SINGThe History of Singapore

THE
HISTORY OF
SINGAPORE
ADVISORY BOARD
John T. Alexander
Professor of History and Russian and European Studies,
University of Kansas
Robert A. Divine
George W. Littlefield Professor in American History Emeritus,
University of Texas at Austin
John V. Lombardi
Professor of History,
University of Florida
THE
HISTORY OF
SINGAPORE
Jean E. Abshire
The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations

Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling, Series Editors
Copyright 2011 by Jean E. Abshire
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a
review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Abshire, Jean E.
The history of Singapore / Jean E. Abshire.
p. cm. — (The Greenwood histories of the modern nations)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978–0–313–37742–6 (hard copy : acid-free paper) — ISBN 978–0–313–37743–3 (ebook)
1. Singapore—History. I. Title.
DS610.4.A27 2011
959.57—dc22 2010047889
ISBN: 978–0–313–37742–6
EISBN: 978–0–313–37743–3
15 14 13 12 11 1 2 3 4 5
This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook.
Visit www.abc-clio.com for details.
Greenwood
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This book is printed on acid-free paper
Manufactured in the United States of America
Contents
Series Foreword vii
Acknowledgments xi
Timeline of Major Events xiii
1 A Globalized City-State 1
2 Pre-Colonial Singapore: Temasek, Dragon’s Tooth

Gate, and Singapura, 100–1819 13
3 The Establishment of Colonial Singapore:

1819–1867 37
4 A Crown Colony: 1867–1942 57
5 Fortress Singapore to Syonan-to: World War II 83
6 The Rough Road to Independence: 1945–1963 109
7 From Third World to First World: Since 1965 133
Notable People in the History of Singapore 159

vi Contents
Glossary 165
Bibliographic Essay 169
Index 173
Series Foreword
The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations series is intended to

provide students and interested laypeople with up-to-date, concise,
and analytical histories of many of the nations of the contemporary
world. Not since the 1960s has there been a systematic attempt to publish
a series of national histories; and as series advisors, we believe that
this series will prove to be a valuable contribution to our understanding
of other countries in our increasingly interdependent world.
Some 40 years ago, at the end of the 1960s, the cold war was an
accepted reality of global politics. The process of decolonization was
still in progress, the idea of a unified Europe with a single currency
was unheard of, the United States was mired in a war in Vietnam,
and the economic boom in Asia was still years in the future. Richard
Nixon was president of the United States, Mao Tse-tung (not yet
Mao Zedong) ruled China, Leonid Brezhnev guided the Soviet Union,
and Harold Wilson was prime minister of the United Kingdom.
Authoritarian dictators still controlled most of Latin America, the Middle
East was reeling in the wake of the Six-Day War, and Shah Mohammad
Reza Pahlavi was at the height of his power in Iran.
Since then, the Cold War has ended, the Soviet Union has vanished,
leaving 16 independent republics in its wake, the advent of the
viii Series Foreword
computer age has radically transformed global communications,

the rising demand for oil makes the Middle East still a dangerous
flashpoint, and the rise of new economic powers like the People’s
Republic of China and India threatens to bring about a new world
order. All of these developments have had a dramatic impact on the
recent history of every nation of the world.
For this series, which was launched in 1998, we first selected nations
whose political, economic, and sociocultural affairs marked them as
among the most important of our time. For each nation, we found an
author who was recognized as a specialist in the history of that nation.
These authors worked cooperatively with us and with Greenwood
Press to produce volumes that reflected current research on their
nations and that are interesting and informative to their readers. In
the first decade of the series, more than 40 volumes were published;
and as of 2008, some are moving into second editions.
The success of the series has encouraged us to broaden our scope to
include additional nations, whose histories have had significant effects
on their regions, if not on the entire world. In addition, geopolitical
changes have elevated other nations into positions of greater importance
in world affairs and, so, we have chosen to include them in this series as
well. The importance of a series such as this cannot be underestimated.
As a superpower whose influence is felt all over the world, the United
States can claim a special relationship with almost every other nation.
Yet many Americans know very little about the histories of nations with
which the United States relates. How did they get to be the way they are?
What kind of political systems have evolved there? What kind of
influence do they have on their own regions? What are the dominant
political, religious, and cultural forces that move their leaders? These
and many other questions are answered in the volumes of this series.
The authors who contribute to this series write comprehensive
histories of their nations, dating back, in some instances, to prehistoric
times. Each of them, however, has devoted a significant portion of
their book to events of the past 40 years because the modern era has
contributed the most to contemporary issues that have an impact on
U.S. policy. Authors make every effort to be as up-to-date as possible
so that readers can benefit from discussion and analysis of recent
events.
In addition to the historical narrative, each volume contains an
introductory chapter giving an overview of that country’s geography,
political institutions, economic structure, and cultural attributes.
This is meant to give readers a snapshot of the nation as it exists in
the contemporary world. Each history also includes supplementary
Series Foreword ix
information following the narrative, which may include a timeline that

represents a succinct chronology of the nation’s historical evolution,
biographical sketches of the nation’s most important historical figures,
and a glossary of important terms or concepts that are usually expressed
in a foreign language. Finally, each author prepares a comprehensive
bibliography for readers who wish to pursue the subject further.
Readers of these volumes will find them fascinating and well-written.
More importantly, they will come away with a better understanding of
the contemporary world and the nations that comprise it. As series
advisors, we hope that this series will contribute to a heightened sense
of global understanding as we move through the early years of the
twenty-first century.
Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling

Indiana University Southeast
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the staff at the Central Library of the National
University of Singapore for granting me access to their collection,
which greatly facilitated the writing of this book, and the many
excellent scholars who have devoted years of effort researching and
writing about this fascinating country. I am grateful to the series
editors, John Findling and Frank Thackeray of Indiana University
Southeast, and Kaitlin Ciarmiello of ABC-CLIO for this opportunity
and for their support during the process. I appreciate the assistance
of Arathi Pillai and the rest of the team at PreMediaGlobal for their
assistance in the production phase. The book is better thanks to the
proof-reading assistance of Brigette Adams and Jodie Beatty; any errors
are my own. I am indebted to Dr. Norman Furniss of Indiana University,
Bloomington for years of intellectual guidance and a deeper
understanding of how to study other countries. Finally, I would like
to thank my colleagues, friends, and family for their patience and
encouragement during the last two years. I dedicate this book to my
father, Charles Abshire, and in memory of my mother, Cleo, wonderful
parents who always encouraged me to ask questions.
Timeline of Major Events
600s Meeting point for traders under the Srivajanyan Empire

1299 Royal settlement established in Singapore
Circa 1378 Attack from Majapahit Empire
1391 Invasion by Thai Kingdom
1397–1398 Parmeswara fled, and Singapore settlement relocated to

Melaka
1819 Raffles and Farquhar established a trade port for the

East India Company
1824 Treaty of London confirmed Singapore as a permanent

British settlement
1826 Straits Settlements created, integrating Singapore,

Melaka, and Penang
1832 Singapore became capital of Straits Settlements
1832–1833 Chinese merchants banded together to combat pirates
1837 Singapore Chamber of Commerce founded
1854, 1857 Riots involving secret societies

xiv Timeline of Major Events
1859 Fort Canning constructed
1867 Straits Settlements became a crown colony
1869 Suez Canal opened; Singapore became a coaling station

for steamships
1873 British expanded control on Malay Peninsula increasing

Singapore’s exports of rubber and tin
1877 Chinese Protectorate created
1903 Singapore was world’s seventh largest port in tonnage

1906 Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce founded
1910 Colonial administration took over opium production in

Singapore
1914 Indentured labor from China banned
Sale of women and girls for prostitution banned
1915 Mutiny of Indian soldiers stationed in Singapore
1921 Britain decided to build naval station in Singapore
1929 Great Depression harmed Singapore’s trade
1931, 1933 Laws passed limiting immigration from China

1938 Sembawang Naval Base opened
1939 World War II began in Europe
July 1941 Vichy France gave Japan access to airbases in Indochina
United States froze Japanese assets
Japan made final decision to invade Singapore via the

Malay Peninsula
December 8, 1941 Japan bombed Singapore, launched attack down Malay

Peninsula
January 31, 1942 British and Commonwealth forces retreated to
Singapore
February 8, 1942 Japanese forces launched attach on Singapore
February 15, 1942 Britain surrendered Singapore to Japan
February 18, 1942 Sook ching process against the Chinese community began
August 15, 1945 Emperor Hirohito officially announced Japan’s surrender

Timeline of Major Events xv
September 2, 1945 British and Commonwealth forces landed in Singapore
1947 Singapore’s trade reached prewar levels
1948–1960 State of emergency
1950–1953 Korean War fueled economic boom
1954–1964 Singapore shaken by waves of communist political

violence
1954 Rendel Commission recommended constitutional

reforms
1955 People’s Action Party founded
David Marshall elected first chief minister of Singapore
Lee Hock Bus Strike
1959 New constitutional arrangements gave self-governance

on most issues
1960 Singapore was world’s largest exporter of rubber
1961 Singapore Economic Development Board founded
1963–1966 Undeclared war with Indonesia (Konfrontasi)
1963 Merger with Malaysia

1964 Ethnic riots shook Singapore
1965 Singapore declared independence
1967 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)

founded
1967–1968 Major reforms set foundation for rapid economic

growth
1968 British announced withdrawal from Singaporean

military bases within three years
1973 Singapore had world’s third largest oil refining
facilities
1975 Singapore was world’s third largest port
Singapore achieved zero population growth
1976 Government announced the Second Industrial

Revolution
1978 China’s Deng Xiaoping visited Singapore

xvi Timeline of Major Events
1979 Speak Mandarin Campaign launched
1981 PAP lost first parliamentary seat since 1966 to an

opposition party
1985 GDP and per capita income fell for first time since
independence
1986 Government announced new economic development

program
1989 Housing Development Board had built 835,000

apartments since 1960
1990 Port of Singapore achieved status of world’s busiest

port
Lee Kwan Yew stepped down; Goh Chok Tong became

prime minister
All political dissidents released from detention
1991 Shared Values Campaign began
1994 American teenager Michael Fay caned for vandalism
1997 Asian economic crisis put Singapore into second

recession
2001 Economy returned to recession
New economic development plan introduced
2001–2002 Islamic terrorists arrested in Singapore
2003 SARS outbreak
2004 Lee Hsien Loong became third prime minister
2007 Government announced plan to become an international

education and medical tourism hub
2008–2009 Recession from global financial crisis
2010 IMF predicted an 8.9 percent 2010 growth rate for

Singapore
Map of Singapore. (Courtesy of Bookcomp)
1
A Globalized City-State
Imagine a poverty-stricken country with people living packed

together in a slum along a river that doubles as a sewer. Now fast-
forward just a couple of decades and envision tourist boats on a river
against a backdrop of glass-faced skyscrapers sparkling in the tropical
sun. This is the journey of Singapore, from third world to first world.
Many people think immediately of China or India when they think of
rapid economic development through globalization, but Singapore
succeeded in moving from third world to first almost before China
even entered the race—and Singapore has come farther. One of the
Asian Tigers, together with Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan,
these economies became famous for their high economic growth rates
and rapid industrialization from the 1960s onward. They achieved this
through intensive participation in the global economy.
Many Westerners may think of harsh government practices or strict
societal order when they think of Singapore. This is due to high profile
events such as the 1994 caning (whipping with a flexible rattan cane) of
American teenager Michael Fay for vandalism, references in the media
to the fact that littering and chewing gum sales are illegal, and that
drinking or eating in the subway can merit a several-hundred-dollar fine.
2 The History of Singapore
However, when Singaporeans think of what it means to be Singaporean,

for many the national image is a globalized city-state, as embodied by the
slogan “Global City, World of Opportunities” used by Singapore 2006, a
major event launching the first Singapore Biennale. However, slogans
do not begin to capture the essence of this fascinating, colorful, diverse,
and globalized country. A slogan does not show the vivid yellow and
magenta blooms of the flower stalls in the Little India neighborhood or
tickle one’s nose with the incense drifting from the Buddhist temple
down the street. It does not begin to depict the towering skyscrapers of
the Central Business District that are filled with the names of corpora-
tions from all around the globe or the heat, noise, hustle, and smells of
a hawker center food court. During the lunch rush people savor Chinese,
Malay, Indian, Indonesian, European, or Japanese dishes reflecting the
amazing social diversity that is Singapore, a diversity that comes through
Singapore’s position at the leading edge of globalization.
At 269 square miles (just about three and a half times the size of
Washington, D.C.), Singapore is one of the smallest countries in the
world when measured by territory and has only 4.7 million people;
yet in terms of economics, it is a powerhouse with a 2009 gross domestic
product (GDP) ranking of 48 out of 227 countries.1 When analyzed on a
per capita basis, Singapore’s GDP status is even more impressive:
seventh in the world behind Lichtenstein, Qatar, Luxembourg,
Bermuda, Norway, and Kuwait.2 This is amazing wealth for a country
that in the 1960s was considered to be among the poorest, a part of the
less developed world. One might ask how Singapore accomplished this.
The short answer is globalization, defined as the increasing economic,
social, and political integration of countries and peoples. In 2009,
Singapore ranked first in the world for having the most globalized
economy and seventh in the world for social globalization.3
Globalization has been one of the strongest forces shaping
Singapore throughout its history. Its geographic location at the tip of
the Malay Peninsula in Southeast Asia, just a little over a 100 miles
north of the equator, placed it at a crossroads for trade, first regional,
then global. Almost everything about Singapore, from its people to
its languages and cuisine to its businesses and even its political
history, has been inseparable from globalization.
New York Times journalist Thomas Friedman wrote The World Is Flat,
a book in which he described globalization as having different phases,
Globalization 1.0, 2.0, and 3.0. Globalization 1.0 was the integration
brought by European colonization. Wealthy countries and their
governments drove this phase of globalization as they sought territory
and wealth to expand their power. Globalization 2.0 came later when
A Globalized City-State 3
multinational corporations began to drive global integration. This

phase began with the advent of corporations like the British East India
Company, which profoundly shaped Singapore for four crucial
decades in its history. The multinational corporations found motivation
in their search for markets, labor, and profits. While interrupted by
events such as World Wars I and II, corporate globalization was the
primary force in the world from 1800 until 2000. Globalization 3.0 is,
according to Friedman, a variation in which people are the driving
force, empowered by technology like the Internet to reach around the
globe. So where does Singapore fit into this? Singapore is globalization.
It was a global crossroads, a place where boundaries were broken down
through trade for hundreds of years before the Europeans arrived to
expand their imperial hold. It was later controlled by Britain in the
name of corporate globalization and is an outstanding example of
Globalization 2.0. After it gained independence in 1965, Singapore
learned to harness globalization, to become a center of global trade,
finance, shipping, and technology of a greater caliber than it had been
under British colonial control. With this harnessing of globalization,
Singapore expanded its wealth and its prominence. Thus, globalization
is the underlying theme for this examination of Singapore’s rich history.
Its small size has not left it on the sidelines. Its geographic position has
lent itself to trade and given Singapore a status across the centuries that
is uncommon for such a diminutive territory.
PEOPLE
Singapore’s population was formed by globalization, as people
came from other areas to engage in trade or work in trade-related busi-
nesses and industry in an economically vibrant location. Singapore’s
current population is predominantly (77%) of Chinese origin. This
group, however, also exhibits diversity, as the forebearers came from
different parts of China, bringing with them different dialects, foods,
and traditions. Today, the largest subgroup is Hokkien-speakers
descended from immigrants from the Fujian Province; the next largest
is Teochew-speakers, whose origins are in the northeastern part of
Guandong Province; and finally those speaking the Yue (Cantonese)
dialect who are descended from the Guangzhou area of the Guandong
Province. The next largest ethnic group at 14 percent is the indigenous
people of the region, the Malays.4 While the Malays may have been the
original inhabitants, the Chinese quickly outnumbered them. The next
largest ethnic group is Indian at 8 percent, who, like the Chinese, came
from different parts of India for economic opportunity and, thus, are
diverse within their community as well, although approximately two-

thirds are from Tamil areas in southern India and northern Sri Lanka.
The next two largest groups, each comprising about 8 percent of the
Indian community are Punjabis from Punjab in northern India and
Malayalis from Kerala State.5
The demographic composition is reflected in Singapore’s four
official languages of Chinese, English, Malay, and Tamil. Each of these
is widely spoken, with most people speaking at least two languages.
English, however, is the common language of business, government,
and increasingly everyday life. Unofficially, there is a Singaporean
Creole language, known as Singlish. It is English-based with the addi-
tion of some Malay and Hokkien words and grammar. The government
frowns on the language, declaring it incompatible with Singapore’s
image as a serious business center, and even began a Speak Good
English Movement to discourage the use of Singlish. Despite these
efforts, it remains very popular in television shows and local films,
although one (a comedy) received an adult rating in 2002 for containing
“excessive Singlish.”
Singapore’s immigrants also brought considerable religious diver-
sity. Buddhism and Taoism are most prevalent in the Chinese commu-
nity; Islam is the religion of almost everyone in the Malay community
and some in the Indian community; Hinduism is the most widely
practiced faith among Singaporean Indians; and a range of Christian
denominations are practiced by some Chinese and Indians. In recent
years Islam has come to be treated with caution due to the rising threat
from Islamic terrorism. Instead of cracking down on religious practice,
however, the government has worked with the Muslim community to
encourage religious harmony and to encourage the Muslim commu-
nity itself to limit extremism in religious education.
Despite the diversity within society, there is evidence that Singapore
is developing a common national identity, that people increasingly
identify themselves as Singaporean, rather than by their communal
group. This development was long hindered by the fact that immi-
grants typically did not come to Singapore with the intention of stay-
ing. Instead, they intended to work for a time and then return home,
thus retaining strong connections with their homeland. Later, leaders
planned for Singapore to merge with neighboring Malaysia, so many
people never expected Singapore to become an independent country
until it actually happened. It has taken time to overcome this history
and the societal divisions that separated the ethnic groups. The
Singaporean national identity is not a finished product, but it is emerg-
ing. The goal of the government after independence was expressed
by Foreign Minister Sinnathamby Rajaratnam, who thought that

Singaporeans would be people “rooted in the cultures of four great
civilizations but not belonging exclusively to any of them.”6 Despite
that, however, marriage rates between members of the different ethnic
communities are quite low; and even with government programs to
integrate housing, the communities have somewhat resegregated in
recent decades.
While Singapore has considerable diversity among its citizens, that
is only part of the story. The reality of globalization in Singapore is that
the country continues to draw people from around the world for work
and economic benefits. Singapore ranks fifteenth in the world for
migration into the country, thus Singapore’s diversity continues to
evolve.7 In fact, the 2000 census revealed that close to 20 percent of the
residents were non-citizens. 8 Singapore’s openness to the world’s
peoples is likely to continue, since the government sees immigration
as central to the country’s ongoing economic growth and the mitigation
of Singapore’s alarmingly low birthrate. Thus, Singapore is and will be a
global city-state.
GOVERNMENT
Singapore’s government is a parliamentary republic with a single
legislative body of 84 elected seats and up to nine appointed seats
intended to offer non-partisan voices in the parliament. The leader of
the strongest party in the Parliament is the prime minister, who with
the cabinet and the president comprises the executive branch. The
presidency was for decades a ceremonial role, but in 1991, the powers
of the office were expanded by constitutional amendment. It became
an elected position and the president gained veto power over some
financial matters, such as spending the national reserves, and also over
appointment to some official positions, including civil service and
government companies. These powers, however, are limited, and the
real power within the government rests with the prime minister.
While those are the constitutional arrangements, the dynamics of
political power play out somewhat differently due to Singapore’s
party politics. Although a variety of political parties exist, there is only
one, the People’s Action Party (PAP), that exercises power and has
done so with very little competition since 1959, even before Singapore
gained independence. The PAP controlled 100 percent of the seats in
the Parliament from 1966, when members of the opposition Barisan
Sosialis party resigned, until 1981, when one seat was lost to a Work-
ers’ Party member in a special election. Following the next general
election in 1984, the government enacted a new policy to guarantee the

opposition parties at least three seats in parliament, even if they won
fewer than three, so there could be at least some assurance of
opposition representation. However, since 1988, the government has
formed increasing numbers of “group representation constituencies”
(multiple representatives for each voting district) in place of a single
elected official representing a voting district. This group system involves
voting for parties rather than candidates, and the party that wins the
largest number of votes wins all the seats allotted to the electoral district.
This was introduced to improve minority representation in the
parliament since a certain level of minority representation is required
in the electoral groups, but there are allegations that this system has
made it more difficult for opposition parties to compete in elections.
Indeed, in the last several elections, there have been just two elected
opposition members of parliament, and thus far no opposition party
has won a group representation constituency. The PAP’s control of
Parliament, and thus of the executive branch, is exceedingly strong and
gives the party almost unlimited political power in Singapore.
The PAP also manages to dominate nongovernmental aspects of the
political system. Most community organizations are in some way
affiliated with the party. There are strict controls on local and
international media organizations. For instance, the Wall Street Journal
Asia and other organizations have been sued by government officials
for libel and defamation. The expansion of the internet poses opportu-
nities for greater freedom of speech, conforming to Friedman’s idea of
Globalization 3.0, but the Singaporean government has been a leader
among restrictive countries in limiting the ability of citizens to use
the Internet for opposition. Any Web site with “political intent” must
be registered with the government and several have closed down
under government pressure. At the same time, the administration
has been an innovator in using the Internet to make the government
more accessible to its citizens. The government portal, eCitizen, is a
one-stop connection for most government services. If someone needs a
pet license, eCitizen will provide the form, along with links to lists of
veterinarians, information on pet shops and animal welfare organiza-
tions, and education for pet owners. If someone wants to get married,
eCitizen offers links to “find your soulmate,” registration information
for civil or Muslim marriages, and advice to keep the marriage happy,
such as dealing with in-laws, financial management, communication,
parenthood, etc. This selective approach to political globalization is the
single weak point (albeit an important one) in Singapore’s status as a
globalization leader.
ECONOMY
Singapore has, as indicated above, a robust, capitalist economy.
Manufacturing and financial services are the most significant sec-
tors, with export of consumer electronics, computer products, and
pharmaceuticals leading the way. The United States, Malaysia,
China, Hong Kong, Japan, and Indonesia are Singapore’s most sig-
nificant trading partners. Like most advanced economies, it is
heavily vested in services (73%), with industry comprising only
27 percent of GDP. Although Singapore’s wealth is enormous, it
is not evenly distributed across members of the society. Singapore
ranks twenty-ninth worst in the world for income inequality, 9
despite having the second highest standard of living in Asia,
behind Japan.10
While Singapore has one of the most open economies in the world,
it is not an economy in which government is uninvolved. Indeed,
one factor that makes Singapore an inviting location for investment
is the high degree of stability afforded by the consistency and control
of government. The architect of Singapore’s economic development
strategy, Finance Minister Goh Keng Swee, argued that “The role of
government is pivotal. Non-economic factors . . . are more important
than economic variables.” 11 Singaporean economist Tilak Abey-
singhe refers to it as a “market driven guided economy,” in which
the government has a heavy presence through statutory boards, land
ownership, government holding companies, and government-linked
companies. One of the most noteworthy aspects of the government’s
management of the economy is its agile efforts to keep up with
global market leaders. Again and again, as global markets changed,
Singapore’s policy-makers shifted economic priorities to keep
Singapore competitive and its services marketable. Often this
involved financial incentives to businesses and major retraining
programs for the population. Recently, the government has targeted
new areas for expanding Singapore’s participation in the
knowledge-based economy, focusing on medical tourism because
excellent medical care is much less expensive than in the United States
and focusing on becoming an “education hub” for the world,
seeking to capitalize on its recent investments in improving higher
education by inviting international students to study in Singapore.
Another new and controversial economic undertaking, expected to
bring in billions of dollars per year by 2015, is casino gambling as
part of two integrated resort projects that the government hopes will
boost tourism.
SOCIETY AND CULTURE

For most of the country’s existence, Singapore’s people were self-
segregated into ethnic neighborhoods like Chinatown, Kampong
Glam for the Malay population, and Little India. The Chinese and
Indians lived in the most urban environments, and many Malays lived
in more rural, traditional villages. As the government began to
improve housing in the 1960s, this aspect of society was transformed.
Today, almost everyone lives in apartment housing, most of it
ethnically integrated, and most own their own apartments. Most of
the apartments are in high-rise buildings, as Singapore’s population
density is among the highest in the world.
With this improvement in housing, came improvements in infra-
structure. The government invested heavily in a Mass Rapid Transit
(MRT) system, which opened in 1987, involving a combination of
subway and above-ground trains that move people around the island
and among the new neighborhoods that developed with the housing
construction. The government has sought to limit the number of
automobiles to save Singapore from the problems of traffic congestion
that plague many major cities by requiring a Certificate of Entitlement in
order to purchase a car. People must bid on the limited number of
available certificates and pay high fees (such as a 41% tax to import a
car), which makes vehicle ownership prohibitive for most Singaporeans.
Public transit is the most accessible means of transportation for nearly
everyone. Other social improvements include nearly 100 percent literacy,
a healthy population, and a life expectancy that rivals other wealthy
countries. Political leaders viewed these improvements as necessary for
economic development; the country needed healthy, educated workers
with an infrastructure able to support participation in the global economy.
Due to the lack of land and the country’s rush to build office towers to
house its expanding business operations, most of the traditional appear-
ances of Singapore vanished decades ago, as older buildings were razed
after people resettled in improved housing. In the 1980s, a limited
conservation effort began and some “godowns” (warehouses) along the
Singapore River were preserved and converted into restaurants, night-
clubs, and other tourist attractions, and several other neighborhoods,
including the previously mentioned Chinatown, Kampong Glam, and
Little India, benefited from efforts to save some of the old “shophouses,”
a distinctive Singaporean form of architecture that combined businesses
on the lower levels with living and storage space on the upper levels.
In terms of culture, Singaporeans are hard working with a five-and-
a-half-day workweek (44 hours) being the norm. After work, people
tend to pursue two favorite activities, shopping and eating. As the

tourism industry expanded from the mid-1970s, large shopping
complexes were developed, leaving Singaporeans, as well as their
visitors, with almost unlimited shopping opportunities. The love of
shopping is so common that even Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong
commented that people’s lives would not be complete without it.
Singapore is also known as a “foodie nation,” with a high level of
general interest in anything related to food and eating. While there
are restaurants of many kinds, most Singaporeans eat at hawker
centers. Prior to the development of improved housing, average
people often did not have cooking facilities in the small accommoda-
tions they typically shared with other workers. To meet their need for
food, the practice of hawking developed, with people selling prepared
food from the streets. A hawker would typically specialize in just a
couple of dishes, reflecting of his culture of origin. As the Singaporean
government began to intervene in daily activities to improve public
health, it quickly turned to the sometimes unhygienic practices of the
hawkers. The government chose to ban street hawking, and instead
created countless hawker centers where the hawkers could sell their
goods from stalls with proper sanitation facilities in open-air food
courts. The hawker centers are an institution, with most Singaporeans
eating at least one meal a day in a hawker center, and oftentimes more.
The stalls in the hawker centers sell dishes from each of the ethnic
communities and, as globalization increased, so too did the array of
hawker center options, which today may include British fish and
chips, American hamburgers and fries, Japanese udon noodles, French
pastries, etc. There is typically at least one hawker center in each
housing development, and they are also scattered around the central
business district, so most people live their lives only a short walk from
a rich array of affordable foods. Many hawkers still specialize in just a
few items, and sometimes they use recipes that have been handed
down through generations of hawker families. The hawker culture
is taken seriously enough that Singapore’s premier dining guide,
Makansutra, includes hawker stalls in its rankings, with some hawkers
gaining the publication’s highest rating of “die die must try!”
This cultural focus on shopping and eating, along with the govern-
ment’s belief that a global city-state should have certain amenities,
may have created concern among some public officials that Singapore
lacked adequate high culture. Thus, in recent years, Singapore has
invested greatly in the arts. The most obvious indicator of this is the
new performing arts center, Esplanade—Theatres on the Bay, which
features performers from around the world. There is a month-long
Singapore Arts Festival, which is the country’s largest annual cultural

event. There is also encouragement for a local arts scene, but some
artists feel constrained by the censorship of Singapore’s “out-of-
bounds markers,” which are topics that, in the eyes of the government,
are too sensitive for public discussion, including race relations, religion,
and politics. The government invested in museums, including the Asian
Civilizations Museum with an extensive art collection, and Cultural
Heritage Centers reflecting each of the ethnic communities.
Overall, Singapore is a conservative country. The government has a
large role in shaping public and even private life with the expectations
of proper behavior and decorum. It strictly prohibits pornography;
even Cosmopolitan magazine was banned until the 1990s. Homosexual
activities are still criminal, although there are increasing public, and
even government, discussions questioning the policy. Promiscuity of
any sort is unwelcome. Alcoholic beverages taxes are extremely high
to discourage alcohol consumption. Drug traffickers, such as people
possessing more than a half an ounce of heroin or an ounce of cocaine,
are subject to public hanging. Some elected officials found distasteful
the government’s recent decision to create casino gambling, and the
issue unleashed furious public debates as it drew opposition from many
in society. Government rhetoric often contrasts Singaporean values with
those of the selfish, decadent West, where crime, divorce, drug use, and
other social problems are portrayed as rampant and adds to cautionary
tales about such developments not being welcome in Singapore. Lead-
ers heavily promote family values that help maintain the conservative
orientation of society. In this respect, Singapore is being shielded from
some aspects of cultural globalization, although there are pressures
pushing at those limits.
If globalization is considered to be increasing interaction and
decreasing barriers among different peoples, economies, and political
systems, the following chapters make evident that Singapore has
experienced these forces since the beginning. Initially, it was a small
port in a mostly regional trade network of Southeast Asia, with some
connections extending as far as China and the Middle East. It came
under the influence of different regional kingdoms or sultanates, as
different empires rose and fell. Once Europeans began colonizing the
region, Singapore and its affiliated sultanates struggled to cope with
this new challenge and eventually came under the authority of the
British trading empire, the English East India Company. Some decades
later, the British Crown assumed direct control, although Singapore’s
role in Britain’s global trading network changed little. Globalization
was interrupted by World War II and Singapore’s role shifted, in part,
from a trading port to the bastion of defense for Britain’s colonial inter-
ests in the Asia-Pacific. The war proved to be one of the most painful
episodes of Singapore’s history as the people suffered greatly under
Japanese occupation. After the war, Singapore moved slowly toward
independence and local political leaders, gradually gaining governing
authority from the British Crown, set Singapore’s course for the future.
They recognized that a tiny island with no natural resources and a small
population had to fully exploit the few resources it possessed: a
strategic position at a global crossroads of trade and a hardworking
citizenry. These were the factors that facilitated Singapore’s rise to one
of the wealthiest countries in the world. Globalization has been at the
center of this—and appears to be set to continue shaping Singapore into
the future.
NOTES
1. Central Intelligence Agency, “The World Factbook: Country Comparisons-
GDP (Purchasing Power Parity),” Central Intelligence Agency, https://
www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2001rank
.html.
2. Central Intelligence Agency, “The World Factbook: Country Comparisons-
GDP-per capita (PPP),” Central Intelligence Agency, https://www.cia.gov/
library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2004rank.html.
3. Axel Dreher, “KOF Index of Globalization,” Swiss Federal Institute of
Technology Zurich, http://globalization.kof.ethz.ch/.
4. Federal Research Division, “Country Profile: Singapore,” Library of
Congress, http://memory.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/Singapore.pdf.
5. Zafar Anjum, “Indians Roar in the Lion City,” Little India, November 12,
2005, http://www.littleindia.com/news/123/ARTICLE/1267/2005-11-12.html.
6. C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 1819–1988, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1989), 292.
7. Central Intelligence Agency, “The World Factbook: Singapore,” Central
Intelligence Agency, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world
-factbook/geos/sn.html.
8. Brenda S. A. Yeoh, “Singapore: Hungry for Foreign Workers at All Skill
Levels,” Migration Information Source, http://www.migrationinformation.org/
Profiles/display.cfm?ID=570.
9. Central Intelligence Agency, “The World Factbook: Singapore,” Central
Intelligence Agency, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world
-factbook/geos/sn.html.
10. Federal Research Division, “Country Profile: Singapore,” Library of
Congress, http://memory.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/Singapore.pdf.
11. Quoted in Tilak Abeysinghe, “Singapore: Economy,” in The Far East and
Australasia, 39th ed., edited by Lynn Daniel (London: Europa Publications,
Routledge, 2008), http://courses.nus.edu.sg/course/ecstabey/Singapore%
20Economy-Tilak.pdf.
2
Pre-Colonial Singapore:
Temasek, Dragon’s Tooth Gate,
and Singapura, 100–1819
The early history of Singapore has very limited documentation. What

is known is pieced together from various sources, including legend, a
semi-historical document known as the Malay Annals, archeological
evidence, records from early Chinese traders, and later documents
from European colonial seafarers. It is only after Singapore became a
British holding that the historical record becomes clearer. However,
the evidence that exists makes it clear that human inhabitation of
Singapore started centuries earlier. Its early existence and its position
then was a function of what has shaped Singapore throughout its
history and indeed still today: Singapore’s geographic position at a cross-
roads for trade and the resulting struggles between different regional and
global powers to advance their positions through Singapore. Indeed,
globalization informed Singapore’s entire existence from its earliest days
to the present, first in its advantageous position along the Maritime Silk
Road, a major oceanic trade route dating back to the first millennium
between East and Southeast Asia, India, the Middle East, and eventually
Europe, what many scholars consider to be an early form of globalization
to the intense international interconnectedness that has made Singapore
the global city-state that it is today.
The early history of Singapore is, in essence, a regional history,
pieced together from a variety of sources of varying degrees of accu-
racy and credibility. For example, a portion of the historical account
is based on the Malay Annals, a history of the Malay nobility with roots
in Singapore that was written on the command of Malay Sultan
Mahmud Shah in the fifteenth century and prior to that was preserved
via oral tradition, with storytellers passing the history of the commu-
nity from one generation to the next. What one sees in reading the
Malay Annals is a semi-mythological history rather than a literal
account. The Annals were intended to be a record of the descent of
the rulers, along with court customs and ceremonies, at a time when
Malay control of the region was facing challenge by European colonial
incursion. Probably motivated by an effort to aggrandize their past
leaders, even to the point of suggesting a divine heritage, storytellers
gave, in some cases, superhuman accounts of events and people.
While it would be easy to dismiss such accounts, various aspects of
the tales are corroborated by credible sources so these stories merit at
least some consideration.
SRIVIJAYAN EMPIRE, 100–1000 C.E.

