily a means to social cooperation,
that social cooperation is primarily a means to promote the
maximum happiness and well-being of each and all, does not
reduce the importance of either justice or social cooperation.
For both are the necessary means, the indispensable means to
the desired goal. And therefore both of them are to be valued
and cherished as ends-in-themselves. For a means can also be
an end, if not the ultimate end. It can even seem to form an
integral part of the ultimate end. The happiness and well-
being of men simply cannot be achieved, and hardly imagined,
without Justice and Social Cooperation.
Among the older writers the one who seems to me, second
only to Hume, to have most clearly recognized the true basis,
nature, and importance of Justice is John Stuart Mill. His
discussion occurs in Chapter V (the final chapter) of his
essay on Utilitarianism. It is probably the excellence of this
section that is responsible for that essay's high reputation and
continued appeal, in spite of some inconsistencies and logical
weaknesses in the earlier chapters. I cannot refrain from quot-
ing a page or two from this chapter, "On the Connection Be-
tween Justice and Utility":
While I dispute the pretensions of any theory which sets up an
imaginary standard of justice not grounded on utility, I account
the justice which is grounded on utility to be the chief part, and
incomparably the most sacred and binding part, of all morality.
Justice is a name for certain classes of moral rules which concern
the essentials of human well-being more nearly, and are therefore
of more absolute obligation, than any other rules for the guidance
of life; and the notion which we have found to be of the essence
of the idea of justicethat of a right residing in an individual
implies and testifies to this more binding obligation.
The moral rules which forbid mankind to hurt one another
(in which we must never forget to include wrongful interference
with each other's freedom) are more vital to human well-being
than any maxims, however important, which only point out the
best mode of managing some department of human affairs. They
have also the peculiarity that they are the main element in deter-
mining the whole of the social feelings of mankind. It is their ob-
servance which alone preserves peace among human beings: if
obedience to them were not the rule, and disobedience the excep-
tion, every one would see in every one else an enemy against
whom he must be perpetually guarding himself. What is hardly
less important, these are the precepts which mankind have the
strongest and the most direct inducements for impressing upon
one another. By merely giving to each other prudential instruc-
tion or exhortation, they may gain, or think they gain, nothing:
in inculcating on each other the duty of positive beneficence they
have an unmistakable interest, but far less in degree: a person
may possibly not need the benefits of others; but he always needs
that they should not do him hurt. Thus the moralities which pro-
tect every individual from being harmed by others, either directly
JUSTICE 261
or by being hindered in his freedom of pursuing his own good,
are at once those which he himself has most at heart and those
which he has the strongest interest in publishing and enforcing
by word and deed. It is by a person's observance of these that
his fitness to exist as one of the fellowship of human beings is
tested and decided; for on that depends his being a nuisance or
not to those with whom he is in contact. Now it is these moralities
primarily which compose the obligations of justice. The most
marked cases of injustice, and those which give the tone to the
feeling of repugnance which characterizes the sentiment, are acts
of wrongful aggression or wrongful exercise of power over some
one; the next are those which consist in wrongfully withholding
from him something which is his duein both cases, inflicting
on him a positive hurt, either in the form of direct suffering or
of the privation of some good which he had reasonable ground,
either of a physical or of a social kind, for counting upon.19
CHAPTER 25
Equality and Inequality

The problem of equality vs. inequality has been touched
upon in the preceding chapter on Justice, and will be dealt
with again when we come to compare the ethical merits of
capitalism and socialism. But it may be instructive to con-
sider it briefly in a chapter by itself.
The problem may be stated thus: Why does "justice" some-
times seem to call for equality of treatment, and sometimes
for inequality of treatment? Is this as inconsistent as it seems
on its face? Or are we here applying the terms equality and
inequality in two different sensesor in two different frames
of reference?
Let us begin with the biological field. It is simply not estab-
lished, biologically, that "all men are created equal." On the
contrary, the preponderant opinion of biologists and biochem-
ists today is that all men are created unequal. All men are born
with a unique combination of genes and chromosomes; with
different physical potentialities that will lead to different
fingerprints, different faces, different heights and bodily struc-
tures, different degrees of energy, health, immunity or suscepti-
bility to disease, and longevity; with different intellectual and
moral potentialities, gifts and deficiencies.1
Differences in environment, nutrition, education, and ex-
perience will determine the direction that potentialities take,
and may increase or decrease the potential differences that ex-
isted at birth. It is the impossibility of scientifically separating
or isolating innate from acquired characteristicsor at least
failure to do so up to nowthat has made it impossible to say
with confidence which characteristics of an adult are the result
of inborn and which of environmental factors, or precisely how
much influence to attribute to each. But the dogma of innate
equality cannot be established, and the presumption of innate
inequality is enormously strong.2 Even Karl Marx admitted
"the inequality of individual endowment and therefore pro-
262
EQUALITY AND INEQUALITY 263
ductive capacity" and "unequal individuals (and they would
not be different individuals if they were not unequal)." 3
A number of highly important practical consequences follow
from this recognition of unequal endowments. One of them is
inequality of treatment in many respects. It is not "just," but
foolish, to try to give the same education to mentally retarded
children and to exceptionally gifted children. We may be
wasting our time on the former and failing to develop the
potentialities of the latter. We may be hurting both. In that
case we are being unjust to both. Similarly, we are wasting time
and energy (our own and that of others), as well as being un-
just, when, ignoring natural endowments or propensities, we
try to force a potential scientist to be an artist or a potential
artist to be a scientist.
There is a second corollary which follows from either innate
or acquired inequality. If two men have different endowments
or different productivity, if one turns out either a greater
product or a better product than another, then it is both foolish
and unjust to insist that they should be paid the same amount.
They should be paid, as the free market tends to pay them,
in proportion to their productivity. Justice in this case consists
in proportionality rather than equality. To give equal pay for
unequal product is not only immediately unjust, but foolish
because it deprives both the superior worker and the inferior
worker of his incentive to produce more or better. It is there-
fore in the long run unjust to both, and unjust to society.4
So much for the necessity, and the appropriate sphere, of
inequality of treatment. We come now to the necessity, and
the appropriate sphere, of equality of treatment, or at least of
consideration. All men are not born biologically equal, but in
a just society they are born, or should be born, equal in rights.
To say this is to say that all men are, or should be, equal be-
fore the law. And to say this, in turn, is to say that the law
should be general in application, and should never allow ar-
bitrary exceptions.
That in a theater fire / (whoever I am) should be allowed
to be the first to get to the exit; that in a sea disaster / should
be in the first lifeboat; that at a street crossing / should be al-
lowed right of way regardless of lights or rules; that at a
buffet dinner I should always be the first to help myselfthis
is what the moral rule of equality cannot permit. The common
interests requires that order and precedence in these matters
must be governed by general rules applied to and enforced on
everyone. We cannot allow exceptions. Or rather, whatever
exceptions are permitted (e.g., in traffic, to fire engines, am-
bulances, police cars) must be exceptions made by rule in the
general interest, not merely in the special interest of the per-
sons excepted. If everybody were to treat himself as an excep-
tion there would be a mad rush for the fire exits, a furious
scramble for the lifeboats, a traffic jam and constant accidents,
a disorderly, ill-mannered, and degrading rush to the buffet
table, which would make things worse for everybody.
Equality in this sense means the refusal to allow exceptions,
or to allow exceptions for any other than the general interest,
and never merely for the interest of the exception himself.
Equality in this sense means not only the rule of justice; it
means the rule of law and order. It is merely another way of
insisting on the strict adherence to general rules. The ex-
ceptions must be permitted only for reasons relevant to this
purpose, and never for irrelevant reasons either of social rank or
individual superiority.
In other words, to say that we should be subject to general
laws is to say that these laws should apply equally to everybody.
"Equality before the law" can perhaps be a misleading phrase.
It is the laws that are equal in application. There is no im-
plication that the persons subject to the law are equal in any
other respect than their right to equality of treatment in the
application of the law. There is no implication in this that
"all men are born equal." This dubious premise is not needed
to establish the utility and justice of equal treatment by the
law.
Equality before the law might be stated in still another way.
It is symbolized in the statues which show Justice blindfolded,
holding a pair of scales. This does not mean that Justice is
blind to everything else but the merits of the case. It means
that everything else is to be ignored but compliance or non-
compliance with a general abstract law, or abstract considera-
tions of equity in a particular case. It means that race, color,
religion, and all other qualities or differences in status or
wealth or ability of the litigants are to be dismissed as irrele-
EQUALITY AND INEQUALITY 265
vant. Such differences are never to be recognized or seen by
Justice.
In brief, there is no inconsistency in pointing out that justice
sometimes demands Equality and sometime Inequality, pro-
vided we keep clearly in mind in what respect treatment, con-
sideration, or reward should be equal or unequal. Everything
depends upon the frame of reference.
CHAPTER 26
Freedom
Varied and multitudinous as are the conceptions of "justice,"
they are as nothing compared with the variety and number of
the conceptions of "freedom." Entire books have been devoted
to an analysis of what the word means to various writers or in
various settings.1 My purpose here is to discuss only a few of
these meanings.
The words liberty and freedom are used both in the legal-
political and in the moral realm. In the legal and political
realm the truest, or at least the most useful and fruitful con-
cept, seems to me to be the one set forth by John Locke in
The Second Treatise of Civil Government (sec. 57):
The end of law is not to abolish or restrain, but to preserve
and enlarge freedom. For in all the states of created beings, capa-
ble of laws, where there is no law there is no freedom. For liberty
is to be free from restraint and violence from others, which can-
not be where there is no law; and is not, as we are told, "a liberty
for every man to do what he lists." For who could be free, when
every other man's humour might domineer over him? But a lib-
erty to dispose and order freely as he lists his person, actions, pos-
sessions, and his whole property within the allowance of those
laws under which he is, and therein not to be subject to the
arbitrary will of another, but freely follow his own.
The fullest and best modern restatement of this view is
found in F. A. Hayek's The Constitution of Liberty.2 The
purpose of law, and the chief function of the state, should be
to maximize security and liberty and to minimize coercion.
Liberty for the individual means that he is free to act in ac-
cordance with his own decisions and plans, in contrast to one
who is subject to the arbitrary will of another. Coercion, of
course, cannot be altogether avoided. The only way to prevent
the coercion of one man by another is by the threat of coercion
against any would-be coercer. This is the function of the law,
the law-enforcing officials, and the State. The State must have
266
FREEDOM 267
a monopoly of coercion if coercion is to be minimized. And
coercion by the State itself can be minimized only if it is
exercised without arbitrariness or caprice, and solely in ac-
cordance with known, general rules which constitute the law.
This concept of freedom as the absence of constraint (which
includes the qualification that "there are cases in which people
have to be constrained if one wants to preserve the freedom of
other people") 3 is the oldest political conception of freedom.
It is also, fortunately, still the common property of many
jurists, economists, and political scientists.4 True, it may be
called a "merely negative" concept. But this is so only "in the
sense that peace is also a negative concept or that security or
quiet or the absence of any particular impediment or evil is
negative." 5 It will be found that most of the "positive" con-
cepts of liberty identify liberty with the power to satisfy all
our wishes or even with "the freedom to constrain other
people." 6
Now when we apply this political conception of freedom in
the moral realm we see that it is both an end-in-itself and the
necessary means to most of our other ends. All men and all
animals rebel at physical restraint just because it is restraint.
Hold a baby's arms, and it will begin to struggle, cry, and
scream. Put a puppy on a leash, and it will have to be dragged
along by the neck with all four paws scraping the ground.
Release a dog that has been tied up, and he will leap and bound
and tear around in circles of frenzied joy. Prisoners, schoolboys,
soldiers or sailors will show unrestrained glee in the first mo-
ments or hours of release from jail or school or barracks or
shipboard. The value attached to liberty is never more clearly
seen than when men have been deprived of it, or when it has
been even mildly restricted. Liberty is so precious an end in
itself that Lord Acton was moved to declare that it is "not
a means to a higher political end. It is itself the highest po-
litical end."
Yet though liberty is beyond doubt an end-in-itself, it is also
of the highest value, to repeat, as a means to most of our
other ends. We can pursue not only our economic but our
intellectual and spiritual goals only if we are free to do so. Only
when we are free do we have the power to choose. And only
when we have the power to choose can our choice be called
right or moral. Morality cannot be predicated of the act of a
slave, or of any act done because one has been coerced into
doing it. (The same does not apply, of course, to immorality.
If a man flogs someone else because he fears that he will other-
wise be flogged himself, or murders someone else, under orders,
to save his own life, his act is still immoral.)
Liberty is the essential basis, the sine qua non, of morality.
Morality can exist only in a free society; it can exist to the
extent that freedom exists. Only to the extent that men have
the power of choice can they be said to choose the good.
CHAPTER 27
Free Will and Determinism

1. The Fallacies of Materialism
It is possible to write a book on ethics without referring to
the immemorial problem of Free Will vs. Determinism. Many
modern books on ethics omit any discussion of it. I should my-
self be happy to do so, if it were not for a still widespread
belief that the answer we make to the question may have
crucial practical importance. "If all a man's actions are deter-
mined," ask those who hold this belief, "and if his will is not
free, how can he be held responsible for his actions? And if
he cannot be held responsible for them, what justification can
there be for reward or punishment, praise or blame? Is there
any point at all in the study of ethics?"
I have put the question in this crude and extreme form be-
cause it may help to emphasize some of the more frequent
confusions and fallacies that occur in its discussion.
As such confusions and fallacies have existed on both sides
of the controversy, we need to examine carefully what is right
and what is wrong in the arguments both of those who call
themselves Determinists and those who call themselves Liber-
tarians.
Let us begin with the Determinists. They are right in assert-
ing the omnipresence of Cause and Effect. They are right in
asserting that everything that happens is a necessary outcome
of a preceding state of things. This is not merely the discovery
and conclusion of the whole body of modern science. It is an
inescapable necessity of thought itself. As Henri Poincare1 put
it: "Science is determinist; it is so a priori; it postulates deter-
minism, because without this postulate science could not
exist." 1
By the same reasoning, the Libertarian concept of a person
or "self" or an individual "will" that stands outside the chain
of causation, uninfluenced by the previous state of affairs, is
wholly untenable.
269
But there is a common confusion of Determinism with Ma-
terialism. The Materialistic Determinists press on from the
inescapable assumption that every effect has a cause to the
arbitrary assumption that all causation, even in human action,
must be physical or chemical causation. They assume that all
thoughts, values, volitions, decisions, acts, are the product of
physical, chemical, or physiological processes going on in the
human body. In such a view the human mind or will can
originate nothing. It transforms outward pressures and forces,
or inward chemical changes, into ideas or acts, or the illusion
of "volition" or "free will," much as a dynamo automatically
transforms motion into electricity or an engine automatically
transforms steam, electricity, or gasoline into motion in a fixed
determinate ratio. In this view, moreover, the "self" or the
human "will" hardly has even as much physical existence as
the dynamo or the engine. The "will" is merely the name for
an automatic and predictable process. Everything acting on it
is a cause, but it itself seems to be a cause of nothing. A man
acts for the same reason that a mechanical doll may walk. The
mechanism in the former case is merely more complicated.
Now there is doubtless some connection between body and
mind or, say, between chemicals and drugs, on the one hand,
and human actions on the other. This has been shown in
recent times by the effects on mind and action of a multiplicity
of drugs. Men have, in fact, known from time immemorial
about the effects on mind and action of alcohol. It has yet
to be shown, however, that these effects will ever be com-
pletely measurable, determinate, and predictable.
The chain of causation may also run the other way round.
Worry, anxiety, disappointment, despair, may precipitate heart
attacks and other diseases (possibly cancer), while hope and
faith seem in at least some cases to have remarkable curative
powers.
But though we know there is some connection between body
and mind, between chemistry and consciousness, we still do
not know the precise nature of that connection or how it
operates. Certainly we do not know enough about the relations
of mind and body to leap into the assumptions of panphysical-
ism. We know very little even about the process by which new
ideas arise out of previous ideas. We know practically nothing
FREE WILL AND DETERMINISM 271
about the way in which ideas arise out of chemical or physio-
logical processes. The gap between chemistry and conscious-
ness remains unbridged. We still have not the slightest knowl-
edge of how the one world is or can be transformed into the
other.2
This is the view that is now being accepted by modern
biologists. As Julian Huxley puts it in Evolution in Action:
The impulses which travel up to the brain along the nerves are
of an electrical nature and differ only in their time relations, such
as their frequency, and in their intensity. But in the brain, these
purely quantitative differences in electrical pattern are translated
into wholly different qualities of sensation. The miracle of mind
is that it can transmute quantity into quality. The property of
mind is something given: it is just so. It cannot be -explained; it
can only be accepted. . . .3
For a biologist, much the easiest way is to think of mind and
matter as two aspects of a single, underlying realityshall we
call it world substance, the stuff out of which the world is
made . . . ?4
The point is further developed by Joseph Wood Krutch in
The Measure of Man. In the debate during the second half
of the nineteenth century between the mechanists and the
humanists, he writes, the humanists made the "egregious tacti-
cal error" of permitting the issue to depend on the existence
of the "soul" instead of on the existence of consciousness: This
permitted the chemists to say, "I cannot find the soul in my
test tube," without exposing clearly the fallacy of his argu-
ment. If he had been compelled to say, instead, "I cannot find
consciousness in my test tube," the reply would be simple: "I
don't care whether you can find it there or not. I can find it in
my head. Chemistry, by failing to find it, demonstrates nothing
except the limitations of its methods. I am conscious, and until
you show me a machine which is also conscious I shall continue
to believe that the difference between me and a mechanism is
probably very significant; even perhaps that what I find in that
consciousness is better evidence concerning things to which con-
sciousness is relevant than the things which you find in a test
tube. . . ."
Actually, of course, consciousness is the only thing of which we
have direct evidence, and to say "I think therefore I am" is a
statement which rests more firmly on direct evidence than the
behaviorists' formula "I act therefore I am." After all, it is only
because man is conscious that he can know or think he knows that
he acts. What he minimizes really comes first and on it everything
else rests. What the mechanist disparagingly calls "the subjective"
is not that of which we are least, but rather that of which we are
most certain. . . .
The problem of the apparent discontinuity between the two
realms still remains. How a material body can be aware of sen-
sations is perhaps the thorniest of all metaphysical problems. It
is as hard to imagine how we get from one realm to the other,
what is the connection between the world of things and that of
thoughts and emotionsas it is to imagine how one might man-
age to enter the mathematician's world of the fourth dimension.
But . . . the physical body does think' and feel. Much as the
physical scientist may hate to admit what he cannot account for,
this fact he can hardly deny. The seemingly impossible is the most
indisputably true.5
2. The Confusions of Fatalism

Of even greater practical importance than the fallacy of
Materialism is the fallacy that confuses Determinism with
Fatalism. The doctrine of Determinism merely asserts that
nothing happens without a cause, that every state of affairs is
the outcome of a preceding state of affairs. Without this as-
sumption all prediction would be impossible and all reasoning
would be futile. But the doctrine of Determinism, while it does
necessarily assert that the past was (in one sense) inevitable,
given the physical, social, and individual forces, actions,
choices, and decisions that actually took place, and while it also
asserts that the future will be determined in the same way,
does not assert that this future can necessarily be known in
advance. Nor does it assert that a given event will take place
regardless of what you or I may do to promote or prevent it.
Yet this is the assumption implicit in Fatalism.
People slip into this fallacy either through confused theo-
logical assumptions or confused causal assumptions. Their
theological argument runs something like this: "God must
have existed before the Universe that He created. He must be
both omnipotent and omniscient. If He is both omnipotent
and omniscient, He must have both foreseen and intended
everything that has happened from the beginning of time and
everything that will happen into eternity. It is all written in
the Book of Fate. Nothing that I can do can change it."
The Materialist Fatalist argument is curiously similar to
this. "Because everything that happens has a cause, and be-
cause everything is interconnected with everything else, the
future is necessarily already contained in the present. What-
ever will be, will be. Even my own 'Will' is an illusion. My
choices and decisions are as foreordained as anything else."
Into all the fallacies in both of these arguments I shall not
attempt to enter here.6 Dissecting most of them would be an
exercise in the realm of Metaphysics or Logic. But one fallacy
they share in common is to take into account every force and
cause and factor except the wishes, choices, and decisionsin
brief, the willof the agent himself. Either this is left out, as
if it counted for nothing, or it is assumed that every other
force and factor is active, and only a man's will is nonexistent
or passivesomething that is acted upon, but that acts upon
nothing.
The fatalistic philosophy can do immense harm. Fortunately
nobody acts on it consistently. We are told of the Turk who
will sit down and calmly watch his house burn without making
any effort to extinguish the fire, because, if it is the will of
Allah that it shall be burned down, it is useless for him to
struggle against it; while if Allah wills that it shall be saved,
Allah does not want his assistance.7
No doubt there have been and still are a few cases as ex-
treme as this, but not many. Few persons would need a more
rational Determinist to point out to them that the question
whether or not the fire was extinguished would depend at
least in part upon whether or not they turned a hose on it,
and that this in turn would depend upon what sort of person
they wereand perhaps especially upon whether or not they
were fatalists! For the quiescent Turk is in fact assuming that
it is the will of Allah that hij house shall burn down, and not
the will or expectation of Allah that the Turk himself will put
forth his utmost effort to save it. For somewhere in the ex-
pectations of most Fatalists there lurks the assumption that
they are somehow privy to the intentions of Fate. Their own
passivity and inaction help to bring about the very mis-
fortunes they fear. This is revealed in many of their pronounce-
ments. " 'Tis vain to quarrel with our destiny." 8 "The event
is never in the power of man." 9 "Who can control his fate?" 10
"We are little better than straws upon the water: we may
flatter ourselves that we swim, when the current carries us
along." X1 "The age, the actions, the wealth, the knowledge,
and even the death, of everyone is determined in his mother's
womb." 12 "Before a child comes into the world, it has its lot
assigned already, and it is ordained and determined what and
how much it shall have." 13
The tendency of all such pronouncements, if they were taken
seriously, would be to make us all quietists and inactivists, re-
jecting and despising all ambition, all determination, all strug-
gle and striving, all exertion and effort. Fatalism may be harm-
less enough as a retrospective philosophy; it will never do as a
prospective philosophy.
But fortunately, as I pointed out earlier, no one acts on this
doctrine with complete consistency. Even the legendary Turk
who calmly watches his house burn down with no attempt to
put out the fire would never have lived beyond infancy if (on
the assumption that if any of these things were the will of
Allah, Allah would do them for him) he never bothered to get
up in the morning, to dress himself, to work for a living, to
build himself a fire for warmth, to jump out of the way of a
falling rock or a speeding car, to take his meals, or to lift his
food from his plate to his mouth. Those who profess to hold
the doctrine of Fatalism seem to reserve it only for special
crises in life. In the day-to-day routine of living, they in fact
assume that the future is for the most part in our hands, that
we help to shape our own destinies and that how we live and
what we become depends upon what we will and what we do.
It is of the first importance, therefore, to distinguish between
Activistic Determinism and Fatalistic Determinism. Activistic
Determinism, though recognizing that every change is the result
of a cause, "is a call to action and the utmost exertion of a
man's physical and mental capacities," whereas fatalistic deter-
minism "paralyzes the will and engenders passivity and
lethargy." 14
3. Causation Is Not Compulsion

If we ask, now, whether the will can be free, the answer
depends upon what we mean by "free" in this context. Free
from what? Certainly not free from causation. In this sense
Spinoza is correct when he declares: "There is no free will in
the human mind: it is moved to this or that volition by some
cause, and this cause has been determined by some other cause,
and that again by another, and so ad infinitum." 15
But what is relevant for practical ethics is not an impossible
freedom from causation, but freedom to act, freedom to aim at
definite ends, freedom to choose between alternatives, freedom
to choose good from evil, freedom to act in accordance with the
pronouncements of our reason, and not as the mere slave of
our immediate passions and appetites. And what is both
ethically and politically relevant is freedom from outside
coercion, freedom to act "according to one's own will instead
of another's." 16 And these two kinds of freedomfrom com-
pulsion by momentary appetite and from outside coercion
most of us can have.
Determinism in the true sense does not exempt anyone from
moral responsibility. It is precisely because we do not decide
or act without cause that ethical judgments serve a purpose.
We are all influenced by the reasoning of others, by their praise
or blame, by the prospect of reward or punishment. The knowl-
edge that we will be held "responsible" for our acts by others,
or even that we will be responsible in our own eyes for the
consequences of our acts, must influence those acts, and must
tend to influence them in the direction of moral opinion.
The practical consequences of a belief in Determinism or in
Free Will, respectively, depend on how we understand these
terms. Practically we do act, in our social life, on the assump-
tion that the actions of others are predictable because of their
pre-established habits and character: "The life of man in
society involves daily a mass of minute forecasts of the actions
of other men." 17 To that extent we are all Determinists. And
to the extent that we are Determinists, also, we will tend to
regard punishment as preventive rather than retributive.18
In fact, it is possible to reverse the common argument of
the Libertarians and to contend that only on the assumptions
of Determinism can moral responsibility have any meaning.
This was the position of Hume:
Nay, I shall go further, and assert that this kind of necessity
[Determinism] is so essential to religion and morality that with-
out it there must ensue an absolute subversion of both, and that
every other supposition is entirely destructive of all laws, both
divine and human. It is indeed certain that as all human laws are
founded on rewards and punishments, it is supposed as a funda-
mental principle that these motives have an influence on the
mind, and both produce the good and prevent the evil ac-
tions. . . .
But according to the doctrine of liberty or chance . . . [an]
action itself may be blamable; it may be contrary to all the rules
of morality and religion: but the person is not responsible for it;
and as it proceeded from nothing in him that is durable or con-
stant, and leaves nothing of that nature behind it, it is impossible
he can, upon its account, become the object of punishment or
vengeance. According to the hypothesis of liberty [Free Will],
therefore, a man is as pure and untainted, after having committed
the most horrid crimes, as at the first moment of his birth. . . .
It is only upon the principles of necessity [Determinism] that a
person acquires any merit or demerit from his actions, however
the common opinion may incline to the contrary.19
And nearly a century even before Hume, Hobbes had also
seen with brilliant clarity that there was no inherent contra-
diction between Free Will and Determinismor, in the older
vocabulary, between Liberty and Necessitywhen the mean-
ing of both was clearly understood:
Liberty, or Freedom, signifieth, properly, the absence of oppo-
sition . . . [of] external impediments. . . .
A Free man is he, that in those things, which by his strength and
wit he is able to do, is not hindered to do what he has a wilt
to. . . . From the use of the word free-will, no liberty can be
inferred of the will, desire, or inclination, but the liberty of the
man; which consisteth in this, that he finds no stop, in doing what
he has the will, desire, or inclination to do. . . .
Liberty and necessity are consistent: as in the water, that hath
not only liberty but a necessity of descending by the channel; so
likewise in the actions which men voluntarily do: which, because
they proceed from their will, proceed from liberty; and yet, be-
cause every act of man's will, and every desire, and inclination
proceedeth from some cause, and that from another cause, in a
continual chain . . . proceed from necessity. So that to him that
could see the connexion of those causes, the necessity of all men's
voluntary actions would appear manifest.20 [His italics.]
I hope I may be forgiven if I supplement these by at least
one modern quotation, for it seems to me that there has been a
convergence of the best modern philosophic thought toward
the conclusion that, when both terms are correctly understood,
it is perfectly possible to reconcile determinism with freedom
of the will. The quotation is from A. J. Ayer's Philosophical
Essays (1954): "That my actions should be capable of being
explained is all that is required by the postulate of determinism.
. . . It is not . . . causality that freedom is to be contrasted
with, but constraint." 21
The question should be raised, indeed, whether the whole
immemorial dispute between Determinism and Free Will does
not rest on a misunderstandinga simple confusion between
natural laws, in the sense of rules of universal validity, and
legal laws, in the sense of laws that impose a compulsion
descriptive laws versus prescriptive laws. All science presup-
poses the principle of causation. Freedom in the moral sense
does not mean freedom from causation, but freedom from com-
pulsion. A man is free from compulsion when he is not re-
strained or coerced by forces or persons outside of himself. He
is free when he can follow his own desires, his own will, regard-
less of how that will may itself have come to be what it is. And
in this sense, it is true, freedom is the presupposition of moral
responsibility. When we ask who is responsible for an act, we
mean in practice who is to be rewarded or punished for it, who
is to be praised or blamed for it. And as we reward or punish,
praise or blame, in order to improve moral conduct, the prob-
lem of determining moral responsibility is practical rather than
metaphysical.
To sum up: There is no irreconcilable antithesis between
Determinism and Free Will when both are rightly understood.
Determinism simply assumes that everything, including our
every act and decision, has a prior cause. But it does not assert
or assume that every cause or force acting on us is outside of
us. On the contrary, it assumes that our own character, which
we ourselves have helped to form, our own past habits, resolu-
tions and decisions, help to determine our present acts and
decisions, and that these in turn will help to determine our
future acts and decisions. And Free Will, rightly understood,
means that we are not necessarily the slaves of our immediate
appetites, but are free to make the choice among alternatives of
conduct that we consider most rational. We are free to choose
our ends. We are free, within limits, to choose what we con-
sider to be the most appropriate means to our ends.
What more freedom do we really need?
CHAPTER 28
Rights
1. Legal Rights
The concept of Rights is in origin a legal concept. In fact,
in most European languages the term for Law is identical
with the term for Right. The Latin jus, the French droit, the
Italian diritto, the Spanish derecho, the German Recht signify
both the legal rule that binds a person and the legal right that
every person claims as his own. These coincidences are no
mere accident. Law and Right are correlative terms. They are
two sides of the same coin. All private rights are derived from
the legal order, while the legal order involves the aggregate
of all the rights coordinated by it. As one legal writer puts it:
"We can hardly define a right better than by saying that it is
the range of action assigned to a particular will within the
social order established by law."x
In other words, just because every person under the rule of
law is divested of an unlimited liberty of action, a certain
liberty of action within the legal limits is conceded and guaran-
teed to him by right.
When a man claims something as a right, he claims it as
his own or as due to him. The very conception of a legal right
for one man implies an obligation on the part of somebody
else or of everybody else. If a creditor has a right to a sum of
money owed to him on a certain day, the debtor has an obliga-
tion to pay it. If you have a right to freedom of speech, to
privacy, or to the ownership of a house, every one else has an
obligation to respect it. A legal right for me implies a legal
duty of others not to interfere with my free exercise of it.
Among legal rights almost universally recognized and pro-
tected today are the right to freedom from assault, or from
arbitrary arrest or imprisonment; the right to be protected
from arbitrary intrusion into one's home; the right to freedom
of speech and publication (within certain established limits);
the right to hold property; the right to compensation for dam-
279
ages inflicted by trespassers; the right to demand fulfillment
of a contract; and many others.
The notion of legal right has its counterpart in legal duty.
In their legal relations men either claim or owe. If A exerts an
acknowledged right, he has the legal power to require that B
(or that B, C, D, etc.) shall act or forbear to act in a certain
wayshall do something or abstain from doing something.
Neither legally nor morally can "property rights" be properly
contrasted with "human rights":
The right of ownership is, strictly speaking, quite as much a
personal rightthe right of one person against other persons
as a right to service, or a lease. It may be convenient for certain
purposes to speak of rights over things, but in reality there can
only be rights in respect of things against persons. . . . Relations
and intercourse arise exclusively between live beings; but goods
as well as ideas are the object and the material of such relations;
and when a right of ownership in a watch or a piece of land is
granted to me by law, this means not only that the seller has en-
tered into a personal obligation to deliver those things to me, but
also that every person will be bound to recognize them as mine.2
"Every single legal rule may be thought of as one of the
bulwarks or boundaries erected by society in order that its
members shall not collide with each other in their actions." 3
As every legal rule appears as a necessary adjunct to some
relation of social intercourse, it is often difficult to say whether
the rule precedes the rights and duties involved in the relation,
or vice versa. Both of these sides of law stand in constant cross-
relations with each other.
In the last three centuries there has been an expansion of
legal rights and an increasingly explicit recognition of their
existence and importance. T o protect the individual against
abuses in statute law or by law-enforcement officials, "bills of
rights" have been incorporated into written constitutions. The
most famous of these is the Bill of Rights adopted in 1790 in
the American Constitution.
The Bill of Rights is another name for the first Ten Amend-
ments. It guarantees freedom of worship, of speech, and of the
press; the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to
petition the government for a redress of grievances; the right
of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and
RIGHTS 281
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures; the right of
every person not to be compelled in any criminal case to be a
witness against himself; nor to be deprived of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; nor to have his property
taken for public use, without just compensation; the right of
the accused, in all criminal prosecutions, to a speedy and public
trial by an impartial jury; the right to be protected against ex-
cessive bail and excessive fines, and cruel and unusual punish-
ments.
This list is not complete. To the rights specified in the first
Ten Amendments, additional rights were later added in the
Fourteenth Amendment. Some rights, in fact, are specified in
the original Constitution. The privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus cannot be suspended unless in cases of rebellion or
invasion the public safety may require it. Congress is prohibited
from passing any bill of attainder or ex post facto law. Any
State also is prohibited from passing any bill of attainder, ex
post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts.
We shall return later to fuller consideration of some of these
rights, and of their scope and limitations.
2. Natural Rights
Especially in the last two centuries, there has been a broad-
ening of the concept of legal rights to the notion of "natural"
rights. This was already implicit and sometimes explicit, how-
ever, in the thought of Plato and Aristotle, of Cicero and the
Roman jurists, and becomes more explicit and detailed in the
writings of Locke, Rousseau, Burke, and Jefferson.4
The term Natural Rights, like the term Natural Law, is in
some respects unfortunate. It has helped to perpetuate a
mystique which regards such rights as having existed since the
beginning of time; as having been handed down from heaven;
as being simple, self-evident, and easily stated; as even being
independent of the human will, independent of consequences,
inherent in the nature of things. This concept is reflected in
the Declaration of Independence: "We hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are en-
dowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that
among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness."
Yet though the term Natural Rights easily lends itself to
misinterpretation, the concept is indispensable; and it will do
no harm to keep the term as long as we clearly understand it to
mean ideal rights, the legal rights that every man ought to
enjoy. The historic function of the doctrine of Natural Rights
has been, in fact, to insist that the individual be guaranteed
legal rights that he did not have, or held only uncertainly and
precariously.
By a further extension, we are justified in talking not only
of "natural" legal rights but of moral rights. Yet clarity of
thought demands that we hold fast to at least one part of the
legal meaning of "rights." We have seen that every right of
one man implies a corresponding obligation of others to do
something or refrain from doing something so that he may be
protected in and even guaranteed that right. If we abandon
this two-sided concept the term right becomes a mere rhetori-
cal flourish without definite meaning.
3. Pseudo-Rights
Before we examine the real nature and function of "natural"
or moral rights it will clarify our ideas to look at some illegiti-
mate extensions of the concept.
These have been rife for the last generation. An outstanding
example is the Four Freedoms announced by President Frank-
lin D. Roosevelt in 1941. The first two of these"freedom of
speech and expression," and "freedom of every person to wor-
ship God in his own way"are legitimate freedoms and legiti-
mate rights. They were, in fact, already guaranteed in the
Constitution. But the last two"freedom from want . . .
everywhere in the world" and "freedom from fear . . . any-
where in the world" are illegitimate extensions of the concept
of freedom or the concept of rights.
It will be noticed that the first two are freedoms of (or to),
and the second two are freedoms from. Had Roosevelt used
the synonym "liberty," he would still have been able to promise
"liberty to," but English idiom would hardly have allowed him
to promise "liberty from."5 "Freedom to" is a guaranty that no
one, including the government, will be allowed to interfere
with one's freedom of thought and expression; but "freedom
RIGHTS 283
from" means that it is considered the duty of someone else to
supply one's wants or to remove one's fears. Aside from the
fact that this is a demand impossible of fulfillment (in a
world of daily dangers and in a world in which we have not
collectively produced enough to meet all our wants), just how
does it become someone else's duty to supply my wants or to
banish my fears? And how do I decide just whose duty it is?
Another outstanding example of a demand for pseudo-rights
is found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in
1948. This declaration states, for example, that "everyone has
the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of
working hours and periodic holidays with pay." Assuming
that this is even possible for everyone (in South America, Asia,
Africa, and in the present state of civilization), whose obliga-
tion is it to provide all this? And how far does each provider's
alleged obligation extend?
The same questions may be asked of all the rhetorical de-
mands for alleged rights that we now hear almost daily"the
right to a minimum standard of living"; "the right to a decent
wage"; "the right to a job"; "the right to an education"; and
even "the right to a comfortable living"; "the right to a satis-
factory job," or "the right to a good education." It is not only
that all these alleged rights have vague quantitative boundaries
that they do not specify how high a wage is considered "de-
cent" or how much education "the right to an education" im-
plies. What makes them pseudo-rights is that they imply that
it is somebody else's obligation to supply those things. But
they do not usually tell us whose obligation, or precisely how
it comes to be his. My "right to a job" implies that it is some-
body's else's duty to give me a job, apparently regardless of
my qualifications or even whether I would do more damage
than good on the job.
4. Absolute vs. Prima Facie Rights