The context for the settlement of Singapore has its roots in the
advantageous position and role eked out by the Srivijayan Empire,
which was prominent in the region for most of the first millennium.
Power and influence in the region at that time were based less on
control of land, as one typically sees as a mark of power, but rather
control of and access to people. A ruler with greater human resources
was able to grow food, create various products, and engage in other
activities that provided wealth and status. Because of this focus on
human resources, conflicts between groups and approaches to protect-
ing resources were different than one would find in a land-focused
society. Land was plentiful, but people were not; so rather than fight-
ing to defend land, leaders were much more likely to simply move
their people if they came under pressure or attack from a rival group.
It was much easier to create a new settlement and to clear more land
for farming than to find new groups of people to become workers.
Thus, cities and other population centers were much less fixed
than in other parts of the world, such as ancient Greece, Egypt,
Pre-Colonial Singapore 15
Map showing Southeast Asia. Singapore is located at the southern tip of the Malay
Peninsula. (Adapted from The World Factbook 2009. Washington, D.C.: Central
Intelligence Agency, 2009. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world
-factbook/index.html)
Mesopotamia, or China. There are few fixed monuments or defensive

structures for archeologists to study because the population of South-
east Asia was too transient.
The primary activity for accumulating wealth and power was
control of trade, which the geography in Southeast Asia made very
easy. Trade between China and India transited through the various
archipelagos that comprise Southeast Asia, with one of the most
strategic bottlenecks for controlling trade being the Strait of Melaka,
the southern entry to which lies about 18 miles west of Singapore. The
Srivijayan Empire, which lasted from 100 to 1000 C.E., established
control over much of this area and its critical trade routes. The Empire’s
capital was at Palembang on the island of Sumatra in Indonesia and this
served as the Empire’s primary base for centuries, although there is also
some evidence from Chinese traders that another administrative center
existed farther to the north. Between these two centers, the Srivijayan
leaders controlled shipping, significantly aided by their control of local
peoples, particularly the Orang Laut (Malay for sea people), expert
seamen who provided a military-like force for the leaders.
Ships had to traverse these waters for trade, but the region was
known as a dangerous place because of vicious pirate attacks, including
attacks by the Orang Laut. The Orang Laut would sometimes trade, but
often would surround ships in hundreds of small boats and attack for
days. If the winds were favorable, the ships could sometimes escape
but often not. The problem was so severe that some traders resorted to
avoiding the Strait of Melaka and instead offloading goods from ships,
transporting the goods overland across a narrow part of the Malay
Peninsula, and then reloading them on another ship to continue on to
India or China. This, however, was slow and inefficient compared to
simply sailing a single ship around the Malay Peninsula through the
Strait of Melaka. The Srivijayan leaders coopted some of the Orang Laut
groups, turning them into followers and their boats into something of a
naval fleet. This controlled the piracy problem to a sufficient degree so
that sailing through the Strait of Melaka became the preferred route
for the maritime trade.
With the support of the Orang Laut, Srivijayan leaders forced ships
sailing between China and India to stop at the Srivijayan ports where
captains were forced to pay duties, thereby increasing the wealth of
the Empire. Archeological evidence suggests Orang Laut activity on
Karimun Island, located west of Singapore in the middle of the
southern mouth of the Strait. This activity is noteworthy, as it would
be difficult to enter or exit the Strait without being noticed from a
cliff-top position on the island. A later Chinese writer noted that if a
ship did not stop at the required port, it might be set on by an armed
group, presumably the Orang Laut, and the crew would be killed.
Thus, the motivation to visit Srivijayan ports and pay their duties
was high.
There is some evidence of diplomatic significance of Singapore,
known as Temasek, in the seventh century, primarily as a meeting
point of traders, rather than as a port. There is a tale that a Srivijanan
ruler, Chulan, had become angered with the emperor of China and
was planning an attack. Hearing of this, the Chinese emperor sent a

ship of old men and trees to meet the Srivijayan ruler. The Chinese
sailors told Chulan that they had been underway since they were
young men and the trees had grown from seedlings and they had
grown old during the very long voyage. Deciding that China was
too distant to attack, Chulan gave up. Supposedly, this meeting took
place where ships from India and China would regularly meet, at
Temasek.
The Srivijayan Empire was at a point of great prosperity and power
when, in 1025, disaster struck. A group from the Chola kingdom in
southern India launched a raid and kidnapped the Srivijayan leader.
No one heard from him again, and he presumably died in captivity.
This event marked the demise of the Empire and a sharp turn for the
control of the trade route. For the next century, Tamil trading compa-
nies from southern India dominated the Straits region, although the
domination was weaker than the control of the Srivijayan Empire.
With time, the regional trading center shifted from the old Srivijayan
capital of Palambang to another trade center on the island of Sumatra,
Jambi, which was the center of another kingdom, Malayu. The rise of
this group of traders set some developments in motion that would
eventually have significant impacts on Singapore and the region.
In particular, the Malayu had a history of engagement with China,
even before the rise of Srivijaya, primarily in the areas of trade and
diplomacy, and thus there was a well-established connection with
China in the region. About the same time as south Indian influence
waned, domestic concerns in China created a context in which the con-
nection with the Malayu would become more important. China in the
Song Dynasty came under significant pressure from the Mongols to
the degree that the northern Song capital fell in 1126 and was relocated
southward, creating a more prominent role in the empire for the
southern Chinese. The Mongol pressure continued and Chinese lead-
ers, motivated by the desire for better trade routes and for money to
fund their defensive efforts, relaxed existing rules that restricted con-
tact between Chinese citizens and foreigners. This made it much easier
for people from southern China to initiate trade voyages resulting in
settlements of Chinese people in the area of the Strait of Melaka.
The development of Chinese trade settlements in the region had
several lasting effects. First, as previously noted, the earlier norm
was to relocate settlements as political fortunes and strategic pressures
changed, but the Chinese settlements had loyalties to leaders who
were not local, thus shifting that historical dynamic. Moreover, the loy-
alties of the Chinese merchants to a more distant major power left
them less vulnerable to the manipulations of local leaders and, thus,

the very restrictive port-usage requirements that led to accumulated
wealth and power for the Srivijayan Empire could not be replicated.
This led to the proliferation of larger numbers of ports, rather than just
a couple of monopolistic ports.
ANCIENT SINGAPORE, 1299–1398

The rise of Singapore’s early prominence came in the late 1200s. The
history of the establishment of Singapore as an important center is
problematic in its details, as the mythicized history of the Malay Annals
is the basis for accounts of its founding, the succession of leaders, and
its decline. The legend claims that there was a prince, Sang Nila
Utama, who was perhaps the product of a union between an adven-
turer king and the princess of an underwater kingdom or a descendant
of a union of Alexander the Great with an Indian princess. In a myth-
ical story, the prince and his two brothers were each given territory,
and Sang Nila Utama became rajah of Palembang. Palembang became
prosperous under Sang Nila Utama’s rule, but he had inherited his
father’s adventurous nature and decided to set out on a voyage to seek
a location to found a new city.
First he went to Bintan, an island just southeast of Singapore, where
the queen, Sakidar Shah, took a liking to him, adopted him, and
named him her successor. Sang Nila Utama’s time with the queen is
significant, as she is allegedly the source of musical instruments that
became tokens of nobility for later Malay rulers. That she was from
Bintan Island likewise gave Bintan special significance in the following
centuries. However, Sang Nila Utama again became bored with court
life and set out again, this time to go hunting. He landed and hunted
on one island, then when done, was taken by the view of an island
some distance away, called Temasek. He sailed there and was disap-
pointed to find very poor hunting, with only small animals and birds.
Suddenly, a huge animal appeared and then disappeared again. His
ministers informed him of an ancient lion that had a similar appear-
ance. He decided that location would be a good one to establish his
new city; and he named the location Singapura, or lion town, in honor
of the lion. Sang Nila Utama set up his kingdom there, and what today
is known as Fort Canning Hill became the royal residence. Sang Nila
Utama was also known as Sri Tri Buana, a name which indicates he
was ruler of three lands, probably Java, Sumatra, and Temasek. The
oral record indicates that Sri Tri Buana, along with his ministers, was
buried on the hill near the residence.
The Malay Annals do not include dates, but tracing the succession of
Sang Nila Utama’s descendents and dates surrounding events during
their reigns suggests the establishment of the new settlement took place
in 1299. The next four descendents of Sang Nila Utama maintained their
base at Singapore until misfortune befell the last of them, and the capital
at Singapore was abandoned in the 1390s.
It is clear from the archeological record, however, that Singapore
was an important place during that century of noble presence.
Uniquely, these early Singaporeans constructed a wall of significant
size; scholars have found no evidence of similar structures elsewhere
in the region. While there is no clear evidence of the original intent, it
is thought that the wall was a defensive barrier. One might expect that
Singaporeans would be concerned about attack from the sea and that
they might build a fortification to protect from that risk. However,
due to its location, scholars speculate that the wall served as a defense
from a land-based invasion and that the residents must have had
sufficient confidence in their naval prowess to fend off a frontal
sea-based assault. Further, the investment in a large, immovable
structure in an area where traditionally groups relocated to contend
with threats suggests early Singaporeans considered this position to
be uncommonly promising as a port.
In addition, British colonists found evidence of structures built on
what is now Fort Canning Hill, along with evidence of fruit orchards
and terraces. Since ancient times in Southeast Asia, hills and moun-
tains were associated with kingship and divinity. Thus, the hill that
was only a little over a mile from the mouth of the Singapore River
would be a logical place for the ruler to establish his residence, as
suggested in the legends of the Malay Annals. The local lore when the
British arrived in the early 1800s also supported the idea of a royal
residence, with local people expressing unwillingness to go up on the
hill, known to them as the Forbidden Hill, as it was the site of spirits.
The Englishman credited with establishing Singapore as a British
colony centuries later, Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, wrote in a letter
that if he died in Singapore and were buried on the hill, he would in
death “have the honour of mixing with those of ashes of Malayan
kings . . .”1 During excavations for a reservoir in the 1920s, items of
gold jewelry were found, including rings, earrings, an arm band, and
what was likely a head ornament. Certainly these items would much
more likely have been the possessions of a royal person than common
people. Excavations by archeologists in recent decades have found the
remains of various ceramics, porcelain, and other objects at three
different locations around the Singapore River and Fort Canning Hill.
The Fort Canning Hill remains were of a higher quality than the
others, offering further evidence that it was the residence of elites, as
the old legends suggested.
The records strongly support the notion that Singapore was a political
center in the 1300s, but its real power and fame was due to its role as a
port. Fourteenth century Singapore seems to fit at least in part the
definition of a port of trade in which trade is less a function of the
economy and more a function of government policy; thus trading would
have been highly structured and institutionalized, with government
agents playing key roles in port activities. Reports from Portuguese
traders, in particular, suggest that Singapore operated in such a manner.
Traders’ reports from various countries also indicate that Singapore was
a point of exchange, rather than a source for goods. Local products were
limited in type and were widely regarded to be of low quality. Chinese
traders reported that there were few agricultural products due to poor
soil. Local trade items were tin, hornbill casques (an ivory-like part of
the hornbill bird, which was valued for carved ornaments), some
wooden items, and cotton. Commonly traded products included a
variety of fabrics (cottons and satins), iron rods, iron pots, and porce-
lains. The increase in activities by Chinese traders seems especially
significant for Singapore and its trade. Various traders reported that, by
this time, there was a permanent Chinese settlement in Singapore living
peaceably with the indigenous population. This could have made the
port especially comfortable and desirable for Chinese traders. Still, it is
also clear from the reports of traders that pirate activities once again
threatened ships. One of the best-known commentators of the time was
Chinese merchant Wang Dayuan, who described the risks,
When junks [Chinese boats] sail to the Western Ocean the local bar-
barians allow them to pass unmolested but when on their return
the junks reach Ji-li-men [an island in the mouth of the Melaka
Strait], the sailors prepare their armour and padded screens as a
protection against arrows for, of a certainty, some two or three hun-
dred pirate prahus [small boats] will put out to attack them for sev-
eral days. Sometimes [the junks] are fortunate enough to escape
with a favouring wind; otherwise the crews are butchered and the
merchandise made off with in quick time.2
An early nineteenth century Malay author, Abdullah Munshi, indi-

cated that the lore of Singaporean pirates was still strongly present at
that time. He gave a grisly description of pirate activities, indicating that
once a ship was taken, the pirates would bring it back to Singapore
where they would kill the crew and either divide the spoils among
themselves or fight each other to the death to gain the spoils. The
description continues to describe the shores of what is now Sentosa
Island as having “hundreds of human skulls rolling about on the sand;
some old, some new, others with hair sticking to them, some with the
teeth filed and others without.” 3 While the lore may have been
enhanced by passing time, the similarities to Wang’s contemporaneous
account corroborates Wang’s account of the brutality and butchery that
could befall traders in Singapore’s waters where the locals were, in
Wang’s words, “addicted to piracy.”4
While there were clear descriptions of the risks of trading in
Singapore, it is nevertheless noteworthy the frequency with which
traders of the time referred to Temasek in their writings. Wang’s
descriptions were of the area called the Dragon’s Tooth Strait, thought
by some scholars to refer to rock formations that, prior to their destruc-
tion, sat at the western entrance of what is today known as Keppel
Harbour. Other scholars speculate that the Dragon’s Tooth Strait was
what is now known as the Singapore Main Strait, about 10 miles south
of Singapore. Either way, evidence indicates that this area was in the
immediate vicinity of Singapore and that fourteenth-century referen-
ces to the Dragon’s Tooth Strait referred to the port of Singapore. There
was also a reference to Temasek in a memorial written in honor of a
Vietnamese prince, who was said to be able to translate for Malay
emissaries from Temasek. Further, a Javanese poem of the time also
refers to Temasek. With such a variety of references to Temasek,
ranging geographically from China to Vietnam to Java, it is clear that
Singapore was known for its importance as a port well beyond vicinity
of modern day Indonesia or Malaysia.
Scholars have found that Singapore’s rise as a trade-post developed
concurrently with other major developments in world trade of the
time. While China may have been feeling pressured by the power of
the Mongol Empire, elsewhere the power of the Mongols was having
a broader positive effect. Called the Pax Mongolica or Mongolian
Peace, the Mongol influence over both the overland and maritime Silk
Roads provided a context in which a new global trading system could
develop. Previously, shipping occurred on long-distance routes from
the Far East to India or even further west to the Arabian Peninsula,
which was relatively costly, risky, and time-consuming. However, the
new trading system involved the division of the Maritime Silk Road
into three segments: an Indian Ocean sector linking the Gulf of Aden
and the Strait of Hormuz-based Arab traders to India, a Bay of Bengal
sector linking the Indian ports with the Strait of Melaka and its
associated ports (including Singapore), and a South China Sea sector

linking Southeast Asia with southern China.
Much of this shift in trade patterns came about through the develop-
ment of an Islamic-based institutional structure developed by Arab
traders who began trading on the Maritime Silk Road as early as the
seventh century. This institutional structure provided a system for
raising capital, establishing credit, transporting and storing goods,
resolving disputes, and providing information about supply and
demand and other factors that would promote trade. The formalized
structure assisted with the development of trust and confidence that
obligations would be met by trading partners. This trust permitted
the subdivision of the trade route, creating interdependence among
traders. The gradual expansion of Islam that in part accompanied this
trade also facilitated the adoption of this Islamic trading system. The
Islamic, north-India-based Mughal Empire left its mark on the Indian
Subcontinent and Islam spread to Southeast Asia as well, with major-
ity Islamic populations still seen today in Malaysia and Indonesia.
Singapore’s growth as a significant port occurred at the time of this
shift in global trading norms. Instead of one group of traders
attempting to cover the entire Maritime Silk Road, more exchange
happened with different trade groups covering different segments
of the route. While the Islamic trading system seems to have been of
fundamental global importance, it should be noted that the common-
alities of Buddhism provided similar benefits of trust and confidence
to other traders. The Srivijayan Empire was, in fact, a major Buddhist
center and this seems to have assisted with Singapore’s eventual
ascent to prominence due to its founder coming from the Srivijayan
center of Palembang.
This era of Singapore’s history lasted through five rulers, according
to the Malay Annals, or a period of about 100 years. However, while
Singapore clearly prospered in its role as a port, this period of
growth and rise to prominence was not untroubled. There were
several larger, expansionist kingdoms in the region that prompted
early Singaporeans to exercise awareness and caution. One of these,
posing a threat from the north, was a Thai kingdom. The other, pressing
from the south, was the Majapahit Empire based in Java. These concerns
may have motivated Singaporeans to construct the previously
mentioned fortification wall, indicating Singapore’s promise and
prominence. The precise relationship between Singapore and these
two regional powers is unclear, but there are suggestions of Singapore
having the status of vassal state to both the Majapahit Empire and the Thai
kingdom.
The Malay Annals contain a legend of a Majapahit siege that was

perhaps provoked by a Singaporean ruler not providing the proper
respect and tributes that would have been due the overlord of a vassal
state. At the time, Singapore’s defenses included not only the fortified
earthen wall but also a stockade-type structure made of wood. The
Singaporeans withstood this initial Majapahit attack, but that did not
remain the case.
There are a wider range of sources detailing accounts of a second
Majapahit attack on Singapore, although the accounts vary somewhat.
The Malay Annals indicate that Sri Sultan Iksander Shah, the fourth son
of Sang Nila Utama and the fifth ruler of Singapore, had heard
unpleasant rumors about his mistress, so he shamed her publicly.
Her father, a treasury officer, was enraged by the public shaming and
for revenge betrayed the ruler to the Majapahit by leaving open a gate
to the fortified city. This enabled a subsequent Majapahit attack,
with allegedly thousands of Majapahit landing on the beaches and
storming the city once the gate was opened. While dates are uncertain,
there are indications that this occurred in 1378. Some Singaporeans
may have fled into the jungle, surviving the Majapahit attack and
trying to rebuild afterward. However, these efforts, according to some
accounts, came to nothing due to a threat from the Thai kingdom to the
north. The Thais allegedly attacked and left the city a dependency
until invading again in 1391, killing the ruler they had earlier put in
place and completely destroying the city. Another account, written
by the son of a Portuguese viceroy who led conquests in the region in
the early 1500s, reported that the fifth ruler of Singapore was a usurper
from Palembang named Parmeswara, who came to Singapore and
shortly thereafter killed his host, the fourth ruler, and became the ruler
for eight years. The brother of the assassinated leader was the ruler of
Patani, part of an island southeast of the Philippines. He drove out
Parmeswara with the support of the local people who never offered
their trust or loyalty to the man who assumed power by murdering
their leader. Another account by European colonists was very similar
and written about the same time, but indicated that Parmeswara was
driven out by the king of Siam (Thailand), who was the father-in-law
of the murdered king of Singapore. Yet another account by colonial
writers suggests that Singapore was under the authority of the
Kingdom of Pahang on the Malay Peninsula, whose leader was a rela-
tive of the Singapore harbor master. Parmeswara killed the harbor
master, provoking an assault on Singapore. Yet another colonial writer
offered an account mirroring that of the Malay Annals. A final account
indicates that Parmeswara was expelled from Palembang for some
reason and then spent the next six years, from 1391 or 1392 to 1397 or
1398, ruling Singapore. While the details of the events cannot be
known with certainty, it seems likely that Singapore was a vassal state
of either the Majapahit or Thailand or perhaps both at different times.
In addition to the more widely reported Majapahit attack on
Singapore, the Chinese merchant Wang also reported an unsuccessful
attack by Thai armies in the mid- to late 1340s. Further, while the
accounts of that fifth ruler’s ascension to the throne and the sources
of conflict within his reign vary, there is a reasonable amount of
consensus that at the end of his ruling period of six to eight years,
Parmeswara was either forced out of Singapore or was compelled to flee.
KINGDOM OF MELAKA, 1398–1511

Parmeswara’s departure marks a significant change in Singapore’s
fortunes and its future course. He did not flee and disappear into
obscurity, though. Instead, he established a new kingdom slightly
north of Singapore along the Melaka River (now western Malaysia)
before he died in 1411. This Kingdom of Melaka became an important
regional power and trade port, completely eclipsing Singapore and
leaving Singapore to fade into relative obscurity, with only occasional
mentions in the historical record after its decline.
While the Majapahit Empire seems to have conquered Singapore, its
practice was not simply to take control of a territory and govern it as
its own. Instead, the Majapahits raided a city, looted the wealth,
enslaved the population, and burned any structures still standing. In
this context, it is not surprising that Singapore did not exist as a
port to rival Melaka once Parmeswara fled, as there was likely little
remaining. The little that may have remained ultimately would
have been under the authority of the Melakan ruler. A reference to
Temasek in the writings of Chinese Admiral Zheng He notes his
passage through the Dragon’s Tooth Strait in the early 1420s. Arche-
ologists have also found shards of pottery from various parts of
Southeast Asia, specifically Thailand, Myanmar, and Vietnam, that
date from the century after Parmeswara’s flight. Such items indicate
human activities near the mouth of the Singapore River but not on
the royal ground of Fort Canning Hill, providing further evidence
that Singapore was not completely abandoned after the elites left
and that trade activities were ongoing, if less prominent. Similar
evidence from later centuries is also present along the Kallang
Estuary, not too far from the Singapore River. Thus, after the departure
of Parmeswara, there was a serious decline in the political and
economic stature of Singapore, but not a complete abandonment of

this once-significant port.
The subsequent years saw an increase in piracy in the area, and it
seems the leader of Melaka was able to establish the city as an impor-
tant port because he offered protection from the pirates and a conven-
ient location in the Strait of Melaka to provision ships. Chinese
imperial records indicate that Parmeswara was a prominent leader.
A Chinese delegation was sent to Melaka as early as 1401; and in
1405, Parmeswara returned to China with the delegation, was
presented at court, and sought and received diplomatic recognition
from China. He also offered Melaka as a base for China’s fleets under
Admiral Zheng He. This connection with China provided Melaka with
certain benefits, including patronage from China and a measure of
protection that would be associated with such patronage. Anyone
seeking to interfere with Melaka’s trade would know that he was also
interfering with the interests of a much larger power, China. Parmes-
wara’s successor, perhaps strategically, converted to Islam, which
included Melaka in the Islamic trading system, making this a desirable
port of call to still more traders. This connection to the Islamic traders
who dominated the Maritime Silk Road was important to Melaka
because it was this trading network that met European demand for
Asian products. Wealth followed, as Melakan rulers insisted that ships
call at the port. To better control shipping in the Strait, leading both to
greater security for the shipping and increased wealth, the Melakan
rulers expanded their territorial control from the eastern side of the
Strait (the Malay Peninsula) to the western side of the Strait (the island
of Sumatra) and increased their naval power by tapping into the tradi-
tional alliances like that with the Orang Laut. However, this new power
center proved to be relatively short-lived due to external challenges of
a fundamentally different nature that would also change the fate of
Singapore and the region.
Rather than facing regional challenges, the European colonial powers
made their presence felt in Southeast Asia, first the Portuguese, then the
Dutch, and finally the English. In 1488, Portuguese seafarer Bartolomeu
Diaz was the first European to encounter southern Africa’s Cape of
Good Hope. In 1497, fellow Portuguese explorer, Vasco de Gama
built on Diaz’s success and sailed around the Cape of Good Hope,
demonstrating to Europeans that India and access to the trade riches
that lay beyond it could be reached by circumnavigating Africa. This
opened the door for a flood of European traders seeking the wealth
via the Maritime Silk Road. In 1502, Portuguese Admiral Alfonso
de Albuquerque set sail for India. He was appointed viceroy of the
Portuguese Indies and went on to capture the Indian city of Goa, mak-
ing it the capital of Portugal’s eastern interests. From Goa, he traveled
further east for more conquest. By 1511, he had set his sights on Melaka
because of its significance as a regional trading center. The Portuguese
fleet was well-armed; the Melakans were not. The battle for Melaka
reportedly lasted for days, but while the Melakans possessed a few fire
arms, they mostly relied on bows and arrows, spears, and other
primitive weapons, whereas the Portuguese had heavy arms and armor.
The Portuguese took control of the Strait and the port city and built a
stone fortress to protect their interests. Like the Melakan rulers, they
charged duties for passing through the Strait, which they controlled
for the next 100 years.
KINGDOM OF JOHOR, 1511–1699

The defeated Melakan sultan, Mahmud, decided to reestablish a
settlement in a different location and selected a place on the Johor
River, which flows in to the Johor Strait, the small body of water
separating Singapore from peninsular Malaysia. He then moved his
capital to the island of Bintan, just to the southeast of Singapore and
the Malay Peninsula in what is today Indonesia, but this settlement
was attacked repeatedly by the Portuguese and ultimately destroyed
in 1526. However, Bintan was significant because it provided a connec-
tion to the historical source of noble authority from Queen Sakidar
Shah and the founding of Singapore by Sang Nila Utama. Since the
Portuguese made a successful settlement at Bintan impossible, Sultan
Mahmud relocated again, to Kampar on the island of Sumatra, where
he died two years later. His successor, Ala-ud-din, attempted to estab-
lish his administrative capital on the Johor River and built a protective
fort a few miles downstream. The following decades saw repeated
battles with the Portuguese, which the Johor forces repulsed with
some success, although Ala-ud-din eventually made a peace agree-
ment with the Portuguese. Despite the defeat to the Portuguese and
the repeated relocations of the capital shortly thereafter, Johor became
an important actor in the region.
The primary power shifted from Melaka to Johor, but Singapore still
merited mention in the writings of maritime traders of the time. Johor
is in the immediate vicinity of Singapore but far enough away to offer
different port opportunities. There are reports that, following the
defeat of Melaka by the Portuguese, a Melakan admiral established
operations in Singapore. Tomé Pires, a Portuguese trader and author
of Suma Oriental, a primary source about the maritime trade routes of

the time, reported in 1515 that the inhabitants of the Singapore channel
area lived in a few unimportant villages. He referred to Singapore as a
“kingdom,” but one with very little territory. Pires also noted that
Chinese merchants still called at Singapore, a fact supported by archeo-
logical findings of sixteenth century Chinese porcelain fragments
around the Kallang Estuary, reflecting activity in Singapore in a
different location from the earlier trading venue. Another Portuguese
writer, Joe de Lisboa, reported in 1526 that a town in Singapore had
been destroyed by the Portuguese. Reports from the late 1500s continue
to mention Singapore, as well, and both Portuguese and Dutch
documents from the early 1600s mention the presence of a harbor master,
which is a person of great significance in the Malay royal establishment.
The harbor master would not only collect taxes from foreign merchant
ships entering the harbor but also control most other aspects of harbor
life, such as transporting and warehousing goods and deciding where
foreign merchants could live. The fact that Singapore had a harbor master
at this time indicates that it was still an active port for international
shipping. Thus, as global shipping and trade entered a different phase
with the emergence of important European powers in the region,
Singapore continued to be tied to the trade networks that comprised the
globalization of that age.
Regional conflict came to the fore again, as relative shifts in power
among groups led to strained relations. Officials from Portugal and
Johor had established a working relationship but toward the middle
of the 1500s, Aceh, a Sumatra-based kingdom, was an ascendant and
expansionist power. Given its location at the northern end of the Strait
of Melaka, tensions with the Portuguese over control of shipping
increased, as did tensions with Johor over rival claims to be the legiti-
mate successors to the Srivijayan Empire. The tensions culminated in a
naval battle between the Portuguese and Acehnese in 1577 just off the
coast of Changi, Singapore. The Johor-Portuguese cooperation broke
down in the 1580s over trade-related disagreements, and Johor
besieged Portuguese-controlled Melaka in 1586–1587. In the context
of these strained relations, Johor was attacked in the mid- to late
sixteenth century and into the seventeenth century by both the
Portuguese and the Acehnese, including the burning of Singapore in
1613 by the Portuguese, since Singapore was connected to Johor
through its Melakan heritage and Singaporean heritage before Melaka.
As an indicator of shifting alliances, Johor and Aceh teamed up in 1616
to attack Portuguese-controlled Melaka, but to no avail. The Johor
sultans, being flexible, were often willing to simply move to a different
location along the Johor River and continue their trading operations,
thus maintaining an advantage over Aceh, allowing Johor to thrive
despite greater rivalries.
Around this same time, in the early 1600s, the region experienced
yet another significant shift in power as the Dutch became active in
challenging the Portuguese monopoly on trade to Europe along the
Maritime Silk Road. The primary rivalry between the Portuguese and
the Dutch sometimes played out in direct conflicts, such as in 1603
when they fought a battle in the Singapore Strait or as in 1611 when the
Portuguese complained that the Dutch were building a fort in the Singa-
pore Strait area. However, given the importance of indigenous regional
power centers, such as Johor and Aceh, the Portuguese-Dutch rivalry
spilled over and touched these regional powers, alliances, and rivalries.
The Dutch entered the area in the context of the Dutch East India
Company, which was a joint-stock company, a professionally-managed
corporation with shareholders who were part owners and could buy
and sell their stocks. The company was incorporated in 1602 and was
unique in the powers it had been granted by the Dutch government. It
could negotiate on behalf of the state, and enter into contracts, treaties,
and alliances; it could take over territories, build forts in the territories
it controlled, appoint governors for those territories, raise an army, and
even mint its own coins. It is likened to a state within a state, since it
was the Dutch government granting such extensive authority. Between
selling shares of the company and the ability to issue short- and long-
term bonds to raise capital, the Dutch East India Company (DEIC) had
substantial wealth. This wealth, coupled with aggressiveness, led it to
amass enormous economic and political power. From 1602 to 1696, the
dividends it paid its shareholders ranged from a low of 12 percent to a
high of 63 percent.5 Its charter was renewed by the government every
20 years in exchange for financial compensation. The DEIC propelled
the Netherlands to a position as a leading global trading power in the
seventeenth century.
Initially, the Dutch were a useful ally for Johor. In 1603, they
launched a joint assault on a Portuguese merchant ship off the coast
of Singapore. The Portuguese continued to launch assaults on Johor’s
ever-moving capital and also blockaded the Johor River. Johor’s trade
was harmed badly, and they turned to the Dutch for assistance. The
Dutch fought a naval battle with the Portuguese that ended the block-
ade and formed the foundation for a closer alliance between Johor and
the DEIC.
However, while the Dutch may not have been concerned about
challenging the trading power of Johor, they were very concerned
about the power of the Portuguese. In a letter to the directors of the

United Amsterdam Company, a branch of the DEIC, company
representative Jacob van Heemskerck described interactions with the
king of Johor and the assault on the Portuguese merchant ship. He also
discussed how important and profitable the trade with China was to
the Portuguese. He urged the company to send good ships so that they
could attempt to break the Portuguese monopoly and enter into this
lucrative Chinese trade themselves. The letter strategically analyzed
different options for setting up a trade center, and Johor was near the
top of the list behind Melaka. Heemskerck considered Melaka to be
more desirable because of its defenses. The Portuguese elite were
already living in stone houses and there was a stone wall protecting
the town. These fortifications would allow the Dutch to better protect
the wealth of the DEIC from hazards like fire or enemy assault. If they
could not gain control of Melaka, then Johor was the next best choice,
weaker in fortification but equal in strategic location. Heemskerck
further argued that if the Company could gain control of textile trade
at Johor, then Melaka could be effectively besieged. Moreover, the
Portuguese would not dare sail to China with the DEIC’s ships at the
mouth of the Johor River, and the DEIC would be able to take control
of trade with China and Japan. These lofty ambitions to assert Dutch
strength and to transform the existing trading patterns highlights the
prominence that the Singapore region had in the global trade network
of the time—the region was a linchpin of power in global trade.
Subsequent developments for the Dutch cast fortune on Johor,
although it may not initially have been apparent. In 1612, the Dutch
captured control of Jakarta, then known as Batavia, on the north end
of the island of Java, with access to the Strait of Sunda that runs
between the islands of Sumatra and Java. While farther from Indian
trade routes than the Strait of Melaka, the Strait of Sunda offered a
slightly shorter route to the Cape of Good Hope and around the
southern part of Africa, thus being a preferable route for trade directly
from Indonesia, in particular the trade of spices from the Moluccas
(formerly the Spice Islands) to Europe or the Spice Route. The DEIC
established its headquarters there, and it became the center for what
would become the Dutch trading empire in Southeast Asia. This less-
ened the importance of the Strait of Melaka for Dutch trading and kept
their attention focused well to the southwest of the Johor-Singapore-
Melaka area.
While the territory around the Strait of Melaka was no longer of
critical import, weakening the Portuguese hold on trade in East and
Southeast Asia remained a top priority for the Dutch. The less trade
that was controlled by Portugal, the greater the wealth that could be
amassed by the DEIC. In 1640–1641, Johor joined the Dutch in besieg-
ing Melaka, and this time they succeeded. The Portuguese were driven
from Southeast Asia. At about the same time, Acehnese power was
also in decline following the death of their leader. The Portuguese
and Acehnese were out of the way; and while the Dutch still controlled
Melaka, they primarily focused on their regional headquarters at
Jakarta (formerly Batavia), 500 miles to the south. This left an opening
for Johor to exert its power in the area around Singapore.
Despite peaceful coexistence with the new European power,
regional rivalries would rise again. Jambi, another Malay kingdom
based on the island of Sumatra, challenged Johor’s power and status
as a trading center and sacked the Johor capital in 1673. Johor
regrouped, revenged itself on Jambi, and reasserted its strength as
a meaningful port in the international trading system. The Dutch,
still preoccupied to the south, paid little attention and observed
from afar.
KINGDOM OF JOHOR-RIAU AND THE BUGIS

YEARS, 1699–1818
Johor’s reemergence following the Jambi attack was short-lived.
This time, the problems that arose were internal, and they brought the
ancient Palembang-Singapore-Melaka-Johor ruling line to an end. Peo-
ple in territories controlled by Johor were unhappy with the domineer-
ing role played by Johor and its ruling sultan, Mahmud. Both local and
European reports from the time mentioned various sadistic acts that
Mahmud committed against the people of Johor. In 1699, Mahmud was
assassinated by his own ruling council, which not only upset the line of
succession since the sultan had no direct heir but also rattled traditional
loyalties that had provided some stability to the Johor sultanate.
The Orang Laut, who had been loyal to the royal line throughout all
of its changes of leader and location, were an important part of the
power structure of Johor and had at times across the centuries proved
a key force in the defenses of the sultanate. The ties had been based
heavily on personal loyalty to the sultan. There was a strong
patronage-based relationship in which the Orang Laut, in exchange
for loyalty, strength, stability, and esteem, were rewarded with wealth
and inclusion. The new line of leaders came from non-royal chief
ministers, the first being Abdul Jalil. The Orang Laut transferred some
of their loyalties to the new leadership but never to the same degree
as they had to the royal line with its semi-divine origins. This
compromised the established power structure and undermined long-

term stability.
The next major change that came about after the death of the sultan
was the rise of a new regional power. The Bugis people arrived as
immigrants from Sulawesi (formerly Celebes), an island east of Borneo
in today’s Indonesia. The Bugis were mercenaries who worked for
various sultans on the Malay Peninsula. However, with time, they
gained considerable power and became highly influential in the
leadership of various kingdoms, including Johor. The rise of the
Bugis was so significant that the 1700s are considered the century of
the Bugis in Malay history. For the internally weakened Johor
government, the increasing influence of the Bugis further disrupted
previous power structures and undermined stability.
Another power shift occurred when, in 1717, Raja Kecik from Siak, a
Sumatran area of the Melaka-Johor sultanate’s holdings, arrived and
bluffed his way onto the throne. The people, seemingly thinking he
could be a countervailing force to the rising power of the Bugis, played
along. He was backed by a Sumatran ruler and arrived in the Johor
capital, then in the Riau Islands, southeast of Singapore, in 1718 with
a large Sumatran military force. The Orang Laut sided with this new
leader, too, and for a time he was able to take power. Before long,
though, the Bugis asserted their power and removed him from the
throne. The Bugis then became the de facto rulers of Johor, adopting
the title of “junior king” for their leader of Johor, relative to the name
for the Malay leader, “great king.” With this the Johor sultanate took
on a hybridized Malay-Bugis identity, leading to complexities that
ultimately made the leadership vulnerable to the manipulations of
European colonial powers.
After being dethroned, Kecik returned to Siak and established a
Malay sultanate and set out to challenge Bugis domination of shipping
in the Melaka-Singapore-Riau area with raids on shipping and occa-
sionally full battles. The conflict also broadened to involve the Dutch,
who were still formally in control of Melaka, despite their greater
degree of activity based around Jakarta and the Strait of Sunda. There
was also a significant degree of internal conflict facing Johor, again
increasing instability in the sultanate. Sultan Suleiman, a puppet of
the Bugis, desired more independence and, in 1755, made an agree-
ment with the Dutch to help him gain greater autonomy and control
over territory. The Bugis retaliated by attacking Dutch Melaka, a failed
effort; then the Dutch retaliated by attacking the Bugis at the island of
Lingga, south of the Riau Islands and Singapore. The Bugis-Dutch
conflict went on for several years until the Bugis were defeated and a
peace agreement was signed in 1758. This also resulted in an agree-

ment to give Dutch exclusive tin rights, something Suleiman had ini-
tially granted the Dutch in return for their assistance. The following
year there was a Bugis coup, placing Daeng Kamboja in power. How-
ever, instability continued after Sultan Suleiman died in 1760. The
Bugis killed the sultan’s successor and took back control of the Johor
Sultanate. The Bugis-Siak rivalry rose to the fore again when Raja
Ismail of Siak fought a naval battle with Bugis forces from Johor-Riau
led by Daeng Kamboja. This well-documented battle took place on
the Singapore River in 1767. Archeological evidence, specifically coins
of the Dutch East India Company dating 1730–1796, has been found
near the mouth of the Singapore and indicates that Singapore contin-
ued to be an active port through this time.
The tumultuous relations continued between the three power rivals
(Johor, Siak, and the Dutch) for some years, and instability within
Bugis Johor was likewise ongoing. The peace agreement between
Johor and the Bugis collapsed in 1782 when the Bugis began raiding
Dutch possessions in the Strait of Melaka. The Dutch retaliated by
destroying the raiding Bugis ships and then driving the Bugis out of
Riau, the governing headquarters of Johor. The Dutch demanded the
Bugis leadership acknowledge formally via a treaty that Johor-Riau
was a Dutch port and the kingdom a Dutch holding. The Dutch also
demanded agreement for a Dutch governor and garrison to be sta-
tioned at Riau. Thus, for the first time, there was formal European con-
trol of the successor sultanate to the Singapore-Melaka-Johor line. The
Bugis tried again in 1785, one year after the treaty was signed, to win
back Johor, but they failed. Bugis Sultan Mahmud’s next attempt to
broaden the conflict was in 1787. He sought regional support by
appealing for help to Sultan Illanun of Borneo to oust the Dutch. The
Bornean forces succeeded in capturing Riau but held it for themselves
until the Dutch quickly regained control, while Sultan Mahmud fled.
The various changes of authority created a much less stable sultan-
ate than had previously existed when Singapore, Melaka, and Johor
were able to fend off challenges, sometimes through strategic reloca-
tions, but they remained active and relatively prosperous powers in
the ever-changing global system of trade. The internal divisions, chal-
lenges for authority, and competing claims of legitimate rule that
troubled the sultanate under Bugis control set a foundation for the full
colonization of the area with the arrival of yet another influential Euro-
pean actor: the English East India Company.
The English East India Company (EEIC) was also a joint-stock com-
pany, modeled on the Dutch East India Company. Queen Elizabeth I
granted the charter on December 31, 1600, giving the company exclu-
sive trading rights in the Indies as long as it did not challenge the
established trading rights of “any Christian prince.” King James I
granted the company a perpetual charter a few years later in 1609.
Through the eighteenth century, the English were most interested in
trade with India and concentrated their efforts most fully there,
although certainly not exclusively. EEIC Captain Hamilton provided
an account of his meeting in 1703 with Johor Sultan Abdul Jalil while
en route to China. He reported,
[The sultan] treated me very kindly, and made me a present of the

Island of Singapura, but I told him it could be of no use to a private
person tho’ [sic] a proper Place for a Company to settle a Colony on,
lying in the Center of Trade, and being accommodated with good
Rivers and safe Harbours, so conveniently situated, that all the
Winds served Shipping both go out and come into these rivers.6
Hamilton also visited the island and gave it close inspection, as he

gave descriptions of its soil, timber, and sugar cane. While no one
knows for certain why the Johor leader would have offered the English
such real estate (perhaps seeking an ally in the tumultuous situation
that was developing with the Bugis and Dutch), it is certainly notewor-
thy that the English had the opportunity to gain the island much
earlier than the establishment of their colony of Singapore and turned
it down.
The EEIC’s initial forays into Southeast Asia took place after the
founding of the company, but its successes were extremely limited. It
sought to gain trade in the region and on the Malay Peninsula in par-
ticular, but the Dutch were successful in combating the competition
and closing down the British trading ports in Southeast Asia. The
one exception was Bengkulu (formerly Bencoolen) on the southwest
coast of Sumatra, although it was not considered an ideal location.
The difficulties of establishing thriving trade in Southeast Asia led
the EEIC to concentrate its efforts on India. However, the English were
not by any means disinterested in trade with China, and as historical
trade patterns have shown, easy access to ports in Southeast Asia
greatly facilitated that trade. The importing of Chinese tea, for exam-
ple, transformed English society, giving rise to the idea of teahouses
and time spent talking over cups of tea. This practice became an insti-
tution; and to meet the rising demand of this fashionable activity, large
amounts of tea had to be imported from China. This led to a serious
imbalance of trade for England that needed remedy. In addition to
helping introduce opium to China and establishing a monopoly for the

Chinese opium trade, the English also took careful note of what prod-
ucts from Southeast Asia the Chinese regularly imported. These
included edible birds nest, hornbill casques, pepper, tin, tortoise shell,
beeswax, and other products. Despite the past focus on Indian trade,
some in the EEIC came to see the greater desirability of controlling
ports in Southeast Asia, and in 1786, the English successfully estab-
lished a port operation to service their India-China trade at Penang
on the Malay Peninsula.
Underscoring the international nature of the forces affecting
Southeast Asia, it was political conflict in Europe that helped shift
power toward the English in Southeast Asia. In Europe, Napoleon
had taken control of France and was waging war to expand the French
Empire. The Napoleonic Wars, a series of conflicts between France and
an alliance of opponents, took place from 1792 to 1815 when Napoleon
was defeated at the Battle of Waterloo. In the context of these conflicts,
in 1795, Napoleon invaded and occupied the Netherlands and eventu-
ally made it a part of the French Empire. The English, concerned about
the rising power of France and a part of the allied opposition to
counter it, were worried about the possible implications of French con-
trol of the Netherlands on their Asian trade. The English government
ordered the English East India Company to take over temporarily
some of the holdings of the Dutch East India Company, with the hold-
ings to be returned at the end of the conflict; Melaka was taken over in
1795 and Jakarta in 1803. However, once it came time to return control,
the Dutch East India Company had ceased to exist and it was the
representatives of the Dutch government who returned for their
holdings.
Having had control of the region, it was distasteful to some in the
English East India Company to lose ground again to the Dutch. They
saw it as perilous for their trade with China, particularly if the Dutch
reasserted their authority in the Strait of Melaka to the Riau
Archipelago area south of Singapore. However, the Governor-General
of the EEIC, Francis Rawdon-Hastings, Earl of Moria and Marquess
of Hastings (Lord Hastings), was forbidden from acting because the
English Crown feared war with the Dutch. With time, however, trade
priorities changed the opinions of important people.
Singapore’s early history is a function of its geographic location and
advantageous port features that made it a recurrent focal point for
world trade. From the beginning of trade, when boats sailed the entire
distance from China to the Middle East or India while needing ports of
call for provisions, to the eventual segmentation of the Maritime Silk
Road, where different traders would specialize in different segments

of the road, needing ports to trade goods, to finally the arrival of the
European colonial trading empires, Singapore’s location at the mouth
of the Strait of Melaka made it desirable real estate. While its fortunes
rose and fell and while it may have fallen into relative obscurity as a
port, compared to Melaka, Johor, or Bintan Island, some trade activ-
ities continued, proving that Singapore was in its ancient history a
notable port of call in the globalized trading and shipping networks
of the time.
NOTES
1. Quoted in Cheryl-Ann Low Mei Gek, “Singapore from the 14th–19th
Century,” in Early Singapore 1300s-1879: Evidences in Maps, Texts and Artifacts, ed.
John N. Miksic and Cheryl-Ann Low Mei Gek (Singapore: Singapore History
Museum, 2004), 14–40.
2. Quoted in Malcolm Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans (New York, NY:
Marshall Cavendish International, 2004), 25.
3. Ibid., 26.
4. Quoted in John N. Miksic, “14th Century Singapore: A Port of Trade,”
in Early Singapore 1300s–1879: Evidences in Maps, Texts and Artifacts, ed. John
N. Miksic and Cheryl-Ann Low Mei Gek (Singapore: Singapore History Museum,
2004), 41–54.
5. Jaap Harskamp, “A Colonial Obsession: Dutch Narrative Literature on the
East Indies 1800–1945” (catalogue of holdings in the British Library, http://
www.bl.uk/reshelp/pdfs/dutbibcolonial.pdf), 4.
6. Quoted in Malcolm Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans (New York, NY:
Marshall Cavendish International, 2004), 36.
3
The Establishment of Colonial
Singapore: 1819–1867
The founding of Singapore as a colony of the English East India

Company (EEIC), based in Kolkata (formerly Calcutta), India, was an
outcome of the global political and economic competitions of its time.
With Napoleon having been defeated in Europe and the Netherlands
once again independent, the Dutch were resurgent in Southeast Asia
and once again a threat to Britain’s trade with China. This trade was
crucial to Britain because it was seen as the country’s path to ever
greater prosperity.
THE CONTEXT FOR COLONIZATION

For many years, the sole British holding in the region was Bengkulu
(formerly Bencoolen) on the island of Sumatra. Initially established
because it was far enough away from the Dutch trading center of
Jakarta (formerly Batavia) but close to lucrative pepper-growing areas
of Sumatra, the Bengkulu settlement proved over its 140 years to be a
disappointment. Too far from main trading routes and largely a
financial drain, it was considered a remote venue where ineffective

EEIC staffers could cause little harm. Still, the British were loath to
abandon the outpost because it was a toehold in a valuable region
dominated by the Dutch. In 1818 Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, the per-
son primarily associated with the founding of Singapore, was posted
there. Previously, Raffles had been posted to Penang on the Malay
Peninsula, where the British established themselves in 1786. In
Penang, Raffles learned the Malay language and history, and he main-
tained a correspondence with Malay nobles. This prior experience,
combined with what he found in Bengkulu in terms of the expanding
influence in the area of the Dutch, were chief motivations for Raffles
in advocating for the establishment of an EEIC colony in Singapore.
Given how the colony developed, however, it is also worth noting that
Raffles was an idealist and a visionary, and his idea for the new colony
was to create a place where liberal, Enlightenment ideas could be
applied (ending slavery, providing education, etc.). While commercial
interests were foremost in creating a new colony, these idealistic
notions were further impetus for his efforts.
Initially, Raffles sought to work from Penang to establish a secure
trade route for EEIC trade with China. He believed if peace could be
made with Aceh, which was across the Strait of Melaka from Penang,
then that could serve as the company’s route. He soon realized, how-
ever, that Penang was too far north of the critical narrow part of the
Strait and that an EEIC holding in the area of the narrows would
be required to secure reliable trade free of Dutch interference. While
he had never visited Singapore in any of his previous travels in
the region, Raffles had a familiarity with the early history of Singapore
and was aware of the Malay Annals that identified Singapore as the
original location of the still active Johor-Riau Sultanate. His interest
in this historical legacy may also have heightened his interest in
Singapore as the location for a future colony. The historical record is
mixed, with some documents lacking any references to Singapore but
others suggesting Singapore was in Raffles’s sights all along.
In addition to international political and economic considerations,
the political turmoil of the indigenous peoples also facilitated the colo-
nization of Singapore. A succession dispute threw the Sultanate of
Johor-Riau into disarray. Problems were bubbling already at the turn
of the nineteenth century when the temenggong, a traditional, very
high-ranking position of Malay nobility, roughly comparable to a
minister of justice or defense, left the Riau area where the sultan was
based. Temenggong Abdul Rahman had his traditional authority under-
mined by the strong influence of the Bugis in the court. Temenggong
The Establishment of Colonial Singapore 39
Abdul Rahman set up his own operations in Singapore, just far

enough away from the sultan’s power center where he could have a
fairly high degree of autonomy within a small area of influence. This
development occurred in the first decade of the 1800s. In 1812 the
puppet-sultan of the Bugis, Sultan Mahmud of Johor-Riau died, leav-
ing behind no heirs born of royal mothers. His two sons, the elder
Hussein, also known as Tengku Long and the younger, Abdul Rahman
(the same name as the Temenggong but not the same person) were both
born of commoner mothers. There are indications that succession was
intended for the elder. For example, prominent marriages had been
arranged with daughters of the Temenggong and another high ranking
official in Malay courts, the bendahara, a title comparable to prime min-
ister and commander in chief. However, the powerful Bugis supported
the succession of the younger son. This was a logical choice for the
Bugis; the marriage arrangements of the older son would create family
ties between him and the formal titleholders of the Malay nobility who
were the chief rivals of the Bugis for influence. The Bugis support was
sufficient to leave Abdul Rahman the de facto successor; however, no
official coronation could occur because the late sultan’s royal wife sup-
ported the succession of the elder son, Hussein. She would not turn
over the royal regalia (e.g., musical instruments supposedly dating
back about five centuries to Queen Sakidar Shah) that were necessary
for a legitimate coronation and rule. Thus, the situation remained
unsettled until Hussein removed himself from the court environment
and went to a remote location in the Riau islands, leaving Abdul
Rahman to act as sultan.
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COLONY

In order for Raffles to realize his vision for establishing a new
colony, he had to gain the approval of the EEIC. He pitched his idea
to the Governor-General of India, Lord Hastings, who approved lim-
ited authority to secure British trade through Melaka. Raffles went to
Penang and enlisted the assistance of his long-time associate Colonel
William Farquhar, sending Farquhar south with a small fleet of ships
to investigate options. Raffles joined him a short time later, and after
ruling out other locations such as Karimun Island in the middle
of the Strait, Raffles and Farquhar weighed anchor off the coast of
Singapore. The next day, on January 30, 1819 they landed near the
mouth of the Singapore River and met with the Temenggong, quickly
signing an agreement with him permitting the British to establish a
trade settlement on the Singapore River. Documents show that early
international traders had knowledge of Singapore’s natural deep-

water harbor, today known as Keppel Harbour, which is what eventu-
ally made Singapore such an outstanding site. However, Raffles
seemed to have no idea of the excellence of Singapore’s port offerings.
Previous trade activity took place on the River and the Kallang
Estuary, and evidence suggests that this is what Raffles imagined
Singapore had to offer as a port. It seems that after Singapore fell into
relative obscurity after the sultanate moved to Melaka, then Johor
and Riau, the awareness of the deep-water harbor was lost to the
international trading community.
Prior to his work with Raffles, Farquhar had been the Resident
(chief administrator) of Melaka for more than a decade while the
British held it for the Dutch during the Napoleonic Wars. This gave
Farquhar, like Raffles, an intimate understanding of Malay culture
and language. He had, in fact, married a Malay woman. His local
insights meant that he was also familiar with the power struggle and
succession crisis that was going on within the Sultanate of Johor-Riau.
It is likely that the Temenggong also considered the strategic advantage
that cooperation with the British could have in settling that matter in
his favor. Since Abdul Rahman was de facto sultan, Farquhar was
sent to ask his approval for the establishment of a trading settlement
in Singapore. This was a rather sensitive effort, since Farquhar, as
Resident of Melaka, had signed a treaty with Abdul Rahman providing
for the security of British shipping and in signing the treaty effectively
acknowledged Abdul Rahman as the new sultan. The Dutch, who held
considerable influence with Abdul Rahman, were reasserting their
authority in the Riau Archipelago and insisted the treaty be annulled.
When Farquhar reached Bintan, where the court was based, Abdul
Rahman denied him permission for the settlement. However, in the
interim the Temenggong summoned the rival successor for the sultanate,
Hussein, to Singapore. On February 6, 1819, Raffles signed an agree-
ment with Hussein and the Temenggong in which the EEIC affirmed
Hussein as Sultan and granted him $5,000 per year and the Temenggong
$3,000 per year in exchange for the right to establish a trading settle-
ment at Singapore.
The Dutch were angry when they heard of the British actions. The
head of Dutch operations at Melaka recommended attacking the British
and removing them from Singapore, an act that could have been
accomplished with ease, given the tiny British force in Singapore and
the enormous strength of Dutch troops and watercraft in the region.
To make matters even more uncertain, Sultan Hussein and the Temeng-
gong both wrote letters to Abdul Rahman and other officials, in an
effort to cover their own perceived misdeeds, claiming that they had
been coerced by the British into signing the treaty.
What likely staved off Dutch military action and allowed the British
to establish a hold on Singapore were the mixed messages given by
EEIC and British government officials to the Dutch. While Raffles
and some in the EEIC were deeply concerned about keeping the Dutch
away from Britain’s China trade, others were instead contemplating
turning away from Southeast Asia and granting it to the Dutch in
exchange for Dutch holdings in India. The EEIC governor of Penang,
who had not supported Raffles’s mission to establish a more southern
colony in the area, suggested to the Dutch that the EEIC would not
agree to Raffles’s arrangements with Hussein and the Temenggong.
Moreover, the EEIC office in London had sent word to Kolkata forbid-
ding the mission, although the word arrived too late; and the British
Foreign Office told the Dutch government that Raffles had authority
to establish commercial arrangements but not political ones. This led
the Dutch to be more moderate in their response to the treaty, but the
EEIC headquarters in Kolkata embraced the treaty and ordered more
defensive forces sent to Singapore. The Foreign Office had been
alarmed at what it would have to do to save face if the Dutch forcibly
removed the British from Singapore, but when the Dutch failed to do
so, the Foreign Office, too, supported the treaty. Thus, the little colony
was established and largely unchallenged by the Dutch forces that
could so easily have reversed Raffles’s work.
Surviving the initial political uncertainties did not, however, guar-
antee Singapore an easy path. Raffles left Singapore almost immedi-
ately after signing the treaty, appointing Farquhar as Resident and
leaving a series of instructions for how the colony should be estab-
lished, specifically defensive arrangements and the policy designating
Singapore a free port with no tariffs for trade. The first few months
were difficult, with too little food to feed the additional mouths of
the British. The local population numbered probably in the upper hun-
dreds, with Malays making up the largest number of households, fol-
lowed by various Orang peoples, and a small group of resident
Chinese.1 They had a subsistence existence gathering fruit and catch-
ing fish; the increase in numbers of people to feed was initially prob-
lematic. Combining that with the security threats from the Dutch and
from local pirates, the new administration had numerous challenges.
Farquhar, utilizing his ongoing connections in Melaka (despite it being
in Dutch hands), sent for food and traders, and the Melakans responded.
By April there was adequate food, and trade was beginning with settlers
coming from Melaka. Raffles returned in June of 1819 and made more
logistical arrangements, including another treaty with the Sultan that

defined the territory of the British trading settlement, bordered on
the west by Tanjong Malong, on the east by Tanjong Katon, and
extending as far inland as a cannon shot. He also began city planning
in Singapore, designating specific residential areas for the different
ethnic communities and appointing people of each community to have
oversight, maintain order, and settle disputes within their community.
The Temmengong and Sultan had that responsibility for their respective
followers, while Resident Farquhar had final decision-making authority
in cases of appeal.
THE EARLY YEARS