Unfortunately, disposing of some of the more obviously
pseudo rights does only a little to simplify our problem. Nat-
ural rights or moral rights are not always self-evident, are not
necessarily simple, and are seldom if ever absolute. If legal
rights are the correlates of legal rules, moral rights are the
correlates of moral rules. And as moral duties may sometimes
conflict with each other, so may moral rights. My legal and
moral rights are limited by your legal and moral rights. My
right to freedom of speech, for example, is limited by your right
not to be slandered. And "your right to swing your arm ends
where my nose begins."
The temptation to simplify moral rights is great. One moral
philosopher, Hastings Rashdall, tried to reduce them all to
one single rightthe right to equality of consideration:
Not only does the principle of equal consideration not neces-
sarily prescribe any actual equality of Well-being or of the ma-
terial conditions of Well-being: when properly understood, it does
not favor the attempt to draw up a priori any detailed list of the
"rights of man." It is impossible to discover any tangible concrete
thing, or even any specific "liberty of action or acquisition," to
which it can be contended that every individual or human being
has a right under all circumstances. There are circumstances un-
der which the satisfaction of any and every such right is a physical
impossibility. And if every assertion of right is to be conditioned
by the clause "if it be possible," we might as well boldly say that
every man, woman, and child on the earth's surface has a right
to 1000 a year. There is every bit as much reason for such an
assertion as for maintaining that every one has a right to the
means of subsistence, or to three acres and a cow, or to life, or to
liberty, or to the Parliamentary franchise, or to propagate his
species, or the like. There are conditions under which none of
these rights can be given to one man without prejudice to the
equal rights of others. There seems, then, to be no "right of man"
which is unconditional, except the right to considerationthat
is to say, the right to have his true Well-being (whatever that true
Well-being be) regarded as of equal importance in all social ar-
rangements with the Well-being of everybody else. Elaborate
expositions of the rights of man are, at best, attempts to formulate
the most important actual or legal rights which an application
of the principle of equality would require to be conceded to the
generality of men at a particular state of social development.
They are all ultimately resolvable into the one supreme and un-
conditional rightthe right to consideration; and all particular
applications of that principle must be dependent upon circum-
stances of time and place.6
RIGHTS 285
In its negative contentionin emphasizing how many de-
voutly-to-be-wished-for conditions may be falsely called rights
this passage is highly instructive. But in its affirmative con-
tentionin its effort to prove that all rights may be subsumed
under equality of considerationthe passage cannot be called
successful. No doubt "equality of consideration" is one moral
right. But it is a very vague one. Suppose we think of it for
a moment as a claimed legal right. Suppose a chair of philoso-
phy falls vacant at Harvard and M, N, and O are among those
who secretly aspire to be appointed to the post. And suppose,
instead, that A gets the appointment and M, N, and O discover
that A was, in fact, the only man even considered for the post?
How could any one of the unsuccessful hopefuls go about legally
proving that he did not get equality of consideration? (And in
just what would "equality of consideration" have consisted?)
He could say that the appointing group was influenced by
irrelevant considerationsby considerations apart from what
were strictly A's qualifications for the postor that his, M's,
qualifications for the post were not even considered. But could
the appointing group reasonably be expected to consider
equally everybody's qualifications for the post? Or is Rashdall's
criterion merely another form of Bentham's "everybody to
count for one, nobody to count for more than one"? And just
how would either criterion help a man to decide a specific
moral problemsuch as, in a shipwreck at sea, whether to save
his wife or a stranger? Or even (if conditions made this the only
alternative) whether to save his wife or two strangers?
We must try to think of moral rights with at least as much
care and precision as legislators, judges, and jurists are com-
pelled to think of legal rights. We cannot be satisfied with any
vague and easy rhetorical solutions. Legal rights actually con-
stitute an intricate and interrelated structure of rights worked
out by centuries of judicial reasoning applied to centuries of
human experience. Contrary to Justice Holmes's facile epi-
gram: "The life of the law has not been logic; it has been
experience," 7 the life of the law has been both logic and ex-
perience. The law is the product of logic and reason brought to
bear on experience.
As everyone's rights are conditioned by the equal rights of
others, as the rights of each must be harmonized and co-
ordinated with the equal rights of all, and as one right may not
always and everywhere be compatible with another, there are
few if any absolute rights. Even the right to life and the right
to freedom of speech are not absolute. John Locke often wrote
as if the rights to life, liberty, and property were absolute, but
he made exceptions and qualifications in the course of his dis-
cussion: "Every one as he is bound to preserve himself . . . so
by the like reason, when his own preservation comes not in
competition, ought he as much as he can to preserve the rest
of mankind, and not unless it be to do justice on an offender,
take away or impair the life, or what tends to the preservation
of the life, the liberty, health, limb, or goods of another." 8
(My italics.)
Even the right to freedom of speech does not extend to libel,
slander, or obscenity (though there may be difficult problems
of definition concerning the latter). And nearly everyone will
concede the limits to free speech as defined by Justice Holmes
in a celebrated opinion:
The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect
a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre, and causing a panic.
It does not even protect a man from injunction against uttering
words that may have all the effect of force. The question in every
case is whether the words are used in such circumstances and are
of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they
will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right
to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree.9
The suggestion has been made, following the analogy of the
concept of "prima facie duties" (which we owe to Sir David
Ross), that though we have no absolute rights, we do have prima
facie rights. That is, we have a prima facie right to life, liberty,
property, etc., which must be respected in the absence of some
conflicting right or other consideration. But just as the law
must be more precise than this, so must moral philosophy.
Legal rights are of course subject to certain conditions and
qualifications. But within those necessary qualifications, legal
rights are or ought to be inviolable. And so, of course, should
moral rights be.
This inviolability does not rest on some mystical yet self-
evident "law of nature." It rests ultimately (though it will
shock many to hear this) on utilitarian considerations. But it
RIGHTS 287
rests, not on ad hoc utilitism, on expediency in any narrow
sense, but on ru/e-utilitism, on the recognition that the high-
est and only permanent utility comes from an unyielding ad-
herence to principle. Only by the most scrupulous respect for
each other's imprescriptible rights can we maximize social
peace, order, and cooperation.
CHAPTER 29
International Ethics
1. Cooperation Again
In a world that is not only haunted by the specter of Com-
munism but lives in the shadow of the nuclear bomb, a book on
ethics that omitted these topics would be omitting precisely the
ethical problems that trouble us most. For problems of personal
ethics, after all, custom and tradition have worked out fairly
satisfactory answers, and prescribe reasonably adequate guides
for day-to-day conduct even if their philosophical basis is un-
certain or obscure. But in the international realm the world
today confronts some problems (at least of urgency and scale)
that it has never confronted before, and to which no accepted or
ready-made solutions have been worked out.
And yet there is no basic difference between the requirements
of interpersonal ethics and those of international ethics. The
key to both is the principle of cooperation.
In a small closed society the worst situation is one of mutual
hostility, the war of each against all, "of every man against every
man," under which everybody suffers and no one has any secur-
ity in pursuing his aims. The second-best situation is one of re-
fraint1 or abstention from mutual aggression, which at least
provides an atmosphere of peace. But by far the best situation,
as we have repeatedly seen, is social cooperation, which enables
each of us to attain his ends and satisfactions most fully.
The case is no different in the international field. The worst
situation is one of mutual hostility, mutual aggression, war.
The second-best is one of "isolationism," or refraint from mu-
tual aggression. But the ideal situation is one of international
cooperation.
This has long been recognized by the philosophy of liberalism
(in the traditional eighteenth- and nineteenth-century sense). It
expressed itself in the doctrine of free trade. Free trade rested
on the recognition that the international division of labor, made
288
INTERNATIONAL ETHICS 289
possible by free exchange, tended to maximize the productivity
of labor and capital and so to raise standards of living every-
where. The doctrine of free trade included, of course, freedom
of cultural exchange.
But liberalism did not merely espouse freedom of import and
export. It also espoused freedom of travel, of immigration and
emigration, and freedom of capital movements. To make these
freedoms possible, there had to be security of life and property,
including international respect for copyright, patents, and pri-
vate property of every kind.
This security and these freedoms not only tended to maxi-
mize material welfare in all countries, but also promoted world
peace. Protectionism is not only an economic fallacy, but a
cause of international hostility and war. All barriers to imports
and exports make the efficiency of world production less than it
would otherwise be. They increase costs and prices, lower qual-
ity, and reduce abundance. Protectionism is an absurdity, be-
cause each country practicing it wants to decrease its imports
but at the same time to increase its exports. It cannot do so even
if it is the sole culprit, because other countries can pay for their
imports from it only out of the proceeds of their exports to it.
When the practice is attempted all around the circle, the ab-
surdity becomes evident even to the most stupid. Each country
that makes the attempt to put it into effect arouses the resent-
ment of its neighbors and causes them to adopt measures of
retaliation. Nationalist policies that begin by efforts to beggar
one's neighbor must end in the ruin of all.
I have been speaking, in the conventional way, of "countries,"
of "nations," and of "international" cooperation. But it is im-
portant to keep in mind that what we really mean by "interna-
tional" cooperation is cooperation between individuals in one
nation and individuals in another. An individual importer in
the United States buys from an individual exporter in Great
Britain. An individual investor in the United States invests in
an individual company in Canada. Apart from protecting life
and property within their own countries, and insuring the in-
tegrity of their own currencies, the proper role of governments
is simply to keep hands off, to let this "international" coopera-
tion among individuals take place. It was the cry for this in
France in the eighteenth century that gave birth to the now
much misunderstood slogans: Laissez passer, laissez faire; which
should be translated: Let goods pass. Allow goods to be pro-
duced. Allow trade to go on.
The great economist David Ricardo was the first to demon-
strate (in 1817) in his Law of Comparative Costs that it is advan-
tageous for a country to produce only those goods that it can
produce at a relatively lower cost than other countries, and to
buy from those countries even goods that it could itself produce
at a lower absolute cost. In other words, exchange may bene-
ficially take place even when one nation is superior in all lines
of production. This is also sometimes called the Law of Associa-
tion or the Law of Comparative Advantage. To many the law
has seemed paradoxical, but it applies between persons as well
as between nations. It is profitable for a skilled surgeon to em-
ploy a nurse to sterilize his instruments and a cleaning woman
to clean up after him, even though he might be able to do both
operations quicker and better himself. It is advantageous, for
the same reasons, for rich and technologically advanced nations
to trade and cooperate with poor and technologically backward
nations.
But this is not a work on economics, and I shall not further
dilate on this particular point. I shall content myself with quota-
tions from two economists, both of which emphasize the ethical
as well as the economic implications of free trade. The first is
from a contemporary, Ludwig von Mises: "It is first necessary
for the nations of the world to realize that their interests do not
stand in mutual opposition and that every nation best serves its
own cause when it is intent on promoting the development of
all nations and scrupulously abstains from every attempt to use
violence against other nations or parts of other nations." 2
The second quotation is from David Hume, whose three
essays, "Of Commerce," "Of the Balance of Trade," and "Of the
Jealousy of Trade," which appeared a quarter of a century be-
fore Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, stated the economic,
cultural, and moral advantages of international trade, and the
folly of interfering with it, as powerfully as any subsequent
explanation. Here is the final paragraph of "The Jealousy of
Trade":
Were our narrow and malignant politics to meet with success,
we should reduce all our neighboring nations to the same state
of sloth and ignorance that prevails in Morocco and the coast of
Barbary. But what would be the consequence? They could send
us no commodities: they could take none from us: our domestic
commerce itself would languish from want of emulation, example,
and instruction: and we ourselves should soon fall into the same
abject condition to which we had reduced them. I shall therefore
venture to acknowledge that not only as a man, but as a British
subject, I pray for the flourishing commerce of Germany, Spain,
Italy, and even France itself. I am at least certain that Great
Britain, and all those nations, would flourish more, did their sov-
ereigns and their ministers adopt such enlarged and benevolent
sentiments toward each other.3
2. Not Machinery but Attitude

To sum up the argument thus far: International ethics, like
interpersonal ethics, must be based on the recognition that the
citizens of each nation gain more by cooperation than by mutual
hostility, nonintercourse, or non-cooperation. In most cases,
when we say that "nations" cooperate, we mean merely that
their governments permit their own citizens to cooperate with
the citizens of other nations, by allowing freedom of travel,
trade, and mutual investment.
But governments must also play a more positive role. They
must provide security of life and property not only for their own
citizens at home, but for foreigners visiting their countries, or
residing in them, and security for the property of those foreign-
ers. Hence they must give foreigners copyright protection,
patent protection, and the like.
This has required the growth of international law and of in-
ternational agreements and institutions to organize cooperation
among national governments. It is surprising how recent some
of these agreements and institutions are. Even the practice of
maintaining standing legations in other countries did not be-
come general until about the sixteenth and seventeenth ceturies.
The first Geneva Convention for ameliorating the condition of
the sick and wounded, which set up the Red Cross, did not take
place until 1864. The International Telegraphic Union was
formed in 1865, the Universal Postal Union in 1874, the Copy-
right Union in 1886, the International Institute of Agriculture
in 1905, the Radio Telegraphic Union in 1906.
In the last century, however, international legislation and
organization has developed at an accelerative rate. One writer4
has estimated that during the half-century 1864-1914, 257 inter-
national conventions of a legislative kind were entered into, and
that during the years 1919-1929 there were no fewer than 229.
Of all the new institutions, perhaps the most significant and
promising were the Permanent Court of Arbitration (the Hague
Tribunal) established in 1899, and the Permanent Court of In-
ternational Justice set up in 1921, and now replaced by the In-
ternational Court of Justice under the United Nations charter.
The questions must be raised, however, whether there is not
now an overmultiplication of international institutions, whether
they are the right kind of institutions, and whether some of
them are not doing immensely more harm than good to the
cause of international cooperation, justice, and peace. Tenny-
son's dream of the day when
the war drum throbbed no longer
and the battle flags were furled
In the Parliament of Man, the Federation
of the world . . .
is an inspiring ideal, but some of its too zealous advocates are
the victims of confusion of thought. They refuse to see that an
organization like the United Nations is at best a means to an
end; that it should not be treated as if it were the end itself;
that it should be judged by its fruits, and not merely by the
good intentions of some of its founders. Does the United Na-
tions, as it stands, actually promote international cooperation,
international justice, and world peace? Or does it merely blow
up what would otherwise be small controversies into great ones?
Is it merely a propaganda forum, which the free capitalist na-
tions have helped to create and finance, from which the Com-
munist nations launch their hate campaigns against the capital-
ist nations, and through which Asian and African delegates
express their envy and resentment of the Western nations and
demand increasing "aid"?
These are questions that the overzealous partisans of the
United Nations not only never ask themselves, but berate others
for asking. But such questions go to the heart of the problem.
The American, British, and other governments are denounced
within their own countries for not submitting every dispute to
arbitration, or to the International Court, or to the United
Nations, and for not agreeing in advance to accept any decision
or award, whatever it may be. But the real problem is twofold.
It is not only that individual nations will not agree in advance
to submit every dispute to "judicial" settlement, but that they
(in many cases rightly) do not and cannot trust the impartiality
of the decision. Their distrust is not irrational. It is the result
of bitter experience. One has merely to look at the voting record
of the Assembly of the United Nations. When a country like the
United States has become the richest and most powerful in the
world, it arouses the envy of all other nations, and particularly
of the poor and "undeveloped" nations, who can be almost
counted upon to outvote it.
This does not mean that the prospects for the growth of in-
ternational law, of peaceful arbitration, and of judicial settle-
ment, are hopeless. It does mean that what is of primary im-
portance is international sentiment and attitudes rather than
the mere international machinery of organization. Where the
right international attitudes exist, the appropriate machinery to
implement them can easily follow. An outstanding example is
the Universal Postal Union. It came into existence because
every party to the convention of 1874 recognized that in order
to have its own stamps honored in foreign countries it must
honor their stamps in its country. This was the only way in
which letters mailed from foreign countries could be assured
of delivery to their specific address within the country of their
destination.
But any attempt to push organization ahead of sentiment
must court failure.
3. The Right of Self-Defense

This brings us to the fallacies of extreme pacificism. A grow-
ing number of people in the world are not content with de-
nouncing war, but seek to put themselves on a higher moral
plane, "above the battle," by denouncing both sides to every
dispute or every war. I travestied this attitude in an article in
1950, called "Johnny and the Tiger." 5 What it overlooks or
denies is the moral and legal right and necessity of self-defense.
The right of a state, as of an individual, to protect itself
against an attack, actual or threatened, is beyond dispute. It is
expressly affirmed in the Charter of the United Nations, Article
51 of which provides that "Nothing in the present Charter shall
impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense
if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Na-
tions, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary
to maintain international peace and security."
The formulation of the principle of self-defense by Daniel
Webster in 1837, when he was the American Secretary of State,
has met, a British writer on international law tells us, "with
general acceptance." 6 There must be shown, said Webster, "a
necessity of self-defense, instant, overwhelming, leaving no
choice of means and no moment of deliberation"; and further,
the action must involve "nothing unreasonable or excessive,
since the act justified by the necessity of self-defense must be
limited by that necessity and kept clearly within it." 7
We come now to a more difficult problem. Is there, in addi-
tion to the right of self-defense, in a strictly limited sense, a
much wider right, that of self-preservation? Here writers on in-
ternational law differ, and their differences reflect a moral differ-
ence. W. E. Hall declares: "Even with individuals living in well-
ordered communities the right of self-preservation is absolute
in the last resort. A fortiori it is so with states, which have in all
cases to protect themselves." 8 "In the last resort almost the
whole of the duties of states are subordinated to the right of self-
preservation." 9
These pronouncements are vigorously disputed by J. L.
Brierly: "Such statements would destroy the imperative char-
acter of any system of law of which they were true, for they
make all obligation to observe the law merely conditional; and
there is hardly any act of international lawlessness which, taken
literally, they would not excuse." 10
Brierly goes on to cite both international examples and per-
sonal examples. One paragraph is especially impressive:
Lord Bacon once imagined the case of two men who seized the
same plank in a shipwreck, and because the plank could not bear
the weight of both, one pushed the other off and he was drowned.
There is no doubt that in English law that action would be mur-
der. Indeed, when two men and a boy were cast away at sea in
an open boat, and the men, after their food and water had been
exhausted for many days, killed and ate the boy, they were actually
convicted of murder, although the jury found that in all prob-
ability all three would have died unless one had been killed for
the others to eat.11 An American case is to the same effect.12 The
Ship William Brown struck an iceberg, and some of the crew and
passengers took to the boats. The boat was leaking and over-
loaded, and, in order to lighten it, the prisoner helped to throw
some of the passengers overboard. He was convicted of murder.
In both these cases a right of self-preservation, if any such right
were known to the law, would have justified the acts committed,
but it is equally clear that in neither were the acts truly defensive,
for they were directed against persons from whom danger was
not even apprehended. National law, indeed, is so far from rec-
ognizing an absolute right in the individual to preserve himself
at all costs, that it sometimes even places on him, without any
fault of his own, a legal duty to sacrifice his own life; compulsory
military service is an obvious case in point.13
Both cases cited by Brierly, however, were cases in which self-
preservation was secured only at the cost of the murder or de-
struction of others. In both cases self-preservation was achieved
only by an act of aggression. Suppose the second case had been
slightly changed: that the life-boat had been filled to capacity,
and that, in order to save the people already in it, the man in
charge had simply refused to take on any more, in spite of their
pleas?
Or suppose the case to be one of what we may call anticipatory
self-defense. Two men are snowbound in a one-room cabin and
one of them has good reason to suspect that the other means to
murder him in his sleep. He cannot keep awake all night in-
definitely. What is he to do? Decide to kill the other first? If he
did so, a jury would presumably decide such a case on the basis
of whatever objective facts it could discover concerning how
real the threat was that the actual killer would otherwise have
been the victim. But suppose a whole nation is in this situation,
or thinks itself to be, and there is no impartial jury to which the
case can be submitted, and to which submission would be in any
case too late? This is the appalling problemthe problem of the
"first strike"presented by the existence of the nuclear bomb,
and above all by its possession by a Communist government that
has openly announced its intention to "bury" capitalist nations
and that has shown itself to be utterly without moral scruples.
I do not know the answer to this problem; but it is of the
first importance that we face it frankly and state it clearly, and
not try to evade it by some piece of high-sounding and ir-
relevant rhetoric; and particularly that we not assume a sham-
moral attitude "above the battle" by piously declaring that
everybody else is "suicidal" and all that is necessary is sanity and
trust and brotherly love on both sides. I shall at least spare the
reader such a pseudo-solution.14
Even before the inventions of the atomic and nuclear bombs,
international ethics presented far more difficult problems than
interpersonal ethicsor at least far more confusions of thought.
Traditional ethical judgments are judgments made from the
standpoint of the interests of "the group." The individual's con-
duct is judged from its effect on the welfare of "the group." But
conduct that is conducive to the welfare of one group may be
destructive of the welfare of another. Hence the mixed-up
"ethics of war." It is virtuous for our soldiers to kill their sol-
diers, vicious for their soldiers to kill ours. That is the "naive"
idea. But then a "sophisticated" morality arises. Courage is
praised as a virtue both in our soldiers and in the enemy's sol-
diers. "A gallant foe" is admired, even though his gallantry is
not in our interest. Treason is thought despicable, even if it is
the treason of one of our enemies to his own country, which
redounds to our benefit.
This points to what we may call "the paradox of virtues."
Most of the old-fashioned books on ethics used to make a list of
the "virtues" and deliver a little sermon on each of them. Among
these virtues were nearly always included (and are still included)
such traits as courage, pertinacity, dedication, industry, sobriety,
temperance, prudence. But then we recognize that these charac-
teristics may be used either for good or bad ends. When they are
used for bad ends do we still call them virtues? Washington is
praised for his courage and dedication in fighting for the free-
dom of his country. Should Napoleon be praised for his courage
and dedication in conquering other countries? Is the kind of
courage that enables a man to be a successful gangster or bandit
a "virtue"? Yet it is the same trait that enables him to become a
good policeman, or fireman, or a good soldier on our side.
Part of this problem comes from the use of the word virtue in
a double sense: as describing a trait that serves only "good" ends
and as describing a trait that helps its possessor to serve any end,
good or bad.
4. Self-Defense vs. Nonresistance

But perhaps some of these are verbal problems rather than
moral problems. We can at least answer with reasonable defi-
niteness a few central problems concerning the ethics of war.
War is of course an "unethical," indeed a monstrous method of
settling disputes. But this does not mean that any of us are en-
titled in all cases self-righteously to denounce everyone who par-
ticipates in a war, or to declare "a plague on both your houses."
Both sides in a war may be wrong; one side must be; but one
side may be right, and defending one's country may not only be
justified, but an inevasible moral duty. I should like to quote
an excellent passage on this by Herbert Spencer:
Unquestionably war is immoral. But so likewise is the violence
used in the execution of justice; so is all coercion. . . . There is,
in principle, no difference whatever between the blow of a police-
man's baton and the thrust of a soldier's bayonet. . . . Policemen
are soldiers who act alone; soldiers are policemen who act in
concert. Government employs the first to attack in detail ten
thousand criminals who separately make war on society; and it
calls on the last when threatened by a like number of criminals
in the shape of drilled troops. Resistance to foreign foes and
resistance to native ones having consequently the same object
the maintenance of men's rights, and being effected by the same
meansforce, are in their nature identical; and no greater con-
demnation can be passed on the one than on the other. . . .
Defensive warfare (and of course it is solely to this that the fore-
going argument applies) must therefore be tolerated as the least
of two evils. There are indeed some who unconditionally con-
demn it, and would meet invasion by non-resistance. To such
there are several replies.
First, consistency requires them to behave in like fashion to
their fellow-citizens. They must not only allow themselves to be
cheated, assaulted, robbed, wounded, without offering active op-
position, but must refuse help from the civil power; seeing that
they who employ force by proxy are as much responsible for it as
though they employed it themselves.
Again, such a theory makes pacific relationships between men
and nations look needlessly Utopian. If all agree not to aggress,
they must as certainly be at peace with each other as though they
had all agreed not to resist. So that, while it sets up so difficult
a standard of behavior, the rule of non-resistance is not one whit
more efficient as a preventive of war, than the rule of non-
aggression. . . .
Lastly, it can be shown that non-resistance is also absolutely
wrong. We may not carelessly abandon our rights. We may not
give away our birthright for the sake of peace. If it be a duty to
respect other men's claims, so also is it a duty to maintain our
own.15
Yes, some readers may say, this is all very well for the mid-
nineteenth century. But we are now past the mid-twentieth cen-
tury. We are in the age of the nuclear bomb, when, without
notice, any nation with such bombs may wipe out whole cities
and tens of millions of people within an hour. Nuclear war
means the end of civilization, if not the end of humanity itself.
"Self-defense" is now an obsolete concept, another name for
world suicide. It is a luxury we can no longer afford. We now
have only a choice of two evils, and we must take the lesser. We
must tolerate provocations, insults, indignities, affronts, threats,
aggression, domination, conquest, tyranny, oppression, a reign
of terror, inquisitions, atrocities, torture, slavery, anything
rather than resist; for resistance means atomic war, and atomic
war means mutual annihilationwhereas, if we can keep the
nuclear bomb from being used, we can at least nourish the hope
that our conquerors will in time soften and relent, and man,
and civilization, and even a certain amount of liberty, will sur-
vive.
If this were indeed the dreadful alternative, many of us would
choose annihilation as the lesser evil. The cry for survival at any
price is craven and ignominious. As Santayana once put it:
"Nothing can be meaner than the anxiety to live on, to live on
anyhow and in any shape; a spirit with any honor is not willing
to live except in its own way." 16
But the alternative is false. Appeasement on the part of the
West, in the face of Soviet threats, merely increases the danger
to the West. If the masters of the Kremlin can throw the bomb
without risk to themselves, they may do it just for sport, a pos-
sibility that does not seem to have occurred to the later Bertrand
Russell, though in some of his earlier books he lists plenty of
instances of mass murder and torture for sport from Nero to
Hitler.
5. Appeasement as a Threat to Peace

The choice before us is the exact opposite of what the Ap-
peasers assume. It has been stated powerfully and eloquently by
Wilhelm Ropke:
The terrible lessons which the two world wars have taught us
confirm the very important fact that, as a rule, war will only break
out if the aggressor considers that the risk involved is a slight one.
Every disagreement among the peace-loving nations, every in-
clination to weakness, every marked difference in the degree of
armament are therefore factors which favor the outbreak of war,
whereas the danger is lessened by everything which induces even
the most determined aggressor to reflect upon the enormous risk
he would be taking in defying the organized defensive forces. . . .
The danger to peace is enhanced the more the will to war on
one side grows in inverse proportion to pacificism on the other.
Since however in our day the aggressively disposed country will
always be a collectivistic-totalitarian one, whose almighty dictator-
ship always suppresses any expression of opinion which does not
suit the government and whose all-encompassing propaganda
shapes the opinion of the masses in the way the government de-
sires, the tension between the unrestrained military preparedness,
both actual and psychological, of the aggressor, and the defensive
power of his victim, weakened by pacificism, will be very great
and very dangerous.
This is the real source of the policy of Appeasement, which
contributed so fatefully to the outbreak of the second world war,
and which since the end of the war has once again created a
highly dangerous situation with regard to the totalitarian im-
perium of Communism with Russia at its head. . . .
Once more the world looks on at the repulsive and lying drama
in which the totalitarian center of aggression in the world raises
its own war potential to the maximum, and by means of an un-
scrupulous propaganda of hate, fear and ideology develops a
condition of war-preparedness in the minds of its own population,
while at the same time abusing as warmongers all those in the
West who admonish resistance, and putting the whole machinery
of its psychological warfare into operation in order to cripple re-
sistance by a campaign for pacifism and in order to deceive sim-
pie souls with the fata morgana of neutralism. It has up to now
succeeded to a disastrous degree.
This experience brings us to the distressing conclusion that
pacifism, merely as an attitude of mind which rejects war, is not
only sterile but indeed dangerous to a tragic degree, since at the
very moment when the danger of war is greatest it further in-
creases that danger immeasurably by encouraging the attacker.
. . . In the case of a war of aggression . . . that is to say in prac-
tically all cases today, [pacifism] not only fails but actually be-
comes one of the fatal links in the chain of causes which trigger
off the war and possibly effect the triumph of the aggressor. . . .
The conclusion to be drawn from all this is that the chief task
of war-prevention is to make it plain to every potential aggressor,
beforehand and in a completely indubitable way, that the risk is
overwhelming.17
Even if the Western powers follow the course that Ropke
recommends, they have no absolute assurance that a nuclear war
can be prevented. Does this mean that the problem is insoluble?
Perhaps. But man can live and act only as long as he can hope.
He must act on the assumption that his practical problems are
solvable. Perhaps none of them are solvable permanently and
absolutely. But he must act on the assumption that every prob-
lem is solvable temporarily and relatively. He can at least, in
most cases, put off the evil day. If he does not know precisely
what is the right thing to do, he can usually know enough to
avoid doing most of the wrong things. Man solves his moral
problems as he does nearly all his practical problemsnot by
finding perfect solutions, but by finding solutions that make his
state a little better instead of a little worse.
CHAPTER 30
The Ethics of Capitalism