With basic orders and provisions in place, Raffles returned to his gov-
ernorship in Bengkulu. Farquhar was to report to him, but communica-
tions were poor at best, with Raffles often not replying to Farquhar’s
queries. Thus, aside from Raffles’s basic policies, Farquhar was largely
left alone to shape the development of the new colony. The most critical
provision, Raffles’s insistence on free trade at the port, had both its
positives and negatives. Trade and immigration grew. Fed in part by
Farquhar’s reputation in Melaka, settlers flowed in to the burgeoning
settlement. Immigration was further fed by Chinese who had settled in
Southeast Asia to pursue private trade. They tended to move wherever
trade conditions were favorable, and Singapore offered that through the
lack of tariffs and the application of consistent laws and policies. A large
group of disaffected Bugis, concerned about Dutch control of Riau, also
moved to Singapore, which helped Singapore capture a significant por-
tion of the substantial Bugis trade. However, on the negative side, the
lack of tariffs also created severe financial restraints for the colony’s
administration. Raffles insisted on extremely lean budgets because he
feared that the EEIC would not support the development of Singapore
if it were a financial drain. Lacking financing from the company and
prohibited from raising funds by charging for trade, Farquhar was left
to find creative solutions. His efforts at cost restraints were so successful
that administrative salaries for Singapore for a year were less costly than
Bengkulu for a month.2 To pay the bills, Farquhar implemented small
port fees. He also disregarded Raffles’s idealistic social mandates relat-
ing to moral behavior and raised additional funds by auctioning
monopoly rights to the sale of opium, liquor, and gambling operations.
Some of the funds were used for public works, which lent a sense of
security to Singapore’s future. Farquhar also arranged for the develop-
ment of a local police force, funded in part by contributions from
European and Asian merchants, to address the developing problem of

lawless behavior.
Raffles returned to Singapore in the fall of 1822 as a last stop before
retirement due to poor health. Finding a thriving colony on his return,
he reportedly felt reinvigorated and became active in the administration
of Singapore. While he was pleased by Singapore’s growth in population
and thriving trade, he was extremely displeased by many of the choices
Farquhar had made about policies for the colony and his revenue-
seeking tactics. Raffles’s idealism shone through clearly during this time,
proving he was a visionary, although not necessarily a practical adminis-
trator. Within a few months, Raffles denounced Farquhar to Kolkata as
incompetent, further humiliated him by reassigning some of his duties
to more junior staffers, and finally, in spring of 1823, removed Farquhar
as resident to take on the job himself and then stripped Farquhar of his
military leadership role. Kolkata later restored Farquhar’s good name
and chastised Raffles for his poor treatment of Farquhar but not before
Farquhar left Singapore, albeit with a warm send-off from the local
merchants.
With the practical Farquhar out of the way, Raffles pursued his
vision for the colony. Public works soon followed, including leveling
a hill and filling in the southwest side of the Singapore River, which
was too swampy to be useful. This reclaimed area, today known as
Boat Quay, soon became the commercial center for the town. Raffles
also relocated the Temenggong’s settlement away from the River, which
freed the waterway for trade and also distanced the Temenggong’s fol-
lowers, some of whom were problematically unruly, from the commer-
cial center. Raffles also divvied up land to other groups. The Chinese
were expected to comprise the bulk of future residents, so a significant
area west of the River near the commercial center was set aside for
them, with additional subdivisions for the different Chinese dialect
groups.
Other major governance changes introduced by Raffles included
easing the Sultan and Temenggong out of public life. In accordance with
Malay tradition, Farquhar had let them have considerable influence
within their communities and in the colony’s affairs. Raffles, however,
saw their involvement as an impediment to his goals for the colony
and made efforts to marginalize them, even buying out their judicial
authority over their followers and any land rights beyond their desig-
nated areas. Raffles also strongly reaffirmed Singapore’s free trade sta-
tus. He determined that the judicial system would be based on English
law, except for situations relating to marriage, inheritance, and reli-
gious practice. In these practices, Malay laws could apply unless they
were “contrary to reason, justice, or humanity.”3 A small measure of

representative government was introduced by granting Europeans
not affiliated with the EEIC a role in governance and legislation.
Issues of morality and social well-being also caught Raffles’s atten-
tion. He focused on the prevention of crime and the rehabilitation
(rather than punishment) of convicts. He banned carrying weapons
hoping to decrease violence. He also banned what he considered to
be the worst of the social ills: gambling and cockfighting. He levied
heavy taxes to discourage the use of opium and alcohol and forbade
men from living from the earnings of prostitutes. Raffles also banned
slave trading in Singapore, which was mostly carried out by the Bugis,
and declared that no one who had come to Singapore since the British
first arrived could be considered a slave. He also limited indentured
servitude. Finally, shortly before his final departure from Singapore
in 1823, he used some of his personal funds to open a school for the
non-European population, the Singapore Institution.
Upon Raffles’s retirement, Singapore’s status in the EEIC shifted, com-
ing under direct control of Kolkata, rather than being overseen from
Bengkulu. Raffles departure from Singapore and the company also led
to the appointment of Singapore’s third administrator, Resident Dr. John
Crawfurd. Like Farquhar, Crawfurd was a pragmatist. He dismissed
many of Raffles’s goals and policies as unreasonably idealistic and
reversed them. Raffles’s plans for education, representative government,
the justice system, and his moral standards fell by the wayside. Believing
that gambling and cockfighting could not be eradicated, Crawfurd
decided the government should profit by them and set up licensing
agreements. He also earned revenue from opium and alcohol operations
by setting up “revenue farms,” strictly regulated, government-
sanctioned monopolies that were sold by auction. After winning the auc-
tions, the owners of the revenue farms also had to pay regular rent to the
government, providing ongoing funding. Opium for export was freely
traded, but that destined for the domestic market was too lucrative to
be left unregulated. In fact, the colony’s income from local opium
operations usually constituted between 40 and 60 percent of locally
collected revenue. 4 This was a significant departure from Raffles’s
vision. Gambling was eventually outlawed in 1829 and remained illegal
on moral grounds despite recurrent discussions of restoring it for reve-
nue purposes; however the opium dens remained open, thriving, and
lucrative.
In contrast to his views of Raffles’s idealism, Crawfurd strongly sup-
ported his predecessor’s ideas relating to free trade and city planning,
and he also worked to suppress slavery. Through a treaty in 1824, he
further decreased the power of the Malay nobility; they were forbid-
den from engaging in any relations with other territories without EEIC
consent. Crawfurd offered the Sultan and Temenggong a further signifi-
cant financial reward if they would leave Singapore because he
wanted the colony completely free from the ongoing intrigues of
Johor-Riau politics and to finalize Britain’s hold on Singapore. In case
the financial enticements were insufficient for the Sultan and Temeng-
gong to leave Singapore, he also sought to make their lives uncomfort-
able. For example, he ordered the construction of a road through the
Sultan’s compound. They did not leave, but they were removed from
Singapore’s governance.
Singapore’s first official census occurred in 1824 and stands as testi-
mony to the enormous development of this young colony. There were
11,000 residents that year with the largest population being Malay,
then Chinese, then Bugis. Indians comprised the next largest group
and then Europeans, mostly British, and even a few Armenians and
Arabs. Already, in Singapore’s fifth year of modern existence, it was
the diverse, globalized society one sees today. Twelve European trad-
ing companies, mostly related to the EEIC, had established operations
in Singapore by then. Another 1824 landmark achievement was the
Anglo-Dutch Treaty of London, through which Singapore became
fully and securely a permanent British holding. In exchange for leav-
ing Bengkulu and staying away from Dutch activities south of the
Singapore Strait (leaving the Dutch all of today’s Indonesia), the Dutch
left Melaka and gave over the Malay Peninsula to British influence.
The new colony had survived.
SINGAPORE GROWS AS PART OF THE STRAITS

SETTLEMENTS
Kolkata’s oversight of Singapore soon brought other changes. With
the opportunity to develop the Strait of Melaka region, Kolkata
decided in 1826 to integrate the three Malay-area colonies, Penang,
Melaka, and Singapore, into one administrative unit, the Straits Settle-
ments, with the headquarters in Penang. Administratively, this proved
to be disastrous. There was a lack of clarity over roles and levels of
authority, provisions for travel between the settlements, and titles.
Moreover, in the face of increasing financial pressures for the EEIC,
particularly after it lost its exclusive access to trade with China, the
company reduced staffing levels, leaving the administrative apparatus
understaffed, overworked, unmotivated, and largely ineffective. The
administrative problems were heightened by the growth that the
Straits Settlements (particularly Singapore) continued to experience. In

1827 the population had risen by more than 5,000 people from the cen-
sus just three years earlier to a total of 16,634. By 1840 the population
numbered 35,389, and by 1860 it had increased to 81,734.5 Likewise,
Singapore’s trade more than tripled between 1830 and the mid-
1860s.6 Thus, as administrative staffing faced drastic cuts, the tasks of
the administrators increased significantly. The situation became
so grave that the Governor General of India declared in 1859 that
the administrative problems were “the greatest evil” in the Straits
Settlements.
Despite these problems, Singapore prospered, as indicated by
the growth in population and trade. Chinese immigration, as Raffles
had anticipated, outstripped other groups and by 1867 comprised
65 percent of the population. They primarily came from southeastern
China, many as merchants, but some as agricultural laborers, tin min-
ers in the Malay interior, or craftspeople, such as tailors, carpenters,
or goldsmiths. The Malay population likewise grew, although not at
the pace of the Chinese. Many of the Orang peoples that comprised a
significant portion of Singapore’s pre-colonial population were assimi-
lated into the Malay community and added to its numbers. Immigra-
tion from India also increased. In 1845 Indians represented 10 percent
of the population, but by 1860, they had become the second largest
ethnic group in Singapore. Coming primarily from southern India, for
a long time these immigrants were mostly young men who intended
to return home after earning money as traders or laborers or, for a
few, serving in the military. Many of the Chinese, too, did not intend
to immigrate permanently to Singapore, planning to work hard, save
money, send funds to family in China, and later return home. As often
happens with such migrant communities, some return home, but
many remain, eventually becoming permanent settlers. Europeans,
primarily Britons, also increased in population, although their num-
bers remained quite low relative to their status and influence. By the
1860s, there had never been more than 500 Europeans at a time in
Singapore, although they exclusively staffed the upper levels of the
administration and provided much of the capital for trade. The only
group that did not experience growth in the first decades of
Singapore’s administration by the EEIC was the Bugis.7 With a major-
ity of this population growth occurring due to improving commercial
opportunities, it is clear that Singapore’s demographic development,
creating a diverse ethnic composition that is still present today, was
due to the international economic forces of globalization, driven
heavily by the colonial activities of the English East India Company
and its lucrative trade between China, India, and Europe, with Singapore
conveniently positioned in the middle of the eastern half of the
commerce route.
In addition to population growth, Singapore received several other
boosts in prominence in the 1830s. First, in 1832, Singapore replaced
Penang as the capital of the Straits Settlements. The second was due
to its strategic location for the military. The Opium Wars (1839–1842
and 1856–1860) were Britain’s successful attempts to gain power in
China and to reverse its trade imbalance that left, in the minds of the
British, too much silver bullion being paid in the direction of China.
Britain tried to counter monetary payments by shipping tons of opium
produced in Britain’s Indian holdings, leading to the growth of
extensive opium dens in China, in particular in Guangzhou (formerly
Canton). While opium import and use was illegal in Britain due to its
harmful effects and addictive nature, the British had no qualms about
pushing opium trade in other societies. The opium revenue reversed
the imbalance of trade, tipping it in Britain’s favor and facilitating the
affordable import of Chinese manufactured goods, particularly silk
and porcelain, and tea.
The Chinese government banned the import of opium in 1836 and
worked hard to eradicate the opium dens. In 1839 Chinese officials in
Guangzhou turned back a British merchant ship, and the British
responded by sending warships in 1840. The British navy’s greater
military strength and technology overwhelmed the Chinese, who suf-
fered a profound and humiliating loss. They were forced to sign the
Treaty of Nanking, which gave all advantage to the British. Not only
were Britons in China not subject to any Chinese laws, Britain was
freed of payments to the Chinese imperial administration, gained free
access to five ports, claimed control of Hong Kong, and was no longer
subject to any trade restrictions with China. As a result, opium imports
to China more than doubled in the next 30 years.8 The Second Opium
War began in 1856 after Britain claimed treaty violations in the form of
some trade restrictions in the five open ports. The second war resulted
in further humiliation for the Chinese and further hastened a decline
in imperial power. Because of Singapore’s strategic location, it was
the departure point and supply center for British naval forces involved
in the Opium Wars and thus played a significant role in Britain’s suc-
cesses over China. For the first time, Singapore became an important
center for the military operations of the British Empire, which high-
lighted Singapore’s geographic value for British military influence
from Southeast Asia to East Asia. Despite that, Britain decided to use
its new territory of Hong Kong as its premier naval base in the region.
While population increases, administrative changes, and military

strategy all added to Singapore’s growing prominence, the most sig-
nificant change for Singapore, because it drove so many of the other
changes, was the expansion of trade through the free port. The nature
of Singapore’s trade was what is formally called entrepôt, which means
that little was actually produced in the port area; it was almost solely
a transshipment port where goods were brought in from one location,
traded in the port, and then shipped out to the purchaser’s destina-
tion. Singapore was central for the trade between China, India, and
Europe; but it was also an important regional entrepôt site for trade
(some of it smuggled to avoid Dutch restrictions and fees on goods
traded through Singapore) between Thailand and various islands of
Indonesia. The most typical commodities were foods, medicines, tea,
porcelain, pottery, and silk from China, Vietnam, and Thailand; opium
from India; cotton goods and firearms from Britain; and rice, spices,
mother-of-pearl, rattan, and camphor from Indonesia. There was rela-
tively little importing done on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula,
but the east coast had ports where supplies and opium were brought
for colonies of Chinese tin miners and traders in gold, tin, produce,
and spices; this more regional trade also went through Singapore.
The growth in trade occurred in an environment of international
trade system change, particularly with regard to the English East India
Company. Pressures for increased competition led to two acts of
the British parliament that incrementally weakened the company, yet
ultimately opened other doors for trade. The first, an 1813 act of
parliament, even before Singapore’s establishment as a colony, ended
the EEIC’s monopoly on trade between Britain and India. That had
been a lucrative special arrangement, and other merchants wanted
access and profits. As soon as the monopoly ended, new trading
houses, import/export firms independent of the EEIC, grew and
moved into the Britain-India market. Similar commercial lobbying
pressures arose regarding the China trade, and in 1833 another act of
parliament ended the EEIC monopoly with China and EEIC trading
activities. The company retained governing functions, but its role as a
global economic power was gone, and new trading houses rose up to
take its place in commerce. The mercantile community in Singapore,
like in other areas once exclusively controlled by the EEIC, formed
chambers of commerce to advance their trading interests and influ-
ence policies. Singapore’s chamber was established in 1837 and, as
one example of its activities, joined with other comparable chambers
in Indian cities to praise a specific political pressure group, the London
East India and China Association. This group successfully lobbied for
duties on sugar to be the same whether it came from the East or West
Indies and in general represented the local mercantile communities’
interests to the British parliament.9 This dynamic of multiple commercial
organizations competing and lobbying is a significant shift from the
monopolistic control by the EEIC. By 1846 there were 43 trading houses
in Singapore, of which 20 were British, 6 Jewish, 5 Chinese, 5 Arab, 2
Armenian, 2 German, 1 Portuguese, 1 American, and 1 Parsi-Indian.10
Trade in Singapore was a global endeavor; however, certain groups were
especially prominent in certain roles, specifically the British with their
capital and the Chinese in exchange. The Chinese were the intermediar-
ies between the British traders and other groups, including fellow
Chinese traders as well merchants from other parts of Asia.
While trade grew, it was not considered steady or reliable growth by
participants in the merchant community. Singapore was subject to the
fickle turns of trading trends that will befall international commerce
but particularly in the case of an entrepôt port like Singapore with
few local commodities on which to rely. Several practices and events
affected Singapore’s fate. One was the development of clipper ships,
which were extensively used for trade between India and China by
the 1830s. These ships, with much more effective sails than earlier ves-
sels, made shipping less dependent on monsoon winds that only
allowed seasonal trips between India and China and thus permitted
more trips per year. The clipper ships could also travel faster, meaning
lesser need to stop at intermediate ports like Singapore to restock sup-
plies. This fundamentally advantaged Britain’s opium trade with
China, but was not helpful to Singapore.
Moreover, the Dutch, not eager to facilitate British trade and profits,
restricted trade from its Indonesian holdings that would transit
through Singapore, for example extra fees were charged. With time,
the Dutch eased the restrictions, which should have helped
Singapore’s situation, except the easing of restrictions also opened
Dutch-held ports in Indonesia to freer trade. This created greater com-
petition for Singapore because these new ports offered some of the
same trade advantages as Singapore, giving merchants more options.
Similarly, Singapore’s trade was affected by the outcome of the Opium
Wars, which produced a boon for Singapore at the time of the wars as a
military supply port, but once Britain won access to five ports in China
and took complete control of Hong Kong, it created more competition
for Singapore and gave merchants still greater options for trade, draw-
ing some away from Singapore. There were various junctures in the
decades of the 1830s through the 1850s when Singapore, buffeted by
international trade shifts beyond its control, was dismissed as having
peaked in its prominence and value as a trade colony. However, all the
doomsayers were ultimately proven wrong and, despite the fluctua-
tions, trade grew. In 1824 the value of Singapore’s trade was 11 million
Spanish dollars (the currency conventionally used for trade in
Southeast Asia), but by 1869, the annual value of trade was 89 million
Spanish dollars.11
Beyond trade, there was one area of significant local economic activ-
ity: pepper and gambier farming. These two plants grow together, and
by the 1830s, a sizable portion of Singapore’s interior was comprised
of pepper and gambier plantations. Gambier, a shrub with leaves that
are useful in dyeing and tanning leather, was first exported extensively
to China, but by the mid-1830s, a European market for the product
developed and remained through the rest of the century. Singapore
became a regional center for growing and exporting pepper and gam-
bier, and it is estimated that these plantations employed a meaningful
portion of Singapore’s Chinese laborers by the 1830s.12 These farming
operations were owned by the Chinese, who also controlled much of
the unskilled labor coming to Singapore through Chinese secret soci-
eties. These major economic spheres of farming and labor, combined
with owning the revenue farms for opium and liquor, whose custom-
ers were mostly poor laborers, meant that an enormous amount of eco-
nomic power and wealth became concentrated in the hands of a
relatively small number of elites in the Chinese community. That com-
bination of wealthy backers, secret societies, and vice contributed to a
number of social ills.
THE DARK SIDES OF EARLY COLONIAL SINGAPORE

Aside from international trade shifts and economic ups and downs,
perhaps the biggest threat to Singapore’s ever-important trade came
from ongoing piracy in the area. Pirates had long thrived in and
around Singapore’s waters, and a major gathering point for one pirate
fleet was just off Singapore’s coast, but the problem did not lessen with
the region’s increase in maritime traffic. This was just too ripe an
opportunity for pirates to ignore, and over time, pirates from as far
away as China and the Philippines joined local pirate activity around
Singapore. By the early 1830s pirates attacked ships just outside the
harbor in the middle of the day and moved around the town openly
trading in weapons and stolen goods. Legitimate trade along the east
coast of the Malay Peninsula was almost brought to a halt, and the
Bugis threatened to abandon Singapore as a port unless the piracy
could be brought under control. Some of the pirate attacks were
large-scale, such as a fight between a 30-boat pirate fleet and boats

from the HMS Southampton and an EEIC ship. The merchants repeat-
edly asked for protection because pirates caused considerable losses
in a trading system where merchants would normally buy goods on
credit and would only recover their money if they were able to sell
the goods without loss. However, despite their appeals for help, the
merchants were once again in the position of taking the lead where
government could not due to lack of funding and restrictions on juris-
diction (captured pirates had to be transported to India to stand trial,
for example). In 1832 and 1833 the Chinese merchants banded together
to charter vessels, arm them, and patrol the harbor area to try to pro-
tect their investments. The difficulty of dealing with the pirates was
heightened because of their association and support from the Temeng-
gong (by then Ibrahim, son and successor to Temenggong Abdul
Rahman who held that office at the time of Raffles’s arrival), who
was profiting from the piracy as had been a tradition in the region
for centuries. The government in India finally responded to pleas from
the merchants and the local administrators and in 1837 sent the HMS
Wolf to support the EEIC steamer Diana. This was the pirates’ first
experience with a steamship, which was not at the mercy of the some-
times calm winds of the Strait of Melaka; and the change in strategic
advantage alarmed the pirates and their leader, the Temenggong, to
such a degree that they largely abandoned their operations.
While it is on the surface easy to condemn such activities as simply
illegal behavior, it is worthwhile to note that in the local cultures of
Southeast Asia, piracy was not considered an obviously criminal or
even shameful activity. The Malay nobility considered gaining the
financial benefits of piracy to be a right of their station and birth and
considered the seas part of their rightful domain. Raffles himself
attempted to sway the Sultan and Temenggong to engage in commerce
rather than supporting piracy and was told quite bluntly that trade
was less honorable than raiding ships. Indeed, even outside of the
regional context, Europeans and Americans used privateering, a
government-authorized seizing of private ships and their cargo by
other privately-owned ships, as a wartime strategy and considered it
perfectly legitimate if one’s own ships were the privateers rather than
the targets.
The waters were relatively free of pirates for a time, however, piracy
flared up again in the 1850s, primarily from Chinese pirates that were
able to prey on larger boats than earlier pirate gangs and pirates from
the Mindanao area of the Philippines. This spike in piracy caused an
incredible disruption in trade between Singapore and China and
southern Vietnam (then known as Cochin China), and as during the

earlier wave of pirate activity, Singapore was once again a primary lair
for pirates to purchase weapons and sell their booty. What eventually
put an end to the second wave of extreme levels of piracy was
international cooperation in antipiracy efforts through formal treaties.
The British in the areas around the Malay Peninsula, working with the
Dutch in Indonesia, the Spaniards in the Philippines, and Chinese in
and around China, finally overwhelmed the power of the largest and
most effective pirate forces.
In addition to the recurrent scourge of pirates, the vast wealth dis-
parity created troubling conditions for both elites and the masses
living in poverty. In general, wealth brought enormous advantages.
Life for the wealthy featured frequent outdoor sports activities such
as horse racing, cricket, sailing regattas, and other entertainments like
dances and dinners. Even better, wealth sheltered people from the dis-
eases that cost many lives of the poor living in crowded slums. How-
ever, the elites became concerned about the possibility of an uprising
of the poorer peoples of Singapore, and there were decades of discus-
sion by administrators in India and Singapore about the need for some
sort of fortification to serve as a refuge for the Europeans living there
should an uprising occur and to protect Singapore from potential
attack from an enemy. The lack of an obvious enemy left the
administration in India slow to act in providing defenses (most of
those proposed by Raffles were never built), and it was not until 1859
that Fort Canning was constructed. Such was the location and nature
of the fort that it would provide a refuge in the case of local civil
unrest, but it would not be especially useful in repelling an enemy
attack or even to assure the safety of commerce, particularly as some
trade was moving away from the Singapore River area to the deeper
natural port, known as New Harbour (today Keppel Harbour), south-
west of the city center between the main island of Singapore and the
islands of Pulau Brani and Sentosa. The threat of civil unrest was the
only thing marring an otherwise luxurious lifestyle.
In contrast, for those with a less privileged existence, life was not as
fine. The vast majority of immigrants to Singapore were poor, lacking
education and job skills, and above all unmarried and male, creating
an unstable, transitory population. Ongoing poverty, malnutrition,
overcrowding, and opium abuse were rampant; in 1848, a European
doctor concerned with social reform estimated that 20 percent of the
adult population of Singapore and more than 50 percent of Chinese
adults were addicted to opium.13 There were some attempts to per-
suade the administration, the European elite, and wealthy Chinese
merchants to take action to stem opium use, highlighting its connec-

tion to many health and social problems, but these efforts were dis-
missed. There were deaths from starvation, and until a wealthy
member of the Chinese community, Tan Tock Seng, donated funds
for its construction, no hospital existed where poor, common people
could seek treatment for widespread cholera, smallpox, and other ill-
nesses. There was nothing of any significance done to address high
rates of illiteracy, and Singapore lagged other British territories in that
respect as well.
Crime was another social problem, and again the government was
not effective in its responses. There were several factors feeding this
problem. One was the proliferation of Chinese secret societies, which
had grown up in relation to domestic events in China, specifically
organized opposition to imperial rule. The societies were linked to kin-
ship networks and regions of origin in China and some of the more
prominent ones, such as the Heaven, Earth, and Man Society, or Triad,
had thousands of members in Singapore. The societies offered some
social benefits and, thus, were left alone by administration officials; in
particular, they assisted new immigrants to Singapore, providing them
with a support network and helping them find jobs. The societies also
addressed disputes within their communities, which was likewise con-
venient for British officials. However, the secret societies were also
linked to considerable violence. There was opposition to Christian con-
version and society gangs killed 500 Christians and destroyed 30 agri-
cultural operations (gambier and pepper plantations). The societies
were connected to prostitution, human trafficking, and indentured ser-
vitude. Gangs of hundreds of secret society members staged regular
raids in the city, stealing, destroying property and even killing people.
They targeted the Malay community first and foremost but also Indians
and Europeans. In 1843, the violence became so severe that non-Chinese
merchants had a protest meeting. The government responded and
appointed a superintendent of police, Thomas Dunman. Dunman was
able to make some improvements and the incidents of violent crime
decreased, but the ongoing lack of funds hampered his efforts. In 1854,
serious fights broke out between the secret societies, of which there were
at least 12 by 1860; and while the worst of the conflict remained within
the Chinese community, the open conflict between the societies was
nevertheless a concern. It was only after 1857, when Dunman was
appointed full-time police commissioner that he was able to make sub-
stantial progress in creating a police force that could help provide order.
Another social concern that developed in the 1850s was the presence
of high numbers (3,000 by 1857) of convicts, primarily from India,
although some also arrived from China and elsewhere. The Dutch in
Indonesia also sometimes shipped undesirable persons to Singapore.
After 1837, when architect George Drumgold Coleman was put in
charge of public works, deported convicts provided inexpensive labor
for many public projects, including draining swamps for land recla-
mation, building roads and government buildings, and later construct-
ing large projects such as Fort Canning and St. Andrew’s Cathedral.
Initially many of the convicts integrated well into society once their
sentences were served, and female convicts, in particular, were sought
after as brides in a society where there were extremely few women.
However, that ease of transition lessened with time, and it was noted
in repeated articles in the newspaper, Singapore Free Press, that
Singapore had become home to many with a sordid past. In one article
from 1851, the paper opined that the Straits Settlements had become,
“the common sewer . . . for all the scum and refuse of the populations
of nearly the whole British possessions in the east.” 14 Connected to
the globalized nature of Singaporean society, there developed fear
among European immigrants that social unrest in China and India
would spill over into Singapore and threaten their lives and well-
being. The concerns were heightened by civil war in China against
the Manchu imperial rule, which brought in rebels from China after
events such as an uprising in Amoy in 1853 and another uprising in
1857 in Kuching that fueled fears of spreading anti-British sentiment.
The Indian Rebellion of 1857, when Indian troops mutinied against
British rule, caused general colonial alarm and increased fears of more
convict deportations to Singapore. Finally, local unrest in 1854 secret
society conflicts in the Chinese community and more unrest and riots
in 1857 among Chinese and Indians in Singapore over implementation
of government policies further fueled worry for many European resi-
dents. It was not an accident that this coincided with the construction
of Fort Canning.
Most of Singapore’s problems during its first decades as a colony
were attributable to two sources. The first was a weak administration
hampered by financial constraints that left it understaffed and under-
funded. There were repeated suggestions to impose various forms
of charges to raise revenue from trade, but this was unwaveringly
and vehemently opposed by the merchant community that feared
losing its competitive advantage of free trade. The supervisory
administration in India, facing serious decline itself, was reluctant to
invest the sums of money that were needed to fund government pro-
grams to provide education, social assistance, and security that would
have improved the situation of the masses. Thus progress in this area
was left to a large degree to private efforts that only emerged when sit-
uations became intolerable. Moreover, one of the biggest sources of
revenue for the limited administration was from opium, which also
helped create a number of the social ills.
The second source of many of Singapore’s problems was the nature of
the immigrant society itself. People did not come to Singapore with the
intention of putting down roots, building a home and family, and mak-
ing a new life. Young, single, males came to Singapore to work, earn
money, and then go back home. Almost no women were in the early
immigrant waves, which made virtually impossible the development
of a stable society based on family units, which are extremely important
across Asian cultures. Instead, Singapore was like a American frontier
town with drugs, poverty, crime, and an anything-goes attitude. It was
a climate where the Chinese secret societies, violent, yet useful in pro-
viding a sense of connection and support for Chinese immigrants, could
thrive. Moreover, Singapore’s weak administrative structures also fed
the problems of a rootless, lawless society.
Despite all these difficulties, however, Singapore in the first decades
of its existence as a British colony managed to thrive in many respects.
Population grew despite problems, and trade grew, proving Singapore
to be a desirable port of call for traders from all over Asia and as far
away as Europe and the United States. The administrative issues,
however, gave rise to calls for restructuring the nature of British gover-
nance of Singapore and, in 1867, fundamental changes were made.
NOTES
1. Malcolm Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans (New York, NY: Marshall
Cavendish International, 2004), 54 and C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore,
1819–1988, 2nd ed. (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1989), 5.
2. Turnbull, History of Singapore, 15.
3. Raffles quoted in Turnbull, History of Singapore, 22.
4. Carl Trocki, Opium and Empire (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), 2.
5. Christopher Tremewan, The Political Economy of Social Control in Singapore
(New York, NY: St. Martin’s, 1994), 7.
6. Turnbull, History of Singapore, 35–36.
7. Ibid., 36–38.
8. Richard Hooker, “Ch’ing China: The Opium Wars” (http://www.wsu.edu/
~dee/CHING/OPIUM.HTM, 1996).
9. Anthony Webster, “The strategies and limits of gentlemanly capitalism: the
London East India agency houses, provincial commercial interests, and the evolu-
tion of British economic policy in East and South East Asia, 1800–50,” Economic
History Review 59 (2006): 743–764.
11. Barbara Leitch Lepoer, ed., Singapore: A Country Study (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office of the Library of Congress, 1989, http://
countrystudies.us/singapore/).
12. Carl A. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control (New York,
NY: Routledge, 2006), 22.
14. Ibid., 55.
4
A Crown Colony: 1867–1942
Changing trade practices were a key factor in the administrative

development of Singapore. While the English East India Company
(EEIC) long controlled trade between Asia and Britain, the EEIC’s
monopolistic control over that trade had ended, and the company
had weakened and was relieved of administrative control of India in
1858. Even before its demise, merchants all over Asia were looking
increasingly toward trading houses in London, rather than India, for
their business partnerships. This was also facilitated by technological
improvements in transportation, specifically the steamship, which
allowed for faster communications and trade between Britain and
British holdings in Asia. With the end of the EEIC, these stronger
direct ties, and the long-term weaknesses of EEIC administration of
the Straits Settlements, the British government took direct control
of administering Singapore. British colonial authority transformed
Singapore in many respects; it grew to greater significance and scale
as a trade port, and it experienced major societal changes in the
areas of social order and the creation of distinctive identities among
the people.
THE END OF ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY CONTROL

There were incremental steps in the transfer of control from Kolkata
to London. The Straits Settlements had already been removed from
control by the Bengal (India) Presidency in 1851 and had been placed
under the authority of a governor-general. This pleased the merchant
community, which hoped that better administration would help the
colony further increase its thriving trade. However, few beneficial
changes actually occurred. Instead, the EEIC’s charter was renewed
in 1853, and a new legislative council (on which Singapore had no rep-
resentation) was established. The Council sought to standardize the
administration of the various EEIC holdings in the region; and this
did not please the Singaporean merchants, who began demanding
separation from the EEIC. Merchants in Singapore held public meet-
ings and petition drives to voice various complaints they had with
the administration of the legislative council, including not dealing
effectively with piracy, the importation of convicts, slow judicial
reforms, and the threat of port duties, which Singaporean merchants
had long opposed. Poorly handled administrative reforms gave rise
to rioting in 1857, which contributed to a climate of concern fed by
civil unrest in India and China. The European merchants feared wide-
spread regional opposition to British colonial control, such as it was. In
response, they called a public meeting at which they decided to sup-
port a petition from the European merchants of Kolkata to the British
parliament asking that the EEIC be dissolved, and further, they peti-
tioned that the Straits Settlements be directly ruled by London. The
petition, supported only by Singapore within the Straits Settlements,
condemned the lack of representation in the ruling bodies of the Straits
Settlements and claimed that India had disregarded the wishes and
concerns of the Singaporean community. The merchants reiterated
specific complaints about piracy, port dues, etc. that had been points
of contention for some time.
The result was a 10-year process of negotiations for the transfer of
administrative control from India to the British Colonial Office in
London. The parliament reacted positively, so success seemed assured,
but it did not prove easy to accomplish. Most problematic were finan-
cial issues. Estimates of revenue and expenses for administering the
Straits Settlements varied widely, leading the British government to
worry about the administrative costs. The India Office, having taken
over administrative control following the dissolution of the EEIC,
had difficulty disentangling the various Straits Settlements-related
accounts, leading to further confusion about the financing. Port
A Crown Colony 59
fees were added in 1863 when the Indian Stamp Act was applied to
Singapore. The merchants opposed the fees because they increased
the cost of trade, but the fees finally made Singapore self-supporting
and alleviated many of the financial concerns of the Colonial Office.
Another major sticking point was how much military protection
would be necessary and how costly that would be. Fort Canning had
been built in 1860, but necessary staffing levels remained contentious.
A shift in interest by the War Office ultimately helped pave the way
for a solution. Britain’s main military base in East Asia was Hong Kong,
but the Admiralty began to reconsider that venue and, in 1866, looked at
Singapore as an alternative. The military question was settled with a
limited garrison being stationed in Singapore, supported by British pri-
macy on the seas. Finally, a bill was passed in the British parliament,
and on April 1, 1867, the Straits Settlements became a crown colony.
ONGOING GROWTH OF TRADE

As was the pattern for much of Singapore’s history, the global
economy drove many of the changes that occurred after Singapore
became a crown colony, including its growth in trade, increase in pop-
ulation, and improvements in social order and stability. The most
important developments leading to the dramatic expansion in trade
were, first, the rise of the use of steamships and, second, the expansion
of British imperial control into the interior of the Malay Peninsula and
beyond the port colonies of the three parts of the Straits Settlements.
The Growth of the Steamship

Before the Suez Canal opened in 1869, the Strait of Melaka was geo-
graphically advantageous for any trade between East or Southeast
Asia and India and potentially onward to Europe. For trade going
directly from East or Southeast Asia to Europe, the Strait of Sunda
between the Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Java was a more direct
route from Asia, around the Cape of Good Hope, and up the west
coast of Africa to Europe. However, the opening of the Suez Canal
made the Strait of Melaka the shortest route to travel via India to
Europe. The distance saved was immense. The trip around the African
continent between Mumbai, India, and Liverpool, England, was 11,560
nautical miles; via the Suez Canal, that trip was reduced to 5,777 naut-
ical miles. The total trip from China to Europe was cut by between
one-quarter and one-third with the opening of the Canal.1
Hand in hand with and, indeed, promoted by the opening of the

Canal, was the rise in steamships for global trade. The steamship was
not completely new to Southeast Asia—the EEIC’s ship Diana had been
used in fighting pirates in1837; however, as a primary vehicle for ship-
ping, it grew rapidly in popularity with the opening of the Canal. First,
the steamship was advantageous in that it did not rely on the annual
monsoon winds that had blown ships between Singapore and China
and Singapore and India for centuries, thus trade could be conducted
year-round. Second, the old, wind-driven clipper ships were not able to
use the Suez Canal easily. The cost of towing such a ship through the
100-mile-long Canal was prohibitive, and the Red Sea was difficult for
the clipper ships to navigate. Thus, the use of the Suez Canal fell almost
exclusively to steamships, which could make their way through the
Canal and onward under their own power. The use of the Canal by
steamships was so nearly exclusive that between December 1869 and
April 1875, only 238 sailing ships traveled through the Canal out of
5,236 total ships.2
The coal-powered steamships had one major disadvantage to wind-
driven sailing ships: fuel. Ships either had to carry adequate fuel for
the voyage, which for a long trip could take up too much valuable cargo
space, or have access to regular and reliable refueling stations along the
route. The long and relatively less developed coast of Africa was not
convenient for such fuel depots, but with the shorter route through the
Canal and the developed port system around the Indian Ocean and
beyond, the steamships had access to those refueling stations.
Singapore experienced trade growth since its founding as a colony,
but it had become somewhat less essential as a Maritime Silk Road
trade port after the advent of the clipper ships, which were able to sail
all the way from China to India without stopping. The rise of steam-
ships, however, restored Singapore’s centrality to trade, as it became
an important fueling port for the steamships trading with Europe,
China, other parts of Asia, and even North America. By the end of the
1870s, clipper ships had disappeared from the China trade, and all the
trade between Asia and Europe relied on coal-powered steamers.
British merchants’ willingness to shift to the steamship helped assure
the continuation of British supremacy in maritime trade and Singapore’s
increasing role in that.
Expanding Colonization and Growth of Commodities

Trade also grew as colonizing activities increased in the region. The
Spaniards increased their activity in the Philippines; the French
A Crown Colony 61
consolidated control in Indochina (today Vietnam, Cambodia, and

Laos); the Dutch in Indonesia shifted their commercial policies to be
more open to trade going through Singapore; and the British and other
European colonial powers came to agreements, essentially forced on
Thailand, that increased access to Thai trade. As a regional trading
center, Singapore benefited from the activities of the European empires.
The other major development that increased Singapore’s trade was
Britain’s expansion of control on the Malay Peninsula, accompanied
by shifts in global commodity demands. The Malay Peninsula, other
than the Straits Settlements, was in the hands of the local, traditional
Malay nobility. However, increasingly the Malay interior and
Southeast Asia in general, became the source, and Singapore the
gathering and distribution point, for various commodities that were
exceedingly valuable on the global market. Initially, tin mining was an
area of sharp increase in the interior of the Malay Peninsula. Controlled
and worked largely by the Chinese, the tin mines created demand for
labor from China to deliver the tin that the canning industry, expanded
greatly in the United States during the Civil War, needed for production.
While the Chinese ran the operations, they did so largely with European
financial backing. There was growing unrest in the Malay Peninsula,
fed in part by tensions with the local rulers who had little authority over
the newly arriving Chinese workers and in part by rivalries between the
various Chinese secret societies whose members were the workers. This
caused significant concern among business people from both Chinese
and European communities in Singapore who wanted better
government protection for their investments. Thus began the pressure
on the British Colonial Office to increase its control over additional
territory in the Malay Peninsula. These demands were, in fact, much
more on the minds of local businesspeople by the time Singapore
became a crown colony, since their earlier concerns about piracy
and the like had largely been remedied. Protection of investments in
Malaysia was now high on the agenda for action.
Initially, these demands were not well received by the Colonial
Office, which was little interested in the further investment of
resources that control of greater territory would require. The British
position was made clear in an 1868 communication to the Straits Settle-
ments’ Governor, Sir Henry St. George Ord, from the British Secretary
of State, “The policy of her Majesty’s government in the Malayan pen-
insula is not one of intervention in native affairs. . . . If merchants or
others penetrate disturbed and semi-barbarous independent states . . .
they must not anticipate that the British government will intervene to
enforce their contracts.”3
The situation continued to worsen and, in 1873, Singapore-based

Chinese merchants made a formal petition to the Colonial Office in
London to increase British control on the Peninsula. Governor Ord
supported the petition, and the government, motivated in part by con-
cern that other colonial powers in the region may intervene if they did
not, decided to act. They forced agreements on the local sultans of
what became the Federated States of Malaya and the Unfederated
States, initially providing advisors for the Malay rulers and then later
consolidating greater direct control.
Ultimately, this proved a lucrative step for the British because
within a short time technological advancements and increasing
demand in the global commodities markets made the resources they
gained from the Malay Peninsula more valuable than ever. While tin
mining had been primarily controlled by the Chinese with European
financial backing, the advent of steam dredging and other advances
led to greater mechanization in mining. Mechanization left mining
companies less reliant on Chinese labor, and thus with the Europeans’
ability to invest in greater mechanization, the Chinese lost much of
their power in the tin mining industry.
The other transformational technological advances affecting the com-
modities from the Malay Peninsula were in the area of rubber. In 1844,
American Charles Goodyear received a patent for the process of vulcan-
izing rubber. Vulcanization involved heating the raw rubber to remove
the sulfur, which left the rubber viable for industrial use. It retained its
elasticity and also became weatherproof so that it did not melt in the
heat of summer or become brittle in the cold of winter. The demand
for vulcanized rubber spiked precipitously with Henry Ford’s invention
of the automobile assembly line because rubber was needed for the tires
of the masses of automobiles that flooded the American and then world
markets. In the 1890s, rubber was extensively planted on the Malay
Peninsula, and by 1907, there was a commercial plantation in Singapore.
The demand for Malay rubber, mostly exported from Singapore, grew
from 104 tons in 1905 to 196,000 tons in 1914, which was more than half
of the world’s rubber supply.4 Major corporations from Europe and
North America, including Dunlop, Goodrich, Goodyear, and Firestone,
invested in plantations and rubber production. Most of their operations
were on the Malay Peninsula, but they based their operational head-
quarters primarily in Singapore, which was also the center for export.
Oil was a third commodity that was shipped in significant volume
through Singapore, coming from oilfields in nearby Sarawak, Sumatra,
and Borneo in present-day Malaysia and Indonesia. The growing auto
industry fed demand for petroleum, in addition to the rubber.
A Crown Colony 63
Singapore’s trade in these years shifted from a finished-goods-based

market of porcelain, tea, fabrics, and weapons, as it was in the early
years of the colony’s trade, to a commodities marketplace of raw rubber
and unprocessed tin. There was very little industrialization in Singapore
or in Malaysia. A few tin smelting and rubber processing factories were
built, but mostly the commodities were shipped as raw materials. In the
long run, this likely contributed to the low level of industrialization that
Singapore faced decades later at its independence.
Shifting Trade Patterns amid the Growth

The overall increased volume of trade during this period was dra-
matic. The demands of the global market through the new technologi-
cal developments of canning and automobiles increased the amount of
trade but so too did international events. World War I led to further
demand for rubber, tin, and petroleum, and Singapore benefited in
trade from that as well. Singapore already ranked as the world’s sev-
enth largest port in terms of tonnage in 1903.5 Singapore’s trade rose
from $11.6 million in 1824 to $147.4 million in 1883 to $975.7 million
in 1923 and reached a high in 1926 when the value of trade reached
$1.867 billion.6 In the mid-1920s, rubber comprised just over half of
the exports from the Malay Peninsula, and tin comprised another
17.4 percent.7 The orientation of trade also shifted with the European
markets becoming secondary to North American markets. From 1915
onward, except during the worst of the Great Depression, more than
50 percent of Singapore’s trade with western countries went to North
America. The nature of Singapore’s position as an entrepôt left it espe-
cially vulnerable to shifts in global demand. Thus, the worldwide
Great Depression that began in 1929 and continued into the 1930s
deeply and negatively affected Singapore’s trade. Demand for com-
modities fell as production and demand for finished goods fell. In
turn, the prices for commodities fell. For example, the cost of rubber
on the London markets dropped by 75 percent during the Depression.
The value of tin faced a similar drop. By 1933, the value of Singapore’s
trade had declined to $512.8 million, and it took until the 1950s to
recover to the peak of the 1920s.8
While trade prospered with some fluctuations during the decades
after the Colonial Office took control, structural changes in the economy
led to a number of other significant developments in Singapore’s
globalized economy. A significant shift was a move away from the
simple transshipment trade activity. The actors remained constant,
but their activities changed in response to new challenges and
opportunities. For the European community, the increasing mechaniza-

tion of tin and the growth of the rubber industry, worked primarily by
low-cost laborers from India, left them in a stronger position relative to
the Chinese merchant community who no longer dominated in terms
of providing inexpensive labor from China and running mining opera-
tions. This was a shift from past economic relationships between the
two groups.
Since the beginning of British trade in Singapore, British agency
houses dominated local trade and then expanded into global trade,
acting as intermediaries between the global markets and Southeast
Asian goods. Initially, they provided capital to Chinese intermediaries
by giving them European goods on credit. This served as capital for
the Chinese who, possessing both language skills and networks, then
traded them for local or Chinese goods that then went back to the
British creditors. The agency houses initially simply received a com-
mission on these trade deals. This pattern of bartered trade continued
into the twentieth century. With time and growth in prominence and
wealth, however, the agency houses expanded their activities beyond
simple trade. They began offering shipping services, banking services,
shipping insurance, and commercial information. Major financial
organizations of today, such as Barclay’s Bank or Hong Kong and
Shanghai Bank (HSB) have roots in these activities of the agency
houses of Singapore. The agency houses also undertook major busi-
ness projects, such as the creation of Tanjong Pagar Dock Company,
which expanded Singapore’s port facilities in the 1870s, or the Straits
Steamship Company, created in 1890 to break the monopoly of
European-based shipping companies servicing Singapore’s shipping
needs. Historian Carl Trocki described the agency houses as, “. . . the
key ‘agents of change’ that created the empire and forged the global
economy.”9
The Chinese merchant community also underwent significant
changes during this time of shifting economic activities. They mostly
retained their role as middlemen for trading and amassed consider-
able wealth, yet economic activity did not remain constant for them.
By the time Singapore became a crown colony, many Chinese mer-
chants, rather than sending their money back to family in China,
began investing their considerable wealth in business endeavors in
Singapore. This included, in particular, plantations in the rural areas
of Singapore where pepper and gambier, used for tanning leather,
were cultivated together. Unskilled Chinese laborers, imported to
Singapore through Chinese agents, worked the production. In trade,
the Chinese merchants developed extensive networks throughout
A Crown Colony 65
Southeast Asia that became the basis for later commercial operations.
Their wealth and prominence was significant, especially given the
number of Chinese people in Singapore relative to a small number of
Europeans, whose power in governance and economics was some-
what diluted by how few there were. In fact, Rudyard Kipling noted
upon visiting Singapore, “England is by the uninformed supposed to
own the island.”10
However, several factors eventually motivated wealthy Chinese
businesspeople to broaden the scope of their business activities. Shifts
in the network of unskilled Chinese labor supply, changes in produc-
tion activities in the western-controlled Malay tin mines, a decline in
the gambier and pepper plantations in Singapore proper, and finally
even the onset of the Great Depression led to the changes. The devel-
opment of a Chinese banking system was among the most significant
of the new undertakings, and some of these institutions form the basis
for major Singaporean banks today, like the Oversea-Chinese Banking
Corporation (OCBC Bank).
Finally, it is worth noting that Singapore’s economy was repeatedly
buffeted by economic ups and downs during this period. This too
shaped economic behaviors and may have driven the creation of new
or expanded financial institutions beyond investments in trade or
land. As integrated into the global economy as Singapore was, its for-
tunes were tied to economic cycles. For example, the World War I era
was a boom time for the commodities exports, so Singapore fared very
well. However, after the war, as the global economy reoriented to
peacetime, there was a downturn, and commodity prices fell. From
February to December 1920, rubber prices fell from one dollar and
15 cents to 30 cents per pound. Tin prices dropped by more than
60 percent during the same period.11 Trade rebounded through the
1920s, driven mostly by increased automobile demand, yet fell off
again during the Great Depression. Overall commodity prices had a
downward trend due in large part to increasing, and sometimes over,
supply. In the early part of the century, the price of rubber from the
Peninsula averaged 68 British pence per pound. From 1910 to 1919,
the average price was down to 44 pence per pound, despite wartime
demand. In the 1920s, the average price of rubber was 17 pence per
pound, and during the 1930s it was down to a mere 6 pence per pound
average.12
There were various attempts to stabilize the economy. The
administration enacted currency reform as early as 1903, pegging the
value of the new Straits dollar to the British pound, which helped
make currency values less volatile and increased economic stability.
In dealing with commodity price fluctuations, the government imple-

mented several protectionist trade policies during the Depression
years, including international agreements to limit rubber and tin pro-
duction to keep prices high. Furthermore, the British government
introduced imperial preference tariffs that were designed to protect
British markets from foreign goods. The tariff scheme was structured
so that goods produced in Britain received the most protection, since
they were not subject to tariffs, which raised the cost of a product.
Goods produced in the British Empire, including Singapore and
Malaysia, had tariffs placed on them but at a lower rate than goods
produced outside the Empire; thus goods imported to Britain via
Singapore were more expensive to British consumers than goods
produced at home but were less expensive than goods produced out-
side of British control, such as rubber from Dutch-held Indonesia.
SOCIETAL CHANGES IN A GLOBALIZED ECONOMY

Such significant shifts in the economic activity of Singapore led to cor-
responding shifts in society. One of the most notable was the steadily
increasing levels of immigration that occurred during Singapore’s early
years as a crown colony. The increased British control of the Malay
Peninsula combined with the increased commodity demands made
Singapore, as the gateway to the Malay Peninsula, an attractive destina-
tion for labor migration. Factors as varied as poverty, civil unrest (particu-
larly in China), natural disasters, exploitation by landlords, and
overpopulation in rural areas encouraged workers by the thousands to
leave their home countries, especially China and India. In 1871, Singapore
had a population of 97,111 of which almost 54,600 were Chinese, 26,000
were Malay, 11,600 were Indian, and only 1946 were European. By 1931,
the total population had grown to 557,745, of which there were 418,600
Chinese, 65,000 Malays, 50,800 Indians, and 8,100 Europeans.13
While many immigrants remained in Singapore, most of them contin-
ued onward to the Malay Peninsula or sometimes present-day Indonesia.
In the vast majority of cases, these workers anticipated returning home
after earning some money. However, for a variety of reasons, many found
it difficult to save the money they had hoped, and they remained.
Labor Migration
Indians came in larger numbers once the rubber industry developed
on the Malay Peninsula. There were several programs to import
Indian workers that were at least somewhat regulated by Britain’s
A Crown Colony 67
India Office. Until about 1900 the chief means by which Indian workers
came to Singapore and onward was through indenture contracts.
There were formal recruiters who assisted in the process, and workers
had to agree to pay back from their wages the cost of their travel and
any recruitment costs. The average contract was for one to three years;
however, since wages were so low, workers often stayed indentured
longer. If the contract was broken, it was considered a criminal offense.
With time, the kangani system developed. A kangani was a well-known
Indian laborer who would contract with, supervise, and discipline
workers and would act as an intermediary between plantation owners
and the laborers. The kangani would not, however, be responsible for
the workers’ living or eating arrangements. The shift between inden-
tured and kangani-assisted migration happened toward the end of the
nineteenth century, with the majority of migrant Indians coming
through the kangani system by 1905. This system reached its peak from
1910–1919 when 50,000 to 80,000 Indian workers came each year.14
While much of this Indian labor ultimately went to the Malay Peninsula,
by late in the 1800s, increasing numbers of Indian immigrants remained
in Singapore. Some were merchants or clerks, but many also worked in
hard labor because the Indian community had a near monopoly on
transportation-related work: dockworkers, river boatmen, haulers, and
the like. What was of long-lasting social significance in the kangani
system was that women eventually became part of the immigrant labor
force, resulting in family unification, permanent settlement, and locally
born children. With time, this helped address the gender imbalance
within the Indian community in Malaysia and Singapore, which may
have increased social stability.
For the Chinese community, the numbers were greater, although the
means of recruiting migrant workers bore some similarities to the
pre-kangani Indian system. Until 1893, emigration from China was
officially banned. It is evident that the ban was not enforced, but it
hindered formal labor recruitment programs with government
involvement such as those that existed in India. In some cases,
recruiters tapping into kinship or hometown networks arranged
transit, with the costs of the transportation and related expenses being
backed by family or friends. In most cases, however, an indenture
approach was used. Labor brokers, agencies, or ship captains initially
paid a person’s expenses for going to Singapore. Local employers then
paid back the transit expenses on the workers’ behalf, and workers
became indentured to Singaporean Chinese businesspeople until such
time as their debt (often inflated) could be paid off. Thousands of
people came to Singapore using this system.
Social Problems
The indenture approach for poor, unskilled immigrants was often an
abusive system associated with many social ills. Most scholars point to
the fact that almost all of these Chinese immigrants were men, creating
a nearly all-male society, as a factor that sharply exacerbated the social
problems of the time. These social problems included poor labor con-
ditions, high levels of opium use, prostitution, and the activities of
Chinese secret societies. However, while various social ills were wide-
spread, significant progress was made, especially in the 1900s, toward
lessening the problems as part of the social changes that occurred.
Poor Labor Conditions

The indenture contracts left immigrant workers virtual slaves. Not
only did they owe their employer for their passage from China and
recruitment costs, but they often lived in overpriced, overcrowded,
employer-owned, low-quality housing that, coupled with other living
expenses, left them in abject poverty. The majority of workers came to
Singapore with the intention of returning home, but very few were
actually able to save enough money to do so. A government study
done in 1875 confirmed the poor conditions for so many of Singapore’s
workers and, in 1877, a new government office was formed, the
Chinese Protectorate. There was little opposition to this among eco-
nomic leaders because it was widely known how bad the situation
was for most unskilled workers. The first person to hold the position
of Protector was William Pickering, the first European official able to
speak several of the Chinese dialects common in Singapore. He first
turned his attention toward the abuses of the indenture system by regu-
lating the recruitment agencies that brought workers to Singapore. The
next step was to legalize the boarding of ships by Protectorate staff so
that workers whose passage had been paid could be released, and those
who had to pay for their passage could be taken directly to government
offices where their indenture contracts could be officially registered
with the Protectorate. This did not end labor abuses completely, but it
was a step toward improving the situation for workers. With time, other
positive developments were implemented. In 1914, indentured labor
from China was banned; and in the 1920s, a series of new labor laws
further improved workers’ positions, such as the right to bring wage
disputes to the Protectorate without cost to the worker. However, the
unskilled workers in Singapore continued to face extremely high levels
of poverty for all their hard work as rickshaw pullers, stevedores, coal
haulers, boatmen, and other menial jobs.
A Crown Colony 69
Opium
What exacerbated the poor living conditions of many poor and
unskilled workers was opium use. Opium used was blamed for much
illness and mortality, but discouraging its use was problematic. The
two most powerful groups in Singaporean society, the Europeans
and wealthy Chinese merchants, both benefited considerably from
the sale of opium. From the earliest decades of the colony, revenue
from opium sales and rent (regular payments to the government from
those selling the opium) provided a significant portion of the govern-
ment’s funds—up to 60 percent. Wealthy Chinese businesspeople,
often in syndicates, owned the opium-selling revenue farms that the
government auctioned off to them and benefited from opium sales as
well. Thus, incentives were minimal for limiting opium use. Estimates
based on anecdotal evidence suggest that as many as 60 to 70 percent
of unskilled, and even skilled, Chinese workers were steady opium
users, if not addicts.15 The high levels of opium use worsened the pov-
erty and living conditions of many of the poor workers, in particular.
The meager funds they had left after paying their indenture payments,
housing fees, and food costs, were often spent on opium to help dull
the physical and psychological suffering resulting from hard, physical
labor far from home and family, in poor working and living condi-
tions. Between the government’s interest in opium profits and the
interconnected interests of the wealthy Chinese community who
owned the labor contracts of the workers in their businesses who
smoked their opium, there was little impetus for change.
In the early decades of the 1900s, however, attitudes began shifting,
despite the economic incentives against it. Increasingly, wealthy
Singaporeans, especially the Chinese born in the Straits Settlements,
sent their sons to Europe for university education. When these young
professionals started returning in meaningful numbers, their changed
attitudes began shaping Singaporean society. While still holding true
to their ethnic identities, they nevertheless were shaped by the cultural
norms they encountered in Europe, including an opposition to opium,
which had been outlawed in Britain in 1868 when the Pharmacy Act
prohibited its sale to all but licensed pharmacists. There was also
grassroots pressure in Britain against the Asian-targeted opium trade
as part of the larger temperance movement. The Singapore Anti-
Opium Society was formed in 1906; and in 1907, due to Colonial Office
insistence, the Singaporean administration convened a commission to
examine the issue. The commission’s findings indicated that opium
use was a harmless habit among the rich but was more injurious to
the poor because they were only able to afford the dregs of used opium,
and it was only a few people, mostly rickshaw pullers, who were
actually addicted. As a compromise between the competing pressures
of financial incentives versus physical harm, the government took
control of opium production in Singapore in 1910. The government
manufactured and sold quality opium and then purchased and
destroyed the opium waste. This limited the worst of the abuses, and
the percentage of government revenue from opium sales fell gradually.
By 1934, only 25 percent of revenue came from opium, although the
government continued to produce it until World War II.16
Prostitution
Another social ill, linked to the poverty of the unskilled workers and
the scarcity of women in Singapore, was prostitution. For many workers,
extra funds that were not spent on living expenses, indenture
payments, or opium were spent on prostitutes. As an illustration of
the gender imbalance that fed the problem, in 1884, there were 60,000
Chinese men in Singapore and only 6,600 Chinese women, of which
it was estimated that at least 2,000 were prostitutes. In the late 1870s,
it was estimated that 80 percent of the females coming to Singapore
from China were sold into prostitution.17 Many had not come volun-
tarily; some were kidnapped, some were tricked, and others were sold
by their families. The Chinese Protectorate did not attempt to stop
prostitution but instead sought to prevent women and girls from being
forced into prostitution and otherwise abused. The Protectorate was
able to mandate the registration of brothels and prostitutes to help
regulate the trade. An Office to Protect Virtue was also formed and
its staff worked with advisors from the Chinese community to help
Chinese women and girls who were unwillingly involved in prostitu-
tion. As with increasing social order in other areas, there were
improvements with time. In 1914, the sale of women and girls for pros-
titution was banned; in 1927, the importation of women and girls for
prostitution was banned; and then finally in 1930, brothels were
banned, although prostitution remained legal. A balancing of the gen-
der ratio may have helped the situation somewhat. The number of
women in the Chinese community increased steadily from 1880
onward; increases in female Chinese migration to Singapore varied
depending on dialect group, but by the 1930s, there were higher levels
of female migration, and the community gained more social stability.
In terms of overall population in Singapore, by 1931 there were
A Crown Colony 71
205,600 women and 352,000 men.18 This was still not balanced, but it
was much closer than it had been since the colony was founded.
Secret Societies
Finally, there were important changes relating to the Chinese secret
societies. The benefits of the secret societies, specifically assistance
and support for new immigrants, did not outweigh the problems asso-
ciated with the groups. There were regular waves of rioting by the
societies that resulted in social instability. Moreover, with the
increased Chinese immigration to work in the tin mines in Malaysia,
almost all of which passed through Singapore, there was a sharp
increase in professional thugs (samseng) hired to act as enforcers in
rougher areas. These thugs were affiliated with the secret societies,
which were involved with supplying labor. There were even organ-
ized kidnappings assisted by the samseng to supply workers for the
areas, such as Sumatra, where the working conditions were so poor
that few workers would go voluntarily. With more secret society riot-
ing in 1872, the government saw the need to address this problem
and, after discussing different approaches, including a law to regulate
Chinese immigration (much opposed by the community who wanted
to continue the policy of free immigration along with free trade), the
government turned over the problem to the Chinese Protectorate.
The Protectorate sought to take over some of the beneficial roles in
the community that the secret societies provided, thus reducing their
value to the Chinese community, in particular adjudicating financial
and domestic disagreements. The Protectorate also attempted to con-
vert some of the secret society leadership into government workers,
which would help give the government a bigger presence in the
Chinese community. Ultimately, the Protectorate’s greatest success
came through cutting the interconnections between the secret societies
with the opium revenue farms, the supply of labor for plantations,
and smuggling. This was done, in part, by the government opening
bidding on the opium revenue farms to entrepreneurs from outside
Singapore, which introduced more competition and helped break the
secret society control of this lucrative industry. When new and differ-
ent economic opportunities opened to the Chinese community, power
within the community shifted to a different set of Chinese organiza-
tions: bangs or groups based on dialect group and region of origin in
China. The bangs were led by the wealthy elites from each dialect
group, but the bangs also incorporated poorer community members;
the leaders were recognized by the government as community

representatives.
With the secret societies in decline, it was easier for the government
to pass legislation that banned the secret societies. Initially the
Protectorate did not wish to go as far as a ban, but Governor Cecil
Clementi-Smith, with the support of the Colonial Office, managed to
gain adequate public support and pushed it through. The ban did
not completely eradicate the secret societies. During economic down-
swings, the secret societies thrived, but their activities were, and
remained, severely reduced from their heyday when they were con-
nected to the lucrative business of opium and labor. Ultimately, they
were left to engage in gambling, prostitution, minor smuggling, pro-
tection rackets, and other forms of extortion. However, they were
never again connected closely to the power holders in Singaporean
Chinese society, and the recurrent rioting that had long-plagued
Singapore virtually ended.
Overall, during this time period major societal transformations
resulted in a larger population and a more orderly society. Policing
became more efficient; the Protectorate was created. Many of the
changes, for example measures to reduce opium addiction and pro-
vide protection for women and girls against involuntary prostitution,
were clearly to the social good. What is evident, however, is the demise
of a hands-off approach to governance that characterized the early
decades of British authority in Singapore and a shift toward gover-
nance with a heavier, more controlling hand.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF GROUP IDENTITY

Identities, or how people think of themselves, often matter little
until something important is at stake. What transpired in Singapore
in the later part of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was
the beginning of important definitions of social group identities. Ini-
tially in Singapore, when most everyone considered themselves tem-
porary residents who would work for a time and then return home,
advantages or disadvantages relating to identities could perhaps be
more easily dismissed, but when people began establishing them-
selves as long-term or permanent inhabitants of Singapore, some of
those perceptions changed. The process of identity formation and its
resulting political significance were wrought by a variety of forces.
Globalization, which had shaped so much in Singapore, likewise
affected identities. Other developments that formed identities were
more internal to society and the government that administered it.
A Crown Colony 73
Even without these forces, the foundations for each identity were
complex. Within the Chinese community, there were the five major
dialect and regional groups that corresponded to the bangs; there were
class divisions and whether one was born in the Straits Settlements
(Straits-Chinese) or born in China. In the Indian community, there
were likewise many divisions, the most significant being wealth and
area of origin in India, which also shaped language, although the
majority spoke Tamil. Even the indigenous people, the Malays, were
more diverse than one might expect. The Malay cultural space is much
larger than simply the Malay Peninsula and nearby islands like
Singapore; it also includes the Indonesian archipelago and beyond.
The cultural patterns across the region bore important similarities,
including considerable trade and intermingling, thus in the Malay
cultural space, the question of who was an insider and who was not
was unclear. Non-Malays, particularly the British, lumped together
groups like the Bugis and others from Indonesia, although there were
some differences among groups. Despite all these divisions within
Singapore’s ethnic communities, this period also saw the foundations
for a Singaporean identity that provided connectivity across the ethnic
communal lines, at least for some members of society.
Globalization and Identity