1. A Socialist Smear Word
It is commonly assumed that there is little relation between
the ethical and the economic point of view, or between Ethics
and Economics. But they are, in fact, intimately related. Both
are concerned with human action,1 human conduct,2 human
decision, human choice. Economics is a description, explana-
tion, or analysis of the determinants, consequences, and implica-
tions of human action and human choice. But the moment we
come to the justification of human actions and decisions, or to
the question of what an action or decision ought to be, or to the
question whether the consequences of this or that action or rule
of action would be more desirable in the long run for the indi-
vidual or the community, we have entered the realm of Ethics.
This is also true the moment we begin to discuss the desirability
of one economic policy as compared with another.
Ethical conclusions, in brief, cannot be arrived at independ-
ently of, or in isolation from, analysis of the economic con-
sequences of institutions, principles, or rules of action. The
economic ignorance of most ethical philosophers, and the com-
mon failure even of those who have understood economic prin-
ciples to apply them to ethical problems (on the assumption that
economic principles are either irrelevant or too materialistic
and mundane to apply to such a lofty and spiritual discipline as
Ethics), have stood in the way of progress in ethical analysis, and
account in part for the sterility of so much of it.
There is hardly an ethical problem, in fact, without its eco-
nomic aspect. Our daily ethical decisions are in the main eco-
nomic decisions, and nearly all our daily economic decisions
have, in turn, an ethical aspect.
Moreover, it is precisely around questions of economic organ-
ization that most ethical controversy turns today. The main
challenge to our traditional "bourgeois" ethical standards and
301
values comes from the Marxists, the socialists, and the Com-
munists. What is under attack is the capitalist system; and it is
attacked mainly on ethical grounds, as being materialistic,
selfish, unjust, immoral, savagely competitive, callous, cruel,
destructive. If the capitalistic system is really worth preserving,
it is futile today to defend it merely on technical grounds (as
being more productive, for example) unless we can show also
that the socialist attacks on ethical grounds are false and base-
less.
We find ourselves confronted at the very beginning of such a
discussion with a serious semantic handicap. The very name of
the system was given to it by its enemies. It was intended as a
smear word. The name is comparatively recent. It does not ap-
pear in The Communist Manifesto of 1848 because Marx and
Engels had not yet thought of it. It was not until half a dozen
years later that either they or one of their followers had the
happy idea of coining the word. It exactly suited their purposes.
Capitalism was meant to designate an economic system that was
run exclusively by and for the capitalists. It still keeps that built-
in connotation. Hence it stands self-condemned. It is this name
that has made capitalism so hard to defend in popular argument.
The almost complete success of this semantic trick is a major ex-
planation of why many people have been willing to die for
Communism but so few have been willing to die for "capital-
ism."
There are at least half-a-dozen names for this system, any one
of which would be more appropriate and more truly descriptive:
the System of Private Ownership of the Means of Production,
the Market Economy, the Competitive System, the Profit-and-
Loss System, Free Enterprise, the System of Economic Freedom.
Yet to try at this late date to discard the word Capitalism may
not only be futile but quite unnecessary. For this intended
smear word does at least unintentionally call attention to the
fact that all economic improvement, progress, and growth is de-
pendent upon capital accumulationupon constant increase
in the quantity and improvement in the quality of the tools of
productionmachinery, plant, and equipment. Now the capital-
istic system does more to promote this growth than any alterna-
tive.
THE ETHICS OF CAPITALISM 303
2. Private Property and Free Markets

Let us see what the basic institutions of this system are. We
may subdivide them for convenience of discussion into (1) pri-
vate property, (2) free markets, (3) competition, (4) division and
combination of labor, and (5) social cooperation. As we shall see,
these are not separate institutions. They are mutually depend-
ent: each implies the other, and makes it possible.
Let us begin with private property. It is neither a recent nor
an arbitrary institution, as some socialist writers would have us
believe. Its roots go as far back as human history itself. Every
child reveals a sense of property with regard to his own toys.
Scientists are just beginning to realize the astonishing extent to
which some sense or system of property rights or territorial
rights prevails even in the animal world.
The question that concerns us here, however, is not the antiq-
uity of the institution, but its utility. When a man's property
rights are protected, it means that he is able to retain and enjoy
in peace the fruits of his labor. This security is his main incen-
tive, if not his only incentive, to labor itself. If anyone were free
to seize what the farmer had sown, cultivated, and raised, the
farmer would no longer have any incentive to sow or to raise it.
If anyone were free to seize your house after you had built it,
you would not build it in the first place. All production, all
civilization, rests on recognition of and respect for property
rights. A free enterprise system is impossible without security of
property as well as security of life. Free enterprise is possible
only within a framework of law and order and morality. This
means that free enterprise presupposes morality; but, as we
shall later see, it also helps to preserve and promote it.
The second basic institution of a capitalist economy is the free
market. The free market means the freedom of everybody to
dispose of his property, to exchange it for other property or for
money, or to employ it for further production, on whatever
terms he finds acceptable. This freedom is of course a corollary
of private property. Private property necessarily implies the
right of use for consumption or for further production, and the
right of free disposal or exchange.
It is important to insist that private property and free markets
are not separable institutions. A number of socialists, for ex-
ample, think they can duplicate the functions and efficiencies of
the free market by imitating the free market in a socialist system
that is, in a system in which the means of production are in
the hands of the State.
Such a view rests on mere confusion of thought. If I am a
government commissar selling something I don't really own, and
you are another commissar buying it with money that really isn't
yours, then neither of us really cares what the price is. When, as
in a socialist or communist country, the heads of mines and fac-
tories, of stores and collective farms, are mere salaried govern-
ment bureaucrats, who buy foodstuffs or raw materials from
other bureaucrats and sell their finished products to still other
bureaucrats, the so-called prices at which they buy and sell are
mere bookkeeping fictions. Such bureaucrats are merely playing
an artificial game called "free market." They cannot make a
socialist system work like a free-enterprise system merely by imi-
tating the so-called free-market feature while ignoring private
property.
This imitation of a free-price system actually exists, in fact, in
Soviet Russia and in practically every other socialist or commu-
nist country. But insofar as this mock-market economy works
that is, insofar as it helps a socialist economy to function at all
it does so because its bureaucratic managers closely watch what
commodities are selling for on free world markets, and artifi-
cially price their own in conformity. Whenever they find it
difficult or impossible to do this, or neglect to do it, their plans
begin to go more seriously wrong. Stalin himself once chided the
managers of the Soviet economy because some of their artifi-
cially-fixed prices were out of line with those on the free world
market.
I should like to emphasize that in referring to private prop-
erty I am not referring merely to personal property in consump-
tion goods, like a man's food, toothbrush, shirt, piano, home, or
car. In the modern market economy private ownership of the
means of production is no less fundamental. Such ownership is
from one point of view a privilege; but it also imposes on the
owners a heavy social responsibility. The private owners of the
means of production cannot employ their property merely for
their own satisfaction; they are forced to employ it in ways that
will promote the best possible satisfaction of consumers. If they
do this well, they are rewarded by profits, and a further increase
in their ownership; if they are inept or inefficient, they are
penalized by losses. Their investments are never safe indefi-
nitely. In a free-market economy the consumers, by their pur-
chases or refusals to purchase, daily decide afresh who shall own
productive property and how much he shall own. The owners
of productive capital are compelled to employ it for the satisfac-
tion of other people's wants.3 A privately owned railway is as
much "dedicated to a public purpose" as a government-owned
railway. It is likely in fact to achieve such a purpose far more
successfully, not only because of the rewards it will receive for
performing its task well, but even more because of the heavy
penalties it will suffer if it fails to meet the needs of shippers or
travelers at competitive costs and prices.
3. Competition
The foregoing discussion already implies the third integral in-
stitution in the capitalist systemcompetition. Every com-
petitor in a private-enterprise system must meet the market
price. He must keep his unit production costs below this market
price if he is to survive. The further he can keep his costs below
the market price the greater his profit margin. The greater his
profit margin the more he will be able to expand his business
and his output. If he is faced with losses for more than a short
period he cannot survive. The effect of competition, therefore,
is to take production constantly out of the hands of the less com-
petent managers and put it more and more into the hands of the
more efficient managers. Putting the matter in another way, free
competition constantly promotes more and more efficient meth-
ods of production: it tends constantly to reduce production costs.
As the lowest-cost producers expand their output they cause a
reduction of prices and so force the highest-cost producers to
sell their product at a lower price, and ultimately either to re-
duce their costs or to transfer their activities to other lines.
But capitalistic or free-market competition is seldom merely
competition in lowering the cost of producing a homogeneous
product. It is almost always competition in improving a specific
product. And in the last century it has been competition in in-
troducing and perfecting entirely new products or means of pro-
ductionthe railroad, the dynamo, the electric light, the motor
car, the airplane, the telegraph, the telephone, the phonograph,
the camera, motion pictures, radio, television, refrigerators, air
conditioning, an endless variety of plastics, synthetics, and other
new materials. The effect has been enormously to increase the
amenities of life and the material welfare of the masses.
Capitalistic competition, in brief, is the great spur to improve-
ment and innovation, the chief stimulant to research, the princi-
pal incentive to cost reduction, to the development of new and
better products, and to improved efficiency of every kind. It has
conferred incalculable blessings on mankind.
And yet, in the last century, capitalistic competition has been
under constant attack by socialists and anti-capitalists. It has
been denounced as savage, selfish, cutthroat, and cruel. Some
writers, of whom Bertrand Russell is typical, constantly talk of
business competition as if it were a form of "warfare," and
practically the same thing as the competition of war. Nothing
could be more false or absurdunless we think it reasonable
to compare competition in mutual slaughter with competition
in providing consumers with new or better goods and services
at cheaper prices.
The critics of business competition not only shed tears over
the penalties it imposes on inefficient producers but are indig-
nant at the "excessive" profits it grants to the most successful
and efficient. This weeping and resentment exist because the
critics either do not understand or refuse to understand the
function that competition performs for the consumer and there-
fore for the national welfare. Of course there are isolated in-
stances in which competition seems to work unjustly. It some-
times penalizes amiable or cultivated people and rewards churl-
ish or vulgar ones. No matter how good our system of rules and
laws, isolated cases of injustice can never be entirely eliminated.
But the beneficence or harmfulness, the justice or injustice, of
institutions must be judged by their effect in the great majority
of casesby their over-all result. We shall return to this point
later.
What those who indiscriminately deplore "competition" over-
look is that everything depends upon what the competition is in,
and the nature of the means it employs. Competition per se is
neither moral nor immoral. It is neither necessarily beneficial
nor necessarily harmful. Competition in swindling or in mutual
slaughter is one thing; but competition in philanthropy or in
excellencethe competition between a Leonardo da Vinci and
a Michelangelo, between a Shakespeare and a Ben Jonson, a
Haydn and a Mozart, a Verdi and a Wagner, a Newton and a
Leibnitz, is quite another. Competition does not necessarily im-
ply relations of enmity, but relations of rivalry, of mutual
emulation and mutual stimulation. Beneficial competition is
indirectly a form of cooperation.
Now what the critics of economic competition overlook is that
when it is conducted under a good system of laws and a high
standard of moralsit is itself a form of economic cooperation,
or rather, that it is an integral and necessary part of a system of
economic cooperation. If we look at competition in isolation,
this statement may seem paradoxical, but it becomes evident
when we step back and look at it in its wider setting. General
Motors and Ford are not cooperating directly with each other;
but each is trying to cooperate with the consumer, with the po-
tential car buyer. Each is trying to convince him that it can offer
him a better car than its competitor, or as good a car at a lower
price. Each is "compelling" the otheror, to state it more ac-
curately, each is stimulating the otherto reduce its production
costs and to improve its car. Each, in other words, is "com-
pelling" the other to cooperate more effectively with the buying
public. And so, indirectly,triangularly, so to speakGeneral
Motors and Ford cooperate. Each makes the other more efficient.
Of course this is true of all competition, even the grim com-
petition of war. As Edmund Burke put it: "He that wrestles
with us strengthens our nerves and sharpens our skill. Our an-
tagonist is our helper." But in free-market competition, this
mutual help is also beneficial to the whole community.
For those who still think this conclusion paradoxical, it is
merely necessary to consider the artificial competition of games
and sport. Bridge is a competitive card game, but it requires the
cooperation of four people in consenting to play with each
other; a man who refuses to sit in to make a fourth is considered
non-cooperative rather than noncompetitive. To have a football
game requires the cooperation not only of eleven men on each
side but the cooperation of each side with the otherin agree-
ing to play, in agreeing on a given date, hour, and place, in agree-
ing on a referee, and in agreeing to abide by a common set of
rules. The Olympic games would not be possible without the
cooperation of the participating nations. There have been some
very dubious analogies in the economic literature of recent years
between economic life and "the theory of games"; but the anal-
ogy which recognizes that in both fields competition exists
within a larger setting of cooperation (and that desirable results
follow), is valid and instructive.
4. The Division of Labor

I come now to the fourth institution I have mentioned as part
of the capitalist systemthe division and combination of labor.
The necessity and beneficence of this was sufficiently emphasized
by the founder of political economy, Adam Smith, who made it
the subject of the first chapter of his great work, The Wealth of
Nations. In the very first sentence of that great work, indeed, we
find Adam Smith declaring: "The greatest improvement in the
productive powers of labor, and the greater part of the skill,
dexterity, and judgment with which it is anywhere directed or
applied, seem to have been the effects of the division of labor." 4
Smith goes on to explain how the division and subdivision of
labor leads to improved dexterity on the part of individual work-
ers, in the saving of time commonly lost in passing from one sort
of work to another, and in the invention and application of
specialized machinery. "It is the great multiplication of the pro-
ductions of all the different arts, in consequence of the division
of labor," he concludes, "which occasions, in a well-governed
society, that universal opulence which extends itself to the low-
est ranks of the people." 5
Nearly two centuries of economic study have only intensified
this recognition. "The division of labor extends by the realiza-
tion that the more labor is divided the more productive it is." 6
"The fundamental facts that brought about cooperation, society,
and civilization and transformed the animal man into a human
being are the facts that work performed under the division of
labor is more productive than isolated work and that man's rea-
son is capable of recognizing this truth." 7
5. Social Cooperation
Though I have put division of labor ahead of social coopera-
tion, it is obvious that they cannot be considered apart. Each
implies the other. No can can specialize if he lives alone and
must provide for all his own needs. Division and combination
of labor already imply social cooperation. They imply that each
exchanges part of the special product of his labor for the special
product of the labor of others. But division of labor, in turn,
increases and intensifies social cooperation. As Adam Smith put
it: "The most dissimilar geniuses are of use to one another; the
different produces of their respective talents, by the general dis-
position to truck, barter, and exchange, being brought, as it
were, into a common stock, where every man may purchase what-
ever part of the produce of other men's talents he has occasion
for." 8
Modern economists make the interdependence of division of
labor and social cooperation more explicit: "Society is concerted
action, cooperation. . . . It substitutes collaboration for the
at least conceivableisolated life of individuals. Society is divi-
sion of labor and combination of labor. . . . Society is nothing
but the combination of individuals for cooperative effort." 9
Adam Smith also recognized this clearly:
In civilized society [Man] stands at all times in need of the co-
operation and assistance of great multitudes, while his whole life
is scarce sufficient to gain the friendship of a few persons. . . .
Man has almost constant occasion for the help of his brethren,
and it is in vain for him to expect it from their benevolence only.
He will be more likely to prevail if he can interest their self-love
in his favor, and show them it is for their own advantage to do for
him what he requires of them. Whoever offers to another a bar-
gain of any kind, proposes to do this: Give me that which I want,
and you shall have this which you want, is the meaning of every
such offer; and it is in this manner that we obtain from one an-
other the far greater part of those good offices which we stand in
need of. It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer,
or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to
their own interest. We address ourselves, not to their humanity
but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own neces-
sities but of their advantages.10
What Adam Smith was pointing out in this and other passages
is that the market economy is as successful as it is because it takes
advantage of self-love and self-interest and harnesses them to
production and exchange. In an even more famous passage,
Smith pressed the point further:
The annual revenue of every society is always precisely equal
to the exchangeable value of the whole annual produce of the
industry, or rather is precisely the same thing with that exchange-
able value. As every individual, therefore, endeavors as much as
he can both to employ his capital in the support of domestic
industry, and so to direct that industry that its produce may be
of the greatest value; every individual necessarily labors to render
the annual revenue of the society as great as he can. He generally,
indeed, neither intends to promote the public interest, nor knows
how much he is promoting it. By preferring the support of domes-
tic to that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security;
and by directing that industry in such a manner as its produce
may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he
is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to pro-
mote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor is it always
the worse for the society that it was no part of it. By pursuing his
own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more
efficiently than when he really intends to promote it.11
This passage has become almost too famous for Smith's own
good. Scores of writers who have heard nothing but the meta-
phor "an invisible hand" have misinterpreted or perverted its
meaning. They have taken it (though he used it only once) as the
essence of the whole doctrine of The Wealth of Nations. They
have interpreted it as meaning that Adam Smith, as a Deist,
believed that the Almighty interfered in some mysterious way to
insure that all self-regarding actions would lead to socially bene-
ficial ends. This is clearly a misinterpretation. "The fact that
the market provides for the welfare of each individual partic-
ipating in it is a conclusion based on scientific analysis, not an
assumption upon which the analysis is based." 12
Other writers have interpreted the "invisible hand" passage
as a defense of selfishness, and still others as a confession that a
free-market economy is not only built on selfishness but rewards
selfishness alone. And Smith was at least partly to blame for this
latter interpretation. He failed to make explicit that only insofar
as people earned their livings in legal and moral ways did they
promote the general interest. People who try to improve their
own fortunes by chicanery, swindling, robbery, blackmail, or
murder do not increase the national income. Producers increase
the national welfare by competing to satisfy the needs of con-
sumers at the cheapest price. A free economy can function prop-
erly only within an appropriate legal and moral framework.
And it is a profound mistake to regard the actions and
motivations of people in a market economy as necessarily and
narrowly selfish. Though Adam Smith's exposition was brilliant,
it could easily be misinterpreted. Fortunately, at least a few
modern economists have further clarified the process and the
motivation: "The economic life . . . consists of all that com-
plex of relations into which we enter with other people, and
lend ourselves or our resources to the furtherance of their pur-
poses, as an indirect means of furthering our own." 13 Our
own purposes are necessarily our own; but they are not neces-
sarily purely selfish purposes. "The economic relation . . . or
business nexus, is necessary alike for carrying on the life of the
peasant and the prince, of the saint and the sinner, of the apostle
and the shepherd, of the most altruistic and the most egoistic of
men. . . . Our complex system of economic relations puts us
in command of the co-operation necessary to accomplish our
purposes." 14
"The specific characteristic of an economic relation," accord-
ing to Wicksteed, "is not its 'egoism,' but its 'non-tuism.' " 1 5 He
explains:
If you and I are conducting a transaction which on my side is
purely economic, I am furthering your purposes, partly or wholly
perhaps for my own sake, perhaps entirely for the sake of others,
but certainly not for your sake. What makes it an economic trans-
action is that I am not considering you except as a link in the
chain, or considering your desires except as the means by which
I may gratify those of some one elsenot necessarily myself. The
economic relation does not exclude from my mind everyone but
me, it potentially includes every one but you.16
There is a certain element of arbitrariness in making "non-

tuism" the essence of "the economic relation." 17 The element
of truth in this position is merely that a "strictly economic"
relation is by definition an "impersonal" relation. But one of
Wicksteed's great contributions was to dispose of the persis-
tent idea that economic activity is exclusively egoistic or self-
regarding.18 The real basis of all economic activity is coopera-
tion. As Mises has put it:
Within the frame of social cooperation there can emerge be-
tween members of society feelings of sympathy and friendship and
a sense of belonging together. These feelings are the source of
man's most delightful and most sublime experiences. . . . How-
ever, they are not, as some have asserted, the agents that have
brought about social relationships. They are fruits of social coop-
eration, they thrive only within its frame; they did not precede
the establishment of social relations and are not the seed from
which they spring. . . .
The characteristic feature of human society is purposeful coop-
eration. . . . Human society . . . is the outcome of a purposeful
utilization of a universal law determining cosmic becoming, viz.,
the higher productivity of the division of labor. . . .
Every step by which an individual substitutes concerted action
for isolated action results in an immediate and recognizable im-
provement in his conditions. The advantages derived from peace-
ful cooperation and division of labor are universal. They imme-
diately benefit every generation, and not only later descendants.
For what the individual must sacrifice for the sake of society he is
amply compensated by greater advantages. His sacrifice is only
apparent and temporary; he foregoes a smaller gain in order to
reap a greater one later. . . . When social cooperation is intensi-
fied by enlarging the field in which there is division of labor or
when legal protection and the safeguarding of peace are strength-
ened, the incentive is the desire of all those concerned to improve
their own conditions. In striving after his ownrightly under-
stoodinterests the individual works toward an intensification of
social cooperation and peaceful intercourse. . . .
The historical role of the theory of the division of labor as
elaborated by British political economy from Hume to Ricardo
consisted in the complete demolition of all metaphysical doctrines
concerning the origin and operation of social cooperation. It
consummated the spiritual, moral and intellectual emancipation
of mankind inaugurated by the philosophy of Epicureanism. It
substituted an autonomous rational morality for the heterono-
mous and intuitionist ethics of older days. Law and legality, the
moral code and social institutions are no longer revered as un-
fathomable decrees of Heaven. They are of human origin, and the
only yardstick that must be applied to them is that of expediency
with regard to human welfare. The utilitarian economist does
not say: Fiat justitia, pereat mundus. He says: Fiat justitia, ne
pereat mundus. He does not ask a man to renounce his well-being
for the benefit of society. He advises him to recognize what his
rightly understood interest are.19
Mises expounded the same point of view in his earlier book,
Socialism. Here also, and in contradiction to the Kantian thesis
that it is wrong ever to treat others merely as means, he empha-
sizes the same theme that we have seen in Wicksteed:
Liberal social theory proves that each single man sees in all
others, first of all, only means to the realization of his purposes,
while he himself is to all others a means to the realization of
their purposes; that finally, by this reciprocal action, in which
each is simultaneously means and end, the highest aim of social
life is attainedthe achievement of a better existence for every-
one. As society is only possible if everyone, while living his own
life, at the same time helps others to live, if every individual is
simultaneously means and end; if each individual's well-being is
simultaneously the condition necessary to the well-being of the
others, it is evident that the contrast between I and thou, means
and end, automatically is overcome.20
Once we have recognized the fundamental principle of social
cooperation, we find the true reconcilation of "egoism" and
"altruism." Even if we assume that everyone lives and wishes
to live primarily for himself, we can see that this does not dis-
turb social life but promotes it, because the higher fulfilment
of the individual's life is possible only in and through society.
In this sense egoism could be accepted as the basic law of society.
But the basic fallacy is that of assuming a necessary incompati-
bility between "egoistic" and "altruistic" motives, or even of
insisting on a sharp distinction between them. As Mises puts it:
This attempt to contrast egoistic and altruistic action springs
from a misconception of the social interdependence of individ-
uals. The power to choose whether my actions and conduct shall
serve myself or my fellow beings is not given to mewhich per-
haps may be regarded as fortunate. If it were, human society
would not be possible. In the society based on division of labor
and co-operation, the interests of all members are in harmony,
and it follows from this basic fact of social life that ultimately
action in the interests of myself and action in the interests of
others do not conflict, since the interests of individuals come to-
gether in the end. Thus the famous scientific dispute as to the
possibility of deriving the altruistic from the egoistic motives of
action may be regarded as definitely disposed of.
There is no contrast between moral duty and selfish interests.
What the individual gives to society to preserve it as society, he
gives, not for the sake of aims alien to himself, but in his own
interest.21
This social cooperation runs throughout the free-market sys-

tem. It exists between producer and consumer, buyer and seller.
Both gain from the transaction, and that is why they make it.
The consumer gets the bread he needs; the baker gets the mone-
tary profit which is both his stimulus to bake the bread and the
necessary means to enable him to bake more. In spite of the
enormous labor-union and socialist propaganda to the contrary,
the relation of employer and employed is basically a cooperative
relation. Each needs the other. The more efficient the employer,
the more workers he can hire and the more he can offer them.
The more efficient the workers, the more each can earn, and the
more successful the employer. It is in the interest of the em-
ployer that his workers should be healthy and vigorous, well fed
and well housed, that they should feel they are being justly
treated, that they will be rewarded in proportion to their effi-
ciency and that they will therefore strive to be efficient. It is in
the interest of the worker that the firm for which he works can
do so at a profit, and preferably at a profit that both encourages
and enables it to expand.
On the "microeconomic" scale, every firm is a cooperative
enterprise. A magazine or a newspaper (and as one who has been
associated with newspapers and magazines all his working life
I can speak with immediate knowledge of this) is a great coop-
erative organization in which every reporter, every editorial
writer, every advertising solicitor, every printer, every delivery-
truck driver, every newsdealer, cooperates to play his assigned
part, in the same way as an orchestra is a great cooperative enter-
prise in which each player cooperates in an exact way with his
particular instrument to produce the final harmony. A great
industrial company, such as General Motors, or the U.S. Steel
Corporation, or General Electricor, for that matter, any of a
thousand othersis a marvel of continuous cooperation. And on
a "macroeconomic" scale, the whole free world is bound together
in a system of international cooperation through mutual trade,
in which each nation supplies the needs of others cheaper and
better than the others could supply their own needs acting in
isolation. And this cooperation takes place, both on the smallest
and on the widest scale, because each of us finds that forwarding
the purposes of others is (though indirectly) the most effective
of all means for achieving his own.
Thus, though we may call the chief drive "egoism," we cer-
tainly cannot call this a purely egoistic or "selfish" system. It is
the system by which each of us tries to achieve his purposes
whether those purposes are "egoistic" or "altruistic." The system
certainly cannot be called dominantly "altruistic," because each
of us is cooperating with others, not primarily to forward the
purposes of those others, but primarily to forward his own. The
system might most appropriately be called "mutualistic." (See
Chapter 13.) In any case its primary requirement is cooperation.
6. Is Capitalism Unjust?
Let us turn now to another consideration. Is the free-market
system, the "capitalist" system, just or unjust? Virtually the
whole burden of the socialist attack on the "capitalist" system
is its alleged injusticeits alleged "exploitation" of the worker.
A book on ethics is not the place to examine that contention
fully. Such an examination is a task of economics. I hope the
reader will forgive me, therefore, if, instead of examining this
socialist argument directly, I merely accept the conclusion of
John Bates Clark, in his epoch-making work, The Distribution
of Wealth (1899), and refer the reader to that and other works
on economics22 for the supporting arguments for his conclusion.
The general thesis of Clark's work is that, "Free competition
tends to give to labor what labor creates, to capitalists what
capital creates, and to entrepreneurs what the coordinating
function creates. . . . [It tends] to give to each producer the
amount of wealth that he specifically brings into existence." 23
Clark argues, in fact, that the tendency of a free competitive
system is to give "to each what he creates." If this is true, he
continues, it not only disposes of the exploitation theory, that
"workmen are regularly robbed of what they produce," but it
means that the capitalist system is essentially a just system, and
that our effort should be, not to destroy it and substitute another
utterly different in kind, but to perfect it so that exceptions to
its prevalent rule of distribution may be less frequent and less
considerable.24
Certain qualifications must be made in these conclusions. As
Clark himself points out, this principle of "distribution" 23 in
the free market represents a tendency. It does not follow that
in every instance everyone gets exactly the value of what he has
produced or helped to produce. And the value of his contri-
bution that he gets is the market valuei.e., the value of that
contribution as measured by others.
But whatever the shortcomings of this system may be from
the requirements of perfect "justice," no superior system has yet
been conceived. Certainly, as we shall see in our next chapter,
that system is not socialism.
But before we come to our final moral evaluation of this
marvelous free-market system, we must notice one other great
virtue. It is not merely that it tends constantly to reward indi-
viduals in accordance with their specific contribution to pro-
duction. By the constant play in the market of prices, wages,
rents, interest rates, and other costs, relative profit margins or
losses, the market tends constantly to achieve not only maximum
production but optimum production. That is to say, through
the incentives and deterrents provided by these ever-changing
relationships of prices and costs, the production of thousands of
different commodities and services is synchronized, and a dy-
namic balance is maintained in the volume of production of
each of these thousands of different goods in relation to each
other. This balance does not necessarily reflect the wishes of any
one individual. It does not necessarily correspond with the Uto-
pian ideal of any economic planner. But it does tend to reflect
the composite wishes of the whole existing body of producers
and consumers. For each consumer, by his purchases or absten-
tions from purchase, daily casts his vote for the production of
more of this commodity and less of that; and the producer is
forced to abide by the consumers' decisions.26
Having seen what this system does, let us now look at the
justice of it a little more closely. It is commonly regarded as
"unjust" because the unthinking ideal of "social justice," from
time immemorial, has been absolute equality of income. Social-
ists are never tired of condemning "poverty in the midst of
plenty." They cannot rid themselves of the idea that the wealth
of the rich is the cause of the poverty of the poor. Yet this idea
is completely false. The wealth of the rich makes the poor less
poor, not more. The rich are those who have something to offer
in return for the services of the poor. And only the rich can
provide the poor with the capital, with the tools of production,
to increase the output and hence the marginal value of the labor
of the poor. When the rich grow richer, the poor grow, not
poorer, but richer. This, in fact, is the history of economic prog-
ress.
Any serious effort to enforce the ideal of equality of income,
regardless of what anyone does or fails to do to earn or create
incomeregardless of whether he works or not, produces or not
would lead to universal impoverishment. Not only would it
remove any incentive for the unskilled or incompetent to im-
prove themselves, and any incentive for the lazy to work at all;
it would remove even the incentive of the naturally talented
and industrious to work or to improve themselves.
We come back once more to the conclusions we reached in
the chapter on Justice. Justice is not purely as an end in itself.
It is not an ideal that can be isolated from its consequences.
Though admittedly an intermediate end, it is primarily a means.
Justice, in brief, consists of the social arrangements and rules
that are most conducive to social cooperationwhich means,
in the economic field, most conducive to maximizing production.
And the justice of these arrangements and rules, in turn, is not
to be judged purely by their effect in this or that isolated
instance, but (in accordance with the principle first pointed out
by Hume) by their over-all effect in the long run.
Practically all arguments for the equal distribution of income
tacitly assume that such an equal division would do nothing to
reduce the average income; that total income and wealth would
remain at least as great as they would have been in a free-market
system in which everyone was paid in accordance with his own
production or his own contribution to production. This assump-
tion is one of unsurpassable naivete. Such an enforced equal
divisionand it could only be achieved by forcewould cause
a violent and disastrous drop in production and impoverish the
nation that adopted it. Communist Russia was quickly forced
to abandon this equalitarian idea; and to the extent that com-
munist countries have tried to adhere to it, their people have
paid dearly. But this is to anticipate the discussion in our next
chapter.
It may be supposedand it is everywhere popularly supposed
todaythat there is some "third" system, some "middle-of-the-
road" system, that could combine the enormous productivity of
a free-market system with the "justice" of a socialist systemor
that could, at least, bring a nearer equality of income and wel-
fare than that produced in a completely free economic system.
I can only state here my own conclusion that this is a delusion.
If any such middle-of-the-road system did remedy a few specific
injustices, it would do so only by creating many moreand
incidentally by reducing total production compared with what a
free-market system would achieve. For the basis of this conclu-
sion I must refer the reader to treatises on economics.27
7. Is the Market "Ethically Indifferent"?