The globalization-related forces that helped shape Singaporeans’
identities were largely twofold. First, there were influences from
Europe acting on the Asian communities, initially mainly the Chinese
community, through Straits-born Asians who sought higher education
in Britain. While there, they were influenced by European attitudes
and then returned to become prominent leaders in their communities,
especially the Straits-Chinese and Indian communities. As mentioned
above, these individuals led the way in the anti-opium movement,
but they also became advocates for better local education. This experi-
ence of European education also strongly contributed to a distinctive
Straits-Chinese identity that differed from the identity of immigrant
Chinese Singaporeans, who remained more strongly oriented toward
China.
The other main globalization-related force working on identities
was ideological in nature. While Singaporean Indians were not
spurred to anti-British or anticolonial action, they were nevertheless
aware of the Indian Independence Movement and Mahatma Gandhi’s
opposition to policies of racial exclusion and oppression. These racist
policies were also in place in other British colonies, including
Singapore, and the ideology of the Indian Independence Movement

heightened the awareness of Singaporean Indians to their group status
within a discriminatory system.
While globalization of ideology made Indians aware, it mobilized
Chinese Singaporeans. China was undergoing major changes in the
early decades of the twentieth century, including an anti-imperial
struggle that brought an end to two millennia of imperial dynasties.
The Nationalists (Guomindang) under Sun Yat-sen took control for a
time after imperial rule was abolished but struggled for power, and
there was soon a competition for leadership between two ideological
groups, the Communists and the Guomindang. Both of these ideologi-
cal movements targeted “overseas Chinese” or ethnic Chinese com-
munities outside of China, including those in Singapore, seeking
financial and other support.
The political developments and appeals were of great interest to
immigrant Chinese in Singapore, who, despite having been in
Singapore for a long time, still felt close cultural and emotional ties to
home. Political activism in response to events relating to China became
common. In 1905, after the United States passed the Exclusion Act
against Chinese immigration, many Singaporean Chinese boycotted
imports from the United States. A similar boycott against Japanese
goods occurred in 1908 after a dispute arose between Japan and China.
Leaders in China encouraged Chinese nationalism that included over-
seas Chinese communities. They encouraged the building of schools,
and Singaporean Chinese fell in line with the establishment of addi-
tional schools in which Chinese was the language of instruction. Many
of these schools used materials imported from China, which helped
promote the nationalist message. The Chinese government also advo-
cated the use of standard Mandarin Chinese, the official language of
China, as the language of instruction, rather than the varied dialects
commonly used within the Chinese community. By 1935, Mandarin
Chinese was adopted by all Chinese-medium schools in Singapore.
The orientation toward China was strengthened further in the
immigrant community by the fact that all of those who could afford
it sent their children, products of the Chinese-medium schools, to col-
lege in China. This helped spread the Chinese ideologies on the stu-
dents’ return and maintained strong ties into the next generation
between China and the overseas immigrant Chinese and their sons.
The schools promoted Chinese nationalism not only through the
curricular materials from China but also through a new type of
Chinese immigrant. For the first time, intellectuals immigrated to
Singapore to flee the ideological struggle taking place and found jobs
A Crown Colony 75
through which they could spread Chinese viewpoints. Many became

teachers in the Chinese-medium schools, some became journalists,
and others worked as labor union organizers. This became a concern
for the British administration after intense anti-Japanese sentiments
developed in Singapore in the 1920s, coinciding with heightened con-
flict between China and Japan, and led to more civil unrest. Japanese
immigrants to Singapore were specifically targeted for harassment.
Viewing the schools as a big part of the problem, the government
placed restrictions on school materials from China. The government
also censored the Chinese-language press, banned the local branch of
the Guomindang, and made direct efforts against the spread of ideas
from the Chinese Communist Party. These policies angered the
Chinese community, because they were seen as an identity-related
assault on the community itself.
The common focus on China’s political events, the introduction of
Mandarin Chinese as the universal language of instruction in
Chinese-medium schools, and the common alienation caused by the
response of the government to the spread of ideologies from China
led to greater cohesion within the Chinese immigrant community.
The different bangs were still present, but ties that formed the basis of
a communal identity began to surface. This uniting of interest was also
expressed in the business sphere where the most influential business-
men of the immigrant Chinese community founded the Singapore
Chinese Chamber of Commerce in 1906 after they were no longer wel-
come in the European-dominated Singapore Chamber of Commerce.
These new-found connections across the bangs, however, did not
extend to the Straits-Chinese. Most Straits-Chinese were not interested
in the internal affairs of China. In addition, they were likely to have
been educated in English-medium schools, which contributed to a
significant division between Straits-born Chinese and immigrant
Chinese. Instead of focusing on China’s politics, they were more inter-
ested in social and educational issues in Singapore. They organized
the Social Purity Union, the Boy Scouts, and the Singapore Volunteers.
They even had their own business association, the Straits-Chinese
British Association, an alternative to the Singapore Chinese Chamber
of Commerce of the immigrant Chinese community.
The Singaporean Malay community also had some experience with
ideological globalization that also helped crystallize their identity.
Considering again that the Malay cultural space extends across
Indonesia, some Singaporean Malays were taken with calls for an
Indonesian nation in what was still the Dutch East Indies. Others
found resonance in pan-Islamic movements. Neither of these had
significant effects on the Malay community as a whole; instead, the

Malay identity was more influenced by various internal events that
also shaped the other communal identities.
Internal Factors and Identity

In terms of internal factors encouraging identity development, edu-
cation proved to be a point of ongoing contention and a rallying point.
Education was not provided in any sort of coherent way; there were
multiple school systems, supported financially by different entities,
with varying educational content. Given the lack of a cohesive
approach, the quality of education differed greatly. The government
changed its policies on subsidizing schools time and again, depending
the economic climate or political atmosphere. Basic education tended
to receive government support more consistently than secondary edu-
cation, and Malay- and English-medium schools tended to be funded
more consistently than schools where the teaching was provided in
Chinese or Tamil. Government financial assistance, however, was not
necessarily an indicator of quality of education, because the Malay-
medium schools were of notoriously poor quality. Malays were seen
as being destined to do menial tasks, so there was little attention paid
to providing a good education. Tamil-medium schools were similar.
Chinese-medium schools, however, developed along a very different
trajectory. Many wealthy members of the Chinese community wanted
to be seen as philanthropists, so in addition to helping fund hospitals
and other public works, they also funded schools for members of their
particular dialect groups. The schools had mixed outcomes, although
overall, they were better than Malay or Tamil schools. English-
medium schools tended to be good, partly because the government
had an interest in educating elite members of the local communities
to a level where they could serve as clerks or similar jobs where
English was needed.
The greatest advantage fell to those in English-medium schools,
most frequently attended by wealthy Chinese, particularly Straits-
Chinese. As access to those schools was limited by wealth and other
factors, this approach to education heightened class, ethnic, culture,
and language differences between the communities, and raised peo-
ple’s consciousness of those differences and the reasons for them.
The Malays, in particular, had limited opportunities for social mobil-
ity; most were illiterate or were educated minimally in the poor Malay
schools. In their efforts at commerce, they came head to head with
tough Chinese competition and typically did not fare well. These
A Crown Colony 77
problems gave much greater significance to being Malay and

what made it distinctive among the various cultures of Singapore:
the language and religion.
The Malay community, as indigenous inhabitants, had an identity of
“sons of the soil;” this is perhaps also because they, more than the
other communities, managed to retain a fairly traditional lifestyle out-
side of the urban area and thus had concerns about maintaining their
group’s claim to the land. Moreover, by the 1920s, the Malays felt fur-
ther threatened by the growing influence of the Straits-Chinese. In
1926, the first Malay political organization was created. The Singapore
Malay Union sought to protect Malay interests relative to the Chinese
community, but of greatest concern were the problems relating to the
poor quality of Malay education. This group became an important
voice for the interests of the Malay identity group.
Various policies implemented by the government to increase social
order also fed the distinctions between groups in Singaporean society.
Some of the policies of the decreasingly hands-off administration may
have appeared beneficial on the surface, and indeed were likely
intended as such but, in fact, indicated an increasing disconnect
between the small number of elite Europeans who governed
Singapore and the masses of Asians who comprised the population.
There were some initiatives to connect the government more closely
to the communities; for example, the administration created a Chinese
Advisory Board to provide a formal tie between the government and
the largest of Singapore’s ethnic communities. However, there were
many policies that gave the Asians of Singapore a different outlook.
In the 1870s the British administration decided to address the
densely constructed Asian neighborhoods packed with “shophouses”
that were usually three stories high, were backed up onto one another
with no rear access, and were next to one another with little or no
space in between. They also had covered sidewalks at the front where
retail, storage, or even living space spilled out into the sidewalks and
streets. The government wanted to improve sanitation by installing
sewer and drainage systems, which helped with severe public health
problems like the continuous outbreaks of cholera. In order to do this
and to enhance efforts to reduce crime, the government decided to
open up these areas that were both people’s homes and businesses,
which meant removing entire buildings. To the Asian population, this
seemed to be an assault on their property and living space.
To make matters worse, in the interest of improving traffic flow for
larger vehicles, the government also sought to ban sidewalk space for
storage or commercial use. This appeared as a further attack on
property and even on aspects of people’s daily lives and financial well-
being, because many would buy their food and other basic provisions
from street sellers (known as hawkers) who operated on the sidewalks
and earned their income through those street sales. This gave rise to
the Verandah Riots as people sought to defend their right to use the
sidewalks. The government used Chinese community leaders to try
to explain its intent, but these policies nevertheless gave rise to
tensions and were an indicator of a serious division between the
Europeans charged with running Singapore and the Asian masses
who lived there.
The government’s actions into the 1920s were also seen as disrup-
tive and even blatantly discriminatory as it sought to address other
political concerns. Again, the intervention in Chinese-medium schools
to restrict the spread of Chinese nationalism and the censorship of the
Chinese-language press were poorly received in the Chinese commu-
nity. To make it worse, as the Great Depression negatively affected
Singapore’s economy, the government introduced, for the first time,
restrictions, in the form of a quota system, on immigration of unskilled
male workers, which gravely affected Chinese immigration. In 1930,
242,000 Chinese immigrants were allowed; in 1931 that number
dropped to less than 28,000, and in 1931, the quotas for Chinese immi-
grants were reduced even more.19 In 1933, the Aliens Ordinance,
which combined quotas with fees that immigrants had to pay on
arrival in Singapore, replaced the existing quota system. Since this
law did not apply to British subjects, it left not only Europeans but also
Indians untouched and was thus clearly targeted against Chinese
immigrants. The Chinese saw the immigration restrictions as plainly
discriminatory. These immigration policies, combined with other
policies viewed as offensive, led to an unprecedented increase in
racial tensions.
The resentment against these laws and policies was further fed by
blatant racism on the part of the British. In part it was an issue of gen-
eral attitude. British colonizers were concerned with keeping up
appearances to underscore their perceived superiority to the Asian
communities and, thus, were never willing to be seen doing work that
could be considered menial. However, as more Asians from Singapore
were educated in Britain and saw the poor living and working
conditions of many Britons, they gained perspectives on the realities
of British and European society and realized that Caucasians were
not inherently superior.
This new awareness coincided with increasingly discriminatory pol-
icies on important issues like employment. The British practiced
A Crown Colony 79
policies of racial exclusion in Singapore like in other parts of the

British Empire. Educated Asians could gain employment in the Civil
Service, the Medical Service, and the Legal Service, but they could not
gain promotion out of the lowest levels. With their British educations,
they worked in professional positions with Britons who were some-
times less qualified or less capable than they were, but the Asians could
not be promoted. This happened even in the face of colonial administra-
tors who stayed in Singapore for shorter stints and thus had less famili-
arity with the community, and with fewer such administrators knowing
local languages. Compounding these barriers to promotion were dual
pay scales in which Europeans received higher pay than Asians for
comparable work. These European-educated Singaporeans had learned
the English language, and they had been socialized to dress like
Europeans and enjoy European sports and activities, which were part
of the British attempt to “civilize” the Asian communities. However,
just as they were becoming more Europeanized, they were denied most
of the advantages of being European. With steamships making travel
easier, more Europeans were settling in Singapore; and the social schism
between Europeans and Asians grew wider with Europeans taking
refuge in their exclusionary social organizations that complemented
the insurmountable barriers against advancement in the professional
sphere. Racism was pervasive and contributed to the distinctive
communal identities that were already taking shape.
The conflict between European and Asian attitudes had an unin-
tended consequence: They provided a common perspective for the dif-
ferent Asian communities. This also developed in part due to the
English-medium schools, which the best students from each of the
three Asian communities could attend. This gave this group of elites
a common experience, in addition to a common language (English),
which bound them together psychologically. It also created a class-
based gap between the English-educated Asian elites from each of
the communities, and those without wealth or education, but it
formed an important sense of cohesion and a basis for a broader
common identity—not just Chinese, Indian, or Malay but a beginning
sense of being Singaporean that would be an important connection in
years to come.
WHAT DID NOT HAPPEN: DEFENSES FOR SINGAPORE

Britain’s sole interest in Singapore from the beginning of the colonial
period was as an international trade center and a source of revenue.
This never really wavered. When the Crown took over control of the
Straits Settlements in 1867, its primary concern was that the colony not
cost the government money. For this reason, Britain relied largely on
its command of the seas to provide protection for Singapore and other
colonies. The British constructed Fort Canning, but military assess-
ment made it clear that it would be nearly worthless in defending the
port. There could be some shots fired when an attack fleet was coming
toward Singapore, but once it was actually in the harbor, nothing
could be done. Defenses were, at best, minimal.
Every so often, there would be a spark of concern about world events,
and eyes would turn to Singapore as a possible center for British naval
activities; but then the threat would pass, and attention would move
elsewhere. This happened in the 1860s when the Admiralty’s fleeting
interest in Singapore helped pave the way in the negotiations over the
shift to crown colony status. It happened again in the 1880s when
there was concern about the French moving into Indochina, possible
fighting with Russia over Afghanistan, and a greater Japanese naval
prowess. The Colonial Office indicated a willingness to defend the port,
but the merchants also wanted defense of the town. Three decades of
arguing about costs ensued. While there was debate in the 1890s about
building a big dockyard for the British Navy, concerns grew about
protecting the waters closer to Great Britain, and resources shifted in
that direction.
Singapore survived World War I without a single upset except for a
10-day mutiny in 1915 by the single regiment that was left in
Singapore. The 5th Light Infantry was composed of Indian Muslims
from Punjab. Already out of sorts with Britain being at war against
Muslim Turkey, when they were ordered to ship out for Hong Kong
(leaving Singapore with no military units), they mutinied out of fear
that they would instead be sent to fight Turkey or something equally
unappealing. A combination of local effort (police, Singapore Volunteers,
and the like) and the efforts of nearby French, Russian, and Japanese
allied naval crews put down the mutiny and restored order. Within
Singapore, the lasting effect was resentment within the Indian
community because all Indians in Singapore had to register with
the government. In terms of defenses, it illustrated how dependant
Singapore would be on allied assistance, but Britain continued to view
Singapore as being first and foremost about trade.
The interwar years, however, finally yielded a shift in this outlook. In
assessing global risks and military strategy, the British War Office
reached some important conclusions. First, it concluded that the ongoing
use of Hong Kong as the base for all British naval operations in East Asia
was not viable. Hong Kong was too vulnerable to a land-based attack.
A Crown Colony 81
Singapore was determined to be a better location, and the Singapore

Strategy was developed. The first draft of the Singapore Strategy called
for an extensive naval base to be built in Singapore along with accompa-
nying airfields. The naval station was to be large enough to function as a
base for the full fleet, which risk assessments indicated would be needed
to defend British interests in Asia against a full assault from the Japanese
Imperial Navy.
Once again, however, defense plans were scaled back. The cost
assessments weighed heavily against an extensive naval base in
Singapore, and as fears increased that the next war would begin in
Europe rather than Asia, the pressure to defend the British home front
from potential aggression coming via the North Sea lessened the
incentive to invest so heavily in naval defenses in Singapore. While
the Singapore Strategy remained Britain’s master plan for Asia, it was
based on gross misjudgments about Singapore’s vulnerabilities and
was significantly scaled back from the first, more extensive draft of the
Singapore Strategy. In a few short years, Britain’s miscalculations would
become brutally evident because, while Singapore was able to sit out
World War I, it was not so fortunate in World War II.
Overall, these decades of crown colony status were ones of profound
change in Singapore. Its population rose dramatically with increased
immigration from China and India. Despite being subject to world
market fluctuations, it grew in significance and wealth as a port with
the greater demand for rubber and tin and its position as a valuable
coaling station for the new steamship trade. It experienced ongoing
social problems but slowly improved on many of them. Finally,
Singaporean residents developed meaningful communal identities,
both within their groups, and to a certain degree, as Singaporeans. All
of these developments set important foundations for what would come
in the future.
NOTES
1. Max E. Fletcher, “The Suez Canal and World Shipping, 1869–1914,” The
Journal of Economic History 18 (1958): 556–573.
2. Ibid.
3. Quoted in C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 1819–1988, 2nd ed.
(New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1989), 82.
4. Ibid., 90.
5. Ibid., 93.
7. W. G. Huff, “Boom-or-Bust Commodities and Industrialization in Pre-World
War II Malaya,” The Journal of Economic History 62 (2002): 1074–1115.
8. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control, 35–37.

9. Ibid., 31.
10. Quoted in Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 92.
11. Ibid., 127.
12. Huff, “Boom-or-Bust Commodities and Industrialization in Pre-World
War II Malaya,” 1078.
13. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control, 64.
14. Amarjit Kaur, “International Migration in Malaysia and Singapore
Since the 1880s: State policies, migration trends, and governance of migration”
(paper presented at the meeting of the Asian Studies Association of Australia,
Wollongong, Australia, June 26, 2006).
16. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 114.
17. Ibid., 86.
19. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 133.
5
Fortress Singapore to
Syonan-to: World War II
One of the major debates regarding World War II is whether Singapore

had to fall. Although the British largely ignored the island as a major
naval station until the 1930s, it then became the basis of the Empire’s
defense in Asia, protecting the gateways to India to the west and
Australia and New Zealand to the south. Some historians put its
defensive importance in the Empire as second only to Britain itself.
Despite this central position, however, Singapore fell with dramatic
speed just a few weeks after Japan began the offensive against it. Many
poor decisions on the part of British military and political figures, from
the top to the bottom of the command chain, combined with Japanese
strategic brilliance, led to this defeat. The ensuing years of Japanese
occupation were ones of great suffering for most of the population.
For some, this was due to scarcities that often accompany war, but
for many it was the result of deliberately inhumane tactics used by
the Japanese. This was a tragic episode in Singapore’s history that still
lingers in the collective memory.
THE INTERWAR YEARS AND THE SINGAPORE STRATEGY

Following World War I, “the war to end all wars” as it was known,
the British government looked toward international cooperation to
prevent future war. The international community created the League
of Nations so countries could talk about their disagreements, and a
disarmament movement reduced available weaponry to lessen coun-
tries’ chances of going to war. In this climate, the British cabinet made
several key decisions. First, it adopted the Ten Year Policy, which
stated that Britain would not be involved in a major war for 10 years.
Second, it developed the Singapore Strategy for the protection of the
eastern part of the Empire. The Singapore Strategy was based on the
idea that Singapore would be an island fortress and the bulwark
against aggression toward any British Commonwealth holdings in
the Asia-Pacific region. The Strategy was drafted in three successively
weaker and less costly versions. Highly developed fortifications were
planned, including a massive naval base, accompanying airfields,
and extensive gun and artillery placements. However, the implemen-
tation of the Strategy became bogged down and little progress was
made throughout the 1920s, largely due to British political issues and
a lack of urgency as Britain pursued international cooperation to avoid
war. Britain allowed its previous alliance treaty with Japan to lapse,
preferring the international approach over narrower alliances. For
example, in 1922, Britain, the United States, France, and Japan agreed
to a Naval Limitation Treaty to restrict the size of their navies and
refrain from building new bases in the Pacific. Singapore, rather than
Hong Kong, was an optimal choice for the premier British naval base
in East Asia, because Hong Kong was too vulnerable and Singapore
was outside of the restricted zone for naval base development. Despite
these intentions, the British government funneled little money toward
the construction of the defensive apparatus needed in Singapore.
However, early in the 1930s, Japan began to show its hand as an
aggressively expansive power. In 1931 Japan invaded Manchuria; in
1932 it withdrew from the League of Nations; in 1935 it withdrew from
the London Disarmament Conference; in 1936 it rescinded its partici-
pation in the Washington Naval Agreements (1921), which limited
the armaments the US, Britain, and Japan could use in the Pacific; in
1936 Japan also made a pact with Germany against communism, and
by extension, the Soviet Union; and in 1937 Japan invaded China.
There was little doubt as to the trajectory of Japan’s behavior, so the
British ramped up construction in Singapore for a heavy military pres-
ence to deter Japan’s possible aggression. The Singapore Strategy
Fortress Singapore to Syonan-to 85
called for a strong naval and air force presence in Singapore to protect
British interests with an array of guns pointed out to sea to prevent an
attack on the island. The idea of an attack coming over land down the
Malay Peninsula was long dismissed, because military analysts
believed the tropical jungles and difficult terrain would make it too
unappealing to an invasion force.
However, by the late 1930s, as construction progressed on the Sem-
bawang Naval Base on the Johor Strait in the north of Singapore and
on the associated military installations that extended to Changi on
the east coast, Major-General Sir William Dobbie, General Officer
Commanding for Malaya Command, issued a reassessment of the
assumption that an invasion of Singapore would come by sea. Dobbie
concluded that the commanders in London had not taken into account
the more extensive road and railroad networks that had been devel-
oped down the Malay Peninsula, which provided pathways through
jungle and around difficult terrain for invaders. He also questioned
the ongoing assumption that the Japanese would avoid any invasion
during the monsoon season, which caused high waves and wind.
Indeed, the discovery that 5,000 Chinese laborers had been smuggled
into the Malay States in the middle of the monsoon season was an evi-
dentiary blow to that assumption.1 In fact, the monsoon-associated
cloud cover would help hide an invading force, making a monsoon
invasion more attractive. Planners also assumed that Japan would
not be able to access airfields that were close enough to offer air sup-
port for an invasion, and that superior British intelligence would pro-
vide ample warning of a pending invasion. Finally, they believed
reinforcements in the form of Britain’s main fleet could be brought to
Singapore’s aid in a mere 42 days, should an invasion actually be
mounted.
In response to Dobbie’s new risk assessment, military officials
revised the plan, calling it Operation Matador. They concluded that an
attack via the Malay Peninsula would likely come from far in the north
around the Thai border and that the Royal Air Force (RAF) would
need to launch air assaults, while the Royal Naval launched assaults
on landing forces, before the invaders could become established and
move down the Malay Peninsula. In preparation, the military con-
structed a series of small airbases far in the north of the Peninsula.
Matador was the crucial addendum to the Singapore Strategy that
was supposed to maintain its viability for defending the Empire in
the Asia-Pacific.
However, there remained a problematic disconnect between plan
and implementation. Despite the whole strategy hinging on deterrence
through naval and air power, the British government became increas-
ingly reluctant to direct resources where they may never be needed,
particularly as the political situation in Europe worsened. At a 1937
Imperial Conference on strategies for the protection of the British
Commonwealth, there was a discussion about whether waiting until
the threat was at hand to send out ships would be adequate defense.
The Australians, in particular, doubted Britain’s ability to send enough
ships when a war was already going on and the Chiefs of Staff (the top
military leadership in London) suggested that a naval base without
ships was not much of a deterrent. Still, the government balked at
drawing naval resources away from Europe.
In 1938, the King George VI Dry Dock opened at the Sembawang
Naval Base to much acclaim. The anti-aircraft and artillery defenses
were also in place and Singapore had some of the best defenses in
the world. There was much rhetoric about the impregnable “Fortress
Singapore.” Unfortunately, while the installations were in place, the
shipyard remained empty, as did the air bases, both on Singapore
and in northern Malaysia. The rhetoric of Fortress Singapore did not
match the reality.
In the ensuing months, the international situation grew worse. The
war in Europe that started in September 1939 commanded Britain’s
full attention and resources. Singapore and the Malay States were
Britain’s “dollar arsenal” and their contribution to the war effort was
to keep the funds and the commodities flowing. At the start of the
World War II, the Malay Peninsula was the source of 40 percent of
the world’s rubber and 60 percent of the world’s tin, most of which
was sold to the United States. Singapore ranked second in revenue
within the Commonwealth, just behind Canada.2 In the early months
in the European war, all did not go well and by June 1940, Britain
was forced to reassess its defensive posture. Italy had joined the effort
on Germany’s side, and France and the Netherlands had collapsed.
Britain would have to rely on the U.S. naval fleet in Hawaii to deter
the Japanese, despite the United States having signaled that it would
not go out of its way to save the various British, French, and Dutch
territories in Asia. In June, Germany attacked the Soviet Union, which
freed the Japanese from the possibility of Soviet attack, allowing them
to devote their full attention toward advancing their goals elsewhere.
In July, the United States placed economic sanctions on Japan that
severely threatened their war effort in China. The Japanese deter-
mined that they had a choice: They could give up their war on China
or they could secure their own supply of war materials. Japan’s eco-
nomic interests in Southeast Asia were already considerable. As early
as 1922, when the idea of building the Sembawang Naval Base on the
Johor Strait was presented to Sultan Ibrahim of Johor, he noted that
Japan leased 30,000 acres of state-owned land for rubber plantation
in Johor, which was in close proximity to the proposed naval base.
The British disregarded the warning. 3 Moreover, throughout the
1920s and 1930s, Japan also made extensive investments in the tin mines
of the Malay Peninsula. A 1939 report on agricultural interests in the
Malay Peninsula expressed concern about Japan’s extensive interests
in the region, noting that in 1935, Japan accounted for 7 percent
of imports and 12 percent of exports of Singapore, and that, “The
mercantile population of Singapore fear that the Japanese will soon
dominate the shipping and banking interests of the colony.”4 With the
added factor of economic sanctions from the United States, the Japanese
chose to secure their war materials, which made the Malay Peninsula
and the Dutch East Indies (today Indonesia) of great value. Japan signed
a treaty of alliance with Germany and Italy; and through Germany’s
connection with the Nazi-affiliated Vichy government in France,
Japan gained access to French airbases in Indochina (today Vietnam,
Cambodia, and Laos). These airbases put them within much closer
striking distance of the Malay Peninsula.
Japan began making plans for an assault on the Malay Peninsula
and Singapore in fall 1940, but it was July 1941 when leaders made
the final decision to go forward. The Japanese, like the British, deter-
mined that the best approach was to invade far in the north, even into
Thailand, then move to the western side of the Peninsula where the
road network was better, and then proceed to Singapore. The plan
hinged on a surprise attack that was a speedy and efficient sweep to
overwhelm British and Commonwealth forces before they could
mount an effective defense. Knowing that British defensive efforts
were lacking for air and sea warfare, the Japanese calculated that it
would be a contest of speed to see if the Japanese Imperial Army could
take Singapore first or if reinforcements would arrive first and
beat them back. The goal was to take Singapore in fewer than 100 days.
If they deprived the Anglo-American alliance of their base in the area,
then they could divide and conquer, taking the resources they needed
from Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Burma to finish the
war with China. Lieutenant-Colonel Masanobi Tsuji was put in charge
of planning and training, and the actual operation was put under the
command of one of Japan’s most esteemed generals, Lieutenant-
General Tomoyuki Yamashita. Shortly before the invasion, Yamashita
was confident; Germany had managed to intercept Britain’s readiness
assessment for the Far East, which made it clear how ill-prepared they
were for a war in the East and how low on the priority list it was com-
pared to the European theater. Germany passed the document to
Japan, giving Yamashita clear evidence of what he and his troops were
facing.
Meanwhile, the British were still focused on Singapore and Malaysia
being their dollar arsenal and continued to debate their defense strat-
egy should the Japanese attack. The local commanders had repeat-
edly asked for ships, planes, and soldiers. They received very few
planes; in fact, some that could have gone to Singapore were given
to the Soviet Union to help its war effort. Troops were sent primarily
from India and Australia. Decision-makers in London decided in
August of 1940 that the naval base had to be protected at all costs
and that the RAF would have to do it by protecting the Malay
Peninsula. There was considerable disagreement about whether that
defense should occur to the north, where there were the scattered
airbases, or whether a more focused defense in Johor should be
attempted instead. Unfortunately, the RAF planes could not be sent
until the end of 1941 because the British military was overextended.
In January 1941, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill decided
that since Singapore was such a well-defended fortress, RAF
reinforcements were not necessary and a waste of resources that
could be used elsewhere. He concluded that the Japanese would not
attack such a well-protected fortress unless things were going
terribly for the British in Europe. In any case, the United States would
respond. In debate after debate, civilian and military decision makers
in London concluded that they had time to send needed equipment
later and that the Japanese would not attack. The Joint Intelligence
Committee determined in spring of 1941 that the Soviet Union would
more likely be Japan’s first target. In late September, a meeting of
local military officials in Singapore informed London that Japan
would not attack any time soon, and certainly not before the end of
the monsoon season in February, despite intercepted Japanese intelli-
gence suggesting otherwise, and Japan’s activities in the French hold-
ings of Indochina. Despite his confidence in Fortress Singapore and
the certainty that Japan would not attack soon, Churchill decided to
send a few ships to Singapore. It was certainly not the main fleet that
the Singapore Strategy called for, nor was it a substantial secondary fleet
supported by the Chiefs of Staff in London. Instead, it was a minifleet,
known as Force Z, of what could be spared from the more critical war
efforts closer to home. The most notable of the ships was the brand
new HMS Prince of Wales that was the pride of the British navy and
nicknamed the “HMS Unsinkable.” This battleship was accompanied
by a cruiser and a handful of smaller ships, of which half were in dis-

repair. An aircraft carrier was dispatched, but it ran aground and
never arrived. Thus, Force Z was essentially too small to do any good
as a deterrent and too compromised to function as a fighting fleet
without the protection of air support. Decision-making in London
was fraught with disagreements and poor communication between
civilian and military commanders (exacerbated by grossly erroneous
underestimations of Japan’s intentions and overestimations of
Singapore’s defenses) and ultimately overwhelmed by the war closer
to home. A possible war in faraway Asia was far outweighed by the
war already at Britain’s door.
The situation on the ground in Singapore was no better. Military offi-
cials from the different branches and command centers disagreed on
strategy and lacked a centralized command structure to override their
differences. They, like officials in London, did not believe Japan would
attack in the near future. In the interest of keeping up appearances, they
made no efforts at civilian defense. Both military and civilian leaders
feared that if they focused too much on building further ground defense
installations or initiated programs incorporating civilians into defense,
it would weaken the faith of the people in Britain’s strength, cause an
unwelcome panic, and potentially undermine Britain’s hold over the
colony. Thus, in sharp contrast to Britain where civil defense programs
were extensive, in Singapore virtually nothing was done. This was
shocking to the Chief Engineer of Malaya Command, Ivan Simson,
when he arrived in Singapore in August 1941 from London, where civil-
ian defense program planning and implementation was in full force. He
promptly developed a plan for improved local defenses that would
have placed anti-tank and gun provisions on main roads, mines on
bridges, special defenses in Johor, and defense works on the north shore
of Singapore. The general in charge of the army in Singapore-based
Malaya Command, Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival, received the
recommendations but did not implement the plan.
On December 1, 1941 a state of emergency was declared. Percival
indicated concern but was not overly worried. Nevertheless, there
was a great deal of excitement when, on December 2, Force Z, without
the aircraft carrier, sailed up the Johor Strait toward the naval base.
The admiral in charge was so alarmed by its vulnerability without
any air cover that he suggested taking the ships immediately to the
Philippines, but they remained in Singapore. On December 3, Percival
made a statement over the radio that an attack was not likely and that,
while he was hoping more aircraft would arrive, what they had on
hand would be adequate if anything did occur.
THE JAPANESE ATTACK

The Japanese strategy to obtain the resources of Southeast Asia
risked war with both the United States and Great Britain. Since speed
and surprise were central to the plan, they opted for a first strike. On
December 8, 1941 (in the Tokyo time zone), Japan launched a sea-
based attack on Kota Bahru on the northern part of the Malay Peninsula
at 1:40 a.m.; Japanese forces landed at Singora and Patani in southern
Thailand at 3:05 a.m.; they bombed Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, at 3:20 a.m.
and bombed Singapore’s Seletar and Tangah airbases and Raffles
Place in the city center at 6:10 a.m. At 11:40 a.m. Emperor Hirohito
issued an Imperial Order declaring war on the United States and Great
Britain.5 Japan also quickly launched attacks against Hong Kong and
the Philippines.
The local commanders in Singapore were paralyzed by indecision.
Sir Robert Brooke-Popham, Commander-in-Chief of the Far East (of
land and air forces but not naval or civilian), had received authoriza-
tion from London on December 5 to commence with Operation Matador
when he believed an invasion was pending. Matador, the whole basis
for the defense of Singapore in case of an assault from the north, could
only succeed if it were implemented quickly and decisively. It was
essential that British and Commonwealth forces reach the likely
landing points in Thailand before the Japanese landed and stop the
invader’s advance at several other critical junctures. For example, an
area known as The Ledge, a narrow road cut in a cliffside on a main
thoroughfare leading south from Thailand, could be blown up to block
an advancing army. Likewise, the various airbases in northern Malaysia
(that never had adequate numbers of aircraft to help with defense) had
to be protected lest they fall into enemy hands and become support for
Japanese operations. The thinly scattered troops around the bases in
the north would not be able to hold the bases against the full onslaught
of an advancing army, which underscored the urgency of stopping the
invasion immediately. On December 6, Japanese naval convoys were
spotted, but their destination was not yet certain. Thailand was
officially neutral, so invading prematurely could have started a con-
flict, thus Brooke-Popham held off on launching Matador until it was
confirmed that the ships were heading for the Malay Peninsula. He
did not receive that confirmation until the night of December 7, and
by then it was too late to send defending forces to the predicted (with
total accuracy) landing sites. Operation Matador was abandoned
immediately with no ready back-up plan. The other aspect of the
Singapore Strategy, the prompt deployment of reinforcements of
naval and air power and human backup, also came to naught. Initially,
it was expected that help could arrive in six weeks, although it was
revised upwards several times through the years. By 1941, it was cal-
culated that Singapore would have to hold out for six months on its
own before help would arrive. That was far too long.
Admiral Tom Phillips set out to sea quickly after the attack began,
partly so that his small fleet would not be easy targets for Japanese
bombing runs, and partly with the hope of intercepting further land-
ings of Japanese troops on the Malay Peninsula. He departed before
learning that the airfield at Kota Bahru was already in Japanese hands.
Thus, without his own aircraft carrier, he would not have any air sup-
port to protect the ships from above. He attempted to turn back the
fleet since the mission was too risky without any air cover; but on
December 10, Japanese bombers found them; and within hours the
ships were sunk, even the HMS Unsinkable. This was a devastating
loss for the British and a boon to morale for the Japanese. Inside two
days, the Japanese controlled the seas, and soon the air. Within
24 hours, Japan destroyed more than half of the few planes in the
northern parts of the Malay Peninsula and held the inadequately
defended airfields. The days that followed revealed a recurrent pattern
of poor decisions that did nothing to stop the Japanese drive south-
ward. Heavy reliance on ground forces was never part of the plan to
defend Singapore, and Percival refused to take risks that could have
potentially altered the outcome. His orders were to protect the Semba-
wang Naval Base at all costs. To do that, he tried to follow the general
strategy developed as part of Operation Matador and keep the fighting
as far away from Singapore as possible. Percival continued to do what
he did before the start of the attack: He scattered ground troops
around the northern part of Malaysia to defend many different fixed
positions (such as airfields and roads) that were valuable to the
Japanese war effort, but the troops were dispersed too thinly to mount
a successful defense at any of the points of engagement. Worse, with
the Japanese controlling air and sea and being highly mobile on the
ground, Yamashita was able to move around the fixed Allied
positions, threatening to cut them off from behind. Yamashita had
considerable resources at hand at the start of the invasion: naval sup-
port, more than 200 tanks, 80,000 combat troops, and about 600 aircraft
for the campaign.6 British and Commonwealth troops lacked effective
anti-tank weapons and some fighters had barely even seen a tank;
their sole advantage was in number of soldiers. Percival’s orders to
them were consistent but contradictory: troops were to give their all
to defend their position but not lose so many fighters as to become
overly weakened as fighting units. By trying to defend so many differ-

ent points, Percival was giving Yamashita a divide and conquer ad-
vantage. It was still a race between the Japanese advance and the
arrival of reinforcements, so the defending troops had to retain
enough strength to hold on until help could arrive for what Percival
considered the main battle.
There continued to be destructive disagreement between local mili-
tary leaders. Concerned that Percival’s tactic of spreading out the
troops left them too dispersed to turn the tide, other commanders
argued that troops should be pulled back and concentrated at a point
farther south on the Peninsula, even as far as Johor, to make a unified
stand. En route, the retreating army could blow up bridges and
destroy roads to slow the Japanese advance. This would also have
the advantage of lengthening the Japanese supply lines while shorten-
ing the Allied supply lines. This debate went on for weeks, with
Percival resisting and continuing to try to keep the fighting as far away
as possible, as it relentlessly moved closer. The Japanese advance was
swift: they took Penang by December 17, Taiping by December 22,
crossed the Slim River by January 7, took Kuala Lumpur by January 11,
crossed the Muar River just south of Melaka on January 15, and
pushed onward into Johor.
In mid-December 1941, Churchill’s reaction was that Singapore
needed to hold strong while Britain and the United States developed
a coordinated strategy for the war in the Pacific, and he set sail for
Washington, D.C. to do that. When reinforcement troops arrived,
Percival sent them into action; but due to heavy losses, reinforcements
were merely replacements rather than a strengthening of forces that
could halt the Japanese advance. Churchill recommended retreat to a
defensive line in Johor to protect the island fortress of Singapore, still
not understanding that there were no defensive works in Johor to form
a line around or that Singapore was in no way a fortress. Percival, with
the approval of the Chiefs of Staff, instead opted to continue his strat-
egy of trying to keep the fighting farther north. By Christmas, the
Chiefs of Staff felt the urgency of the situation; and a joint American-
British-Dutch-Australian Command was developed under General
Archibald Wavell, the Commander-in-Chief of India. However, they
could still not react quickly enough to the pace of events. The loss of
an airbase in Burma meant that fighter aircraft from India could not
be flown in; all reinforcements, both people and equipment, would
have to come by sea.
By mid-January 1942, with the Japanese Imperial Army having
advanced past Kuala Lumpur, there was no choice but to retreat to
Johor. Churchill finally grasped the nature of Singapore’s problematic

defenses, constructed with the expectation of a sea invasion, and that
Singapore was in no respect a fortress. He wrote a scathing memo to
the Chiefs of Staff,
Seaward batteries and a naval base do not constitute a fortress,

which is a completely encircled strong place. Merely to have seaward
batteries and no forts or fixed defences to protect their rear is not to
be excused on any ground. By such neglect the whole security of
the fortress has been placed at the mercy of ten thousand men
breaking across the straits in small boats. I warn you this will be one
of the greatest possible scandals that could possibly be exposed.7
Churchill was nevertheless shocked when he was told just a few days
later, on January 21, that Singapore would not hold for long after Johor
fell, as it did on January 27. Ongoing communication problems and
tactical disagreements between Churchill and the military chiefs, and
a large set of false assumptions on Churchill’s behalf led to a devastat-
ing lack of coordination.
THE FALL OF SINGAPORE

In Singapore the situation was rapidly deteriorating. Japanese
bombing raids had resumed at the end of December and intensified
from the middle of January onward with a frequency of up to a half a
dozen each day. In the densely constructed living spaces of Singapore,
especially in Chinese areas, the casualty rates were immense with esti-
mates of at least 10,000 people killed and many more injured.8 Despite
the obviously worsening situation, government censors prohibited
media reports about how poorly the defense of the Malay Peninsula
was progressing. The administration still feared loss of confidence in
colonial authority, or worse, mass panic, and made no provisions, such
as air raid shelters, to protect the population. Finally on February 7,
local officials invited the population to participate in civilian defenses,
if they wished but did not convey a sense of urgency. Overall, civilian
leadership was weak. The population was willing to help and many
volunteers came forward, but the organization or coordination needed
to create last-minute civilian defenses was absent. The one exception
was the creation of Dalforce, a group of Singaporean Chinese who vol-
unteered to be guerilla fighters. This materialized too late and in the
end Dalforce was sent out but with limited weapons and almost no
ammunition.
Military leaders prepared for a last stand in Singapore. Troops

retreated from the Peninsula and a 60-yard-wide hole was blasted
in the causeway that connected Singapore with Johor. Unfortunately,
piping on the causeway carried a portion of Singapore’s water
supply from Johor, which made the water supply potentially scarce,
should a siege develop. The meager defensive preparation in
Singapore shocked the retreating troops. There had been discussions
of creating defensive installations and some were even marked on
maps, but there were fears that suddenly having to erect defenses
would be harmful to morale, so leaders left it until the last hour
when there was no other choice. Soldiers set to work assembling
defensive works, but time was short. More reinforcements came in,
but the losses in the preceding weeks were great enough that the
reinforcements were, again, replacements rather than added
strength. To make matters worse, they were mostly barely trained,
new recruits.
Miscalculations still plagued Percival. He assumed the Japanese
forces were much larger than they actually were and that they
would attack from many different positions. He figured there
initially would be a large, concentrated assault on a specific target
in Singapore, with additional invasion waves behind it. Thus,
following a similar troop dispersal strategy as he had used on the
Peninsula, he stationed troops along the coastline around the island
rather than concentrating them on the exposed and largely defense-
less north shore or in a strategic location like Bukit Timah, the high-
est point in Singapore (538 feet), and the site of water reservoirs and
supply depots. Moreover, the plan was improvised, because the
still-disagreeing military leadership in Singapore had not developed
a plan while they still had time. Singapore had impressive gun forti-
fications, but they were designed to defend against a marine inva-
sion, not an invasion from the north. The guns could have been
turned, but even then, they were designed to shoot at ships, not at
tanks or people, and proved useless in the final defense of the
island.
On the Japanese side, Yamashita was concerned about his supply
lines. He knew he lacked adequate reserves to stage a protracted siege
of Singapore, thus speed remained a strategic priority for him. Once
Johor fell, he opted for an invasion across the narrowest part of the
Johor Strait on the northwest side of Singapore, just west of the cause-
way. He had 300 collapsible boats, which, if connected together, could
transport not only his soldiers but also artillery, and he had full com-
mand of the air. He commenced his invasion of Singapore on
February 8, 1942. Yamashita knew the Johor Strait had not been mined,
so Japanese forces were able to slip across under the cover of darkness
and up creeks and inlets. Australian soldiers stationed on that part of
the island were surrounded quickly.
What ensued was a military disaster. Phone and radio communica-
tions buckled, leading to confusion. While the military commanders
of the mostly British, Indian, and Australian units had the improvised
plan, a number of them did not follow it and left gaps in an already
weak defense. Percival, falsely certain that Yamashita had many more
troops, continued to keep Allied forces scattered along the coast wait-
ing for the secondary invasion that never came. Troops were given a
conflicting mission: they were supposed to defend the island (Churchill
was still insisting that Singapore could not fall), while at the same
time destroying anything that might be of use to the Japanese–oil
and rubber supplies, a tin smelting factory, and the naval base
that had been the defend-at-all-costs focus of Percival’s orders from
London.
The final Japanese assault began on February 11. Military and civil-
ian leadership were still in disarray and indecisive. While some Allied
troops put up a strong fight, others did not. Some government leaders
and police walked off the job. Civilians simply tried to survive. Some
tried to flee to the port and escape in boats. Japanese planes shot them
on the piers; and most of those who made it onto boats were caught,
and some were killed. In the city center, at least a million people within
a three-mile radius of the port suffered the bombing raids. Estimates
range as high as 2,000 civilian fatalities per day in the last days of the
fighting.9 The Japanese, their supplies running ever lower, pushed
for speed. By February 14, they had repaired the hole in the causeway
and were able to bring in heavier guns and tanks, hoping to finish
the fight quickly. As illustration of just how bad the defense was,
Australian troops found a map showing Japanese plans for
February 14 but were told to conserve ammunition since supplies
were so low. Even as they received confirmation that the Japanese
were moving ahead with the plan on the map, Australian soldiers
under the command of Major-General H. Gordon Bennett could see
the Japanese advancing and did not shoot. Yamashita was also run-
ning low on ammunition, so low that afterwards he and the strategist
Tsuji estimated that had fighting gone on for just three more days, they
would have been forced to end their attack. However, instead of
conserving, he ordered his troops to bluff by firing heavily and leading
British commanders to think they had unlimited supplies. On the morn-
ing of February 15, Percival met with military leaders at Fort Canning.
They were low on ammunition, fuel, food, and were concerned about
the water supply. The conditions were grim, and they had no idea of
Yamashita’s true situation. If they continued to fight, combat would
move into the city center, which would be devastating to civilians; they
felt that continuing was futile. While they were meeting, a telegram
arrived authorizing Percival to surrender. At 5:30 p.m. that afternoon,
Percival went to the Japanese Headquarters carrying a white flag for
the largest surrender of troops in British history. It happened in just
70 days, 30 days faster than the Japanese had hoped, and nearly four
months before the estimated six months it would have taken the
British to bring in adequate reinforcements in the 1941 assessment for
the Singapore Strategy. In the race between the Japanese advances versus
the arrival of British reinforcements, the Japanese were swifter by far.
HOW DID IT GO WRONG?

Much has been written about why the fight for Singapore was such a
disaster for the British. Clearly there were many facets to the failure,
both from top levels of civilian and military command in London
down to local commanders and troops on the ground. The disaster
was not one of short-term making: Many scholars point to the
Singapore Strategy as flawed from its inception in the early 1920s,
seeing it as something between a gamble and a bluff.
In terms of poor decisions at the highest levels, many critics point to
Churchill and the top military leadership who failed to make a realistic
and coherent plan once Japan’s aggression and Singapore’s vulnerabil-
ities had been revealed in the mid-1930s. The physical defenses were
inadequate and under-resourced; empty naval bases and airfields do
not project impressive deterrent power. Squabbling among civilian
and military leaders in the years leading up to the war and after it
began hindered planning. Rather than hashing out their differences
until a conclusion was reached, matters were dropped and ignored
until it was too late. This led, in part, to some of Churchill’s lack of
understanding about Singapore’s defenses. Funding choices are also
a target of criticism. The British government hoped to defend its Asian
colonies at minimal cost and was not willing to invest funds in an
Eastern Fleet that may have been a genuine deterrent to Japan and, at
the very least, could have tipped the scales in favor of Britain. Some
scholars argue that all through the 1920s and 1930s, Britain should
have been building more ships and aircraft so the resources would
have been available when needed. Finally, the choices made about
the available resources were poor and sometimes based on political
considerations rather than strategic necessity. Some would say that

delaying air, naval, and human resources in 1941 was a wrong choice;
however, the situation was one of competing demands and the war in
Europe, closest to the British home front, received the highest priority.
However, it appears to have been very much a political decision over a
strategic one when the Soviet Union received aircraft that could have
been sent to Singapore, with probably much greater impact than they
made added to existing Soviet air power.
In terms of failures at the local level, specific criticisms have been
levied against the commanders on the ground and Percival in particu-
lar. The decisions, both on the Malay Peninsula and in the Battle of
Singapore, to disperse troops to a point where they were too scattered
to be effective rather than risk a concentrated stand, was perhaps the
poorest strategy. The hesitations in decision-making, such as the
delayed implementation of Operation Matador, were also problematic.
Some of those poor decisions may have been caused by the frag-
mented command structure that put no one in the region in control
of all aspects of the war effort. The fragmentation almost certainly
led to various arguments over strategy and other conflicts among
commanders on the ground, to the point of some not following orders
at the end. Australian troops have received blame, particularly for
their actions at the very end of the battle when they did not fight.
The criticisms have been sharp enough that it has become a politically
sensitive topic and the Australian government has noted the very
significant fight the Australians put up along the Malay Peninsula.
Another local failing was the lack of involvement of the civilian popu-
lation. Had civilians been organized to help with defenses or con-
scripted to fight as part of the army, perhaps the outcome could have
been different. Instead, beyond losing the labor contributions the civil-
ians could have made, the local military and civilian administrations
left the civilian population vulnerable simply to hide how poorly the
fight was going and to avoid appearing weak. Despite the dense urban
dwellings, no air raid shelters were built that could have saved some
of the thousands of lives lost in the bombings.
Overarching many of these upper- and lower-level problems in
decision-making are an array of false perceptions that harmed the
overall effort. Churchill appeared to have believed the myth that
Singapore was a genuine fortress, with battlements all around and
a moat comprised of the Johor Strait. His concern was how long
Singapore could hold out under a siege, not whether Singapore could
last long enough for a siege to begin. Churchill also thought the United
States would make an effort to save Singapore and indeed expressed
relief that Pearl Harbor was bombed simultaneously, assuring the U.S.
entry into the war, believing that Singapore would then be saved. Poor
intelligence was also a contributing factor, because the British did not
have the information they needed and their perceptions were such
that they had no idea how poor the intelligence gathered actually
was. Thus they did not receive detailed warnings prior to the invasion.
Another explanation that has been offered is racism: the British simply
could not believe that Japanese/non-Whites could develop a sophisti-
cated strategy with good technology that could completely overwhelm
the British Empire, even though they had evidence before them. If they
saw the Japanese doing something differently than was the norm in
the British military, they assumed it would be an inferior approach,
rather than one suited to local conditions.
Finally, imperial overstretch is a common explanation of the British
failure. The Empire was simply too large for its available resources to
defend. When Britain had to channel so many of its resources to the
war in Europe as well as Africa and the Middle East, there was little
that could be spared for the relatively late arrival to the war, Southeast
Asia. The British Empire spanned too much territory to protect. All
that said, and with most explanations clearly focused on British fail-
ings, one must not forget the effective strategy and implementation
by the Japanese. The Imperial Japanese Army was a strong fighting
force that struck hard and fast and pushed past anything the British
put in its path. The Japanese strategists accurately assessed the
strengths and weaknesses of the opponent prior to attack and the
resulting plan was carried out with precision.
While there is no shortage of what-ifs and if-onlys, the reality is that
Britain’s failure to defend Singapore was multifaceted. Of course more
money could have been spent or funds could have been allocated dif-
ferently. Decision-making in London and in Singapore could have
been different, from the 1920s through the end of the fight. In the
end, however, it is important to look at outcomes. The control of the
Malay Peninsula allowed the Japanese to conquer significant portions
of Indonesia, which together with Malaysia, offered resources such as
oil and rubber, which were vital to the Japanese war effort. As a port,
Singapore proved unimportant to the Japanese; because world trade,
the constant source of revenue for Singapore, was too disrupted to
yield much income. Militarily, the port was not needed. Australia
and New Zealand were invested in the security of Singapore because
they saw it as a bulwark against aggression toward them, but Japan
never launched an invasion against either country, so this threat did
not materialize. However, while the loss of Singapore may not have
proved ultimately disastrous to the overall Allied war effort, it was

unquestionably a blow to morale. There were debates about strategy
and reinforcements in 1941 and 1942 before Singapore was even lost,
and one member of the British Parliament labeled it “the Worst Disaster
since Ethelred the Unready,”10 a reference to the English king who lost
most of the country’s territory to Viking invaders in the late 900s.
THE OCCUPATION
Japanese forces formally occupied the island on February 16, 1942.
People, anxious about what would happen, stayed home rather than
opening shops and businesses. They had even made an effort in the last
days before the capitulation to dump supplies of liquor so that drunken-
ness would not add to the feared rampage of rape, murder, and destruc-
tion that often follows military conquest. As it was, the takeover was
orderly with the military police establishing control in the city center
and the army being held back, although there were some instances of
conquest violence in the northwest portion of Singapore.
Treatment of Prisoners of War and Civilian Internees

Japanese authorities immediately took an approach of treating the
various ethnic groups differently, which over the years of the occupa-
tion reinforced the differences between them. European and British
Commonwealth citizens, both soldiers and civilians, were imprisoned.
The soldiers, approximately 50,000 in all, were treated as prisoners of
war (POWs) and held in barracks at Changi on the southeast part of
Singapore.11 Civilians, about 2,000 initially, although the number even-
tually grew to 3,500, were interred in Changi Jail. 12 Indian troops
(about 45,000) and the few Malay soldiers (about 600) were ordered
to appear at Farrer Park on February 17 at which time they were
encouraged to switch their loyalties to Emperor Hirohito. The
Japanese were clearly anticipating enthusiasm from the local commun-
ities for their liberation from colonial control. However, the way the
Japanese handled many aspects of the occupation made gratitude
impossible. The Indian troops were invited to fight against British
colonialism in India with the Indian National Army. With few excep-
tions, the professional soldiers among the Indians refused to switch
loyalties, and some were tortured and killed. About 20,000 of them
agreed to join the Indian National Army, but for most that was likely
an opportunistic decision to avoid harsh treatment from the Japanese.
The rest were treated as POWs. Among the Malays, the officers who
refused to switch sides were executed, and then their troops were told
they could return home. However, the first hundred or so who were sup-
posedly being given a ride to the train station were executed.13 The rest
returned to their families, many of whom had followed their family
members to Singapore during the Japanese advance down the Penin-
sula. In terms of dealing with the enemy soldiers and swaying them to
their cause, the Japanese efforts were not successful.
For most of the POWs and the civilian internees, the experience was
mixed. Both groups were able to eke out a fairly comfortable existence
in many respects. The POWs had an active social life in the camps with
swimming and theatrical entertainments performed by the prisoners.
They even made “Changi University” where as many as 2,000 POW
students participated in classes offered by fellow prisoners with lec-
tures on topics ranging from physics to law to languages. Among the
internees, they formed a democratically elected government within
the jail to have representative liaisons with prison officials. They
played bridge, had musical events, and even started their own jail
newspapers, such as the Changi Guardian. Food rations for both groups
were not extensive, but they were consistent throughout the war until
the very end when food became scarce and some civilian and military
prisoners suffered malnutrition and starvation.
On the downside, both groups were forced into work units, a viola-
tion of international standards for the treatment of prisoners in war-
time, which dictate that prisoners should not be required to assist
with the enemy’s war effort. In Singapore, prisoners tried to strike a
balance between working hard enough to avoid being beaten and
slowly enough to minimize help to the Japanese. Officials forced pris-
oners to rebuild the port and roads and, as one of their more notewor-
thy projects, built the airfield that was the foundation for today’s
Changi International Airport, Singapore’s main airport. The worst
labor assignment was for those shipped north to work on the Burma-
Thailand Railway from October 1942 to October 1943. Sixty thousand
prisoners, working under terrible conditions, built the 260-mile rail
line at the cost of about 15,000 prisoner lives.14
The worst incident for civilian internees happened as a result of
what is known as the Double Tenth Event. In October 1943, a small
group of Allied special forces rowed canoes into the harbor during
the night on a sabotage mission known as Operation Jaywick, and man-
aged to destroy seven ships, including an oil tanker. Japanese author-
ities could not believe this had been carried out without assistance
from people in Singapore and concluded that the internees were the
most likely culprits. They were assembled in Changi Jail while their
possessions were searched and then dozens were taken away for inter-
rogation and torture by military police. No connection to the sabotage
was found and the Japanese finally discovered what had happened a
little over a year later when another special forces unit was captured
while attempting another raid. Conditions in Changi Jail deteriorated
for the internees after the Double Tenth Event. Eventually the intern-
ees were moved to a different location, where the situation grew even
worse for some of them, especially women who were forced into sex-
ual slavery as “comfort women” for Japanese soldiers.
Treatment of the Civilian Population

The civilian population, now swollen to 1.4 million people by an
influx of refugees from the Malay Peninsula, also suffered greatly.
The Japanese generally treated the Indians and Malays more kindly
than the 700,000 Singaporean Chinese,15 who were not trusted by the
Japanese because of Singaporean Chinese support for the war effort
against the Japanese in China and perhaps a general bias against
Chinese people after five years of war. The Japanese planned to make
Singapore a permanent colony, so they knew they needed to win over
the Chinese population. They first had to purge the Chinese commu-
nity of any untrustworthy elements, so they launched a brief but
brutal program called sook ching or “purging for purification.” On
February 18, officials ordered all Chinese males between the ages of
18 and 50 to report to evaluation centers. The Kempeitai or military
police were in charge and were highly trained in interrogation.
Auxiliaries with less training were also pulled in from the regular
army. Some of the interrogations were systematic and quick; others
were arbitrary and lasted for days during which people were without
food, water, and shelter. The military police also used informers from
the local population who, while wearing hoods to conceal their iden-
tities, helped the Japanese look for suspicious characters. The simplest
criteria were adequate to raise suspicion and could include certain
professions, for example teachers or journalists, which were two
professions to which recent immigrants from China had tended to
gravitate; in other cases a tattoo might be enough to raise the suspicion
of authorities, because that could be an indicator of secret society mem-
bership. At some of the evaluation centers all members of the Hainanese
community were suspect, because the Hainan region in China was
notorious for its support of the Chinese communist movement. Other
targets were supporters of the Guomindang movement in China. For
some people, writing their name in the Roman alphabet rather than in
Chinese or having worked for Europeans was suspicious. Anyone sus-

pected of being in Dalforce was a target. Overall, decisions were quite
indiscriminate and inconsistent. Once the sorting was complete, those
who were cleared were marked with a symbol and released; those not
cleared were otherwise marked, and although some were imprisoned,
most were soon executed. They were taken out to sea, tied together
and dumped overboard, or taken to the beach, herded out into the sea
and shot to death. It is not known how many ethnic Chinese were exter-
minated in what some scholars (e.g., Murfett et al.) called ethnic cleans-
ing, but estimates are as high as 50,000 or more.16
The sook ching was one of several policies implemented in the early
days that convinced many people (especially the Chinese community)
that avoiding the attention of the authorities was a wise choice for sur-
vival. In an attempt to ensure public order and prevent looting, Japanese
soldiers sometimes fired into crowds. If individual looters were caught,
they may be let free with a warning if they were Indian or Malay, but if
they were Chinese, they were often executed and their heads put on pub-
lic display as a lesson to others. The gruesome evidence of how far the
Japanese military went to assure order was perhaps part of the reason
no real opposition movement developed in Singapore during the occu-
pation. Even though the sook ching only lasted the first week or so, the
military police continued to be a source of enormous fear and intimida-
tion throughout the occupation. If citizens were suspected of opposing
the occupation, or made a negative comment about a government action,
or complained about food shortages, or were found to have western ties
(such as books or music or being English-educated), they could be
arrested and interrogated. The interrogations typically involved torture,
and many died in custody. With time, the threat of informing on some-
one to the military police also became a method of settling vendettas
and of blackmailing people, because actual guilt or innocence was irrel-
evant and only one informant was needed to merit arrest. Typically, the
only escape from military police custody was bribery. Moreover, being
cleared by one military police office did not mean a person was cleared
by all; a person could potentially be arrested by a different office and
have to repeat the entire process. This sort of treatment made it difficult
for the Japanese to evoke positive sentiments from many in the popula-
tion. Japanese officials made some attempts at benevolent rule, such as
mostly leaving people alone in their religious practices and opening a
couple of amusement parks, but the attempts did not counter the wide-
spread climate of fear.
A special economic targeting was also enacted toward the Chinese
population. As evidence of their loyalty and to raise revenue for the
war effort, the administration demanded a “gift” of $50 million from

the Chinese population in the Malay States and Singapore, with
Singapore’s portion set at $10 million. This amount was approximately
a quarter of the currency in circulation,17 so it was an enormous sum of
money to collect, and they only had a matter of weeks to do so. In
Singapore, any Chinese citizens with property valued at over $3,000
were required to pay an 8 percent tax toward the gift and businesses
had to pay a 5 percent tax on their holdings. The full sum was not
collected in time, even with a short extension on the deadline, and so
they had to arrange for a loan from a Japanese bank to cover nearly
half the amount due, with repayment required within a year.
Japanization
Once order was established, Japanese authorities set about imprinting
Japanese culture on Singapore, a process known as Japanization, to erase
Britain’s colonial legacy. The name was immediately changed from
Singapore to Syonan-to, meaning Light of the South, reflecting Singapore’s
status as the capital of the southern region of Japan’s possessions. The
Georgian calendar used by the Europeans was changed to the Imperial
Calendar of Japan, which counts years from the traditional date of
Japan’s founding in 660 B.C.E., so 1942 became 2602. The time zone
was also altered so Singapore would be on the same time as Tokyo.
A new currency was introduced; the names of public offices, such as
the courts, and newspapers were given Japanese names.
Language was a main focus of the program’s efforts; because officials
hoped Japanese would replace English as the language of common use,
although they realized this would take some time. There was a public
campaign to teach people katakana, a simplified, phonetic Japanese writ-
ing system; and there were incentives for people to learn Japanese,
including preferences for job hiring. Schools were gradually reopened
after a few months of occupation, and a Japanese-oriented curriculum
was introduced with hours of language instruction each day.
Authorities also sought to instill in people the “Japanese spirit” that
reflected the greatness of the nation. Each day there were flag and
anthem ceremonies and compulsory fitness drills set to music from
Japanese radio. The Emperor’s birthday became a holiday. School chil-
dren began each day by facing toward Japan and singing patriotic
songs. People were also required to bow to officials from the Imperial
administration. To underscore their elite status, there were certain ele-
vators in some office buildings that only Japanese could use and two
of Singapore’s main department stores were closed to non-Japanese
customers. As a further effort to remove the European stamp from