We come now, however, to a position very frequently taken
by economists in recent decades, a position for which Philip H.
Wicksteed, in his Common Sense of Political Economy (1910)
may have helped to set the fashion. This is that the economic
system is an "ethically indifferent instrument." Wicksteed argues
for this position in a passage of great eloquence and penetration,
from which I quote a substantial portion:
We have now seen that the taint of inherent sordidness which
attaches itself in many minds to the economic relation, or even
to the study of it, is derived from a faulty conception of its nature.
But, on the other hand, the easy optimism that expects the eco-
nomic forces, if only we give them free play, spontaneously to
secure the best possible conditions of life, is equally fallacious, and
even more pernicious. It is, indeed, easy to present the working of
the economic forces as wholly beneficent. Have we not seen that
they automatically organize a vast system of co-operation, by
which men who have never seen or heard of each other, and who
scarcely realize each other's existence or desires even in imagina-
tion, nevertheless support each other at every turn, and enlarge
the realization each of the other's purposes? Do they not embrace
all the world in one huge mutual benefit society? That London
is fed day by day, although no one sees to it, is itself a fact so
stupendous as to excuse, if it does not justify, the most exultant
paeans that were ever sung in honor of the laissez-faire laissez-
passer theory of social organization. What a testimony to the
efficiency of the economic nexus is borne by the very fact that we
regard it as abnormal that any man should perish for want of any
one of a thousand things, no one of which he can either make or
do for himself. When we see the world, in virtue of its millions
of mutual adjustments, carrying itself on from day to day, and ask,
"Who sees to it all?" and receive no answer, we can well under-
stand the religious awe and enthusiasm with which an earlier gen-
eration of economists contemplated those "economic harmonies,"
in virtue of which each individual, in serving, himself, of necessity
serves his neighbor, and by simply obeying the pressures about
him, and following the path that opens before him, weaves him-
self into the pattern of "purposes he cannot measure."
But we must look at the picture more closely. The very process
of intelligently seeking my own ends makes me further those of
others? Quite so. But what are my purposes, immediate and ulti-
mate? And what are the purposes of others which I serve, as a
means of accomplishing my own? And what views have I and they
as to the suitable means of accomplishing those ends? These are
the questions on which the health and vigor of a community
depend, and the economic forces, as such, take no count of them.
Division of labor and exchange, on which the economic organiza-
tion of society is based, enlarge our means of accomplishing our
ends, but they have no direct influence upon the ends themselves,
and have no tendency to beget scrupulousness in the use of the
means. It is idle to assume that ethically desirable results will
necessarily be produced by an ethically indifferent instrument,
and it is as foolish to make the economic relation an idol as it is
to make it a bogey.
The world has many things that I want for myself and others,
and that I can get only by some kind of exchange. What, then,
have I, or what can I do or make, that the world wants? Or what
can I make it want, or persuade it that it wants, or make it be-
lieve that I can give it better than others can? The things I want,
if measured by an ideal standard, may be good or bad for me to
have or for others to give; and so with the things I give them,
the desires I stimulate in them, and the means I employ to gratify
them. When we draw the seductive picture of "economic har-
mony" in which every one is "helping" some one else and making
himself "useful" to him, we insensibly allow the idea of "help" to
smuggle in with it ethical or sentimental associations that are
strictly contraband. We forget that the "help" may be impartially
extended to destructive and pernicious or to constructive and
beneficent ends, and moreover that it may employ all sorts of
means. We have only to think of the huge industries of war, of the
floating of bubble companies, of the efforts of one business or firm
to choke others in the birth, of the poppy culture in China and
India, of the gin-palaces and distilleries at home, in order to real-
ize how often the immediate purpose of one man or of one com-
munity is to thwart or hold in check the purpose of another, or
to delude men, or to corrupt their tastes and to minister to them
when corrupted.28
I have quoted Wicksteed at such great length because his is
the most powerful statement I have ever encountered of the
thesis that the free market system is "ethically indifferent" or
ethically neutral. The thesis, nevertheless, seems to me open
to serious question.
Let us begin by confronting it with one or two statements
of the rival thesis that the free market economy does have a
positive moral value. T h e reader will recall the passage from
Ludwig von Mises already quoted on page 312, in which he
contends that "feelings of sympathy and friendship and a sense
of belonging together . . . are fruits of social cooperation" and
not the seed from which social cooperation springs. A similar
contention is put forward by Murray N. Rothbard:
In explaining the origins of society, there is no need to conjure
up any mystic communion or "sense of belonging" among indi-
viduals. Individuals recognize, through the use of reason, the
advantages of exchange resulting from the higher productivity of
the division of labor, and they proceed to follow this advanta-
geous course. In fact, it is far more likely that feelings of friend-
ship and communion are the effects of a regime of (contractual)
social co-operation rather than the cause. Suppose, for example,
that the division of labor were not productive, or that men had
failed to recognize its productivity. In that case, there would be
little or no opportunity for exchange, and each man would try to
obtain his goods in autistic independence. The result would un-
doubtedly be a fierce struggle to gain possession of the scarce
goods, since, in such a world, each man's gain of useful goods
would be some other man's loss. It would be almost inevitable for
such an autistic world to be strongly marked by violence and per-
petual war. Since each man could gain from his fellows only at
their expense, violence would be prevalent, and it seems highly
likely that feelings of mutual hostility would be dominant. As in
the case of animals quarreling over bones, such a warring world
could cause only hatred and hostility between man and man.
Life would be a bitter "struggle for survival." On the other hand,
in a world of voluntary social co-operation through mutually
beneficial exchanges, where one man's gain is another man's gain,
it is obvious that great scope is provided for the development of
social sympathy and human friendships. It is the peaceful, co-
operative society that creates favorable conditions for feelings of
friendship among men.
The mutual benefits yielded by exchange provide a major in-
centive . . . to would-be aggressors (initiators of violent action
against others) to restrain their aggression and co-operate peace-
fully with their fellows. Individuals then decide that the advan-
tages of engaging in specialization and exchange outweigh the
advantages that war might bring.29
Let us now look a little more closely at Wicksteed's thesis. It
is true, as he so eloquently points out, that capitalism, as it
functioned in his time and today, is not yet a heaven filled with
cooperating saints. But this does not prove that the system is
responsible for our individual shortcomings and sins, or even
that it is ethically "indifferent" or neutral. Wicksteed took for
granted not only the economic but the ethical merits of the capi-
talism of his day because that was the system that he saw all
round him, and therefore he did not visualize the alternative.
What he forgot when he wrote the passage quoted above is that
modern capitalism is not an inevitable or inescapable system but
one that has been chosen by the men and women who live under
it. It is a system of freedom. London is not fed "although no one
sees to it." London is fed precisely because almost everybody in
London sees to it. The housewife shops every day for food, and
brings it home by car or on foot. The butcher and grocer know
that she will shop, and stock what they expect her to buy. The
meats and vegetables are brought to their shops in their own
trucks or the trucks of wholesalers, who in turn order from
shippers, who in turn order from farmers and order railroads to
transport the food, and the railroads exist precisely to do that.
All that is lacking in this system is a single dictator who osten-
tatiously issues commands for the whole thing and claims all the
credit for it.
True, this system of freedom, this free-market system, presup-
poses an appropriate legal system and an appropriate morality.
It could not exist and function without them. But once this
system exists and functions it raises the moral level of the com-
munity still further.
8. The Function of Freedom

Wicksteed does not quite seem to have realized that in describ-
ing a market economy he was describing a system of economic
freedom, and freedom is not "ethically indifferent," but a neces-
sary condition of morality. As F. A. Hayek has put it:
It is . . . an old discovery that morals and moral values will
grow only in an environment of freedom, and that, in general,
moral standards of people and classes are high only where they
have long enjoyed freedomand proportional to the amount of
freedom they have possessed. . . . That freedom is the matrix re-
quired for the growth of moral valuesindeed not merely one
value among many but the source of all valuesis almost self-
evident. It is only where the individual has choice, and its in-
herent responsibility, that he has occasion to affirm existing val-
ues, to contribute to their further growth, and to earn moral
merit.30
If the morality of a given free-market system falls short of
perfection, this is no proof that the free-market system is ethi-
cally indifferent or ethically neutral. If a prior morality is neces-
sary for it to come into existence, its existence none the less
promotes a wider and more sustained morality. The habit of
voluntary economic cooperation tends to make a mutualistic
attitude habitual. And a system that provides us better than
any other with our material needs and wants can never be dis-
missed as ethically negligible or ethically irrelevant. Morality
depends upon the prior satisfaction of material needs. As
Wicksteed himself so memorably put it in another context: "A
man can be neither a saint, nor a lover, nor a poet, unless he has
comparatively recently had something to eat." 31
Ironically, precisely because capitalism does make it possible
for men to meet their material needs, and often amply, it has
been deplored as a "materialistic" system. To this an excellent
answer has been given by F. A. Hayek: "Surely it is unjust to
blame a system as more materialistic because it leaves it to the
individual to decide whether he prefers material gain to other
kinds of excellence, instead of having this decided for him. . . .
If [a free enterprise society] gives individuals much more scope
to serve their fellows by the pursuit of purely materialistic aims,
it also gives them the opportunity to pursue any other aim they
regard as more important." 32
To which I may add that in a free economy everyone is free to
practice generosity toward others to any extent he sees fitand
better able to.
As voluntary economic cooperation makes us more interde-
pendent, the consequences of breaches of cooperation or a break-
down of the system become more serious for all of us; and to
the extent that we recognize this we will become less indifferent
to failure or violation of cooperation in ourselves or in others.
Therefore the tendency will be for the moral level of the whole
community to be kept high or to be raised.
The way to appreciate the true moral value of the free-market
economy is to ask ourselves: / / this freedom did not exist, what
then? We undervalue it, not only economically but morally,
only because we have it and think it secure. As Shakespeare has
put it:
For it so falls out
That what we have we prize not to the worth
Whiles we enjoy it, but being lack'd and lost,
Why, then we rack the value; then we find
The virtue that possession would not show us
Whiles it was ours.33
Writing in 1910, Wicksteed had an excuse which we do not
have for regarding the capitalist system as morally indifferent.
He did not have the stark alternatives before him. He had not
been reading or experiencing daily, for years, the results of
statism, of government economic planning, of socialism, of fas-
cism, of communism. We will examine in our next chapter the
morality, or rather the immorality, of these alternatives.
T o sum up: The system of capitalism, of the market economy,
is a system of freedom, of justice, of productivity. In all these
respects it is infinitely superior to its coercive alternatives. But
these three virtues cannot be separated. Each flows out of the
other. Only when men are free can they be moral. Only when
they are free to choose can they be said to choose right from
wrong. When they are free to choose, when they are free to
get and to keep the fruits of their labor, they feel that they
are being treated justly. As they recognize that their reward
depends on their own efforts and output (and in effect is their
output) each has the maximum incentive to maximize his out-
put, and all have the maximum incentive to cooperate in helping
each other to do so. The justice of the system grows out of the
freedom it insures, and the productivity of the system grows out
of the justice of the rewards that it provides.
CHAPTER 31
The Ethics of Socialism

1. The Alternative to Freedom
In the preceding chapter we tried to confine ourselves to a
discussion of the positive ethical values of "capitalism"i.e., of
the system of economic freedom. We did this because these
values are so seldom appreciated or even considered. For more
than a century the system has been under constant attack from
numberless detractors (including those who owe most to it), and
even the majority of its defenders have been apologetic about
it, contenting themselves with pointing out that it is more pro-
ductive than its alternatives.
This is a valid defense. It has, indeed, an ethical as well as a
"merely material" validity. Capitalism has enormously raised
the level of the masses. It has wiped out whole areas of poverty.
It has greatly reduced infant mortality, and made it possible to
cure disease and prolong life. It has reduced human suffering.
Because of capitalism, millions live today who would otherwise
have not even been born. If these facts have no ethical relevance,
then it is impossible to say in what ethical relevance consists.
But though a defense of capitalism solely because of its pro-
ductivity is valid and even ethically valid, it is not ethically
sufficient. We cannot fully appreciate the positive ethical values
of a system of economic freedom until we compare it with its
alternatives.
So let us compare it now with its only real alternative
socialism. Some readers may object that there are any number of
alternatives, a whole spectrum ranging from various degrees of
interventionism and statism to communism. But to avoid getting
into purely economic issues, I am going to be dogmatic at this
point and say that all so-called middle-of-the-road systems are
unstable and transitional in nature, and in the long run either
break down or lead toward a complete socialism. For the argu-
ment in support of this conclusion, I must refer the reader to
325
the relevant economic literature. 1 Here I will content myself
with calling attention to the difference between a general undis-
criminatory system of laws against force and fraud, on the one
hand, and specific interventions in the market economy on the
other. Some of these specific interventions may indeed "remedy"
this or that specific "evil" in the short run, but they can do so
only at the cost of producing more and worse evils in the long
run. 2
I should also warn the reader that in most of this discussion
we shall be treating "socialism" and "communism" as practically
synonymous. This was the practice of Marx and Engels. It is
true that the words have come to have different connotations
today; later in this chapter we shall recognize these. But in most
of this discussion we shall assume, with Bernard Shaw, that "A
communist is nothing but a socialist with the courage of his
convictions." The parties and programs in present-day Europe
that call themselves "socialist" in fact advocate merely a partial
socialismthe nationalization of railroads, various public utili-
ties, and heavy industrybut not usually of light industries, the
service trades, or agriculture. When socialism becomes complete,
it becomes what is generally called communism.
An additional distinction: the parties that call themselves
Communist believe in getting into power, if necessary, through
violent revolution, and in spreading their power by infiltration,
hate-propaganda, subversion and war against other nations;
whereas the parties that call themselves Socialist profess (for the
most part sincerely) to wish to come into power only through
persuasion and "democratic means." But we can leave a dis-
cussion of such differences until later.
2. Utopian Socialism
Let us begin by considering the ethical assumptions of Uto-
pian (or pre-Marxist) socialism. The Utopian socialists have
always deplored the alleged cruelty and savagery of economic
competition, and have pleaded for the substitution of a regime
of "cooperation" or "mutual aid." This plea rests, as we have
seen in the preceding chapter, on a failure to understand that
a free-market system is in fact a marvelous system of social
cooperation, both on a "microeconomic" and on a "macroeco-
THE ETHICS OF SOCIALISM 327
nomic" scale. It rests on a failure to recognize, in addition, that
economic competition is an integral and indispensable part of
this system of economic cooperation, and enormously increases
its effectiveness.
Utopian socialists constantly talk of the "wastefulness" of
competition. They fail to understand that the apparent "wastes"
of competition are short-term and transitional wastes necessary
to increasing economies in the long run. One does not get any
comparable long-run economies under monopolies. Above all,
one does not get them under governmental monopolies: witness
the post-office.
In Looking Backward (1888), the most famous utopian-social-
ist novel of the late nineteenth century, Edward Bellamy por-
trayed what he considered an ideal society. And one of the
features that made it ideal was that it eliminated the
interminable rows of stores [in Boston] . . . ten thousand
stores to distribute the goods needed by this one city, which in my
[utopian-socialist] dream had been supplied with all things from
a single warehouse, as they were ordered through one great store
in every quarter, where the buyer, without waste of time or labor,
found under one roof the world's assortment in whatever line he
desired. There the labor of distribution had been so slight as to
add a scarcely perceptible fraction to the cost of commodities to
the user. The cost of production was virtually all he paid. But
here the mere distribution of the goods, their handling alone,
added a fourth, a third, a half and more, to the cost. All these
ten thousand plants must be paid for, their rent, their staffs of
superintendence, their platoons of salesmen, their ten thousand
sets of accountants, jobbers, and business dependents, with all
they spent in advertising themselves and fighting one another, and
the consumers must do the paying. What a famous process for
beggaring a nation! 3
What Bellamy failed to see in this incredibly naive picture
was that he was putting all the costs and inconveniences of
"distribution" on the buyer, on the consumer. In his Utopia it
was the buyers who had to walk or take a trolley or drive their
carriages to the "one great store." They could not go just around
the corner to pick up groceries, or a loaf of bread or a bottle
of milk; or a medicine; or a pad and pencil; or a screwdriver;
or a pair of socks or stockings. No: for the most trivial item they
had to walk or ride to the "one great store," no matter how far
away it might happen to be. And then, because the one great
nationalized store would not have any competition to meet, it
would not put on enough salesmen, and the customers would
have to queue up for indefinite waits (as in Russia or most
government-run "services" anywhere). And, because of the same
lack of competition, the goods would be poor and of limited
variety. They would not be what the customers wanted, but what
the government bureaucrats thought were plenty good enough
for them.
Among the things that Bellamy overlooked was that all real
costs must be paid for; and if the one great government store
does not put the cost of "distribution" on the price, because it
does not assume that cost, it is only because it forces the con-
sumers to assume that cost, not only in money, but in time and
inconvenience and even personal hardship. The "wastes" of the
kind of system that Bellamy dreamed of would be enormously
greater than those of the competitive system he derided.
But these were comparatively minor errors. The major error
of Bellamy's picture lay in his complete failure to recognize the
role of competition in constantly reducing costs of production,
in improving products as well as means of production, and in
developing wholly new products. He did not foresee the thou-
sand inventions, improvements, and new discoveries that capital-
istic competition has brought to the world in the seventy-six
years since he wrote in 1888. Though he was supposed to be
writing about conditions in the year 2000 (in his dream), he did
not foresee the airplane or even the automobile; or radio or
television or high-fidelity and stereophonic systems, or even the
phonograph; or "automation," or a thousand miracles of the
modern world. He did foresee music being piped into homes
from central government stations by telephone; but this was
because the telephone had already been privately invented by
Alexander Graham Bell in 1876 and 1877 (ten years before
Bellamy wrote), and had been privately improved since then.
Nor did he foresee the enormous economies that were to be
effected in distribution. He did not foresee the enormous growth
that was to develop in the size of the privately-owned depart-
ment store and in the varieties of goods it was to offer. He did
not foresee that these stores would open branches in the suburbs
or in other cities to serve their customers better. He did not
foresee the development of the modern mail-order house, which
would enable people to order goods from huge catalogs and save
them the trouble of driving in to the "one great store" in the
hope that it might carry what they wanted. He did not foresee
the development of the modern supermarket, not only with its
immense increase in the varieties of goods offered, but with its
enormous economies in the size of sales staffs. And the reason
he did not foresee these things is that he failed to recognize the
enormous pressures that the competition which he deplored
put on each individual store or firm constantly to increase its
economies and reduce its costs.
And for the same reason he did not foresee the immense
economies that were to be brought about by mechanized book-
keeping and accounting. In fact, his comments show that he
hardly understood the need for bookkeeping or accounting at
all. To him it was merely a way in which private merchants
counted up their inexcusable profits. He knew nothing of one
of the main functions of accounting. That a chief purpose of
bookkeeping and accounting is precisely to know what costs are,
and where they occur, so that wastes can be traced, pinpointed,
and eliminated, and costs reduced, never occurred to him. He
was against competition because he took all its beneficent results
for granted.
I had not meant to get into economic considerations to this
extent, but it seems necessary in order to show what is wrong
with the implicit ethics of socialist or anti-capitalist writers.
3. "Equal Distribution" vs. Production

What socialist writers fail to understand is that only through
the institution of the free market, with competition and private
ownership of the means of production, and only through the
interplay of prices, wages, costs, profits and losses is it possible
to determine what consumers want, and in what relative pro-
portions, and therefore what is to be produced, and in what
relative proportions. Under a system of capitalism, the interplay
of millions of prices and wages and trillions of price and wage
and profit interrelationships produce the infinitely varied incen-
tives and deterrents that direct production as by "an invisible
hand" into thousands of different commodities and services.
What socialists fail to understand is that socialism cannot solve
the problem of "economic calculation." "Even angels, if they
were endowed only with human reason, could not form a social-
istic community." 4
Now by any utilitarian standard (and the socialists themselves
constantly appeal to a utilitarian standard) any system that can-
not solve the problem of production, that cannot maximize
production and cannot direct it into the proper channels, any
system that would grossly reduce (compared with what is possi-
ble) the material basis for social life, the satisfaction of human
wants, cannot be called a "moral" system.
We have already seen that a free-market system tends to give
to every social group, and to every individual within each group,
the value of what it or he has contributed to production. The
working motto of such a system is: To each what he creates. Now
Marxian socialism denies that capitalism tends to do this. It
holds that under capitalism the worker is systematically "ex-
ploited" and robbed of the full produce of his labor. We have
already seen in the preceding chapter that this Marxian conten-
tion is untenable. 5 But in any case the Marxists do not propose
this for their own motto for distribution. Their motto is: From
each according to his ability; to each according to his need.
The two parts of this slogan are incompatible. Human nature
is such that unless each is paid and rewarded according to his
ability and effort and contribution he will not exert himself
to apply and develop his full potential ability, to put forth his
maximum effort, or to make his maximum contribution. And
the general reduction of effort will of course reduce the pro-
duction out of which everybody's needs are to be supplied. And
that each will have "according to his need" is an empty boast
unless need is to be interpreted as meaning just enough to keep
alive. (Even this, as the history of famines in Soviet Russia and
Communist China has shown, is not always achieved.) But if
"needs" are to be interpreted in the sense of wants and desires,
in the sense of what each of us would like to have, it is a goal
never to be fully achieved as long as there is an acknowledged
shortage or scarcity of anything at all. If "need" is interpreted
simply as other people's need as estimated by a Socialist bureau-
crat, then no doubt the socialist goal can be sometimes achieved.
The most common ideal of "just" distribution espoused by
Utopian socialists is equal division of goods or income per head
of the population. 6 Applied literally, this would violate the
motto of distribution according to need by giving as much to
infants as to adults in their prime. But the central objection to
the ideal is of a quite different nature. It would destroy pro-
duction.
We have already seen (Chapter 30, pp. 317-18) why this is so.
Suppose at present (or at the time that the experiment of guar-
anteed equality of income per head is started) the statistical
average income per capita is $2,500 a year. Then nobody who
had been getting less than that would work harder to increase
his income, because the difference would be guaranteed to him.
In fact, as the whole amount would be guaranteed to him, he
would see no reason to continue to work at allexcept insofar
as he was coerced into doing so by slavery, the whip, a tyran-
nical public opinion, or the intermittent and uncertain prompt-
ings of his own conscience. As, moreover, the new guaranteed
equality of income at $2,500 a year could only be realized by
seizing everything above that amount earned by anybody, those
who had previously been earning more than that amount would
no longer have any incentive to do so. In fact, they would no
longer have any incentive to earn even that amount; because it
would be guaranteed to them whether they earned it or not.
The result would be general poverty and starvation.
It may be replied that this would be a suicidal thing for men
to do, and that the inhabitants of such a society would surely be
intelligent enough to see this; that they would be intelligent
enough, in fact, to see that the more each produced the more
there would be for all. This is in fact the argument of all social-
ists and of all socialist governments. What those who put
forward the argument overlook is that what is true for the
collectivity is not necessarily true for the individual. The indi-
vidual is told by the managers of the socialist society that if he
increases his output he will, other things being equal, increase
total output. Mathematically he recognizes that this is so. But
mathematically he recognizes, also, that under a system of equal
division his own contribution can have only an infinitesimal
relationship to his own income and welfare. He knows that even
if he personally worked like a galley slave, and nobody else
worked, he would still starve. And he knows, also, on the other
hand, that if everybody else worked like a galley slave, and he
did nothing, or only went through the motions of working when
somebody was watching him, he would live very well on what
everybody else had produced.
Suppose a man lives in a socialist country with a population
of 200 million. By backbreaking work, say, he doubles his pro-
duction. If his previous production was average, he has increased
the total national production by only one-two-hundred-mil-
lionth. This means that he personally, assuming equal distri-
bution, increases his income or consumption by only one-two-
hundred-millionth, in spite of his terrific effort. He would
never notice the infinitesimal difference in his material welfare.
Suppose, on the other hand, that without getting caught he
does not work at all. Then he gets only one-two-hundred-
millionth less to eat. The deprivation is so infinitesimal that
again he would be unable to notice it. But he would save himself
from any work whatever.
In brief, under conditions of equal distribution regardless of
individual production, a man's output, or the intensity of his
effort, will be determined not by some abstract, over-all, col lee -
tivist consideration but mainly by his assumption regarding
what everybody else is doing or is going to do. He may be
willing to "do his share"; but he'll be hanged before he'll break
his back to produce while others are loafing, because he knows
that it will get him nowhere. And he will probably be a little
generous in measuring how hard he himself is working and a
little cynical in estimating how hard everybody else is working.
He will be apt to cite the very worst among his co-workers as
typical of what "others" do while he slaves.7
That this is what actually happens in a completely socialized
economy is proved by the necessity the managers of such an
economy are under to maintain a constant propaganda in favor
of More Work, More Production. It is proved by the mass star-
vation that immediately followed the collectivization of the
farms in Soviet Russia and in Communist China. But no more
impressive illustration can be found anywhere than in the very
beginnings of American history.
Most of us have forgotten that when the Pilgrim Fathers
landed on the shores of Massachusetts they established a com-
munist system. Out of their common product and storehouse
they set up a system of rationing, though it came to "but a
quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person." Even when
harvest came, "it arose to but a little." A vicious circle seemed
to set in. The people complained that they were too weak from
want of food to tend the crops as they should. Deeply religious
though they were, they took to stealing from each other. "So as
it well appeared," writes Governor Bradford, in his contempo-
rary account, "that famine must still insue the next year allso, if
not some way prevented."
So the colonists, he continues,
begane to thinke how they might raise as much come as they
could, and obtaine a beter crope than they had done, that they
might not still thus languish in miserie. At length [in 1623] after
much debate of things, the Gov. (with the advise of the cheefest
amongest them) gave way that they should set come every man for
his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves. . . .
And so assigned to every family a parcell of land. . . .
This had very good success; for it made all hands very industri-
ous, so as much more come was planted than other waise would
have bene by any means the Gov. or any other could use, and
saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente.
The women now wente willingly into the feild, and tooke their
litle-ons with them to set come, which before would aledg weak-
ness, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene
thought great tiranie and oppression.
The experience that was had in this commone course and condi-
tion, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men,
may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos and other
ancients, applauded by some of later times;that the taking
away of propertie, and bringing in communitie into a comone
wealth, would make them happy and flourishing; as if they were
wiser than God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found
to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much im-
ployment that would have been to their benefite and comforte.
For the yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour and
service did repine that they should spend their time and streingth
to worke for other mens wives and children, with out any recom-
pense. The strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of
victails and cloaths, than he that was weake and not able to doe
a quarter the other could; this was thought injuestice. . . .
And for men's wives to be commanded to doe service for other
men, as dressing their meate, washing their cloaths, etc., they
deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well
brooke it. . . .
By this time harvest was come, and instead of famine, now God
gave them plentie, and the face of things was changed, to the
rejoysing of the harts of many, for which they blessed God. And
the effect of their particuler [private] planting was well seene, for
all had, one way and other, pretty well to bring the year aboute,
and some of the abler sorte and more industrious had to spare,
and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not
been amongest them since to this day.8
Such are the results when an attempt is made, in the name of

"justice," to substitute a system of equal division per capita for
a system of allowing each to get and keep what he creates. The
fallacy of all schemes for (a necessarily coercive) equal division
of wealth or income is that they take production for granted.
The sponsors of such schemes tacitly assume that in spite of
such equal division production will be the same; a few even
explicitly argue that it will be greater. We can imagine a mod-
ern Socrates questioning such a Leveler:
Socrates: Which is more justan equal division of goods or
an unequal one?
Leveler: Obviously an equal division.
Socrates: No matter who produced the goods or how much
was produced?
Leveler: Under all circumstances an equal division would be
clearly more just than an unequal division.
Socrates: Let us see. Suppose in a poor isolated village of a
hundred people, each were allotted a small bowl of rice a day,
while in another isolated village of a hundred, ten people got
only one bowl of rice a day, ten others two bowls, seventy others
three bowls of rice a day, while one-tenth of the group lived very
well indeed, with a rich varied diet. Which village would be
better offthe first or the second?
Leveler: The second, of course. But
Socrates: But according to your own definition, there would
be less "justice" in the second village.
Leveler: But you are simply changing the terms of the prob-
lem. Obviously if the greater supply of goods produced in the
second village were evenly divided, the second village would be
better off than before, because the division would be more just.
Socrates: But suppose it was precisely because of the coercive
equal division that the first village had been reduced to a pro-
duction of only one bowl of rice per person per day? Suppose
the production and distribution in the first village would be
the same as that in the second if, as in the second, each person
were allowed to keep his own contribution to production? For
I have not really been talking about two different villages at all;
but about what might happen in the same village under two
different systems of "distribution"one, a forced equal dis-
tribution of the total production, and the other a system in
which each person was paid for what he produced, or was al-
lowed to keep or exchange what he produced and protected in
his right to do so.
Leveler: But isn't equal division under all circumstances
more just than unequal division?
Socrates: Under certain circumstances it might be, as in the
food allotment to an army, or to the people of a city under siege.
But it is never more just when its result is substantially to
diminish the output or product to be divided.
4. Again: What Is Justice?

But perhaps we have already put too many opinions in the
mouth of even a modernized Socrates. We must never lose sight
of the fact that Justice, like Virtue, is primarily a means; and
though it is also an end, it is never the ultimate end, but must
be judged by its results. Whatever produces bad results, what-
ever reduces material welfare or human happiness, cannot be
Justice. We call Justice (as we have already seen in Chapter 24)
the system of rules and arrangements that increase human
peace, cooperation, production, and happiness, and Injustice
whatever rules and arrangements stand in the way of these con-
sequences. All a priori concepts of Justice must be revised ac-
cordingly.
The system of "to each what he produces," and the system of
equal division regardless of what each produces, cannot, insofar
as they are legal or governmental systems, be reconciled. It is
commonly thought that while enforced equal division would be
impracticable, precisely because it would discourage production,
it is at least possible to mitigate the "injustices" and inequalities
in wealth and income by various devices, the most popular of
which in our day is the graduated income tax. The blessings of
this tax in bringing about greatly increased "social justice" are
constantly extolled. It is commonly assumed today, even by most
academic economists, that personal incomes can be taxed up to
91 per cent9 without significantly reducing incentives or the
capital accumulation upon which all improvement in economic
conditions depends. It is just as commonly assumed that un-
employment compensation and social security benefits can be
increased or extended indefinitely without reducing the incen-
tives to work and production. This is not the place to enter into
a technical discussion of the economic effect of "progressive" in-
come taxes and of welfare-state payments, or of a combination
of the two. The reader may be referred for this to other
sources.10 Here it is sufficient to point out that whatever forced
transfer of income from Peter to Paul reduces the total "social
dividend" is a dubious gain for "justice."
So there was wisdom as well as wit in the old Victorian jingle:
What is a Communist?
A man who has yearnings,
For equal division
Of unequal earnings
We are brought back once more to the question, What is the
proper conception of Justice? A system under which the talented
and skilled and industrious received no more than the incom-
petent and shiftless and lazy, and which equalized material re-
wards irrespective of effort, would certainly be unproductive;
and to most of us, I think, it would also be unjust. Surely most
of us would prefer, if we thought that were the only alternative,
an enormously productive if not ideally "just" system to one
which provided a perfectly "just" distribution of scarcity and
poverty"splendidly equalized destitution." n This does not
mean that we prefer Abundance at the expense of Justice. It
means that the term Just, as applied to material rewards, must
be conceived as that system of distribution that tends in the
long run to maximize everybody's incentives and so to maximize
production and social cooperation.
There is one more principle of economic distribution, sup-
ported by some socialists, to be discussed. This is distribution or
payment on the basis of "merit." This is a less naive principle
than equal division per capita, and it is peculiarly likely to
appeal to literary men, artists, poets, and intellectuals in other
disciplines than economics. What a scandal, some of them say,
that a vulgar and ill-mannered brewer or oil prospector, or
the writer of a trashy novel, should make a fortune, while a
fine modern poet almost starves because his volume sells only
a few hundred copies or perhaps is not published at all. People
should be rewarded in accordance with their true moral worth,
or at least in accordance with their "real" contribution to our
cultural life.
This proposed solution leaves the central question unan-
swered: Who is going to decide on people's true moral worth or
"real" merit? Some of us may secretly believe that we would be
competent to decide each person's true merits, and would re-
ward them in proper proportion with absolute impartiality and
justice, once we knew "the facts." But a little thought would
convince most of us that only someone with the omniscience
and impartiality of God would be able to decide on the relative
merit and deserts of each of us. Where the solution is attempted
in practice, as in Soviet Russia, we know the nightmarish re-
sults. The nearest approach to a practical answer has been the
token solutions in contemporary England, with its annual
awards of knighthoods and other titles, in France with election
to the Academy, and in the United States with the distribution
by its colleges of honorary degrees. But people have been known
to question the justice or wisdom even of some of these.
5. Socialism Means Coercion

The solution of the free market is not perfect, but it is su-
perior to any alternative that has been devised or seems likely to
be devised. Under it material rewards correspond to the value
that a man's particular services have to his fellows. The others
reveal their valuations by what they are willing to pay for his
contribution. The best-paid writers or manufacturers are those
who offer the public what it wants, rather than what is good for
it. What it wants will correspond with what is good for it only
as the general level of taste and wisdom and morality rises. But
whatever the defects of this system, any coercive or arbitrary
substitute will surely be a great deal worse.
The central issue between capitalism and socialism is liberty:
"It is of the essence of a free society that we should be materially
rewarded not for doing what others order us to do, but for giving
them what they want." 12 This does not mean that capitalism is
more "materialistic" than socialism. "Free enterprise has de-
veloped the only kind of society which while it provides us
with ample material means, if that is what we mainly want, still
leaves the individual free to choose between material and non-
material reward. . . . Surely it is unjust to blame a system as
more materialistic because it leaves it to the individual to de-
cide whether he prefers material gain to other kinds of ex-
cellence, instead of having this decided for him." 13
What is not seen by those who are proposing other systems of
material rewards than those provided by capitalism is that their
systems can be imposed only by coercion. And coercion is the
essence of socialism and communism. Under socialism there can
be no free choice of occupation. Everyone must take the job to
which he is assigned. He must go where he is sent. He must
remain there until he gets orders to move elsewhere. His promo-
tion or demotion depends upon the will of a superior, upon a
single chain of command.
Economic life under socialism, in short, is organized on a
military model. Each is assigned his task and platoon, as in an
army. This is clear even in the Utopian visions of a Bellamy: his
people had to take their turns in the "army of labor," working
in the mines, cleaning the streets, waiting on tableonly, for
some unexplained reason, all these tasks had suddenly become
incomparably easier and more delightful. Engels assured his
followers that: "Socialism will abolish both architecture and
barrow-pushing as professions, and the man who has given half
an hour to architecture will also push the cart a little until his
work as an architect is again in demand. It would be a pretty
sort of socialism which perpetuated the business of barrow-
pushing." 14 In Bebel's Utopia only physical labor is recognized
by society, and art and science are relegated to leisure hours.
What is implied but never clearly stated in these Utopian
visions is that everything will be done by coercion, by orders
from the top. The press will be nationalized, intellectual life
will be nationalized, freedom of speech will disappear.
The grim reality is shown today in the Russian slave camps
and in Communist China. When economic liberty has been
destroyed, all other liberty disappears with it. Alexander Hamil-
ton recognized this clearly: "Power over a man's subsistence is
power over his will." And as one of the masters of modern
RussiaLeon Trotskypointed out even more clearly: "In a
country where the sole employer is the State, opposition means
death by slow starvation: The old principle: who does not work
shall not eat, has been replaced by a new one: who does not
obey shall not eat."
So complete socialism means the complete disappearance of
liberty. And, contrary to the Marxist propaganda of a century,
it is socialism rather than capitalism that tends to lead to war.
Capitalist countries have, it is true, gone to war with each other;
but those who have been most strongly imbued with the philos-
ophy of the free market and free trade have been the leaders
of public opinion in opposition to war. Capitalism depends on
the division of labor and on social cooperation. It therefore de-
pends on the principle of peace, because the wider the field of
social cooperation the greater the need for peace. The maximum
of trade between nations (which all true liberals recognize to be
mutually advantageous) requires the constant maintenance of
peace. As recalled in our chapter on International Ethics, it was
one of the first great liberals, David Hume, who wrote in his
essay "Of the Jealousy of Trade" in 1740: "I shall therefore ven-
ture to acknowledge that, not only as a man, but as a British
subject, I pray for the flourishing commerce of Germany, Spain,
Italy, and even France itself. I am at least certain that Great
Britain, and all those nations, would flourish more, did their
sovereigns and their ministers adopt such enlarged and benevo-
lent sentiments towards each other."
It is socialist governments, on the contrary, notwithstanding
their denunciations of the Imperialist Warmongers, that blame
their almost inevitable failures on the machinations of capitalist
countries, and that have been the greatest source of modern
wars. We need not rehearse here in detail the war record of the
National Socialists in Germany (more popularly known today
by their abbreviated name, the Nazis).15 Nor need we rehearse
the constant record of aggression, subversion, and conquest of
Soviet Russia and Communist Chinawhether the conquest
was only partly successful, as in Finland, South Korea, India,
and Quemoy, or completely successful as in Lithuania, Latvia,
Estonia, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania,
etc. We have in any case, as daily reminders, Khrushchev's con-
stant threats to bury us.
6. A Religion of Immoralism
We are brought back, in fact, to the pervasive immorality of
Marxism from its very beginnings to the present day. The noble
end of socialism was thought to justify any means. As Max
Eastman writes:
Marx hated deity, and regarded high moral aspirations as an
obstacle. The power on which he rested his faith in the coming
paradise was the harsh, fierce, bloody evolution of a "material,"
and yet mysteriously "upward-going," world. And he convinced
himself that, in order to get in step with such a world, we must
set aside moral principles and go in for fratricidal war. Although
buried under a mountain of economic rationalizations pretending
to be science, that mystical and anti-moral faith is the one wholly
original contribution of Karl Marx to man's heritage of ideas.16
Marx expelled people from his Communist party for men-

tioning programmatically such things as "love," "Justice," "hu-
manity," even "morality" itself. When he founded the First
International, he wrote privately to Engels: "I was obliged to
insert in the preamble two phrases about 'duty and right,' ditto
'truth, morality, and justice.' " But these lamentable phrases, he
assured Engels, "are placed in such a way that they can do no
harm." 1T
Lenin, a faithful follower, declared that in order to bring
nearer the earthly socialist paradise: "We must be ready to
employ trickery, deceit, law-breaking, withholding and conceal-
ing truth. We can and must write in a language which sows
among the masses hate, revulsion, scorn, and the like, toward
those who disagree with us." 18
Addressing an all-Russian Congress of Youth, Lenin declared:
"For us morality is subordinated completely to the interests of
the class struggle of the proletariat." 19
Stalin, when young, was an organizer of bank robberies and
holdups. When he came into power he became one of the
greatest mass murderers in history.
The motto of the Bolsheviks was simple: "Everything which
promotes the success of the revolution is moral, everything
which hinders it is immoral."
As Max Eastman exclaims, reviewing the record of this "re-
ligion of immoralism": "The notion of an earthly paradise in
which men shall dwell together in millennial brotherhood is
used to justify crimes and depravities surpassing anything the
modern world has seen. . . . Such a disaster never happened to
humanity before." 20
CHAPTER 32
Morality and Religion

1. "If There's No God"
Is religion necessary to the discovery of the specific moral
rules that should guide us? And is a belief in the chief tradi-
tional doctrines of religionsuch as the existence of a personal
God, a life after death, a Heaven and a Hellnecessary in order
to secure human observance of moral rules?
The belief that morality is impossible without religion has
dominated the thought of the Western world for nearly twenty
centuries. In its crudest form, it is put into the mouth of
Smerdyakov Karamazov, in the terrible scene in which he con-
fesses to his half-brother Ivan, a philosophical atheist, that he
has murdered and robbed their father: "I was only your instru-
ment," says Smerdyakov, "your faithful servant, and it was fol-
lowing your words I did it. . . . 'AH things are lawful.' That
was quite right what you taught me. . . . For if there's no ever-
lasting God, there's no such thing as virtue, and there's no need
of it." 1
And Santayana satirizes the same type of argument: "It is a
curious assumption of religious moralists that their precepts
would never be adopted unless people were persuaded by ex-
ternal evidence that God had positively established them. Were
it not for divine injunction and threats everyone would like
nothing better than to kill and to steal and to bear false
witness." 2
2. The Indictment
Perhaps we can best arrive at an answer to the two questions
that led off this chapter by reviewing the principal arguments
on both sides.
Let us begin with the argument of those who have denied
that religious faith is necessary for the maintenance of morality.
Perhaps the fullest statement of this is that made by John Stuart
342
MORALITY AND RELIGION 343
3
Mill in his essay on "The Utility of Religion." Mill begins by
contending that religion has always received excessive credit for
maintaining morality because, whenever morality is formally
taught, especially to children, it is almost invariably taught as
religion. Children are not taught to distinguish between the
commands of God and the commands of their parents. The
major motive to morality, Mill argues, is the good opinion of
our fellows. The threat of punishment for our sins in a Here-
after exercises only a dubious and uncertain force: "Even the
worst malefactor is hardly able to think that any crime he has
had it in his power to commit, any evil he can have inflicted in
this short space of existence, can have deserved torture ex-
tending through an eternity." In any case, "the value of religion
as a supplement to human laws, a more cunning sort of police,
an auxiliary to the thief-catcher and the hangman, is not that
part of its claims which the more highminded of its votaries
are fondest of insisting on."
There is a real evil, too, in ascribing a supernatural origin to
the received maxims of morality. "That origin consecrates the
whole of them, and protects them from being discussed or
criticized." The result is that the morality becomes "stereo-
typed"; it is not improved and perfected, and dubious precepts
are preserved along with the noblest and most necessary.
Even the morality that men have achieved through the fear
or the love of God, Mill maintains, can also be achieved by
those of us who seek, not only the approbation of those whom
we respect, but the imagined approbation of
all those, dead or living, whom we admire or venerate. . . .
The thought that our dead parents or friends would have ap-
proved our conduct is a scarcely less powerful motive than the
knowledge that our living ones do approve it: and the idea that
Socrates, or Howard, or Washington, or Antoninus, or Christ,
would have sympathized with us, or that we are attempting to do
our part in the spirit in which they did theirs, has operated on
the very best minds, as a strong incentive to act up to their highest
feelings and convictions.
On the other hand,
the religions which deal in promises and threats regarding a
future life . . . fasten down the thoughts to the person's own
posthumous interests; they tempt him to regard the performance
of his duties to others mainly as a means to his own personal sal-
vation; and are one of the most serious obstacles to the great pur-
pose of moral culture, the strengthening of the unselfish and
weakening of the selfish element in our nature. . . . The habit
of expecting to be rewarded in another life for our conduct in
this, makes even virtue itself no longer an exercise of the unselfish
feelings.
Mill makes further remarks regarding what he considers the
elements of positive immorality in the Judean and Christian re-
ligions, but an even more bitter and unqualified indictment is
made by Morris R. Cohen:
The absolute character of religious morality has made it em-
phasize the sanctions of fearthe terrifying consequences of dis-
obedience. I do not wish to ignore the fact that the greatest reli-
gious teachers have laid more stress on the love of the good for
its own sake. But in the latter respect they have not been different
from such great philosophers as Democritus, Aristotle, or Spinoza,
who regarded morality as its own reward. . . .
Religion has made a virtue of cruelty. Bloody sacrifices of hu-
man beings to appease the gods fill the pages of history. In ancient
Mexico we have the wholesale sacrifice of prisoners of war as a
form of national cultus. In the ancient East we have the sacrifice
of children to Moloch. Even the Greeks were not entirely free
from this religious custom. Let us note that while the Old Testa-
ment prohibits the ancient Oriental sacrifice of the first-born, it
does not deny its efficacy in the case of the King of Moab (II
Kings 3:2) nor is there any revulsion at the readiness with which
Abraham was willing to sacrifice his son Isaac. In India it was the
religious duty of the widow to be burned on the funeral pyre of
her late husband. And while Christianity formally condemned
human sacrifice, it revived it in fact under the guise of burning
heretics. I pass over the many thousands burned by order of the
Inquisition, and the record of the hundreds of people burned by
rulers like Queen Mary for not believing in the Pope or in tran-
substantiation. The Protestant Calvin burned the scholarly Serve-
tus for holding that Jesus was "the son of the eternal God" rather
than "the eternal son of God." And in our own Colonial America
heresy was a capital offense.
Cruelty is a much more integral part of religion than most peo-
ple nowadays realize. The Mosaic law commands the Israelites,
whenever attacking a city, to kill all the males, and all females
who have known men. The religious force of this is shown when
Saul is cursed and his whole dynasty is destroyed for leaving one
prisoner, King Agag, alive. Consider that tender psalm, "By the
rivers of Babylon." After voicing the pathetic cry "How can we
sing the songs of Jehovah in a foreign land?" it goes on to curse
Edom, and ends "Happy shall he be, that taketh and dasheth thy
little ones against the rock." Has there been any religious move-
ment to expurgate this from the religious service of Jews and
Christians? Something of the spirit of this intense hatred for the
enemies of God (i.e., those not of our own religion) has invented
and developed the terrors of Hell, and condemned almost all of
mankind to suffer them eternallyall, that is, except a few mem-
bers of our own particular religion. Worst of all, it has regarded
these torments as adding to the beatitude of the saints. The doc-
trine of a loving and all-merciful God professed by Christianity
or Islam has not prevented either one from preaching and prac-
ticing the duty to hate and persecute those who do not believe.
Nay, it has not prevented fierce wars between diverse sects of these
religions, such as the wars between Shiites, Sunnites, and Wahab-
ites, between Greek Orthodox, Roman Catholics, and Protestants.
The fierce spirit of war and hatred is not of course entirely due
to religion. But religion has made a duty of hatred. It preached
crusades against Mohammedans and forgave atrocious sins to en-
courage indiscriminate slaughter of Greek Orthodox as well as of
Mohammedan populations. . . .
Cruel persecution and intolerance are not accidents, but grow
out of the very essence of religion, namely, its absolute claims.
So long as each religion claims to have absolute, supernaturally
revealed truth, all other religions are sinful errors. . . . There is
no drearier chapter in the history of human misery than the un-
usually bloody internecine religious or sectarian wars which have
drenched in blood so much of Europe, Northern Africa, and
Western Asia. . . .
The complacent assumption which identifies religion with
higher morality ignores the historic fact that there is not a single
loathsome human practice that has not at some time or other been
regarded as a religious duty. I have already mentioned the break-
ing of promises to heretics. But assassination and thuggery (as the
words themselves indicate), sacred prostitution (in Babylonia and
India), diverse forms of self-torture, and the verminous uncleanli-
ness of saints like Thomas a Becket, have all been part of religion.
The religious conception of morality has been a legalistic one.
Moral rules are the commands of the gods. But the latter are sov-
ereigns and not themselves subject to the rules which they lay
down for others according to their own sweet wills.4
3. The Defense
In the face of such sweeping indictments, what have the de-
fenders of religion as an indispensable basis of morality had to
say? Rather strangely, it is not easy to find among recent writers
on ethics uncompromising and powerful exponents of this tra-
ditional view. If we turn, for example, to the Reverend Hastings
Rashdall, where we might expect to find such a view, we are
surprised at the modesty of his claims. His ideas are presented
at length in his well-known two-volume work, The Theory of
Good and Evil (1907), in the two chapters on "Metaphysics and
Morality" and "Religion and Morality." But in a little volume
of less than a hundred pages, written a few years later, which he
describes in a preface as "necessarily little more than a con-
densation of my Theory of Good and Evil," he has himself
formally summarized his views on the subject. It seems to me
best to quote his own summary almost in full:
1. Morality cannot be based upon or deduced from any meta-
physical or theological proposition whatever. The moral judg-
ment is ultimate and immediate. Putting this into more popular
language, the immediate recognition that I ought to act in a cer-
tain way supplies a sufficient reason for so acting entirely apart
from anything else that I may believe about the ultimate nature
of things.
2. But the recognition of the validity of Moral Obligation in
general or of any particular moral judgment logically implies the
belief in a permanent spiritual self which is really the cause of its
own actions. Such a belief is in the strictest sense a postulate of
Morality.
3. The belief in God is not a postulate of Morality in such a
sense that the rejection of it involves a denial of all meaning or
validity to our moral judgments, but the acceptance or rejection
of this belief does materially affect the sense which we give to the
idea of obligation. The belief in the objectivity of moral judg-
ments implies that the moral law is recognized as no merely acci-
dental element in the construction of the human mind, but as an
ultimate fact about the Universe. This rational demand cannot
be met by any merely materialistic or naturalistic Metaphysic,
and is best satisfied by a theory which explains the world as an
expression of an intrinsically righteous rational Will, and the
moral consciousness as an imperfect revelation of the ideal towards
which that will is directed. The belief in God may be described
as a postulate of Morality in a less strict or secondary sense.
4. So far from Ethics being based upon or deduced from
Theology, a rational Theology is largely based upon Ethics: since
the moral Consciousness supplies us with all the knowledge we
possess as to the action, character, and direction of the supreme
Will, and forms an important element in the argument for the
existence of such a Will.
5. We must peremptorily reject the view that the obligation of
Morality depends upon sanctions, i.e. reward and punishment,
in this life or any other. But, as the belief in an objective moral
law naturally leads up to and requires for its full justification the
idea of God, so the idea of God involves the belief in Immortality
if the present life seems an inadequate fulfillment of the moral
ideal. In ways which need not be recapitulated, we have seen that
it is practically a belief eminently favorable to the maximum in-
fluence of the moral ideal on life.
The whole position may perhaps be still more simply summed
up. It is possible for a man to know his duty, and to achieve con-
siderable success in doing it, without any belief in God or Im-
mortality or any of the other beliefs commonly spoken of as re-
ligious; but he is likely to know and do it better if he accepts a
view of the Universe which includes as its most fundamental
articles these two beliefs.6
4. Ethics of the Old Testament

After this brief glance at some of the conflicting arguments,
what should our own answer be to the two questions with which
this chapter began? Let us begin with the first.
It is hard to see how religious beliefs by themselves can give
any guidance to the specific moral rules that should guide us.
We are brought back to the old theologic problem: Religion
tells us that we ought to act in accordance with the will of
God. But is an action right simply because God wills it? Or does
God will it because it is right? We cannot conceive of God's
arbitrarily commanding us to do anything but the Right, or for-
bidding us to do anything but the Wrong. Are actions moral
because God wills them, or does God will them because they are
moral? Which, logically or temporally, comes first: God's will,
or morality?
There is a further theologic problem. If God is omnipotent,
how can his will fail to be realized, whether we do right or
wrong?
Then there is the practical ethical problem. Assuming that it
is our duty to follow God's will, how can we know what God
does will, either in general or in any particular case? Who is
privy to God's will? Who is presumptuous enough to assume
that he knows the will of God? How do we determine God's
will? By intuition? By special revelation? By reason? In the latter
case, are we to assume that God desires the happiness of men?
Then we are brought back to the position of utilitarianism. Are
we to assume that he desires the "perfection" of men, or their
"self-realization," or that they live "according to nature"? Then
we are brought back to one of these traditional ethical philos-
ophiesbut purely by our own assumptions, and not by direct
or unmistakable knowledge of God's will.
A hundred different religions give a hundred different ac-
counts or interpretations of God's will in the moral realm. Most
Christians assume that it is found in the Bible. But when we
turn to the Bible we find hundreds of moral commandments,
laws, judgments, injunctions, teachings, precepts. Often these
preachments flatly contradict each other. How are we to recon-
cile the Mosaic "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand,
foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for wound, stripe for
stripe" 6 with the direct contradiction of it in Christ's Sermon
on the Mount: "Ye have heard that it hath been said, An eye for
an eye, and a tooth for a tooth: But I say unto you, That ye
resist not evil: but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right
cheek, turn to him the other also. . . .
"Ye have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love thy
neighbor, and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you, Love your
enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate
you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and per-
secute you." 7
Broadly speaking, the ethical precepts of the Old and New
Testaments are not only in contradiction with each other in de-
tail, but even in their general spirit. The Old Testament com-
mands obedience to God through fear; the New Testament
pleads for obedience to God through love.
Some people are fond of saying, unthinkingly, that all the
moral guidance we need is to be found in the Ten Command-
ments. They forget that the Ten Commandments are not
specifically limited to ten in the Bible itself, but are immediately
followed by more than a hundred other commandments (called,
however, "judgments"). They forget also that Christ himself in-
sisted on the need for supplementing them. "A new command-
ment I give unto you, That ye love one another." 8 And Jesus
put more emphasis on this commandment, in his life and in his
teachings, than on any other.
When we take the Ten Commandments simply by themselves,
we find that, if it were not for their supposed sacred origin, we
would regard them as a rather strange and unbalanced assort-
ment of moral rules. Working on the sabbath day, if we judge
by the relative emphasis given to it (94 words), is regarded as a
much more serious sin or crime than committing murder (four
words). Nor is there any indication, for that matter, that adul-
tery, stealing, or bearing false witness is any less serious a sin or
crime than murder. It is apparently no greater sin to steal some-
thing than merely to covet it; and the reason it is a sin to covet
your neighbor's wife is apparently because she is, like his house,
his manservant, his maidservant, his ox or his ass, part of your
neighbor's property. Finally, the God of the Ten Command-
ments is not only, by his own confession, "a jealous God," but
an incredibly vindictive one, "visiting the iniquity of the fathers
upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them
that hate me."
Immediately following the Ten Commandments God or-
dered Moses to set before the children of Israel more than a
hundred judgments or laws. The first one orders that if anyone
buy a Hebrew slave, the slave shall serve six years and be set
free in the seventh. Whoever strikes a man so that he dies is to
be put to deathbut so is whoever curses his father or mother.
And "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." 9
But enough has already been said here (and in the quotation
in this chapter from Morris R. Cohen) to establish without
further evidence at least the negative conclusion that the ethics
of the Old Testament, explicit and implied, are not a reliable
guide to conduct for twentieth-century man.10
5. Ethics of the New Testament

In the New Testament we find a strikingly different ethic.
In place of the God of vengeance, to be feared, we find the God
of Mercy, to be loved. The new commandment, "that ye love
one another," and the example of the personal life and preach-
ing of Jesus of Nazareth, have had a more profound influence
on our moral aspirations and ideals than any other rule or
Person in history.
But the ethical doctrines of Jesus present serious difficulties.
We can, in large part, command our actions; but we cannot
command our feelings. We cannot love all our fellow men
simply because we think we ought to. Love for a few (usually
members of our immediate family), affection and friendship for
some, initial goodwill toward a wider circle, and the attempt
constantly to discourage and suppress within ourselves incipient
anger, resentment, jealousy, envy, or hatred, are the most that
all but a very small number of us seem able to achieve. We may
give lip-service to turning the other cheek, to loving our ene-
mies, blessing those that curse us, doing good to those that
hate us, but we cannot bring ourselves, except on the rarest
occasions, to take these injunctions literally. (I am speaking here
not of our duty to be just, or even outwardly kind, toward all,
but of our ability to command our inner feelings toward all.)
Notwithstanding Matthew 7:1, "Judge not, that ye be not
judged," all modern nations have policemen, courts, and judges.
Most of us, whether or not we occasionally consider the beam in
our own eye, cannot refrain from pointing out the mote in our
brother's eye. The overwhelming majority of us are no more
capable than the rich young man who came to Jesus (Matthew
19:20-22) of trying to be perfect by selling all that we have and
giving the proceeds to the poor. Though it is all but impossible
for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven (Matthew 19:24-
25) most of us try to become as rich as we can and hope for the
best hereafter. In spite of Matthew 6:25-28, we do take thought
of our life, what we shall eat, what we shall drink, and where-
withal we shall be clothed. We do sow and reap and gather into
barns, we do work and save, we do take care of ourselves in the
hope of adding to our span of life.
The problem is not merely that we are incapable of reaching
moral perfection. That we cannot achieve perfection is no
reason why we should not set our conception of it before us as
a shining ideal. The question goes deeper than this. Are some
of the ideals of Jesus' teaching practicable? Would the life of
the individual, or would the lives of the mass of mankind, be
more satisfactory or less satisfactory if we tried literally to
follow some of these precepts?
The morality taught by Jesus was apparently based on the
assumption that "the time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of God
is at hand: repent ye, and believe the gospel." n
Jesus regards himself as the prophet of the approaching King-
dom of God, the Kingdom which according to ancient prophecy
shall bring redemption from all earthly insufficiency, and with it
all economic cares. His followers have nothing to do but to pre-
pare themselves for this Day. The time for worrying about earthly
matters is past, for now, in expectation of the Kingdom, men
must attend to more important things. Jesus offers no rules for
earthly action and struggle; his Kingdom, is not of this world.
Such rules of conduct as he gives his followers are valid only for
the short interval of time which has still to be lived while waiting
for the great things to come. In the Kingdom of God there will
be no economic cares.12
Whether this interpretation is correct or not, practically all

but the earliest Christians abandoned this notion and the "tran-
sitional" morality based upon it. As Santayana has put it: "If a
religious morality is to become that of society at largewhich
original Christian morality was never meant to beit must
adapt its maxims to a possible system of worldly economy." 13
6. Conclusion
We must come, then, to this conclusion. Ethics is autono-
mous. It is not dependent upon any specific religious doctrine.
And the great body of ethical rules, even those laid down by the
Fathers of the Church, have no necessary connection with any
religious premises. We need merely point, in illustration, to the
great ethical system of Thomas Aquinas. As Henry Sidgwick
tells us,
The moral philosophy of Thomas Aquinas is, in the main,

Aristotelianism with a Neo-Platonic tinge, interpreted and sup-
plemented by a view of Christian doctrine derived chiefly from
Augustine. . . . When . . . among moral virtues he distinguishes
Justice, manifested in actions by which others receive their due,
from the virtues that primarily relate to the passions of the agent
himself, he is giving his interpretation of Aristotle's doctrine;
and his list of the latter virtues, to the number of ten, is taken
en bloc from the Nicomachean Ethics.14
This great similarity in the ethical code of persons of pro-

found differences in religious belief should not be surprising.
In human history religion and morality are like two streams
that sometimes run parallel, sometimes merge, sometimes sepa-
rate, sometimes seem independent and sometimes interdepend-
ent. But morality is older than any living religion and probably
older than all religion. We find a kind of moral codeor at
least what, if we found it in human beings, we would call moral
behavioreven among the lower animals.15
Let us return now to the second question with which this
chapter opened. Even if religion cannot tell us anything about
what the specific moral rules ought to be, is it necessary in order
to secure observance of the moral code? The best answer we
can make, I think, is that while religious faith is not indis-
pensable to such observance, it must be recognized in the present
state of civilization as a powerful force in securing the ob-
servance that exists. I am not speaking primarily of the effect
of a belief in a future life, in a Heaven or a Hell, though this is
by no means unimportant. Doing good deeds in the hope of
reward in a future life, or refraining from evil in the fear of
punishment in such a future life, has been shrewdly called re-
ligious utilitarianism; but though the motive is purely self-re-
garding, the result may be so far beneficent, like the result of
what Bentham calls extra-regarding prudence.
The most powerful religious belief supporting morality, how-
ever, seems to me of a much different nature. This is the belief
in a God who sees and knows our every action, our every im-
pulse and our every thought, who judges us with exact justice,
and who, whether or not He rewards us for our good deeds and
punishes us for our evil ones, approves of our good deeds and
disapproves of our evil ones. Perhaps, as Mill suggests, for this
conception of God as the all-seeing and all-judging Witness
there can be effectively substituted, as there is in many agnostics,
an almost equally effective thought of what our parents or
friends, or some great human figure, living or dead, whom we
deeply admire or revere, would think of our action or secret
thought if they or he knew of it. Still, the belief in an all-know-
ing and all-judging God remains a tremendous force in ethical
conduct today.
There is no doubt that decay of religious faith tends to let
loose license and immorality. This is what has been happening
in our own generation. Yet it is not the function of the moral
philosopher, as such, to proclaim the truth of this religious
faith or to try to maintain it. His function is, rather, to insist
on the rational basis of all morality, to point out that it does
not need any supernatural assumptions, and to show that the
rules of morality are or ought to be those rules of conduct that
tend most to increase human cooperation, happiness and well-
being in this our present life.16
CHAPTER 33
Summary and Conclusion

1. Summary
Let us see whether we can summarize briefly some of the main
propositions of the ethical system at which we have arrived.
1. Morality is not an end we pursue purely for its own sake.
It is a means to ends beyond itself. But because it is an in-
dispensable means we value it also for its own sake.
2. All human action is undertaken in order to substitute a
more satisfactory state of affairs for a less satisfactory state. The
conduct we call moral is the conduct we consider likely to lead
to the most satisfactory situation in the long run.
3. To say that we seek to maximize our satisfactions in the
long run is only another way of saying that we seek to maximize
our happiness and well-being.
4. Though actions must be judged by their tendency to
promote long-run happiness and well-being, it is a mistake to
apply this utilitarian criterion directly to an act or decision
considered in isolation. It is impossible for anyone to foresee all
the consequences of a particular act. But we are capable of
judging the consequences of following established general rules
of actionof acting on principle.
5. There are several reasons why we should abide by estab-
lished general rules rather than attempt to make an ad hoc
decision in each case. We must abide by an accepted code of
rules (even if these are not the best imaginable) so that others
may be able to depend on our actions and so that we may be
able to depend on the actions of others. Only when each can
guide his own course by this mutual expectation can we achieve
adequate social cooperation. Moreover, the particular set of
rules of conduct embodied in our existing moral tradition, the
morality of "common sense," is based on thousands of years of
human experience and millions of individual judgments and
decisions. This traditional moral code may not be perfect, or
354
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 355
adequate to deal with every new situation that can arise. Some
of its rules may be vague or otherwise defective, but it is on the
whole a marvelous spontaneous social growth, like language, a
consensus arrived at by humanity over the centuries, that the
individual may justly regard with feelings approaching rever-
ence and awe. His general rule of conduct should be always
to abide by the established moral rule unless he has a good
reason to depart from it. He should not refuse to follow it
merely because he cannot clearly understand the reason for it.
6. Ethical progress depends not merely on adherence to
existing moral rules, however, but on the constant refinement,
improvement, and perfection of such rules. Yet any wholesale
attempt to "transvalue all values" would be presumptuous and
foolish. The best any individual (or perhaps even a whole gen-
eration) can hope to do is to modify the moral code and moral
values in a few comparatively minor particulars.
7. Philosophical ethics has much to learn from a study of
the principles of law and jurisprudence on the one hand, and
of the rationale of manners on the other. It has also much to
learn from theoretical economics. Both ethics and economics
study human actions, choices, and valuations, though from dif-
ferent points of view.
8. Philosophical ethics is an effort to understand the ra-
tionale behind the existing moral code and to discover the
broad principles or criteria by which existing moral rules can
be tested or better moral rules framed. What are some of these
principles of criteria? Should moral rules be framed primarily
to promote the long-run happiness of the individual or the long-
run happiness of society? The question assumes a false antithe-
sis. Only a rule that would do the first would do the second, and
vice versa. The society is the individuals that compose it. If each
achieves happiness, then the happiness of society is necessarily
achieved.
9. Of course if each seeks his happiness at the expense of
others, then each must frustrate the achievement of happiness
by others, and so each must frustrate the achievement of happi-
ness by all, including himself. It follows from this that no man
should be allowed to treat himself as an exception. All moral
rules must be universalizable, and applied impartially to all.
10. This universalizability can and should be reconciled with
considerable particularity. This follows not only from the neces-
sary division and specialization of labor, and the fact that each
person has a particular vocation and job, but from the fact that
each person is a citizen of a particular country, a resident of a
particular neighborhood, a member of a particular family, and
so on. So a "universal" rule may often take the particularized
form that every man has a duty to his own job, his own wife,
his own son, etc., and not necessarily to other jobs, wives, or
sons.
11. The minimum purpose of moral rules is to prevent con-
flict and collision between individuals. The broader purpose
is to harmonize our attitudes and actions so as to make the
achievement of everyone's aims as far as possible compatible.
This purpose can be realized when these rules are not only such
as to enable us to anticipate and to depend upon each other's
behavior, but when they promote and intensify our positive
cooperation with each other. Thus Social Cooperation is the
heart of morality, and the means by which each of us can most
effectively supply his own wants and maximize his own satis-
factions. It is only the division and combination of labor that
has made possible the enormous increase in production, and
hence in want-satisfaction, in the modern world. Society is based
on an economic system in which each of us devotes himself to
furthering the purposes of others as an indirect means of
furthering his own.
12. Thus "egoism" and "altruism" coalesce, and the antithe-
sis between the "individual" and "society" disappears. In fact,
the appropriate moral attitude (and perhaps the dominant atti-
tude of the typical moral man) is neither pure egoism nor pure
altruism but mutualism, consideration both for others and for
oneself, and often the failure to make any distinction between
one's own interests and the interests of his family or loved ones,
or of some particular group of which he feels himself to be an
integral part.
13. Because social cooperation is the great means of achiev-
ing nearly all our ends, this means can be thought of as itself
the moral goal to be achieved. Our dominant moral rules can
therefore be aimed at achieving or intensifying this social co-
operation rather than aimed directly at achieving happiness. As
no two people find their happiness or satisfactions in precisely
the same things, social cooperation has the great advantage that
no unanimity with regard to value judgments is required to
make it work.
14. The so-called "sacrifices" that the moral rules sometimes
call for are in the overwhelming main merely temporary or ap-
parent sacrifices that the individual makes in the present in
order to secure a greater gain in the future. The occasions on
which the rules call for a real sacrifice by the individual are so
rare that for most of us they never arise at allsay, the risk or
actual surrender of his life. They are mainly confined to persons
in certain special positions or vocationssoldiers, policemen,
doctors, the captain of a sinking ship, etc. The sacrifices that a
mother makes for her child, or any of us for our loved ones, are
seldom regarded as sacrifices at all.
15. Immoral action is nearly always short-sighted action. If
it occasionally helps an individual to achieve some immediate
particular end that he might not have achieved without it, it is
usually at the cost, even to him, of some more important or
enduring end. And immorality can achieve even these minor
successes only to the extent that it is rare and exceptional, and
confined to a tiny minority. A corrupt or immoral society is
ultimately an unhappy or dying society.
16. Asceticism (but not self-discipline) is a perversion of mo-
rality. The distinction between asceticism and self-discipline is
that the first tends to undermine our health, shorten our life,
and destroy our happiness, while the second tends to build up
our health, prolong our life, and increase our happiness. Self-
discipline and self-restraint are not practiced as ends in them-
selves, but as means to increase one's happiness in the long run
and to promote social cooperation.
17. Ethical propositions are not true or false in the sense
that existential propositions are true or false. Ethical rules are
not descriptive, but prescriptive. But though not true or false
in the existential sense, ethical propositions can be valid or
invalid, consistent or inconsistent, logical or illogical, rational
or irrational, intelligent or unintelligent, justified or unjustified,
expedient or inexpedient, wise or unwise. True, ethical judg-
ments or propositions, though they must always take facts into
consideration, are not themselves purely factual but valuative.
But this does not mean that they are arbitrary or merely "emo-
tive" (in the derogatory sense in which that adjective is used
by positivists and, indeed, for which it seems to have been
coined). Ethical rules, judgments, and propositions are attempts
to answer the question: What is the best thing to do?
18. Morality is autonomous. While religion often serves as
a force that strengthens adherence to moral rules, the appropri-
ate moral rules themselves, and the nature of our duties and
obligations, have no necessary dependence on any theological
doctrine or religious belief.
This list of propositions does not, of course, aim to be com-
plete. It is set down only to remind the reader of the general
outlines of the system; the propositions are numbered merely for
convenience of reference.
2. Cooperatism
It will be convenient to give the system of ethics set forth in
this book a distinctive name. It can, of course, be fitted into
several very broad existing classifications. It is eudaemonic, be-
cause it regards the end of action as the promotion of the great-
est happiness and well-being in the long run. And it conceives
of happiness in its broadest sense, as synonymous with the
greatest possible harmonization and satisfaction of human de-
sires. But many ethical systems, from the time of Epicurus and
Aristotle, have been eudaemonic in their end. We need a term
to describe this one more specifically.
This system is also teleotic,1 because it judges actions or rules
of action by the ends they tend to bring about, and defines
"right" actions as actions that tend to promote "good" ends. But
the majority of modern ethical systems (with a few exceptions
such as Kant's doctrine of the Categorical Imperative and duty-
for-duty's sake) are more or less teleotic.
The system outlined in the previous chapters is also a form
of Utilitarianism, insofar as it holds that actions or rules of ac-
tion are to be judged by their consequences and their tendency
to promote human happiness. But to apply this term to our
system could easily be misleading. This is not only because it
has become in some quarters a term of disparagement (because
of its supposed purely sensual hedonism, or because early Utili-
tarianism made the tendency to produce pleasure or happiness
the test of an act rather than of a rule of action) but because
the term is applied indiscriminately to so wide a variety of
diverse systems. Any rational ethical system must be in some
respects utilitarian, if we take the term merely to mean that it
judges rules of action by the ends they tend to promote. A
philosophical critic has enumerated "Thirteen Pragmatisms." 2
An acute analysis would probably distinguish at least as many
utilitarianisms. There are "hedonistic" utilitarianism, "eudae-
monic" utilitarianism, "ideal" or "pluralistic" utilitarianism,
"agathistic" utilitarianism, direct or ad hoc utilitarianism, in-
direct or rule utilitarianismand various combinations of
these. If the system set forth here is to be called utilitarianism,
then it would have to be called eudaemonic-mutualistic-rule-
utilitarianism to distinguish it from other brands. But this
would be hopelessly cumbrous and not too enlightening.
I should like to suggest, in fact, that the word Utilitarianism
itself is beginning to outlive its usefulness.3
There are two possible names for the system of ethics out-
lined in this book. One is Mutualism. This underlines the
dominant attitude that it suggests, as contrasted with pure
"egoism" or pure "altruism." But the name which I think on
the whole preferable is Cooperatism, which underlines the type
of actions or rules of action that it prescribes, and so emphasizes
its most distinctive feature.
It may be thought that logically a name should describe the
ultimate goal of the system, or of the conduct that it pre-
scribes, which is to maximize human happiness and well-being.
But this felicitism or eudaemonism, as I have already pointed
out, has been an implicit or explicit element of many ethical
systems since the days of Epicurus. What has hitherto been
insufficiently recognized 4 is that social cooperation is the in-
dispensable and foremost means to the realization of all our
individual ends.
Thus social cooperation is the essence of morality. And
morality, as we should constantly remind ourselves, is a daily
affair, even an hourly affair, not just something we need to
think about only in a few high and heroic moments. The moral
code by which we live is shown every day, not necessarily in
great acts of renunciation, but in refraining from little slights
and meannesses, and in practicing little courtesies and kind-
nesses. Few of us are capable of rising to the Christian com-
mandment to "love one another," but most of us can at least
learn to be kind to one another and for most earthly purposes
this will do almost as well.
Appendix1
Johnny was walking through the woods on a lovely day. Sud-
denly a tiger sprang out of the underbrush and leaped at his
throat.
It was at this point that Johnny composed his great essay on
the folly of fighting tigers. Continuous warfare between men
and tigers, he pointed out, serves no constructive purpose what-
ever, and only can lead, in time, to the destruction of one side
or the other.
His essay emphasized the seamy aspect of this warfare. Leav-
ing to others admiration for the big-game guns and the colorful
hunting costumes, he dwelt on the blood, the muck, the fatigue,
the tedium and the absence of modern conveniences in the
jungle. With bitter satire he ridiculed the belligerent instincts
of men and tigers, and the war hysteria whipped up by anti-tiger
propaganda. His essay was, however, balanced and impartial,
sometimes condemning the aggressive tendencies of tigers as
well as those of men.
But if we are ever to hope for everlasting peace, Johnny went
on, men must stop sowing suspicion of tigers. Many of the
things said and written about tigers, he pointed out, are actually
contrary to fact. He cited many amusing examples of prejudice
and misinformation. He proposed a four-point solution:
Point One. A conference, alone in the woods, between the
head man and the head tiger.
Point Two. A disarmament treaty to outlaw the newer weap-
ons. Under this treaty either side could continue to use, for
example, its bare claws or bare teeth. But firearms by either side
would be prohibited. These weapons were too destructive, and
gave an undue advantage to the side vicious enough to resort
to them.
Point Three. Formation of a United Animals Association
excluding only Spanish animalsin which all future differences
could be ironed out before they arose.
S61
Point Four. A loan of 50,000,000,000 pounds of mixed vege-
tables a year from the men to the tigers. If the tigers' economic
conditions could be improved, Johnny was convinced, they
would change their carnivorous ideology and cease attacking
live men.
The tiger was now upon him. But Johnny disdained to
retaliate under any trumped-up excuse of "self-defense." He
urged, instead, a new peace conference, and pointed out to the
tiger that this was exactly the sort of judicable problem suitable
for submission to the Assembly of the proposed United Animals
Association.
Unfortunately, Johnny was not given time to put these
thoughts into permanent form. He had barely completed the
essay in his mind when the tiger's fangs closed on his throat.
That is why the senseless warfare between men and tigers
continues.
Notes
CHAPTER ONE
1. See Max Eastman's chapter with that title in his Reflections on the
Failure of Socialism (New York: Devin-Adair, 1955).
2. The Philosophy of Civilization (New York: Macmillan, 1957), p. 103.
3. Five Types of Ethical Theory (New York, Harcourt Brace, 1930),
p. 285.
4. Dreams of a Ghost Seer, Part II, Chap. Ill (Werke, ed. E. Cassirer,
Vol. II, p. 385). See also Karl R. Popper, The Poverty of Historicism (Bos-
ton: Beacon Press, 1957), pp. 55-58.
5. See Fritz Machlup, "The Inferiority Complex of the Social Sciences"
in On Freedom and Free Enterprise, ed. Mary Sennholz (Princeton: Van
Nostrand, 1956). Morris R. Cohen, Reason and Nature (New York: Har-
court Brace, 1931; Glencoe, 111.: Free Press, 1953), p. 89. John Stuart Mill,
"On the Logic of the Moral Sciences," A System of Logic, Vol. II, Book
VI.
CHAPTER THREE
1. Hastings Rashdall, The Theory of Good and Evil (London: Oxford
University Press, 1907), I, 53.
2. Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and
Legislation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1823), p. 319n.
CHAPTER FOUR
1. Bentham's ethical theories are presented chiefly in A Fragment on
Government (1776), An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legis-
lation (printed in 1780 but not published until 1789), and the posthumous
Deontology, edited from manuscripts by Bowring in 1834. For a full ex-
position and critique of Bentham's ethical writings, as well as a history of
his reputation, see David Baumgardt, Bentham and the Ethics of Today
(Princeton University Press, 1952).
2. In the posthumous Deontology, which Bowring claims to have "put
together" from "disjointed fragments, written on small scraps of paper,
on the spur of the moment, at times remote from one another, and deliv-
ered into my hands without order or arrangement of any sort" it is difficult
to tell what is Bentham's from what is Bowring's.
3. Morals and Legislation, p. 2.
4. Deontology, II, 31.
363
364 NOTES T O PAGES 17-32
5. Joseph A. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1954), p. 131 et al.
6. John Hospers has shown that the charge is unjust even as directed
against the actual doctrines of Epicurus. See "Epicureanism," Human
Conduct (Harcourt, Brace, 1961), pp. 49-59.
11. See Ludwig von Mises, Human Action (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1949), pp. 14-15, and Theory and History (Yale, 1957), pp. 12-13n.
Also Ludwig Feuerbach, Euddmonismus, in "Sammtliche Werke," ed. Bolin
and Jodl (Stuttgart, 1907, 10, 230-93. Further sources of confusion are
pointed out by John Hospers in Human Conduct, esp. pp. 111-116. These
include the confusion of "pleasure" in the sense of a source of pleasure,
such as a pleasurable sensation, with pleasure in the sense of a pleasant state
of consciousness. It is the opposite of the first only that can properly be
described as "pain," whereas the true opposite of the second is displeasure.
The failure to make this distinction was a major source of confusion in
Bentham and Mill.
CHAPTER FIVE
1. John Locke, Essay on Toleration, Book II, Chap. XXI, sec. 40.
2. Hastings Rashdall, The Theory of Good and Evil (London: Oxford
University Press, 1907), I, 15.
3. Ibid., I, 31.
4. Quoted by Ludwig von Mises, Epistemological Problems of Econom-
ics (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1960), p. 151. Mises' own footnote reference
reads: "According to Fr. A. Schmid, quoted by Jodl, Geschichte der Ethik
(2nd ed.), II, 661."
5. Bertrand Russell, Philosophy (New York: Norton, 1927), p. 230.
6. Bertrand Russell, Human Society in Ethics and Politics (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1955), pp. 128-130.
7. On "maximization" see Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, pp. 241-
244. On the possibility of ranking satisfactions, but the impossibility of
measuring increases or decreases in happiness or satisfaction, or comparing
changes in the satisfaction of different people, see Murray N. Rothbard,
Man, Economy, and State (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1962), I, 14-17, and
I, 436.
8. Utilitarianism (1863), Chap. II.
9. Loc. cit.
10. George Santayana, Winds of Doctrine (New York: Scribner's, 1913,
1926), p. 147.
11. The Theory of Good and Evil. See especially I, 7ff.
12. John Hospers (in Human Conduct, pp. 111-121) distinguishes be-
tween: "pleasure!in the sense of a pleasurable state of consciousness,"
and pleasure2, "the pleasure derived from bodily sensations."
NOTES TO PAGES 32-44 365
13. Op. cit., I, 28.
14. Ibid., I, 40.
CHAPTER SIX
1. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, p. 143.
2. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History (New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Press, 1957), pp. 55-61.
3. Ibid., p. 57.
4. The Common Sense of Political Economy (London: Macmillan,
1910), p. 154.
5. Ibid., p. 158.
6. Ibid., p. 166.
7. Ibid., p. 166.
8. Ibid., pp. 170-171.
9. E.g., Bertrand Russell, passim.
10. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, p. 274.
11. Prince Kropotkin, Ethics: Origin and Development (New York: The
Dial Press, 1924), pp. 30-31 and passim. Also, Mutual Aid, A Factor of
Evolution (London: Heineman, 1915). Kropotkin's ethical ideas were based
in large part on biological theories. As against Nietzsche (and in part
Spencer) he contended that not the "struggle for existence" but Mutual
Aid is "the predominant fact of nature," the prevailing practice within
the species, and "the chief factor of progressive evolution."
12. The phrase "social cooperation," in this chapter and throughout the
book, is of course to be interpreted only in its most comprehensive mean-
ing. It is not intended to refer to "cooperation" between individuals or
groups against other individuals or groupsas when we speak of co-
operation with the Nazis, or the Communists, or the enemy. Nor is it
intended to refer to that kind of compulsory "cooperation" that superiors
sometimes insist on from subordinatesunless this is compatible with a
comprehensive cooperation with the aims of society as a whole. Nor is it,
for the same reason, intended to apply to cooperation with a mere
temporary or local majority, when this is incompatible with a broader co-
operation for the achievement of human aims.
CHAPTER SEVEN
1. The theme of the present author's Economics in One Lesson (New
York, Harpers, 1946), is summed up on page 5 as follows: "From this as-
pect . . . the whole of economics can be reduced to a single lesson, and
that lesson can be reduced to a single sentence. The art of economics con-
sists in looking not merely at the immediate but at the longer effects of
any act or policy; it consists in tracing the consequences of that policy not
merely for one group but for all groups." It is clear that this generalization
may be widened to apply to conduct and policy in every field. As applied
to ethics it might be stated thus: Ethics must take into consideration not
merely the immediate but the longer effects of any act or rule of action;
it must consider the consequences of that act or rule of action not merely
366 NOTES TO PAGES 44-53
for the agent or any particular group but for everybody likely to be af-
fected, presently or in the future, by that act or rule of action.
2. John Maynard Keynes, Monetary Reform (New York: Harcourt
Brace, 1924), p. 88.
3. See, however, Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History (New Haven:
Yale, 1957), pp. 32, 55, 57.
4. Morals and Legislation, Chap. IV, pp. 29-30.
6. Note-Books.
8. Loc. cit.
10. Discipline is also, unfortunately, used in several senses. Thus one
meaning given in the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary is: "7. Correc-
tion; chastisement; in religious use, the mortification of the flesh by pen-
ance; also, a beating, or the like." And in Webster's New International
Dictionary one finds: "7. R.C.Ch.: self-inflicted and voluntary corporal
punishment, specif., a penitential scourge." But one also finds, in, say,
Webster's Collegiate Dictionary: "Training which corrects, molds, strength-
ens, or perfects." This last definition, I think, represents dominant pres-
ent-day usage.
11. John Maynard Keynes, Monetary Reform (New York: Harcourt
Brace, 1924), p. 88. As one who has written a whole book in criticism of
Lord Keynes's economic theories (The Failure of the "New Economics"
[Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1959]), I am bound to point out in justice that
this dictum, which is the one for which Lord Keynes is most frequently
criticized, was not without warrant in the particular context in which he
used it. It is immediately followed by the sentence: "Economists set them-
selves too easy, too useless a task if in tempestuous seasons they can only
tell us that when the storm is long past the ocean is flat again." This is a
perfectly valid argument against the neglect of short-run problems and
short-run considerations. But the whole trend of Keynes's thinking, as re-
flected not only in Monetary Reform but in his most famous work, The
General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, is to consider only
short-run and neglect far more important long-run consequences of the
policies he proposed.
12. I think I am warranted, from the whole context of his list, in assum-
ing that Bentham is thinking of what value "the legislater" ought to at-
tach to these seven "dimensions" rather than the value that any given per-
son actually does or that "all" persons actually do attach to them.
13. See infra, Chap. 18.
14. Kurt Baier, The Moral Point of View (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Uni-
versity Press, 1958), p. 314.
CHAPTER EIGHT
1. Some of Hume's doctrines were anticipated by Shaftesbury (1671-
1713) and still more clearly by Hutcheson (1694-1747), the real author of
NOTES T O PAGES 53-56 367
the "Benthamite" dictum that "that action is best which procures the
greatest happiness for the greatest numbers." But Hume was the first to
name the principle of "utility" and to make it the basis of his system.
Though, unlike Bentham, he seldom gave an explicitly hedonistic implica-
tion to "utility," he wrote one paragraph, beginning: "The chief spring
or actuating principle of the human mind is pleasure or pain" (Treatise of
Human Nature, Book III, Part III, sec. 1), that may have been the
inspiration of the famous opening paragraph of Bentham's Morals and
Legislation.
2. It is even more ironic that contemporary philosophers who have re-
discovered or adopted the principle, under the name of rule-utilitarianism,
seem to be unaware of Hume's explicit statement of it. Thus John Hospers
writes (in Human Conduct [1961], p. 318): "Rule-utilitarianism is a dis-
tinctively twentieth-century amendment of the utilitarianism of Bentham
and Mill." And Richard B. Brandt (in Ethical Theory [1959], p. 396)
writes: "This theory, a product of the last decade, is not a novel one. We
find statements of it in J. S. Mill and John Austin in the nineteenth cen-
tury; and indeed we find at least traces of it much earlier, in discussions-
of the nature and function of law by the early Greeks." But he does not
mention Hume.
3. David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature (1740), Book III, Part
II, sec. 2.
4. Ibid., Book III, Part II, sec. 6.
5. David Hume, "Of Political Society," An Inquiry Concerning the
Principles of Morals (Library of Liberal Arts), Sec. IV, p. 40.
6. Ibid., p. 95n.
7. Ibid., "Some Further Considerations with Regard to Justice," Ap-
pendix III, p. 121.
8. Ibid., p. 122.
9. Bentham plays an immense role in the history of ideas since the
eighteenth century, and his numerous verbal coinages made permanent
additions to the language without which modern discussion could hardly
get along. His most famous coinage was international. But he also gave
us codification, maximize and minimize, and many words of more limited
usefulness, like cognoscible and cognoscibility. But he did an ill service
to mankind when he invented Utilitarian and Utilitarianism, which sim-
ply pile up needless and inexcusable syllables.
Everything began, quietly enough, with Hume, with the English adjec-
tive useful and the English abstract noun utility, derived respectively
from the Latin utilis and utilitas through the French utilite. Why not,
then, simply Utilist as the adjective for the doctrine, and the noun for the
writer holding the doctrine, and simply Utilism, or at most Utilitism, as
the name of the doctrine? But no. Instead of beginning with the adjective,
Bentham began with the longer abstract Latin noun made from the adjec-
tive. Then he added three syllablesarianto the noun to turn it back
into an adjective. Then he added another syllableismto turn the
inflated adjective made from an abstract noun back into another abstract
noun. Now behold the eight-syllabled sesquipedalian monstrosity, Util-
tarianism. Then John Stuart Mill came along and nailed the thing down
by making the name the title of his famous essay. So as the name for the
doctrine as it has existed historically, posterity is stuck with the word. But
perhaps from now on, when we are describing doctrines not identical with
historic Utilitarianism, as developed by Bentham and Mill, but involving
the doctrine that duty and virtue are means to an end rather than suffi-
cient ends in themselves, we can use the word Teleology or Teleotism or
the simpler words utilic, Utilist and Utilitism. Thus we save three sylla-
bles, and escape from some confusing and outmoded associations.
10. Adam Smith's Moral and Political Philosophy, ed. Herbert W.
Schneider (New York: Hafner Publishing Co., 1948), p. 185.
11. Ibid., p. 189.
12. Ibid., p. 190.
13. Ibid., p. 191.
14. Ibid., p. 186.
15. Loc. cit.
16. Ibid., p. 187.
17. The Constitution of Liberty (University of Chicago Press, 1960),
p. 159.
18. E.g., Richard Brandt, Ethical Theory (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren-
tice-Hall, 1959) and John Hospers, Human Conduct (New York: Harcourt,
Brace & World, 1961). See the bibliographical references in the latter (pp.
342-343) to others.
CHAPTER NINE
1. See Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1926), pp. 26, 85, and passim. This is an especially
valuable discussion not only for its analysis but for its scholarship. It con-
tains a bibliography of 24 pages.
2. Ibid., p. 12.
3. Ibid., pp. 6-7.
4. Ibid., pp. 8-9.
5. Jeremy Bentham, The Theory of Morals and Legislation, pp. 17
and 18n.
6. Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals, pp. 40, 41, 43.
7. Ibid., p. 85.
8. I find this quoted in Albert Schweitzer, The Philosophy of Civiliza-
tion (New York: MacMillan, 1957), p. 157, but have been unable to trace
it down, in these words, in either Bentham's Morals and Legislation, the
Deontology, or A Fragment on Government.
9. Jellinek, Die sozialethische Bedeutung von Recht, Unrecht und der
Strafe, 1878 (2nd ed., 1908), Chaps. 1 and 2. See also Pound, Law and
Morals, p. 103.
10. Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals, p. 71.
11. Ibid., p. 79.
12. (Chicago University Press, 1960), Chaps. 10, 11, and 12.
13. Ibid., p. 154.
14. Ibid., p. 158.
15. Ibid., p. 208.
16. Second Treatise of Civil Government, Sec. 57.
17. Ibid., Sec. 21. See also infra, Chap. 26.
18. Le Lys rouge (Paris, 1894), p. 117.
19. Pollock, First Book of Jurisprudence, (4th ed.), p. 47n.
20. Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals, pp. 68-69.
21. Ames, "Law and Morals," 22 Harv. Law Rev. 97, 112.
22. Op. cit., p. 68.
23. But Bentham asks, in his Principles of Morals and Legislation
(1780), p. 323: "Why should it not be made the duty of every man to save
another from mischief, when it can be done without prejudicing himself,
as well as to abstain from bringing it on to him?" And he adds in a foot-
note: "A woman's head-dress catches fire: water is at hand: a man, instead
of assisting to quench the fire, looks on, and laughs at it. A drunken man,
falling with his face downwards into a puddle, is in danger of suffocation:
lifting his head a little on one side would save him: another man sees this
and lets him lie. A quantity of gunpowder is scattered about a room: a
man is going into it with a lighted candle: another, knowing this, lets him
go in without warning. Who is there that in any of these cases would think
punishment misapplied?"
CHAPTER TEN
1. David Hume, Inquiry. Concerning the Principles of Morals (1752),
Sec. IV (Library of Liberal Arts), p. 40.
2. Second Treatise of Civil Government, Sec. 57.
3. Loc. cit.
4. Paul Vinogradoff, Common-Sense in Law (New York: Henry Holt,
1914), pp. 46-47.
5. Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals, p. 97.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
1. The Wisdom of Confucius, ed. Miles Menander Dawson, LL.D.
(Boston: International Pocket Library, 1932), pp. 57-58. See also The Ethics
of Confucius by the same author (Putnam's).
2. Letters on a Regicide Peace, I, 1796.
CHAPTER TWELVE
1. Perhaps I should write Bentham-Bowring; for Bowring tells us, in a
separate preface of three pages, that: "The materials out of which this
volume has been put together are, for the most part, disjointed fragments,
written on small scraps of paper, on the spur of the moment, at times
remote from one another, and delivered into my hands without order or
arrangement of any sort." The book, then, is probably at least a sort of
collaboration; yet as the greater part of the reasoning and phrasing seem
to me to be authentically Bentham's, I think we are justified in referring
the work to him if he were the sole author.
In this second volume, even more than in the first, it is instructive to
notice that Bentham shies away a little from the name Utilitarianism that
he himself coined to describe his doctrine in its original form. At several
points he gives reasons for regarding the term as inadequate and too vague.
Though he does not suggest a substitute name (except, occasionally, "the
Greatest Happiness Principle"), I think he would have finally come to call
his doctrine Felicitism.
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
1. Data of Ethics, Chap. XIII, pp. 268 and 270.
2. Jeremy Bentham, "The Constitutional Code," Works (1843), Part
XVII, pp. 5b, 6a, written in 1821, 1827, first published in 1830. I am in-
debted for the quotation to David Baumgardt, Bentham and the Ethics
of Today (Princeton University Press, 1952), p. 420. Bentham repeated the
argument, in another part of "The Constitutional Code" (using as ex-
amples Adam and Eve instead of A and B) and in The Book of Fallacies
(1824), pp. 393f.
3. This anticipates the emphasis that Hume and Adam Smith were
later to put on Sympathy.
4. Moritz Schlick, Problems of Ethics (New York: Dover Publications,
1962), Chap. Ill, p. 77.
5. The word is formed by combining ego and altruism. If the first two
syllables seem to suggest the egal in egalitarianism, that is no disadvantage,
for they imply equal consideration of self and others.
6. "L'homme n'est ni ange ni bete, et le malheur veut que qui fait
Vange fait la bite."Pascal's Pensees, with an English translation, brief
notes and introduction by H. F. Stewart, D.D. (Pantheon Books, 1950),
p. 90.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
1. One of the most helpful methods of ethics (as of economics) is the
use of simplifying imaginary constructions, or "models." Problems of the
relation of the "individual" to "society" might in many cases be clarified
by: (1) imagining the necessary prudential ethics of a Crusoe on a desert
island; (2) imagining the ideal ethical relations (including the necessary
extent of mutual cooperation and acceptance of mutual obligation) ap-
propriate in an isolated society of two, in which for each individual "so-
ciety" is merely the other person; and (3) finally, imagining the ethics
most appropriate in a society of three or more.
2. The Theory of the Moral Sentiments (1759), Sect. Ill, Chap. III.
3. Loc. cit.
4. Principles of Morals and Legislation, p. 323.
5. A. C. Ewing, Ethics (New York: Macmillan, 1953), pp. 31-32.
6. J. Grote, Treatise on the Moral Ideals, Chap. VI, p. 76.
N O T E S T O PAGES 113-130 371
7. The Theory of Morals (Oxford University Press, 1928), p. 54.
8. This is a paraphrase of a rule suggested (but suspected by him of
being a little too exact and niggardly) by A. C. Ewing, Ethics, p. 32.
9. The Theory of the Moral Sentiments, Sec. Ill, Chap. III.
10. A. C. Ewing, Ethics, p. 33.
11. Henry Hazlitt, Economics in One Lesson (New York: Harper & Bros.,
1946), p. 114.
12. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1949), p. 97.
13. Ibid., p. 393.
14. Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History (Yale University Press, 1957),
p. 210.
15. The Theory of Good and Evil (Oxford University Press, 1907), Chap.
VII.
16. The Right and the Good (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1930), p. 19.
17. Theory of the Moral Sentiments, Sec. Ill, Chap. III.
18. Loc. cit.
19. Some theologians argue that Jesus did not intend this advice for
everybody. It was given explicitly only to a rich young man who aspired to
be one of his disciples: "If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast,
and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven" (Matthew
19:21). Other theologians, while arguing that such advice was intended for
all of Christ's followers, contend that it was based on the assumption that
"the Kingdom of God is at hand" (Mark 1:15), and not on the assumption
of a permanent life for man in this world.
20. It seems probable that we would make greater progress in the social
sciences generally (including political science, economic policy, and juris-
prudence as well as ethics) if we abandoned the preconception that every
problem could be solved with precision according to some single and
simple abstract principle, and resigned ourselves to recognizing that some
social problems can be solved only within a certain "twilight" zone, only
within certain upper and lower limits, certain maxima and minima. This
may apply to such problems as the proper sphere and limits of state power,
levels and types of taxation, the laws governing libel, obscenity, boycotts,
and picketing, as well as the extent and limits of mutual obigation, aid,
or cooperation.
21. Kurt Baier, The Moral Point of View (Cornell University Press,
1958), pp. 314-315.
22. The Moral Point of View, p. 191.
23. Stephen Toulmin, An Examination of the Place of Reason in
Ethics (Cambridge University Press, 1950), p. 137.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
1. See Ludwig von Mises, Epistemological Problems of Economics (Van
Nostrand, 1960), pp. 31-33; Theory and History (Yale University Press,
1957), p. 12 and passim.
2. Quoted by Alban G. Widgery in his additional chapter to Henry
372 N O T E S T O PAGES 130-143
Sidgwick's Outlines of the History of Ethics (London: Macmillan, 1949),
p. 327.
3. Rashdall actually coined this term to describe his own position.
G. E. Moore also used it. See Rashdall's Theory of Good and Evil (Ox-
ford University Press, 1907), I, Chap. VII, p. 217.
4. Ibid., p. 219.
5. An elaboration of this distinction will be found in Chapter 18,
pp. 171-175.
6. Kant's Critique of Pratical Reason, and Other Works on the Theory
of Ethics, translated by T. K. Abbott (6th ed.; Longmans, Green, 1909),
Book II, Chap. II, pp. 206-207.
7. Ibid., p. 209.
8. Ibid., p. 208.
9. Readings in Ethical Theory, selected and edited by Wilfred Sellars
and John Hospers (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1952), p. 2. From
a 1910 essay by Bertrand Russell.
10. Everyman's Edition, p. 44. The reader will notice the similarity of
this reasoning to that of Hume regarding Justice.
11. Principia Ethica (Cambridge University Press, 1903, 1959), pp. 71-72.
12. E.g.: "Morality consists in the promotion of true human good, but a
good of which pleasure is only an element."Hastings Rashdall, The
Theory of Good and Evil (Oxford University Press, 1907), I, 217. Such a
conclusion is possible only when "pleasure" is conceived in the sensual or
superficial sense of the word. The whole case of the Ideal Utilitarians rests
on this narrow definition.
13. Charles L. Stevenson, Ethics and Language (Yale University Press,
1944), pp. 329-330.
14. Ends and Means (Harper, 1937), p. 10.
15. Ibid., pp. 59-60.
16. Ethics (New York: Macmillan, 1953), p. 74.
17. Human Conduct (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961), p.
213.
18. Ethics, p. 74.
19. Cf. Murray N. Rothbard, Man, Economy, and State, p. 66.
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
1. Human Society in Ethics and Politics (Simon and Schuster, 1955),

pp. 28-29.
2. From Die Philosophen.
3. The Moral Point of View, p. 228, and pp. 203-204. See also J. Urm-
son, "Saints and Heroes," in Essays in Moral Philosophy, ed. A. I. Melden
(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1958), pp. 198-216.
4. Cf. his Foundations of Ethics and The Right and the Good.
5. Essay, "The Elements of Ethics," in Readings in Ethical Theory,
ed. Wilfrid Sellars and John Hospers (Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1952).
6. Kant's Critique of Practical Reason, and Other Works on the Theory
of Ethics, translated by T. K. Abbott (Longmans, Green, 1873, 1948 etc.),
p. 31.
7. Ibid., p. 38.
8. Nicomachean Ethics, IV, iii, 24 (Loeb Classical Library), p. 221.
9. This is a qualification to Kant's criterion of universalizability sug-
gested by Kurt Baier. See The Moral Point of View (Cornell University
Press, 1958), p. 202.
10. Op. cit., p. 47.
11. A. C. Ewing, Ethics (Macmillan, 1953), p. 62.
12. Cf. Philip H. Wicksteed, "Business and the Economic Nexus," The
Common Sense of Political Economy (Macmillan, 1910), Chap. V. And see
infra, Chap 30.
13. F. H. Bradley, "Duty for Duty's Sake," Ethical Studies (2nd ed.;
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1927), Essay IV, pp. 156-159. Kant's Categorical
Imperative and his doctrine of duty for duty's sake have been subjected to
almost as much criticism (though usually more deferential in tone) as
Bentham's brand of Utilitarianism. Instructive discussions, to which this
chapter is indebted, can be found in Hastings Rashdall's Theory of Good
and Evil, E. F. Carritt's The Theory of Morals, A. C. Ewing's Ethics, and
John Hospers' Human Conduct. In addition there are the classic discus-
sions by Hegel and Schopenhauer.
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
1. All the subsequent quotations are from the chapter "Absolute and
Relative Ethics" in Spencer's Data of Ethics.
2. An Inquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals [1752] (Library of
Liberal Arts), p. 18.
3. E.g., F. H. Bradley, Appearance and Reality.
4. A friendly critic has objected that this cannot apply to all our de-
sires but only to all our good desiresfor half the people, for instance,
might desire the annihilation of all the rest. I think the suggested amend-
ment superfluous, however; first, because a perfect world would be oc-
cupied only by perfect people, who would by definition have only good
desires; and secondly, because all our desires could not be satisfied unless
they were all compatible with each other.
5. "Saints and Heroes," in Essays in Moral Philosophy, ed. A. I. Melden
(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1958), pp. 215-216. I wish to
express my indebtedness to Urmson's entire essay.
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
1. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action (1949), The Ultimate Founda-
tion of Economic Science (1962), etc.
2. He was not the first, but he was the most influential exponent of
this view.
3. As do J. K. Galbraith, for example, in The Affluent Society, and
untold numbers of Utopian and socialist writers.
4. George Santayana, Reason in Science, Vol. V in The Life of Reason
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1905), pp. 216-217.
5. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, The Ultimate Foundation of Economic Sci-
ence (Princeton, N.J.: Van Nostrand, 1962).
6. E.g., in the economic realm, an automobile that a salesman uses both
to make his calls and for pleasure trips on his days off.
7. The Value of Money (New York: Macmillan, 1917, 1936), pp. 25-26.
The two paragraphs preceding the quotation are also in the main a sum-
mary from the same source. See also the same author's Social Value (Bos-
ton: Houghton Mifflin, 1911). While my own direct indebtedness is chiefly
to the concept of "social value" as embodied in Anderson's writing, he
in turn acknowledges heavy indebtedness for it to C. H. Cooley and to
John Bates Clark.
8. Karl R. Popper, The Logic of Scientific Discovery (London: Hut-
chinson, 1959), passim.
9. The Place of Reason in Ethics (Cambridge University Press, 1950),
p. 115 and p. 117.
10. Cf. General Theory of Value (Longmans, Green. 1926; Harvard
University Press, 1950), in which Perry refers to value as a "relational
predicate": "We have thus been led to define value as the peculiar relation
between any interest and its object; or that special character of an object
which consists in the fact that interest is taken in it" Sec. 52.
11. Cf. Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk, Capital and Interest (South Holland,
111.: Libertarian Press, 1959), Vol. II, Positive Theory of Capital, pp. 159-
160.
12. David Hume, Natural History of Religion, 1755, Sec. xiii.
13. Cf. Benjamin M. Anderson, Jr., The Value of Money (1917, 1936),
p. 5.
14. Anyway, for practical purposes, and for "molar" physics, whatever
may be true of atomic or microscopic physics.
15. From the assumption that all but the "marginal" consumer would,
if forced, be willing to pay a little more for an object than the actual
market price at any time, the economist Alfred Marshall deduced his
famous doctrine of "consumers' surplus." The doctrine, however, confronts
serious difficulties. It might be valid for any commodity or service con-
sidered in isolation, but it can hardly be valid for all commodities and
services considered together. A consumer who spends his whole income for
his total purchases of goods and services has no net (psychic) "consumer's
surplus" left over, for there is nothing he could have paid in addition for
any one good without being forced to forego some other. Of course both
consumers and producers, both buyers and sellers, reap a net psychological
advantage, or "psychic income" from the whole cooperative process of
specialized production followed by exchange. But there is no meaningful
way in which this gain can be quantitatively measured.
16. Cf. Hastings Rashdall, "The Hedonistic Calculus" and "The Com-
mensurability of All Values," Chaps. I and II in The Theory of Good
and Evil, II.
17. Sometimes we can come pretty close. Thus a man before attending
an auction may decide in advance that he will bid up to $500 for a given
painting but no more. This means that he values the painting at only
slightly more than $500, perhaps only $1 or $2 more! If he valued it at
exactly $500, of course, it would be a matter of complete indifference to him
whether he got the painting at that price or not.
Of course the market prices of goods are "social" valuations (though
constantly fluctuating in relation to each other) and do bear exact quanti-
tative relations to each other (as expressed in money); but these valuations
and relations are never exactly the same as those in the mind of any
specific individual.
18. Cf., for example, Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, and Murray N.
Rothbard, Man, Economy, and State.
19. For an example of the difficulties into which an honest and con-
scientious writer can get when he tries to discuss and compare "pleasures"
in accordance with the vague and vacillating common usage of the term,
see Hastings Rashdall, The Theory of Good and Evil, especially the two
leading chapters of Volume II: "The Hedonistic Calculus" and "The
Commensurability of All Values." Rashdall avoids the vulgar error of anti-
hedonists who insist on identifying the word "pleasure" with purely
physical, animal, carnal, or sensual pleasures, but gets bogged down in
confusion by failing to define "pleasure" formally as any desired state of
consciousness and "displeasure" as any undesired state of consciousness.
CHAPTER NINETEEN
1. The Right and the Good (Oxford University Press, 1930), p. 29.
2. Henry Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, p. 85.
3. Loc. cit.
4. Loc. cit.
5. An excellent one is to be found, for example, in Chap. IV of Rash-
dall's Theory of Good and Evil, all the more effective because patient and
conciliatory in tone.
6. A whole literature has grown around this alleged "problem." I shall
content myself here with referring the reader only to Santayana's refuta-
tion of G. E. Moore and the early Bertrand Russell in Winds of Doctrine
(Scribner's, 1913), pp. 138-154.
7. The Methods of Ethics (1874).
8. Ibid., p. xi.
9. Ibid., pp. 435-436.
10. Loc. cit.
11. I have taken over this phrase from Sidgwick because it seems to me
a very useful one. We should be careful, however, not to interpret the
term "common sense" here as necessarily implying good sense, as it usually
does in English usage, but rather as referring to the sense of appropriate-
ness that most of us hold in commonthe existing moral consensus. I
should be tempted, in fact, to call this Consensus Morality had not the
term used by Sidgwich become so well established.
12. Loc. cit.
13. Cf. Hastings Rashdall, The Theory of Good and Evil, p. 89.
14. Cf. F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty, p. 157.
15. "Philosophische Abhandlungen," Werke (1832), I, pp. 399-400. The
translation is from F. H. Bradley's Ethical Studies, p. 173.
16. For a more detailed examination of the Morality of Common Sense
see Henry Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, particularly Book III, Chap.
XI.
17. The Methods of Ethics, p. 356.
CHAPTER TWENTY
1. F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty, pp. 83-84.

2. Henry Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics (1874), p. 425. It is only fair
to add that Sidgwick goes on to point out some of the practical difficulties
that follow from any direct effort to "take into account all the effects of our
actions, on all the sentient beings who may be affected by them."
3. Hastings Rashdall, The Theory of Good and Evil, II, 1. Of Rashdall,
too, it must in fairness be said that he was so far aware of the problems
here under discussion that he devoted a special chapter to "Vocation"
one of the few ethical writers to do so. Yet many utilitarian moralists and
others do try to apply directly the kind of sweeping criteria I have just
quoted.
4. Selected Letters of Albert Jay Nock, collected and edited by Francis
J. Nock (Caxton, 1962).
5. See John Hospers' discussion of "The Principle of Relevant Spec-
ificity," Human Conduct (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961), pp.
320-322.
6. Hastings Rashdall, who endorses the statement, attributes it to Sir
John Seeley. The Theory of Good and Evil, II, 113.
7. Paul Janet, as quoted by Hastings Rashdall, The Theory of Good and
Evil, II, 136.
8. I again refer the reader to J. O. Urmson's fascinating essay, "Saints
and Heroes," in A. I. Melden's Essays in Moral Philosophy (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1958).
9. E.g., Hastings Rashdall, The Theory of Good and Evil, II. 135.
CHAPTER TWENTY ONE
1. Shakespeare, A Winter's Tale, Act IV, scene 4, line 90.

2. Paul Vinogradoff, Common-Sense in Law (Home University Library),
p. 244.1 am not competent to prescribe a satisfactory selective bibliography
on the enormous literature, pro and con, on Natural Law. But no refer-
ence should omit the classic discussion by Sir Henry Maine in his chapter,
"The Modern History of the Law of Nature" in Ancient Law (1861). A
selective bibliography (which, surprisingly, omits Maine) can be found in
Morris Cohen's Reason and Nature (1931), pp. 401402.
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO
1. An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, p. 9.
2. Ibid., p. 8n.
3. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Socialism, pp. 404-408.
4. W. E. H. Lecky, History of European Morals (1869), II, 107-112.
5. Ibid., II, 113-137.
6. The Varieties of Religious Experience (Mentor, 1958), p. 280.
7. Ibid., p. 217.
8. Ibid., p. 244. James gives the source of his quotation as: Bougaud:
Hist, de la bienheureuse Marguerite Marie, Paris, 1894, pp. 265, 171.
9. Ibid., pp. 234-236.
10. Ibid., pp. 280-284.
11. Cf. Democracy and Leadership, Rousseau and Romanticism, The
New Laokoon.
12. The phrase calls attention to a curious gap in the English language.
The verb restrain has the noun-form restraint, but the verb refrain (though
similar in origin through the Latin and the French) has no noun-form
refraint. For the noun we are obliged to fall back, confusingly, on restraint
(which implies coercion by others) or, unsymmetrically, on self-restraint or
abstention. The noun refraint would serve a useful purpose.
13. Rhetoric.
14. Bertrand Russell, Portraits From Memory, pp. 87, 89. The passage is
quoted in an article by Milton Hindus, "The Achievement of Irving Bab-
bitt," in The University Bookman, August 1961.
15. The Principles of Psychology (New York: Henry Holt, 1890), chap-
ter on "Habit."
16. Socialism, pp. 452-453.
CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE
1. Plato, The Republic, Book I, 338-C .

2. Ibid., Book I, 351-D and 352-B.
3. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Socialism, p. 353.
4. K. R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies (London: Rout-
ledge, 1945), II, 194.
5. Marx and Engels must have been troubled by this question, for they
attempted an answer in the Communist Manifesto. "Just as in former days
part of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now part of the
bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat. Especially does this happen in the
case of some of the bourgeoisie ideologists, who have achieved a theoretical
understanding of the historical movement as a whole."
This answer may have been flattering to the vanity of Marx and Engels,
but it was made at the cost of consistency. For if a few rare spirits can
escape from their "class" ideology, why not others?
6. See the article by H. B. Mayo on "The Marxist Theory of Morals,"
in the Encyclopedia of Morals (Philosophical Library, 1956).
7. (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1959).
8. 1948.
9. 1953.
10. Cf., for example, Morris R. Cohen and Ernest Nagel, An Introduc-
tion to Logic and Scientific Method (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1934),
pp. 382-388.
11. Chap. 18, pp. 211-215.
12. (Doubleday, Doran, 1943.)
13. The Summing Up, p. 293.
14. Ibid., p. 294.
15. Ibid., 294-295.
16. Ibid., p. 307.
17. Ibid., p. 309.
18. (Oxford University Press, 1936.) Specifically in Chap. VI, "Critique
of Ethics and Theology," from which my quotations are taken.
19. Language, Truth and Logic, pp. 150, 158.
20. Ibid., pp. 161, 163.
21. (New York: Henry Holt, 1944.) See especially the section on "Mean-
ing and Verifiability" in Chap. Ill, and Chap. VIII on "Values, Norms
and Science."
22. (London: Hutchinson, 1934, 1959; New York: Science Editions, 1961).
23. Ibid. All the above quotations are from the section, "Meaning and
Verifiability," pp. 55-56.
24. The Logic of Scientific Discovery, p. 51.
25. Shakespeare, King Henry IV, Part I, Act V, scene 1. I do not really
wish to accuse the logical positivists of immorality (or of sharing the mo-
tives of Falstaff) but merely of errors in reasoning. Other moral philoso-
phers have learnt much from them, and have been forced to clarify their
own ideas in attempting to answer them. All this has made for progress.
I admire the lucidity of Ayer's style and the keen edges of his thinking.
But his understandable wish for precision and simplification, with which
I am sympathetic, led him into the fallacies of oversimplification, of reduc-
tion, and of either-or.
26. Pages 4748.
27. (Yale University Press, 1944, 1960.)
28. (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1955.)
29. I refer the reader who wishes to find a summary of the present state
of the question to the admirable chapter on "Noncognitivism" in Richard
B. Brandt's Ethical Theory (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1959).
There the reader will also find a full list of authors, books, and articles
pro and con on the controversy.
30. (London: Macmillan, 1954). This essay had appeared earlier, how-
ever, in Horizon, vol. xx, no. 117, 1949.
31. Ibid., p. 238.
32. Ibid., p. 248.
33. Ibid., p. 248.
34. Ibid., p. 249.
35. Ibid., p. 249.
36. (Yale University Press, 1944.)
37. Ibid., p. 79.
38. Ibid., p. 332.
39. Ibid., p. 332.
40. Ibid., p. 336.
41. This methodological problem is too large to go into extensively here.
For a fuller discussion I refer the reader to Ludwig von Mises in Human
Action (Yale University Press, 1949), Chap. II, "The Epistomological Prob-
lems of the Sciences of Human Action," pp. 30-71.
42. Ethics (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1954), p. 98.
43". Karl R. Popper, "What Can Logic Do for Philosophy?" (Aristotelian
Society, Supplementary Vol. XXII, 1948), p. 143.
44. (Cambridge University Press.)
45. (New York: Harcourt, Brace.)
46. Ibid., p. 125.
47. Loc. cit.
48. I was about to apologize for this as a neologism, when I thought
to look it up in the Oxford English Dictionary and found it listed as an
"obsolete" word dating from 1566. But the meaning was given as "ex-
pressive of value," which is the exact sense that I intend. The existing
adjective evaluative suggests an explicit weighing or appraisal, and not
also values that are merely implied or taken for granted.
49. The word "emotive" does inevitably suggest emotional, and most
of the positivists who use it must be perfectly conscious of this. Though
they affect to be using "emotive" as a purely descriptive term, it is not
difficult to detect the derision that lurks behind it. "Emotive," in brief, is
itself an emotive word, designed to influence the reader's attitude. If the
word valuative were substituted for it, two-thirds of the apparent force
of the emotivists' argument would be lost. They would then be reduced to
the contention that all value-words, even in ethics, are illegitimate or
"meaningless."
CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR
1. Justice According to Law (Yale University Press, 1951), p. 2.
2. The Principles of Ethics (Appleton, 1898), II, 46.
3. Ibid., II, 46-47.
4. Loc. cit.
5. The Methods of Ethics (Macmillan, 1877), pp. 246-247.
6. Freedom and the Law (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1961), p. 15.
7. Theory of Good and Evil (Oxford University Press, 1907), I p. 223.
8. Loc. cit.
9. Ibid., p. 224.
10. Ibid., p. 233.
11. Ibid., p. 240.
12. The Principles of Ethics, II, 58-59.
13. Students of economics will recognize that the method I am here
adopting is analogous to the use of the Robinson Crusoe, or isolated indi-
vidual, hypothesis in economics. This simplifying hypothesis has frequently
been ridiculed by Karl Marx and others, but seems to me essential, not only
for teaching the basic principles of economics to beginners, but for the
clarification of the sophisticated economist's own thinking on many prob-
lems. One of the reasons so much nonsense is written in modern economics
is precisely because this method is neglected. Ethics would be in a more
advanced stage than it is if moral philosophers had begun more often with
the postulate of the isolated individual and then moved, for many prob-
lems, to the postulate of a society of two, three, etc. before jumping im-
mediately to The Great Society. I believe this applies also in the other
social sciences, such as economics and sociology. The careful use of this
method would have avoided some of the major fallacies, for example, of
so-called "aggregative" or "macroeconomics."
14. Ludwig von Mises,' Theory and History (Yale University Press, 1957),
pp. 54, 56, 61.
15. Principles of Ethics, II, 58-59.
16. Principles of Ethics, II, 60, 61.
17. 62.
18. David Hume, An Inquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals, p.
122.
19. Utilitarianism (many editions), Chap. V (pp. 73-75).
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE
1. The literature on this is of course enormous. The interested reader
may consult, for example, Free and Unequal, by Roger J. Williams, di-
rector of the Biochemical Institute of the University of Texas (University
of Texas Press, 1953).
2. See Roger J. Williams, op. cit.
3. Critique of the Social Democratic Program of Gotha. (Letter to
Bracke, May 5, 1875.)
4. This will be developed further in the chapters on the ethics of capi-
talism and of socialism.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX
1. Cf., for example, M. Cranston, Freedom: A New Analysis (New
York, 1953) and Mortimer Adler, The Idea of Freedom: A Dialectical
Examination of the Conceptions of Freedom (New York, 1958).
2. (University of Chicago Press, 1960.)
3. Bruno Leoni, Freedom and the Law (Princeton: Van Nostrand,
1961), p. 3.
4. For a very full list of references see F. A. Hayek, The Constitution
of Liberty.
5. Ibid., p. 19.
6. See Leoni, p. 4, and Hayek, passim.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN
1. Dernieres pensees (Paris: Flammarion, 1913), p. 244. See also Ludwig
von Mises, Theory and History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957),
pp. 73-83; the same author's The Ultimate Foundation of Economic Science
(Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1962), passim, and Moritz Schlick, Problems of
Ethics (Prentice-Hall, 1939; Dover, 1962), Chapter VII.
2. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History, pp. 77-78.
3. (New York: Harper & Bros, 1953), p. 75.
4. Ibid., p. 77.
5. (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1953), pp. 120-121, 122, 124-125.
6. An excellent analysis of some of them only touched on here will be
found in John Hospers, Human Conduct (New York: Harcourt, Brace &
World, 1961), "Determinism and Free Will," Sec. 24, pp. 502-521.
7. The example is from Rashdall, The Theory of Good and Evil, II,
330.
8. Thomas Middleton.
9. Robert Herrick.
10. Shakespeare.
11. Mary Wortley Montague.
12. The Hitopades'a, (c. 500) intro.
13. Martin Luther. Cf. H. L. Mencken, A Dictionary of Quotations.
14. Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History, p. 178.
15. Ethics (1677).
16. F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty, p. 73.
17. Henry Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, p. 53.
18. Ibid., pp. 61-62.
19. David Hume, Treatise of Human Nature (1740), Book II, Part III,
sec. II.
20. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (1651), Part 2, Chap. 21. (Many editions.)
21. Pp. 282, 278. Ayer's whole discussion of the subject is excellent. I am
especially happy to call attention to it after my harsh criticisms of his moral
positivism. Other excellent discussions of the determinism and free-will
controversy, which arrive at a similar conclusion, can be found in Moritz
Schlick, "When Is a Man Responsible?" Problems of Ethics (1931, English
translation, 1939), Chap. VII; F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty,
pp. 71-78; and John Hospers, "Moral Responsibility and Free Will,"
Human Conduct, Chap. 10. (The latter book contains an extensive bib-
liography on the subject.)
CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT
1. Paul Vinogradoff, Common-Sense in Law (Home University Library;
New York: Henry Holt), pp. 61-62. I am here indebted to Vinogradoff's
whole discussion of the nature of rights in positive law.
2. Ibid., pp. 68-69.
3. Ibid., p. 70.
4. A scholarly and illuminating history can be found in Leo Strauss,
Natural Right and History (University of Chicago Press, 1953).
5. See George Santayana, Dominations and Powers (New York: Scrib-
ner's, 1951), p. 58n.
6. The Theory of Good and Evil (Oxford University Press, 1907), I,
227.
7. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., The Common Law (1881).
8. Two Treatises of Civil Government (1689), Book II, Chap. 2, sec. 6.
9. Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 52.
CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE
1. For the defense of this noun, see footnote 12, Chap. 22.
2. The Free and Prosperous Commonwealth (Princeton: Van Nostrand,
1962), p. 144.
3. Essays, Literary, Moral, and Political (1740), p. 198.
4. Professor Manley O. Hudson in International Legislation, I, xxxvi.
5. Appendix.
6. J. L. Brierly, The Law of Nations (5th ed.; Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1955), p. 316.
7. Loc. cit.
8. International Law (8th ed.), p. 65.
9. Ibid., p. 322.
10. The Law of Nations, p. 317.
11. R. v. Dudley and Stephens (1884), 14 Q.B.D. 273.
12. U.S. v. Holmes, 1 Wallace Junior, I.
13. Ibid., pp. 317-318.
14. He can find plenty of them in Bertrand Russelland some excellent
answers by Sydney Hook: cf. Hook's review of Russell's "Has Man A
Future?" in the New York Times of Jan. 14, 1962.
15. "The Duty of the State," Social Statics (1850). Many editions.
16. Little Essays Drawn from the Writings of George Santayana (1920),
p. 164.
17. Wilhelm Ropke, International Order and Economic Integration
(original German ed., 1954; English translation, Dordrecht, Holland:
D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1959), pp. 28-30.
CHAPTER THIRTY
1. Cf. Human Action, by Ludwig von Mises, a book on the principles
of economics.
2. Human Conduct, by John Hospers, a book on the principles of
ethics.
3. Cf. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, Socialism, etc.
4. The Wealth of Nations (1776), Book I, Chap. 1. The phrase had al-
ready been used and the theme stated in a passage in Mandeville's Fable
of the Bees, pt. ii (1729), dial, vi., p. 335.
The reader will notice a certain overlap and duplication in the quota-
tions in this chapter from Adam Smith and Philip Wicksteed and those
from the same authors in Chap. 6, "Social Cooperation." But I think
these duplications are justified in the interests of emphasis and of saving
the reader the inconvenience of turning back to that chapter to remind
himself of the few sentences repeated here.
5. Ibid. (Cannon ed.), p. 12.
6. Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analy-
sis (English translation; Macmillan, 1932), p. 299.
7. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, p. 144.
8. The Wealth of Nations (Cannon ed.) p. 18.
9. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, p. 143.
10. The Wealth of Nations (Cannon ed.) I, 16.
11. Ibid., I, 421.
12. See Murray N. Rothbard, Man, Economy, and State (Princeton: Van
Nostrand; 1962), I, 440, footnote. See also Ibid., I, 85-86.
13. Philip H. Wicksteed, The Common Sense of Political Economy (Lon-
don: Macmillan; 1910), p. 158. The whole chapter on,"Business and the
Economic Nexus," from which this and later quotations are drawn, is a
brilliant exposition that deserves the most careful study.
14. Ibid., pp. 171, 172.
15. Ibid., p. 180.
16. Ibid., p. 174.
17. Cf. Israel M. Kirzner, The Economic Point of View (Princeton: Van
Nostrand; 1960), p. 66.
18. See Professor Lionel Robbins's Introduction to the 1933 edition of
Wicksteed's Common Sense of Political Economy: "Before Wicksteed wrote,
it was still possible for intelligent men to give countenance to the belief
that the whole structure of Economics depends upon the assumption of a
world of economic men, each actuated by egocentric or hedonistic motives.
. . . Wicksteed shattered this misconception once for all" (p. xxi).
19. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, pp. 144-147.
20. Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis
(English translation; Macmillan, 1932), p. 432.
21. Ibid., pp. 397-398.
22. E.g., Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk, Karl Marx and the Close of His Sys-
tem (1896); Ludwig von Mises, Socialism (1936) and Human Action (1949).
Practically the whole of modern economic literature, in its acceptance of
the marginal productivity theory of wages, is in effect a refutation of the
Marxist exploitation theory, and a substantial acceptance of the conclu-
sions of J. B. Clark.
23. The Distribution of Wealth, pp. 3-4.
24. Ibid., p. 9.
25. The older economic textbooks (i.e., of the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries) commonly devoted separate chapters or even separate
sections to "Production" and "Distribution" respectively. This was mis-
leading. Wealth is not first "produced" and then "distributed." This is a
socialist misconception. If a farmer raises a crop by himself he gets the
whole crop because he has produced it. It is not "distributed" to him;
it is merely not taken away from him. If he sells it on the market, he gets
the monetary market value of the crop in exchange just as a worker gets
the monetary market value for his labor.
26. For a fuller description of this process, see Henry Hazlitt, "How the
Price System Works," Economics In One Lesson (Harper, 1947; MacFad-
den, 1962), Chap. XVI.
27. See especially the works of Ludwig von Mises, including his more
popular Planning for Freedom (South Holland, 111.: Libertarian Press;
1952), particularly the chapter, "Middle-of-the-Road Policy Leads to So-
cialism." I may refer interested readers also to my own Economics In One
Lesson.
28. "Business and the Economic Nexus," The Common Sense of Politi-
cal Economy, Chap. V, pp. 183-185.
29. Man, Economy, and State (Princeton: Van Nostrand; 1962), pp.
85-86.
30. "The Moral Element in Free Enterprise," in The Spiritual and
Moral Significance of Free Enterprise (New, York: National Association of
Manufacturers), pp. 26-27.
31. The Common Sense of Political Economy, p. 154.
32. "The Moral Element in Free Enterprise," in The Spiritual and
Moral Significance of Free Enterprise (New York: National Association of
Manufacturers), pp. 32-33.
33. Much Ado About Nothing, Act IV, scene 1, line 219.
CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE
1. See especially Ludwig von Mises' essay "Middle-of-the-Road Policy
Leads to Socialism," in his Planning for Freedom (South Holland, 111.:
Libertarian Press; 1952). Also the essay by Gustav Cassel, From Protection-
ism Through Planned Economy to Dictatorship (London: Cobden-Sander-
son; 1934).
2. For scores of specific examples, see Henry Hazlitt, Economics in
One Lesson.
3. Looking Backward: 2000-1887, Chap. 28. (Many editions.)
4. Ludwig von Mises, Socialism, p. 451.
5. And see Eugen Bohm-Bawerk, Karl Marx and the Close of His Sys-
tem; J. B. Clark, The Distribution of Wealth; and Ludwig von Mises,
Socialism.
6. See the tremendously garrulous argument for this ideal in Bernard
Shaw's The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism and Capitalism (New
York: Brentano's, 1928).
7. See Henry Hazlitt, Time Will Run Back (New Rochelle, N.Y.:Arling-
ton House), pp. 88-93.
8. I related this history in an article in Newsweek, June 27, 1949.
9. The top U.S. rate until 1963.
10. See especially the chapters on Taxation and Social Security in F. A.
Hayek's The Constitution of Liberty.
11. L. Garvin, A Modern Introduction to Ethics, p. 460.
12. F. A. Hayek, "The Moral Element in Free Enterprise," essay in
symposium The Spiritual and Moral Significance of Free Enterprise (New
York: National Association of Manufacturers, 1962), p. 31.
13. Ibid., pp. 31-32.
14. Quoted by Max Eastman, Reflections on the Failure of Socialism
(New York: Devon Adair, 1955), p. 83.
15. For that economic and war record, see Ludwig von Mises, Omnipo-
tent Government (Yale University Press, 1944).
16. "The Religion of Immoralism," Reflections on the Failure of So-
cialism (New York: Devin-Adair, 1955), Chap. 7, p. 83.
17. Ibid., p. 85.
18. Ibid., p. 87.
19. Ibid., pp. 87-88.
20. Ibid., p. 88.
CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO
1. Fyodor Dostoyevsky, The Brothers Karamazov (1880), Part III, Book
XI, Chap. VIII.
2. George Santayana, Dominations and Powers (1951), p. 156.
3. Three Essays on Religion (1874).
4. "The Dark Side of Religion," in The Faith of a Liberal (New York:
Henry Holt, 1946), pp. 348-352.
5. Ethics (London, T. C. & E. C. Jack), pp. 92-93.
6. Exodus 21:24-25.
7. Matthew 5:38-39, 4344.
8. John 13:34.
9. Exodus 21:2, 12, 17; 22:18.
10. We must remember, however, that the injunction to "love thy neigh-
bor as thyself" occurs in the Old Testament (Leviticus 19:18) as well as
in the New (Luke 10:27).
11. Mark 1:15.
12. The quotation is from Ludwig von Mises, Socialism (New York,
Macmillan), pp. 413414, but Mises is merely summarizing the views of
such theologians as Harnack, Giessen, and Troeltsch.
13. George Santayana, Dominations and Powers (New York, Scribner's
1951), p. 157.
14. Outlines of the History of Ethics (1886, etc. 1949), pp. 141-142.
15. I refer the reader to many passages in the works of Charles Darwin,
Herbert Spencer, E. P. Thompson, G. J. Romanes, Prince Kropotkin,
C. Lloyd Morgan, W. L. Lindsay, E. L. Thorndike, Albert Schweitzer,
R. M. Yerkes, H. Eliot Howard, W. C. Allee, F. Alverdes, Wolfgang
Kohler, Konrad C. Lorenz, Julian Huxley, W. T. Hornaday, David Katz,
C. R. Carpenter, William Morton Wheeler, and Joy Adamson. I believe
that morality has at least a partly innate and instinctual basis, and that
this has developed because of its survival value, both for the individual
and for the species. I consider this, however, primarily a biological rather
than an ethical problem, and I shall not discuss it here. See the forthcom-
ing book by Frances Kanes Hazlitt, The Morality of Animals.
16. This conclusion, I am happy to find, does not differ essentially from
that of Stephen Toulmin: "Where there is a good moral reason for
choosing one course of action rather than another, morality is not to be
contradicted by religion. Ethics provides the reasons for choosing the
'right' course: religion helps us to put our hearts into it." An Examina-
tion of the Place of Reason in Ethics (Cambridge University Press, 1950),
p. 219. The case is even more compactly summed up by William James:
"Whether a God exist, or whether no God exist, in yon blue heaven above
us bent, we form at any rate an ethical republic here below." "The Moral
Philosopher and the Moral Life" (1891), in Pragmatism and Other Essays
(Washington Square Press Book, 1963), p. 223.
CHAPTER THIRTY THREE

1. I venture to suggest this neologism not only to save syllables but
to avoid ambiguity. It is confusing as well as cumbrous to refer to ethical
systems as "teleological" or, simply, as "teleology." For teleology (from
Greek teleos, an end, plus logia, science, doctrine, or theory of) tradition-
ally means the belief that natural phenomena are determined not only
by mechanical causes but by an over-all design or purpose in nature. The
belief that our human acts or rules of action ought to be judged by the
end or ends that they tend to bring about has no necessary connection
with a "teleological" doctrine about Nature or the universe. Teleotism,
Teleotist, teleotic, etc. are formed by dropping the logy and inserting a
t for euphony.
2. Arthur O. Lovejoy, The Thirteen Pragmatisms and Other Essays
(John Hopkins Press).
3. This is not only because it has developed some bad connotations,
as a result of early confusions, or because it now covers such a wide variety
of views, but because it has been from the beginning too cumbersome and
unwieldy. (See note 9, Chap. 8). Rule-utilitism is a manageable description
of a system, but rule-ultilitarianism is intolerable. Utilitarian and Utili-
tarianism are themselves, after all, deliberately invented words, and still
comparative upstarts with only about a century and a half behind them.
It is not presumptuous to suggest that they could usefully be shortened.
4. Except by Ludwig von Mises, who, unfortunately, has not written
any work on ethics but has confined his remarks on ethical problems to
brief passages in his great works on economics. Other writers, of whom
Herbert Spencer was a notable example, explicitly and by that name rec-
ognized the need for "social cooperation," but did so only parenthetically,
without giving it the central or a central place in their system.
APPENDIX
1. This was first published as a signed editorial of mine in The Satur-
day Evening Post of June 10, 1950. It is reprinted by special permission.
Index
(Numbers in parenthesis refer to footnotes)
Abbott, T . K., 372-373 (6,6) Austin, John, 81,367(2)

Absolute, 152 "Axioms," moral, 186
Absolutism vs. relativism, 150-158 Ayer, Alfred ]., 235-241, 277, 378
See also Relativism (25), 381 (21)
Accident, duties of, 190
Acton, Lord, 267 Babbitt, Irving, 217-218, 377 (14)
Act-utilitarianism, 60 Bacon, Francis, 205
Adamson, Joy, 385 (15) Baier, Kurt, ix, 123-127, 141-142,
Ad hoc utilitism, 60-61 366 (14), 371 (21), 373 (9)
Adler, Mortimer, 380 (1) Baumgardt, David, 363 (1), 370 (2)
Agnostics, 353 Bebel, F. A., 388
Aid, mutual, 42, 365(11) Beccaria, C. B., 19
Aims, focal, 135 Becket, Thomas a, 345
Allee, W. C , 385 (15) Beethoven, 164
Altruism, 92-107, 313-315; and ego- Beggar-my-neighbor policies, 289
ism, 92-107, 313-315, 356; and Behaviorists, 169
mutualism, 102-107,313-315, Bell, Alexander Graham, 328
356 Bellamy, Edward, 327-329, 338
Alverdes, F., 385 (15) Beneficence, and benevolence, 86.
Ames, 69, 369 (21) See also Benevolence
Amos, 3 Benevolence, 50, 176, 187, 250-251;
Anderson, Benjamin M., Jr., 166, and altruism, 92; and benefi-
374(7,13) cence, 86; and Golden Rule,
Angel, "neither a. nor beast," 106 250-251; negative efficient, 50,
Angels, society of, 157, 330 84, 85; positive efficient, 50,
Animals, morality of, 303, 352, 386 84, 86; and prudence, 81-91,
(15) 176; "self-evidence" of, 187
Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, 343 Bentham, Jeremy, viii, 4, 10, 12,
Appeasement, 299-300 15-20, 28, 44-51, 53, 60, 63, 64,
A priori cognition, 250, 252-256 66, 69, 81-91, 92,95, 97-99, 111,
Aquinas, Thomas, 2, 63, 352 113, 175, 179, 181, 207-208, 218,
Aristocracy, moral, 200-201 252-255, 285, 363 (2,1,2), 364
Aristotle, 2, 3, 144, 218, 281, 344, (11), 366 (12), 367 (1,2,9), 368
352, 358 (9,5,8), 369 (23,1), 370 (1,2), 373
Arnold, Matthew, 90 (13)
Asceticism, 46-48, 84, 207-222, 357 Berkeley, Bishop, 169
Athleticism, 47, 220 "Best thing to do, what is the?"
Atomic bomb. See Nuclear bomb 245-247
Attitude, 103, 291-293 Better and worse (vs. absolutism
Augustine, 2, 352 and perfection), 154, 300
387
388 INDEX
"Better this than that," 161 Cheerfulness, 221
Bible, 91, 177, 347-351 "Chemism," man as a, 232
Bill of Rights, 280-281 Christ, Jesus, 3, 200, 343, 344, 348,
Blackstone, Sir William, 63 349, 350-351, 371 (19)
Body and mind, 270-272 Christianity, 234, 252, 344-353 passim
BShm-Bawerk, Eugen von, 170, 374 Cicero, 205, 281
(11), 383(22), 384(5) Circle, legislation as a, 66; law as a,
Borgias, 205 69
Bowring, Sir John, 19, 363 (1,2), Circumstances, and duty, 118, 188-
369 (1) 202 passim
Bradford, Governor, 333-334 Clark, John Bates, 315-316, 374 (7),
Bradley, F. H., 58-59, 148-149, 373 383 (22), 384 (5)
(13,3), 376 (15) Class theory of ethics, 227-230
Brandt, Richard B., ix, 367 (2), Coercion, 266-267. See also Free-
368 (18), 378 (29) dom; Liberty
"Bourgeois," 301-302 Cohen, Morris R., 236-237, 344-346,
Breathing spell, moral, 157 349, 363 (5), 376 (2), 378 (10)
Brierly, J. L., 294-295, 382 (6) Collisions, avoidance of, 73-74, 356
Briffault, Robert, 177 Combination of labor. See Division
Broad, C. D., 3 of labor
Buddha, 3, 200 Commandment, new, 9, 349-350
Burke, Edmund, 80, 281, 307 Commandments, Ten, 8, 59, 349
Butler, Bishop, 26, 97-101,120 Commensurability: of ends, 131; of
Butler, Samuel, 45 values, 173-174
Byron, Lord, 45 Common Law, 9, 64-66, 181-183
Common-sense, morality of, 111-
112, 354, 375 (11), 376 (16).
Caesar, 206 See also Consensus morality.
Calvin, 344 Communism(ists), 288, 292, 295-
Cancer, 247 296, 298-300, 301-324 passim,
Capitalism: ethics of, 301-324; jus- 325-341
tice of, 315-318 Communist Manifesto, 302, 377 (5)
Carlyle, Thomas, 17, 257 Comparability: of ends, 131; of
Carnap, Rudolph, 236-237 values, 173-174
Carpenter, C. R., 385 (15) Comparative costs, 290
Carritt, E. F., 113,373(13) Competition, 303, 305-308, 315. See
Cary, Joyce, 199 also Capitalism
Cassel, Gustav, 384 (1) Compulsion vs. causation, 275-278
Cassirer, E., 363 (4) Comte, Auguste, 237
Categorical Imperative, 117, 143 ff., Conflict: of duties, 148-149; be-
358, 373 (13) tween individuals, 356; of
Catholics, Roman, 19, 212, 345 moral rules, 177-178
Causation vs. compulsion, 275-278 Confucius, 2, 3, 76-77, 200, 224, 251,
Celibacy, 144, 145-146, 202 369 (1)
Ceremony, 76-77 Conrad, Joseph, 218
Chastity, 84-85, 177 Conscience, 7, 118, 176
Cheek, "turn the other," 177, 348, Consciousness, 270-272
350 Consensus morality, 375 (11). See
INDEX 389
also Common-sense, morality circumstances, 118, 190-191;
of 188-202 passim; of consanguin-
Consequences: and acts, 177; con- ity, 191; devotion to, 182; divi-
sideration of, 176-177 sion and specialization of, 201;
Consideration: for others, 75; right for duty's sake, 139-149, 358,
to, 284-285 373 (13); as end-in-itself, 116;
Consistency, as end in itself, 109 and interest, 99; limits of, 106-
Constitution, U.S., 280-281 107, 117-121, 157, 190-193; to
"Consumers' surplus," 374 (15) one's own talents, 198-200;
Contract: moral, 186; social, 186 prima facie, 142, 176, 184; of
Cooley, C. H., 374 (7) proximity, 191; of relation,
Cooperation, international, 288-300 190-191; vs. risk, 110-112; and
Cooperation, social, 9, 13, 3442, self-interest, 99; to speak the
174, 255, 288 ff., 303, 309-315, truth, 201; universal vs. spe-
356, 357, 359, 365 (12), passim; cial, 188-190; universality vs.
as heart of morality, 356, 359 particularity, 196-197; of voca-
Cooperatism, 103, 358-360 tion, 188-202; passim
Copyright, 291
Costs: comparative, 290; as concept Eastman, Max, 340-341, 363 (1), 385
of "sacrifice," 114-116; oppor- (14)
tunity c , 114. See also Sacrifice Economics: and cooperation, 312;
Courage, 82, 296 and Epicureanism, 312; and
Cranston, M., 380 (1) ethics, 175, 301, 312, 355, 365
Critique of Practical Reason, 3 (1); marginal utility, 175
Crusoe, Robinson, method, 379 (13) Edison, Thomas, 216
Edwards, Paul, 239
Darwin, Charles, 200, 385 (15) Egaltruism, 102, 103
Dawson, Miles M., 369 (1) Egoism: 40, 91, 92-107, 313-315; and
Decalogue, 8 altruism, 92-107, 313-315, 356;
Democritus, 2, 344 ambiguous conception of, 125;
Deontology, 16, 19, 81-91, 99, 363 defined, 101; ethical, 92; as
(I>2,4) inconsiderateness, 101; and mu-
Description vs. prescription, 11 tualism, 102-107, 313-315, 356;
Desire(s): 12, 21-24, 373 (4); and psychological, 92
satisfaction, 32-33 Emerson, R. W., 76, 129
Determinism, 269-278; activistic, Emotivism(ists), 241-246, 357-358,
274; and fatalism, 272-274. See 379 (49)
also Free Will Empiricism, 242-243
Dewey, John, 129-130 Employer, and employed, 314
Discipline, 218, 366 (10) Ends: intermediate, 138; kingdom
Disciplinism, 47 of, 147; and means, 24-25, 128-
Division of labor, 37-40, 303, 308- 138; as "pluralistic," 128; ulti-
309, 356 mate, 130, 134-135
"Do-gooders," 202 Engels, Friedrich, 230, 338, 340,
Dostoyevsky, Fyodor, 385 (1) 377 (5)
Dreiser, Theodore, 232-233 Engineering, and ethics, 5, 245-246
Dumont, Pierre E. L., 81 Epicureans (ism), 2, 17, 131-132,
Duty (duties): of accident, 190; of 312, 364 (6)
390 INDEX
Epicurus, 3,17, 358, 359, 364 (6) Free Will, 269-278. See also Deter-
Equal distribution of income, 120, minism; Freedom
317, 329-337 Freedom(s), 67, 70, 250, 266-268,
Equality (and Inequality), 251-255, 321-324; and coercion, 266-267;
262-265; of income, 317, 329- "four," 282; and justice, 248-
337 249; and socialism, 325-326
Ethical skepticism, 223-247. See also Freud, Sigmund, 231
Skepticism Freudian ethic, 231
Ethics: "absolute necessity of," 170; Future vs. present, 18, 4849
autonomous, 351, 358; and eco-
nomics, 301, 355, 365 (1); every- Galbraith, J. K., 373 (3)
day, 77; heroic, 77; and juris- Games, theory of, 308
prudence, 65-66; and language, Garvin.L., 384(11)
241-245; and law, 62-69; is not General rules: how framed, 104-
linguistics, 243-245; as a means, 106; need for, 53-61, 354. See
34; and wisdom, 52 also Rules, need for general
Ethics and Language, 241-243 Genius, duties of, 199
Etiquette. See Manners God, and ethics, 8, 63, 176, 342-353,
Eudaemonism, 21, 31-34, 358-359; 386 (16), passim
psychological, 21, 31-34 Goethe vs. golf, 175
"Every one to count for one," 251- Golden Rule, 105, 158, 224, 250-
255 251; and converse G. R., 105-
Ewing, A. C, ix, 136, 137, 146, 106; negative G. R., 158, 224,
176, 370 (5), 371 (8,10), 373 251
(11,13) Golf: and ethical theory, 3-4; and
Exception, treating oneself as, 197, Goethe, 175
355 Good: as "indefinable," 178, 244;
Exceptions to rules, 72 as "intuitively" known, 178;
"Exploitation" of worker, 315-316 not a property, 171; "the," 130;
"Eye for eye," 9,177, 348 as "unanalyzable," 244
Governments, role of, 289-291
Falstaff, 237 Gray, Lord and Lady, 118-119
Fatalism, 272-274 Greeks, 367 (2)
Felicitism, 359, 370 (1) Grote.J., 116, 370(6)
Feuerbach, Ludwig, 364 (11) Grotius, 63
Fichte, 3, 137 "Growth," as the moral end, 130
Fitzgerald, Scott, 76
Flagellantism, 47 Hague Tribunal, 292
Focal aims, 135 Hall, W. E., 294
Ford, Henry, 69, 216 Hamilton, Alexander, 339
Foreign aid, 191 Hammurabi, code of, 8
Formalism, Kantian, 56 Happiness, 16, 20, 21-34; greatest,
Four Freedoms, 282 of the greatest number, 18, 19;
France, Anatole, 66-68 Greatest H. Principle, 16, 45,
Free Enterprise. See Capitalism 66, 90, 370 (1); and justice,
Free Markets, 303-305. See also 256-257; morality as art of max-
Capitalism; Property imizing, 16; vs. pleasure, 20;
Free trade, 288-291 pursuit of, 281; and satisfac-
INDEX 391
tion, 21-34; and social coopera- Hutcheson, Francis, 19, 366 (1)
tion, 356; and well-being, 24- Huxley, Aldous, 135, 159
26, 134, 358 Huxley, Julian S., 271, 385 (15)
Hare, R. M., 243 Huxley, Thomas H., 68
Harmony of interests, 313-314, 358 "Hysteron-proteron," 21, 26
Haydn, J., 307
Hayek, F. A., ix, 59, 67, 192-193,
Ideal law, 63, 206
266, 322-323, 376 (14,1), 380
"Ideal" Utilitarianism, 117, 130,
(4,6), 381 (16,21), 384 (10), 385
134, 372 (12)
(12)
Idealist, 240
Hazlitt, Frances Kanes, 386 (15)
Impartial observer (spectator), 104-
Hazlitt, Henry, 365 (1), 366 (11),
106, 113,118,255
371 (11), 384(26,7)
Imaginary constructions, 370 (1)
Hedonistic calculus, 18, 83, 173, 374
Imperative, Categorical, 117, 143 ff.,
(16), 375 (19)
358, 373 (13)
Hedonism, 15-20, 92, 358; ethical,
Importance, judgments of, 237
16, 31; psychological, 16, 21,
Inconsiderateness, as essence of
22, 31-32
egoism, 101
Hegel, G. W. F., 3, 184-185, 373 (13)
Independence, Declaration of, 281
Heraclitus, 2
Individual, and society, 35, 104-106,
Heroes, heroic ethics, 157, 372 (3),
108-110,313,355
373 (5)
Inquisition, 344
Herrick, Robert, 381 (9)
Intentions, 90
Hindus, Milton, 377 (14)
Interdependence, of individuals,
Hobbes, Thomas, 92, 109, 180, 276-
313
277, 381 (20)
International Court, 292-293
Hobhouse, L. T., 177
International ethics, 288-300
Holmes, O. W., Justice, 285, 286,
International law, 288-300, passim
382 (7) "Inter-subjective" verification, 169
Honor, "a word," 237 Intuition(ism) (ists), 9, 63, 176-
Hook, Sydney, 382 (14) 187, 250, 253-255; and com-
Hornaday, W. T., 385 (15) mon-sense, 176-187
Hospers, John, ix, 136-137, 364 "Invisible hand," 310
(6,11,12), 367 (2), 368 (18), /.sand ought, 11,13
372 (9,5), 373 (13), 376 (5), Isaiah, 3
381 (6,20), 382 (2)
Howard, H. Eliot, 385 (15)
Howard, John, 343 Jacobi, Friedrich H., 22
Hudson, Manley O., 382 (4) James, William, 212-217, 219, 220,
Human rights: and property rights, 377 (8), 386 (16)
280; Universal Declaration of, Janet, Paul, 376 (7)
283. See also Rights Jefferson, Thomas, 281
Hume, David, viii, 3, 53-60, 68, Jellinek, 66, 368 (9)
70, 91, 150, 152, 170, 223, 259- Jenner, Edward, 200
260, 276, 290-291, 312, 317, 339, Jerome, St., 211
366 (1), 367 (1,2,3,5,9), 369 (1), Jesus, 3, 200, 343, 344, 348, 349,
370 (3), 372 (10), 374 (12), 380 350-351, 371 (19)
(18), 381 (19) Jews, 8, 349
392 INDEX
"Johnny and the Tiger," 293, 361- Lao-tse, 3
362 LaPiere, Richard, 231
Jonson, Ben, 307 Law: and equality, 263-265; and
"Judge not," 350 ethics, 62-69, 180, 312, 355; and
Jurisdprudence, and ethics, 65-66, logic, 285; as a "minimum
355 ethics," 66; Mosaic, 177; posi-
Justice, 13, 53-54, 67-68, 103, 206, tive, 206; purpose of, 70; re-
248-261; Aquinas on, 352; and quirements of, 67. See also
capitalism, 306, 316-318, 324; Common Law
and competition, 306; and Law of nature, 63, 203-206, 286,
equality, 262-265, 335-337; and 376 (2). See also Natural Law
freedom, 248; and happiness, Lecky, W. E. H., 177, 208-212, 377
256-257; as interest of the (4)
stronger, 224-225, 230; as a Legal rights. See Rights
means, 259-261; pereat mun- Legislation and moral philosophy,
dus, 313; "self-evidence" of, 66
187; "social," 317; and social Leibnitz, 307
cooperation, 257; and utility, Lenin, 340-341
260-261 Leonardo da Vinci, 307
Justinian, Institutes of, 248 Leoni, Bruno, 251, 380 (3,6)
Leveler, and Socrates, 334-335
Kant, Immanuel, 3, 4, 62, 74, 113, Liberalism, 288-291
116, 117, 129-132, 137, 139- Liberty, 249, 250, 266-268; and
149, passim; 146, 150, 157, 196- "Four Freedoms," 282-283;
197, 248-249, 358, 372 (6,6), "highest political end," 267;
373 (9,13) and morality, 268. See also
Freedom
Kantian system, 56, 234, 313
Lincoln, Abraham, 200
Karamazov brothers, 342, 385 (1)
Lindbergh, Charles, 200
Katz, David, 385 (15)
Lindsay, W. L., 385(15)
Keynes, John Maynard, 49, 133,
366(2,11) Linguistics, ethics is not, 243-245
Locke, John, 3, 21, 67, 70, 177, 281,
Khrushchev, 340 286, 364 (1)
Kindness, 75, 91, 104, 106, 350, 360 Logical positivism(ists). See Posi-
Kinsey, Alfred C, 231-232 tivism (ists)
Kirzner, Israel M., 383 (17) Long-run, 13, 33, 44-52, 124-127,
"Know thyself," 202 354; vs. short-run, 44-52, 124-
Kohler, Wolfgang, 385 (15) 127; "we are all dead," 44, 49
Kropotkin, Prince, 42, 365 (11), 385
Lorenz, Konrad C, 385 (15)
(15)
Love, 91, 350, 360; Christian, 104,
Krutch, Joseph Wood, 271-272 106; "one another," 9, 106,
349-350, 360; "thy neighbor,"
Labor, division and combination of, 348, 385 (10); "your enemies,"
37-40, 303, 308-309, 356 9, 348, 350
Laissez jaire, 289-290 Lovejoy, Arthur O., 386 (2)
Language, 9, 72, 178-180, 241-245, "Loving-kindness," 234
355 Luther, Martin, 381 (13)
Language of Morals, The, 243 Lying: when justified, 137; Kant's
INDEX
argument against, 143; univer- Crusoe, 379-380 (13); statistical,
salizability, 145 243
Michelangelo, 164, 307
Middle-of-the-road systems, 325-326,
Machlup, Fritz, 363 (5) 384 (27,1)
Maine, Sir Henry, 256, 376 (2) Middleton, Thomas, 381 (8)
Mandeville, Bernard de, 133, 225- "Might is right," 224-226, 230
226, 382 (4) Mill, James, 81
Mankind, and your neighbor, 193 ff. Mill, John Stuart, viii, ix, 28-29,
Manners, 9; and morals, 75-80, 180, 60, 81, 129, 132-133, 157, 175,
355; as minor morals, 75; as 200, 202-206, 342-344, 353, 363
petty sacrifices, 76 (5), 364 (11), 367 (2,9), 368
Manu, sacred law of, 8 (9)
Marginal: satisfaction, 175; utility, Mind and matter, 270-272
175 Minima and maxima, 121, 371 (20)
Market economy. See Capitalism Minimum ethics, 66, 157
Marshall, Alfred, 374 (15) Mises, Ludwig von, viii-ix, 37,
Martin, C. E., 231 114-115, 220-221, 290, 312-314,
Marx, Karl, 90, 194, 225, 227-230, 320, 364 (11,4,7), 365 (1,2,10),
340, 377 (5), 380 (13) 366 (3), 371 (12,14,1), 373 (1),
Marxism. See Communism; Social- 374 (5), 375 (18), 377 (3,3), 379
ism (41), 380 (14), 381 (1,2,14), 382
Mary, Queen, 344 (1,3), 383 (6,7,9,19,20,22), 384
Master morality, 144, 226-227 (27,1,4,5), 385 (15,12), 386 (4)
Materialism, 162, 228, 233, 269- "Money-making," 216-217
273 Montague, Mary Wortley, 381 (11)
Maugham, W. Somerset, 199, 233- Moore, G. E., viii, 22, 29, 116, 132-
235 133, 171, 244, 372 (3), 375 (6)
Maxima and minima, 121, 371 (20) Moral aristocracy, 200-201
"Maximization" ("maximize"), 27, Moral contract, 186
171,174, 364(7), passim Moral futurism, 230
Mayo, H. B., 377 (6) Moral law, 165
Meaning of Meaning, The, 244 Moral rights, 282, 286-287. See also
Means: and ends, 24-25, 128-138, Rights
221-222; exaltation of, over end, Moral rules, how framed, 104-106.
247; "means-ends," 128; mistak- See also General Rules; Rules
ing for ends, 139-143, 221-222, Moral sense, 9, 176
247; treating others as, 146-147 Moral tradition, 164-165, 354, pas-
Medicine, and ethics, 5 sim. See also Common-sense
Melden, A. I., 372 (3), 373 (5), 376 ethics; Morality
(8) Morality: as art of maximizing hap-
Merit, as basis of distribution, 337 piness, 16, 83-84, 90; is auton-
"Meta-ethical" problems, 244 omous, 351, 358; of common-
Methods of ethics, 10, 243; empiri- sense, 111-112, 179-185, 354; as
cal, 243; experimental, 243; im- conduct each desires others to
aginary constructions, 370 (1); observe toward himself, 223; of
not those of physics, 243; but each vs. of all, 156; as the end,
of praxeology, 243; Robinson 222; everyday, 77, 359; and lib-
394 INDEX
erty, 268; and manners, 75-80; Optimum (optimific) act, 181
as a means, 133-135, 148, 157, Optional and obligatory ethics, 156-
221-222, 354; necessity of, 170; 158
objective and subjective, 162- "Oversoul," social, 165
165; and religion, 342-353, 386
(16); and self-interest, 123-127;
sexual, 84, 177; as social, 164- Pacifism, 299-300
165, 354; tradition of, 164-165 Pain, 20
Morals and manners, 75-80 Panphysicalism, 162, 233, 270-272
Morgan, C. Lloyd, 385 (15) Paradox of virtues, 296
Moses, 4, 8, 9, 177, 344, 349 "Parliament of man," 292
Mozart, 307 Pascal, Blaise, 34, 118, 370 (6)
Mutual aid, 42 Pasteur, Louis, 200
Mutualism, 92, 102-107, 313-315, Patent protection, 291
356, 359; defined, 102; as name Paul (the Apostle), 3, 41
for system, 103. See also Al- Perfect man. See Perfection
truism; Egoism Perfect world. See Perfection
Mystery of morals, 7-10 Perfection, 151-154, 300, 373 (4)
Nagel, Ernest, 378 (10) Perry, R. B., 170, 374 (10)
Napoleon, 296 "Persuasive definitions," 242
Natural Law, 62-64, 203-206, 376 Physics, 243, 374 (14)
"Pig philosophy," 17
(2). See also Law of Nature
Pilgrim Fathers, 332-334
Natural rights, 281-282 Ping-pong vs. poetry, 28
New Testament, 348-349, 350-351,
Plato, 2, 3, 29, 281, 377 (1)
385 (10) Pleasure, 15-20; abstract vs. spe-
Newton, Sir Isaac, 307 cific, 30; as desired or valued
Nietzsche, 3, 4, 73, 144, 181, 225, state of consciousness, 174, 364
226-227,229,365(11) (11,12), 375 (18); "quality of,"
Nihilism, 9. See also Skepticism 28-31; "quantity of," 28-31; sen-
Nock, Albert Jay, 194, 376 (4) sual, 32, 372 (12), 375 (19)
Noncognitivism, 378 (29) Poetry vs. pushpin, 28, 175
Non-conformists, 73 Poincare\ Henri, 269
Nonfeasance, 111 Policemen, and soldiers, 297
Nonresistance, 297-300 Politeness. See Manners
Nowell-Smith, P. H., 243 Pollock, Sir Frederick, 369 (19)
Nuclear bomb, 288, 295-296, 298 Pomeroy, W. B., 231
Objectivism, 162-175 passim Popper, Karl R., 236-237, 243, 363
Obligation: limits of, 106-107, 117- (4), 374 (8), 377 (4), 379 (43)
121, 190-193; and rights, 279- Poor and rich, 317, 350
280, 282 Positivism (ists), 162, 169, 181, 235-
Obligatory and optional ethics, 156- 241,247,358,378(25)
158 Postal Union, 291, 293
Occam's razor, 187 Pound, Roscoe, ix, 69, 74, 248, 368
Ogden, C. K., 244 (1,6,9,10), 369 (20,5)
Ought and is, 11, 13 Poverty, 214-217
Old Testament, 52, 344, 347-350, Practicality of ethics, 4
385 (10) "Pragmatisms, Thirteen," 359
INDEX 395
Praxeology, 159 117, 130, 134, 251-255, 284-285,
Precedent, importance of, 61, 64, 346-347, 363 (1), 364 (2), 372
181-184 (3,12), 373 (13), 374 (16), 375
Predicament, our human, 127, 148 (19,5), 376 (13,3,6,7,9), 381 (7)
Predictability of actions, 60, 71; of Rate of interest, 50
law, 64 Rationalism, 3
Preference, 173-174 Reason: law of, 206; and natural
Prescription vs. description, 11 law, 206
Present vs. future, 18, 48-49 Red Cross, 291
Priestley, Joseph, 19 "Refrain, will to," 217-218
Prima facie duties, 142, 176, 184, Refraint, 377 (12)
286 Relativism, 66; vs. absolutism, 150-
Prima facie rights, 283-287 158. See also Absolutism
Principia Ethica, 244 Relevance, moral, 196-197; judg-
Principle: acting on, 126; adher- ments of, 237
ence to, 287 Religion: and morality, 342-353,
Private enterprise. See Capitalism 358, 386 (16); utility of, 343-
Private property. See Property (pri- 344
vate) "Religion of Immoralism," 340-341
"Profit," in morality, 115 Renunciation, 220-221. See also Sac-
Profit-and-loss system, 302. See also rifice; Self-Sacrifice
Capitalism Reputation, 164-165
Property (private), 54, 249, 280, Responsibility: and determinism,
303-305; in means of produc- 275-277; and freedom, 277;
tion, 304-305; wife as, 349. See limits of, 106-107, 117-121, 190-
also Rights; Capitalism 193
Protectionism, 289 Reversibility, of moral rules, 145
Proverbs, Book of, 52 Ricardo, David, 290, 312
Proximity, principle of, 196 Rich and poor, 317, 350
Prudence, 13, 50, 81-91, 176, 187; Richards, I. A., 244
and benevolence, 50, 81-91, 92, Rights, 279-287; Bill of, 280-281;
176; and egoism, 92; extra-re- to consideration, 284-285; im-
garding, 50, 84-85; "self-evi- ply obligations, 279-280
dence" of, 187; self-regarding, Risk and duty, 110-112
50,84 Robbins, Lionel, 383 (18)
Pseudo-rights, 282-283. See also Rockefeller, John D., 69
Rights Ropke, Wilhelm, 299-300, 382 (17)
"Public" opinion, 164 Romanes, G. J., 385 (15)
Punishment: preventive vs. retribu- Romans, 205-206, 281
tive, 275; and responsibility, Roosevelt, Franklin D., 282-283
277 Ross, Sir David, ix, 118, 142, 176,
Pushpin vs. poetry, 28, 175 184, 286
Pythagoras, 2 Rothbard, Murray N., 320-321, 364
(7), 372 (19), 375 (18), 383 (12)
Quixote, Don, 119 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 186, 194,
218
Rand, Ayn, 92 Rule, Golden. See Golden Rule
Rashdall, Hastings, 21, 31-32, 116, Rules: "follow unless," 184; how
396 INDEX
framed, 104-106, 354; need for Seeley, Sir John, 376 (6)
general, 53-61; 193. See also Self-defense, right of, 293-300
General rules Self-denial, 221. See also Asceti-
Rule-utilitarianism, 60, 367 (2), 386 cism; Discipline; Sacrifice; Self-
(3) sacrifice
Rule-utilitism, 60, 136, 354, 386 (3) Self-discipline, 47, 217-221, 357
Russell, Bertrand, 22-24, 29, 132, "Self-evidence," of moral maxims,
140, 142, 171, 181, 218, 306, 186-187
364 (5,6), 365 (9), 375 (6), 377 Self-interest, 40, 51, 123-127
(14), 382 (14) Selfishness, 40, 101, 310-311, 315; as
Russia, Soviet, 304, 318, 330, 337, inconsiderateness, 101
339, 340. See also Communism Self-love, 97-100; and love of our
neighbor, 100
Sabbath, 8, 349 "Self-perfection," 153-154, 222. See
Sacrifice(s), 90, 97, 108-127, 220- also Perfection
221, 357; as a "cost," 114-115; Self-preservation, "right of," 294-
as instrumental, 116; as a 295
means, 116; petty, 76; possible Self-restraint, 217-221, 357
rule for, 113; prudential, 114; Self-sacrifice, 77, 108-127, 220-221;
for sacrifice's sake, 113, 220- as instrumental, 116; as a
221; as temporary, 220 means, 116; not good in itself,
Saint(s), 34, 37, 157, 200, 208-212, 220-221; as temporary, 220. See
311, 321, 322, 345, 372 (3), 373 also Sacrifice
(5) Self-subordination, 117
Saint-Simon, Comte de, 237 Self-torture, cult of, 207-212
Samaritan, Good, 69, 121, 190 Sellars, Wilfred, 372 (9,5)
Sanctity, of moral rules, 96 Sennholz, Mary, 363 (5)
Santayana, George, 22, 29-30, 161, Sensuality, 17-18
342, 351, 364 (10), 374 (4), 375 Servetus, 344
(6), 382 (5,16), 385 (2,13) Sexual morality, 84, 177, 181, 219,
Sartre, Jean-Paul, 232 231-232
Satisfaction, 21-34, passim; and de- Shaftesbury, Lord, 3, 366 (1)
sire, 32-33; "maximization" of, Shakespeare, 30, 164, 251, 307, 323,
171; and happiness, 21-34, 354 376(1), 381 (10)
Savage tribes, morality of, 72 Shared judgments vs. solipsistic,
Schiller, J. C. F. von, 140 168 ff.
Schlick, Moritz, 101, 237, 370 (4), Shaw, Bernard, 199, 384 (6)
381 (21) Short-run. See Long-run
Schopenhauer, A., 2, 3, 373 (18) Sidgwick, Henry, viii, 150, 176,
Schumpeter, Joseph, 17, 364 (5) 179-180, 187, 250, 254, 352, 371-
Schweitzer, Albert, 3, 200, 368 (8), 372 (2), 375 (2,11), 376 (16,2),
385 (15) 381 (17)
Science: as determinist, 269; ethics Skepticism, 9, 223-247; haphazard
as a, 4-6; as instrumental, 162, or random, 232-235
247; as means, 162, 247; pre- Smith, Adam, viii, 37-41, 56-57,
supposes causation, 277; and 91, 110, 113, 118, 119, 290,
value, 159-162, 247; "value- 308-311, 368 (10), 370 (3), 383
free," 160 (4)
INDEX 397
Smith, Sydney, 118-119 Toulmin, Stephen, ix, 127, 170,
Social contract, 186 371 (23), 386 (16)
Social cooperation. See Cooperation Traffic rules, and moral rules, 70-74,
"Social justice," 317. See also Jus- 183
tice Treason, 296
Social mind, 165 ff. Trotsky, Leon, 339
Social objectivity, 165 Truthtelling, 79
Social value, 164 ff. See also Value Twain, Mark, 184
Socialism: vs. capitalism, 301-324, Twilight zone: of duty, 122; in
passim; as coercion, 337-340; solving problems, 371 (20)
and communism, 326; ethics of,
325-341; Utopian, 326-329 Unanimity, 36, 357
Society, and individual, 35, 104-106, Uneasiness, 21
108-110,313,355 United Nations, 283, 292-293, 294
Socrates, 2, 3, 27-29, 200, 224-225, Universalizability of moral rules,
230, 334-335, 343 143 ff., 196-197, 355-356, 373
Soldiers, and policemen, 297 (9); generality vs. specificity,
Solipsistic judgments vs. shared, 144; vs. particularity, 196, 355-
168 ff. 356
Spencer, Herbert, 1, 92-97, 113, 150- Urmson, J. O., ix, 157, 372 (3), 373
156, 177, 248-250, 253-254, 256- (5), 376 (8)
258, 297-298, 365 (11), 373 (1), Utilitarianism, 18, 56, 72, 132, 175,
385 (15), 386 (4) 179-180, 234, 286-287, 313, 330,
Spinoza, 3, 22, 200, 344 354, 358-359, 367-368 (9), 370
Stalin, 304, 341 (1), 373 (13); act-, 60, 179; ad
Statistical theory of ethics, 232, 243 hoc utilitism, 60, 287, 359;
Stevenson, C. L., 135, 239, 241-243, "ideal," 117, 130, 134, 372 (12);
372 (13) naive, 72; rule-, 60, 359, 386
Stoics, 2, 3, 206 (3); rule-utilitism, 60, 287, 354,
Strauss, Leo, 382 (4) 386 (3)
Stylites, St. Simeon, 210-211, 222 Utilitism, 60, 287, 368 (9). See also
Subjectivism, 162-175, passim Utilitarianism
Sumner, William Graham, 177 Utility, principle of, 15
Supererogation, ethics of, 157
Superman, 144, 229 Valuation, all human action im-
Sympathy, 75, 90-91, 104 plies, 245
"Valuative," as substitute for "emo-
Teleotism, 358, 368 (9), 386 (1) tive," 379 (49). See also Value;
Temperance, 18, 45, 85, 296 Value-judgments; Value-words
Ten Commandments, 8, 59, 349 Value(s), 25, 159-175; commensu-
Tennyson, Alfred Lord, 175, 292 rability of, 173-174, 374 (16),
Thompson, E. P., 385 (15) 375 (19); comparability of, 173-
Thomson, James, 118 174; "exchange-" vs. "use-," 170;
Thorndike, E. L., 385(15) of "gold" vs. "bread," 175; as
Thrasymachus, 181, 224-226, 228 "intrinsic," 162 ff.; judgments
Tiger, Johnny and the, 293, 361- of, 159-162, 238 ff., 245-247, 357-
362 358; marginal, 175; as meas-
Time discount, 50 urable, 171-175; multifaceted
398 INDEX
nature of, 169-171; not a "prop- Wagner, Richard, 307
erty," 170-171; as objective, 162 War, ethics of, 297-300
ff.; "paradox of," 175; quanti- Washington, George, 200, 296, 343
fication of, 173-174; as a rela- Weber, Max, 159
tion, 162 ff.; as "relational pred- Webster, Daniel, 294
icate," 171, 374 (10); social, Well-being and happiness, 24-26,
164 ff.; as subjective, 162 ff.; 134
"transvaluation of all," 182, Wheeler, William Morton, 385 (15)
355 "Why should I (we) be moral?"
Value-judgments, 159-162, 238 ff., 123-127
245-247, 357-358, 379 (49) Wicksteed, Philip, 37, 40-41, 311-
Value-words, 237 ff., 245-247, and 312, 313, 318-323, 373 (12), 383
passim (4,13,18)
Veblen, Thorstein, 97 Widgery, Alban G., 371 (2)
Verdi, 307 Wilde, Oscar, 73
Vinogradoff, Sir Paul, ix, 369 (4), "Will to refrain," 217-218
376 (2), 381 (1) "Will to power,4' 227
Virtue(s): and happiness, 24; as Williams, Roger J., 380 (1,2)
means, 133-135, 221-222; para- Wilson, Mr. Justice, 63
dox of, 296; as positive, 218; as Wisdom, and ethics, 52
useful to others, 218 Witch, "not suffer to live," 349
Vocation: choice of, 197-200; and Wittgenstein, 237
circumstances, 188-202, 356, 376
(3); moral, 200 Yerkes, R. M., 385 (15)
Voltaire, 154
Voluptuary's fallacy, 4445 Zarathustra, 3

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THE

The Foundation for Economic Education

Originally published 1964 by D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc.

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 72-81850

Hazlitt Centennial Edition Copyright 1994

have not been developed at length but appear as brief incidental

I wish to express my gratitude to the Institute for Humane

this sacrifice must be made because of the overriding necessity

The following publishers have kindly allowed me to quote

The Mystery of Morals

The Moral Criterion

Pleasure as the End

2. The Charge of Sensuality

3. Of the Greatest Number

Satisfaction and Happiness

I mean by "right" conduct that conduct which will probably

3. Pleasure Cannot Be Quantified

4. Socrates and the Oyster

2. The Way to the Goal

3. The Division of Labor

4. The Basis of Economic Life

Long Run vs. Short Run

2. The Ascetic's Fallacy

3. On Undervaluing the Future

The Need for General Rules

And some thirty pages further on, Hume observes: "The

2. The Principle in Adam Smith

But in spite of this emphatic statement of the principle,

3. Rediscovery in the Twentieth Century

2. The Common Law

3. The Relativism of Anatole France

4. Inner and Outer Circle

Traffic Rules and Moral Rules

Morals and Manners

2. How Prudence Leads . . .

In illustrating the requirements of beneficence, Bentham ap-

In the application of evil for the production of good, never let

4. No Exact Dividing Line

5. The Role of Sympathy

Egoism, Altruism, Mutualism

2. Egoism and Altruism Interdependent

3. Bishop Butler on Self-Love

Butler is here opposing "self-love" to "mere appetite, will,

6. How Moral Rules Are Framed

7. The Limits of Obligation

The Problem of Self-Sacrifice

2. Duty vs. Risk

3. Search far a General Rule

4. The Concept of Costs

5. Obligations Have Limits

Several moral strands are twisted together in both of these

6. Maxima and Minima

7. Self-interest vs. Morality?

2. Dewey, Kant, and Mill

4. Does the End Justify the Means?

Ewing seems to me here to be (no doubt unconsciously) mis-

Duty for Duty's Sake

2. The Test of Universalizability

3. Kant's Other Maxims