Singapore, western music, film, and theater were prohibited with few
exceptions.
Difficulties of Daily Life under Occupation

As is common during wartime, especially in an import-based
economy, shortages soon became a reality for most Singaporeans.
Families in good standing with the administration received Peace
Living Certificates that entitled them to ration cards for items such as
rice, meat, sugar, salt, and other essentials. The situation worsened as
the tide of war turned against Japan and resources, including food,
became scarce. A thriving black market developed, so people were
able to supplement their rations in that manner, but that depended
on wealth, especially as prices and shortages increased. Creative sub-
stitutions were found, for example, tapioca was used to make bread
once wheat flour became unavailable. However, not all of these were
adequate dietary substitutions; and incidents of malnutrition and
related illnesses, such as beriberi caused by B-vitamin deficiency,
became more prevalent.
To help overcome shortages, increase Singapore’s self-sufficiency,
and reduce the need for imports, the Japanese administration initiated
a program in which available green spaces were converted to gardens,
which residents were expected to work. The program was promoted
through the schools and government-controlled media. However,
Singapore’s soil had never been very good for cultivation and little
came of the efforts.
The Japanese also took other measures to try to deal with the com-
modity shortages. Since refugees from the Malay Peninsula had
increased the population, the Japanese initially encouraged, and then
later ordered, people to return home. They also set up a couple of
commune-type villages, one in Johor and one farther north, to which
they encouraged people to move and become self-sufficient through
farming. There was some incentive to go, because people gained
distance from the watchful eye of the Japanese administration and
military police; plus the administration promised to provide most of
the resources to get started. The settlement in Johor that was popu-
lated mostly by ethnic Chinese and received support from the Oversea
Chinese Association did well and was able to grow a lot of food. The
other, comprised mainly of Christian professionals who did not have
good farming skills and had worse land and fewer resources than the
Johor settlement, failed to prosper, and a number of the participants
died. None of the efforts to reduce Singapore’s population were very

successful, and there remained too many mouths to feed from the
available food. Food scarcity grew severe toward the end of the war,
and people had to stand in long lines to get basic items such as rice.
The food shortages were exacerbated by rampant inflation that
resulted from the disorganized approach the Japanese took to introduce
the new currency. Its value was not properly supported, and, while the
first bills issued had serial numbers, successive printings did not, mak-
ing them easy to counterfeit. Inflation was a problem from the beginning.
The mandated Chinese gift helped take currency out of circulation and
helped steady the value for a time, but that was short-lived. The Japanese
then introduced a lottery that appealed to many people, helped take still
more currency out of circulation, and also helped finance the Japanese
war effort. A further attempt was a succession of savings campaigns in
which officials encouraged people to save their money. Ultimately,
however, the inflation continued to rise. The situation was worse in
Singapore than on the Malay Peninsula, where food was one-half to
one-third less expensive. Real estate was likewise extremely inflated
and a property that cost $5,000 to $6,000 before the war increased to
prices ranging from $160,000 to $250,000 by March 1945.18
An additional problem was widespread corruption. The low value of
money due to inflation led to a cavalier attitude, in which money was
easily made and spent. Bribes, extortion, and protection money schemes
were commonplace and considered a cost of doing business. It was in
the corrupt business of the black market in which much of the economic
activity took place. The formal economy was Japanese dominated, with
Japanese corporations such as Mitsubishi having taken over the major
industries of shipping, rubber, tin, and others. Non-Japanese people
needed a special permit to conduct such trade. Some enterprising
Singaporeans, in particular some members of the Chinese community
who were well-connected from their past roles as intermediate brokers,
were able to find new wealth despite this, typically through the black
market. For political reasons, there was often a Japanese person as the
face of the operation, but that was usually just a front in the survival
economy. Black market goods met so many needs that dealing on the
black market became a necessity, and the scale of business was large.
Daily life became harder in all aspects as the war drew to its end.
Food and other commodities became ever scarcer; Japanese authorities
became less predictable and increasingly harsh; the money became
ever lower in value. At the same time, the censorship of the press pre-
vented people from receiving accurate news reports about the
progress of the war. Short-wave radios that could pick up the British
Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) transmissions had been banned, so

very few people had them. However, by July 1945, Allied aircraft were
overflying Singapore daily and people realized the end was near.
There was also considerable bombing of the port. Civilians and
Japanese authorities assumed that there could be a second Battle of
Singapore, which led to hoarding of commodities by authorities,
aggravating the shortages, and increasing anxiety among civilians.
Lacking replacement parts, important aspects of the infrastructure like
electricity production also started to fail. The situation had become
miserable for most of the population.
The United States dropped atomic bombs on Japan on August 6 and
9, 1945. On August 15, Emperor Hirohito officially announced Japan’s
surrender, which was broadcast over radio around Japan. It was
finally announced in Singapore’s media on August 21. The Japanese
began preparing their own internment camp at Jurong as they waited
for Allied forces to land. On September 2, British and Commonwealth
troops arrived and received a warm welcome from the population.
The Singaporeans had a new, humbler view of the British, but British
rule had been less brutal than that of the Japanese occupiers, so the
British were welcomed. On September 12, Japanese army and navy
officials in Singapore officially and publicly surrendered to Lord Louis
Mountbattan, the Supreme Allied Commander of Southeast Asia. The
Japanese military leaders who controlled Singapore’s fate during the
war met different ends. Tsuji, the planner of the invasion, slipped
away to China and hid out until the British ended attempts to put
him on trial. He made his way back to Japan and was eventually
elected to the Japanese parliament. Yamashita, the general who
became known as the Tiger of Malaya for his successful sweep down
the Peninsula, was stationed in the Philippines at the end of the war
and was captured by the Americans. He was the first of the Japanese
generals to be tried for war crimes and was executed in February 1946.
The experience of shocking defeat and painful occupation left a last-
ing mark on Singapore. To the local population, British control was
supposed to mean protection, but the British had failed profoundly.
The Singapore to which the British returned was not the same
Singapore they had left. The people’s trust had been compromised
and they were prepared to consider a different future.
NOTES
1. Karl Hack and Kevin Blackburn, Did Singapore Have to Fall? (New York, NY:
Routledge Curzon, 2004), 40.
2. C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 1819–1988, 2nd ed. (New York, NY:

Oxford University Press, 1989), 159–160.
3. Malcolm Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans (New York, NY: Marshall
Cavendish International, 2004), 190.
4. A. W. King, “Plantation and Agriculture in Malaya, with Notes on the Trade
of Singapore,” The Geographical Journal, 39 (1939), 136–148.
5. Hack and Blackburn, Did Singapore Have to Fall? 148.
6. Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans, 220–221.
7. Ibid., 264.
8. Ibid., 269.
9. C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 181.
10. Hack and Blackburn, Did Singapore Have to Fall? 5.
11. Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans, 321.
12. Ibid., 328.
14. D. O. W. Hall. “Prisoners of Japan: The Burma-Thailand Railway,” New
Zealand Electronic Text Centre, http://www.nzetc.org/tm/scholarly/tei-WH2
-1Epi-c6-WH2-1Epi-f.html.
15. Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans, 308.
16. Ibid., 306 and National Heritage Board. “Sook Ching Centre,” Heritage
Trails, http://heritagetrails.sg/content/586/Sook_Ching_Centre.html.
18. Ibid., 199–200.
6
The Rough Road to
Independence: 1945–1963
When World War II abruptly ended with the U.S. atomic bombing of
Japan, Britain returned to administer its restored colony. However,
there was understanding on both Singaporean and British sides that
they could not return to the pre-war situation. Already in 1943, the
British Colonial Office began planning for the gradual shift from
British control to self-governance for the Straits Settlements, although
the sudden end of the war left the British without a finalized plan
and the primary focus for self-government was on the Malay states;
Singapore could continue as a crown colony indefinitely. The follow-
ing years proved tumultuous, and the future that many in Singapore
envisioned was one where Singapore was a part of Malaysia. Once
the initial years of post-war recovery passed, a communist insurgency
on the Malay Peninsula resulted in a state of emergency; and there
was a separate, but likewise problematic, attempt by communists in
Singapore to gain control of the country. New political forces eventu-
ally put down the communist threat and the dream of merging with
Malaysia was briefly realized but failed in the face of incompatibility.
The independent country of Singapore was born. While much of

what transpired related to group dynamics in Singapore and even in
Malaysia, the events took place within the larger context of the global
Cold War struggle between communism and capitalism.
THE POST-WAR RECOVERY

Control of Singapore, both military and civilian aspects, was in the
hands of the British Military Administration (BMA), which was under
the direction of Supreme Allied Commander of Southeast Asia Lord
Louis Mountbattan. While Singaporeans initially welcomed the
British, who were certain to be less abusive than the Japanese occupi-
ers, the situation after the war was direr than people had hoped. Some
of the problems were due to ongoing shortages of food and other neces-
sities. Shipping was difficult; the port had been badly damaged in Allied
bombings and needed to be rebuilt and re-equipped, because cranes,
dredgers, and other essential machinery had been destroyed or were
missing. In addition, the harbor was partially blocked by sunken ships,
and most warehouses had been ruined. Even the railroad coming from
the Malay Peninsula was damaged, making the import of goods into
Singapore very difficult. Worse still, rice-producing countries faced
shortages themselves and were not exporting. The prices of available
goods were inflated, contributing further to supply shortages. Beyond
transportation and food scarcity, further suffering was related to the
dilapidated infrastructure in areas of water, electricity, etc. Housing was
also a grave problem. There was overcrowding in the urban center before
the war, but with the destruction from bombing and the inflation in real
estate prices that happened during the Japanese occupation, many peo-
ple resorted to living in casually erected slums that lacked sanitation.
Between the unclean living conditions and malnutrition from the food
shortages, the mortality rate in 1945 doubled from its pre-war level.1
Further problems were credited to mismanagement and corruption
in the lower ranks of the BMA. The climate of the occupation, where
rules were ignored in the name of survival, spilled over into the
reconstruction era. The black market continued to thrive, as did brib-
ery and other forms of corruption. It continued in the police, who
had lost all legitimate authority during the occupation, and in the
government with a new cast of players in the BMA. There were few
British administrators who were not new to Singapore. The earlier
staffers were recovering from their time as internees or prisoners of
war, leaving the government primarily staffed with new people, many
of whom capitalized on Singapore’s thriving black market and on
The Rough Road to Independence 111
other opportunities such as bribes for travel permits, trade licenses,

etc. While the upper echelons of the BMA were generally honest, the
lower levels were so corrupt that the local population called the
BMA the Black Market Administration. The BMA also implemented
a number of policies, including rationing and price setting to help mit-
igate food scarcity and inflation. While these policies were not corrupt,
they were not effective immediately, and the shortages and high prices
continued unabated. Between corruption and inefficiency, the British
administration lost all respect in the eyes of the people. The BMA’s
efforts to prosecute the Japanese for war crimes further exacerbated
the people’s disappointment. Trials relating to crimes against civilian
internees and military prisoners of war resulted in some convictions.
However, the effort to try the perpetrators of the sook ching, which cost
many thousands of Chinese lives, proved more problematic. A series
of trials did result in a couple of executions and some life sentences,
but the Chinese community felt the administration had put more effort
into the trials involving crimes against British or Commonwealth citi-
zens than those involving Chinese victims.
Other social problems, including gambling, prostitution, and opium
use, continued from the occupation era. The black market, bribery, and
profiteering flourished in the private sector as much as it did in the
public sector. In addition, the secret societies began to thrive again.
On a more positive note, the BMA reopened schools in a timely
manner. It moved quickly to restore the port and infrastructure; and
by April 1946, the port was almost back to normal, and more people
had access to water and electricity than before the war. It also did a
good job of removing corrupt and tainted police officials and launch-
ing a new police recruiting effort. Moreover, within six months or so,
the rationing policies began to work, and food shortages became less
severe. While the slow progress disappointed the population, the
BMA made important improvements in a relatively short time before
being replaced by Colonial Office governance in April 1946.
One major legacy of the BMA was a policy related to communist
activity. The pre-war colonial administration, seeing communist influ-
ences from China as a threat, had taken actions such as banning local
Chinese Communist Party branches in Singapore. In response, the
Malay Communist Party (MCP) was born in 1930, which the British also
attempted to suppress. However, the group that emerged from the war
with the greatest respect was, in fact, the MCP. While there was virtually
no active resistance in Singapore during occupation, on the Malay
Peninsula, the MCP created the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army
(MPAJA). The MPAJA was comprised mostly of ethnic Chinese people
from both Singapore and cities in the Malay Peninsula who fled to the
jungles and fought with guerilla tactics against the occupying Japanese.
People of varying ideologies participated; but by the end of the war,
the MPAJA was closely linked to and heavily populated by communists.
The Chinese community felt the British did not afford adequate respect
to the fighters as the sole resistance to the abusive Japanese, which
caused more resentment. The MCP decommissioned the MPAJA a few
months after the occupation ended and decided to use political tactics
to promote its agenda of independence from British colonial rule.
In order to recruit for their cause, the MCP opted to organize
through labor unions and in opposition to the BMA. The BMA initially
recognized the status of the MCP, but when the MCP (and the affiliated
unions it quickly and easily organized) began planning strikes and ral-
lies, the organization attracted negative attention from authorities.
There was considerable disagreement within the BMA about how to
react. Mountbattan preferred a more lenient approach, permitting
greater freedom of speech and assembly, but other top officials
strongly disagreed and wanted a harsher response. Some restrictions
were in place, but several major actions were allowed to take place,
including a general strike opposing the unfair detention of a guerilla
fighter in January 1946 that involved almost 173,000 people.2 However,
when it was announced that the unions wanted to have another major
action a few weeks later on February 15 to commemorate the start of
occupation (or “the day the white men ran,” as the Malays called it3),
the British reacted with less tolerance, suggesting that observing the
end of occupation would be more appropriate and issuing a warning
of detention and, for noncitizens (the majority of the Chinese commu-
nity), possible deportation. The MCP went ahead with their planning.
Mountbattan worried about making martyrs out of activists but rele-
nted, and ten labor organizers were detained and later deported to a
Guomindang stronghold in southern China, where they would have
met with great difficulties because of their communist affiliations. This
set the stage for more than a decade of focused and sometimes harsh
anticommunist activity carried out first by the Colonial Office and then
by local authorities in Malaysia and Singapore.
STATE OF EMERGENCY AND STEPS

TOWARD SELF-GOVERNANCE
The economic situation slowly improved with trade reaching pre-
war levels in 1947, and rubber production surpassing the war-time
high in 1948.4 However, in the sultanates of the Malay Peninsula, the
political situation took a problematic turn. The Colonial Office was

interested in a close union of the different states/sultanates on the
Peninsula, but Singapore was excluded. The two, in the mind of the
Colonial Office, were not compatible, despite being connected geo-
graphically, economically, and historically. The deal-breaking factor
was ethnicity, with Singapore having a large majority of ethnic
Chinese while the Malay sultanates had a slight Malay majority. The
Colonial Office feared the two would not mix well; if citizens wanted
union in the future, it could happen, but not for the time being.
A political alliance of Malay traditional elites, known as the United
Malays National Organization (UMNO), came to an agreement with
wealthy Malay Chinese elites (the Malay Chinese Association) to oppose
the Colonial Office plans. The Malay sultans wanted more power for
themselves in a federation and the Chinese elite did not like Singapore’s
exclusion. The Malay Federation would form, but Singapore’s steps
toward self-governance would proceed more gradually.
The MCP was impatient with the slow pace toward self-governance
set by the British and, unhappy with the plan of separation, began an
anticolonial insurgency on the Peninsula in June 1948. The organiza-
tion had a vision of an urban communist revolution in Singapore, but
that became secondary to the armed struggle in the Malay states. The
British responded by declaring a state of emergency in both the Malay
states and in Singapore, which lasted for 12 years. The fighting on the
Malay Peninsula against the “communist terrorists,” as they were
known, never touched Singapore directly, but there were profound
political implications in the restrictions associated with the state of
emergency.
The British goal was to withdraw from Southeast Asia, leaving in
place friendly, malleable governments, which would want to be mem-
bers of the Commonwealth, and would, thus, still help serve and pro-
mote the substantial British interests in the region. Among these
ongoing interests were banks, insurance companies, and trading com-
panies, in addition to the rubber, tin, and shipping industries. Military
installations, the Sembawang Naval Base, plus airfields and an army
base, were also major interests that would help maintain Britain’s
prominence on the world stage. All of this played out against the back-
drop of the Cold War. The United States was involved more directly in
Vietnam and the Philippines, but its Containment Policy, one of the
most significant U.S. foreign policies of the Cold War era, focused on
limiting the spread of communism; and the United States was reluc-
tant to see any colonies come under the rule of communist, or even
neutral, governments. As such, the United States promoted entities in
Singapore (certain schools, unions, newspapers, and people within the

Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce) with connections to the
Guomindang government that took refuge in Taiwan after the Chinese
Communist Party took over China in 1949. The United States also
planted anticommunist propaganda pieces in the Singaporean media
and pressed Britain to take action against communist activities. Of
primary concern in all of this was the Chinese community.
Singapore served as a base for Britain’s fight against the communist
insurgency on the Peninsula, with Sembawang Naval Base supporting
Royal Navy patrols of the Malay coasts and the airbases facilitating
bombing sorties. The British brought the population in the Malay
states into the struggle by moving the schedule for independence
ahead to 1957, thus giving the people a vested interest in the fight for
the future of their country. The British fight against the communists
was successful. While the state of emergency lasted until 1960, the
insurgency was put down earlier, giving birth to the Malay Federation
as an independent state on August 31, 1957. The dominant political
force in the federation was the conservative, anticommunist UMNO,
which promoted nationalist policies favoring the Malay ethnic group
and focused on ethnic differentiation rather than solidarity.
In Singapore, most of the effects of the state of emergency were
political. The declaration of emergency permitted considerable restric-
tions on political freedoms, including detention without charges or
trial, deportation of noncitizens, and restrictions on meetings, rallies,
strikes, organizations, etc. The anticommunist focus stifled all left-
leaning politics and left space only for conservative political organiza-
tions. This happened at a time when local political organizations were
beginning to flourish in Singapore. A new array of organizations rep-
resenting a wide range of the political spectrum, from the left-
oriented MCP and Malay Democratic Union to the moderately
conservative Singapore Progressive Party (SPP), a group associated
with the colonial administration that did not promote any progressive
social, economic or political changes. The British administration was
slowly opening the door to popular representation on the Legislative
Council, heightening the importance of local political parties.
Believing the institutional reforms leading to elected seats on the
council did not go far, or fast, enough to move Singapore toward
independence, many leftward political actors opposed the reforms.
As such, the Malay Democratic Union boycotted the 1948 election for
the new Legislative Council seats. Formal political participation (e.g.,
voting) was restricted to people born in the Straits, British subjects,
and those literate in English, which excluded more than half of the
adult population of immigrant Chinese, numbering into the hundreds

of thousands. The Asians with access to political participation were
the English-educated elite, who tended to be more conservative and
accepting of the slow pace toward self-government (of a still undeter-
mined form) for Singapore. As space in the Legislative Council
opened, the only political organization contesting the election was
the SPP. Much to the delight of the British administration, the SPP
proved a cooperative partner in the council. However, the British were
naively unaware of how unrepresentative the views of the SPP were
and how disconnected the SPP was from the Asian masses in Singapore,
which tended to see the SPP as the lapdog of the colonial master. The
emergency provisions and targeting of left-leaning political groups
deprived the community of a potential safety valve for venting
frustration with the status quo. The Malay Democratic Union
disbanded in the face of anticommunist pressure from the government
and the frustrations of the voiceless masses grew.
There were a number of political issues of importance to the majority
of people living in Singapore, and these issues were neither addressed
by the colonial administration nor advocated on the Legislative Council
by the SPP. One of the top political issues was citizenship reform aimed
at giving the majority of the Chinese population a political voice. The
Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce launched a campaign for this
goal in 1951, but the British administration, supported by the SPP,
refused to enact reform.
Another contentious issue was the education system. The British
had increased financial support for schools in order to develop the cit-
izenship skills necessary for successful self-governance. However, the
administration allowed the funding to follow demand, which tended
heavily toward English-medium education. In fact, four times the
number of students now enrolled in English-medium schools than
before the war.5 The pay for teachers in Chinese-medium schools was
far less than those in English-medium schools and the educational
options were limited with only a few secondary and no post-
secondary Chinese-medium schools. This left Chinese-medium stu-
dents with few options to continue their schooling, so many chose to
go to the People’s Republic of China to further their education. This
was problematic due to the anticommunist immigration policy in
place in the colony, which banned any immigrants with communist
connections. Thus, Chinese-educated young people, most of whom
were residents (rather than citizens) and had limited political rights,
could go to China, but they could not come home to Singapore and
their families. The supporters of the Chinese-medium schools saw
the funding disparities, the underdeveloped Chinese education sys-

tem, and the anti-immigrant policies as signs that the British wanted
to destroy the Chinese school system, thereby undermining Chinese
language and culture, which provoked ire. This came at a time when
the Chinese community was especially attuned to the political devel-
opments in China, which sparked a heightened sense of patriotism
even among noncommunists; and they were, thus, angered by what
they perceived as British hostility toward Chinese patriotism. It was
also at a time when the Chinese community was feeling renewed
strength from the increased wealth flowing in from the trade that
expanded greatly with the start of the Korean War in 1950. A strong
resentment developed toward paying taxes to support programs and
schools that undermined the Chinese community, language, culture,
and even families.
A third major issue was the question of language and, specifically,
multilingualism. The British authorities, with ongoing support from the
mostly-English-educated SPP, promoted English as the language of the
colony. The Chinese community advocated for the Chinese language to
be elevated in status and for all four of the major languages—Chinese,
English, Malay, and Tamil—to be used in proceedings of the Legislative
Council as well as municipal organizations.
Finally, the fourth problematic issue was the racial composition of
the civil service and other important employment venues, which were
still overtly racist in their hiring and promotion practices. In a commu-
nity that was supposed to be advancing toward self-governance but
where the local population still suffered gross discrimination in job
opportunities, it was unacceptable that the civil service be staffed
heavily by Europeans. Thus, quickly staffing the ranks of the civil ser-
vice and other organizations with Asians was a top priority for the
Asian communities. Historian Carl Trocki noted that, “. . . as late as
1954, . . . the British governor of Singapore, Sir John Nicoll, would not
hire an equally qualified Asian over a European.”6
Relatively unaware of these simmering tensions, the British
administration continued to take slow steps toward self-governance,
without addressing critical issues. The year 1953 was important in sev-
eral respects. First, the Rendel Commission was appointed to evaluate
the political and constitutional structures of Singapore that would help
Singapore move toward self-governance in a still-to-be-determined
context. Second, the struggle against the insurgency on the Malay
Peninsula was going well, and the government relaxed of some of
the harsh restrictions on political activities in Singapore. While the
Rendel Commission worked, the Malay Communist Party was busy
redirecting its efforts toward Singapore and infiltrated Chinese schools

and unions. The frustrations of the disenfranchised Chinese, both with
the poor school system and poor working conditions, proved a fertile
environment for communist recruitment and, beginning in 1954,
Singapore was struck with recurrent waves of political violence.
Especially problematic for the British was that the student protesters
and labor activists joined forces, broadening the focus of the protests
from better educational opportunities and improved workers rights
to a radicalized anti-British and anticolonial movement. They viewed
the incremental steps toward an unclear political future offered by
the British, and controlled by pro-British, English-educated elites, as
intolerable. The British offered education reform and improved fund-
ing for Chinese-medium schools but with conditions attached relating
to oversight of school management on issues such as curriculum. The
conditions were met with anger in the Chinese community. The British
also tried to promote noncommunist union organizations, which like-
wise came to naught. Instead, student and labor protests grew; and it
was rumored that two of the leading organizers connected to both
groups, Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan, could bring Singapore
to a halt through protest action on any day of their choosing.
In this increasingly hostile climate, the Rendel Commission issued
its recommendations. It called for a Legislative Assembly based on
geographical constituencies rather than ethnic lines (ethnic-based rep-
resentation had been advocated by the British earlier but found little
favor with the Asian representatives who wanted cross-communal
politics) with 25 of the 32 seats being elected and the others appointed.
A Council of Ministers would replace the old colonial Executive Com-
mittee of advisors to the governor. Two-thirds of the council’s mem-
bers would be selected by the leader of the strongest party in the
Legislative Assembly and the other third would be appointed by the
governor. This new government would have authority over all areas
except foreign, internal security, and defense policies. The British
government accepted the commission’s recommendations, and
arrangements were made for an election for the Legislative Assembly
to be held in 1955.
THE 1955 ELECTION AND ITS AFTERMATH

Although many in the Chinese community lacked voting rights,
the remainder, when mobilized, was enough to sway an election. The
political parties that emerged in the new electoral environment
were varied. On the conservative side, the SPP remained to contest
the election and was joined by the Democratic Party, formed by some
members of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and repre-
senting narrow Chinese business interests.
Two major political forces emerged on the left: the socialist Labour
Front (LF) led by lawyer David Marshall, and the People’s Action
Party (PAP), a group of English-educated, middle-class professionals,
led by lawyer Lee Kwan Yew. The PAP would ultimately become the
dominant force in Singaporean political life. Lee’s background was
not radical; he had been involved with the SPP before leaving the
party because he found its vision too narrow. He had done legal work
for unions, bringing him into contact with union organizers and peo-
ple with grievances against the racist hiring and promotion practices
of the British. He considered the best path to political power was to
tap into the masses of left-leaning workers, especially, but not exclu-
sively, in the Chinese community. The PAP called for an immediate
merger of Singapore with the Malay Federation, citizenship reform to
permit the naturalization of hundreds of thousands of disenfranchised
Chinese, civil service reform to staff it fully with Asians, the repeal of
the emergency restrictions, free and compulsory education, a focus
on the development of local industry, and legislative reform relating
to unions.
The election took place, with the automatic registration of voters
increasing the voting rosters from 76,000 to 300,000, most of whom
were Chinese blue-collar workers.7 The Labour Front won the largest
number of seats, but not a majority, leaving Marshall in a difficult posi-
tion in two respects. First, as leader of the strongest party in the Legis-
lative Assembly, he assumed the brand new role of Chief Minister
(similar to a prime minister); but the role and its powers were not
clearly defined relative to those of the colonial governor, who was sup-
posed to receive the chief minister’s advice but was not bound to act
on it. That Governor Nicoll intended to marginalize Marshall was
clear from the fact that Marshall was not given office space until he
threatened to set up a desk outside in front of the building. Even after-
ward, his was just a small office underneath the stairs. The second
problem was the lack of a legislative majority, creating a reliance on
opposition party support to pass legislation and carry out the LF
agenda. This agenda was remarkably similar to that of the PAP, calling
for the immediate independence of Singapore and merger with the
Malay Federation, citizenship reform, Asian staffing of the civil service
within four years, abolition of the emergency regulations, and the
introduction of all four languages for use in the Legislative Assembly.
Marshall quickly ran into difficulties, much of them dealing with

increasing communist activism, some of it violent. One of the most
notorious incidents of this tumultuous period came just a few weeks
after the election with the Hock Lee Bus Strike, which lasted for almost
three weeks before escalating into rioting in which a handful of people
were killed and dozens injured. Bus company workers started the pro-
test, but were soon joined by students from Chinese schools. Initially,
Marshall responded somewhat moderately, as he had sympathies for
the causes of the student and labor protesters. This restraint alienated
the British, who wanted a stronger response, and empowered the pro-
testers for further action. At one point, thousands of Chinese secon-
dary school students protested to gain recognition of their student
union. Marshall agreed, although with the stipulation that they not
engage in political activities. They agreed but broke the promise.
While the unrest touched all of society, it profoundly affected the
PAP, which was deeply divided between its moderate branch led by
Lee Kwan Yew and the militant, communist branch led by Lim Chin
Siong, who was a leader in organizing protest activities. Marshall
accused the PAP of trying to undermine rule by representative
government in favor of mob rule. Indeed, many of the strikes had
more to do with political than labor issues. In 1955, of the approxi-
mately 300 strikes, it is estimated that only one-third related to labor
issues like wages or working conditions.8
Marshall used the unrest to push the British government for more
power for the chief minister. Initially reluctant, once Marshall threat-
ened to resign, the British conceded for fear that someone more mili-
tant would gain the position. This highlights some of Marshall’s most
significant accomplishments as chief minister: despite the British
intent to treat him like a figurehead, he forced the British to take him
and the local politicians seriously. He also launched the LF’s legislative
agenda on civil service and citizenship reform.
However, it was in the climate of communist-led turmoil that a
meeting took place in April 1956 in London about making additional
changes to Singapore’s constitutional status and moving it further
toward self-governance. Marshall had a list of demands, and the
British were amenable to many of them. However, they held firm on
maintaining a strong hand in internal security matters; and Marshall
was not willing to compromise his goal of achieving complete internal
governance by 1957, the time of projected Malay independence. He
returned to Singapore empty-handed and resigned as head of the LF
a short time later. He was replaced by the deputy chief minister, Lim
Yew Hock, who created a high degree of governmental continuity by

retaining Marshall’s cabinet and maintaining the LF’s alliances.
Lim Yew Hock was less tolerant of the communist protests and soon
cracked down on activists in the schools. In September 1956, he
ordered the disbanding of a number of communist school organiza-
tions, closed several schools, and had some students expelled. The
PAP’s Lim Chin Siong helped organize a 5,000-student sit-in at six dif-
ferent Chinese schools. When no one could get students to leave, the
police used tear gas. Rioting broke out around the city; and in the
end, 15 people were dead, 100 injured, and Singapore was placed
under curfew for two days.9 Documents found in a related raid on a
union headquarters confirmed the connections between the student
and labor agitation, resulting in the arrest of several leaders, including
Lim Chin Siong.
This challenge to the communists helped undermine the movement
and put Lim Yew Hock in favor with the British, who found evidence
in the rioting that the communist threat was real and that the PAP
was involved. This left Lim Yew Hock in a better position for the next
round of meetings on Singapore’s constitutional status in London in
March 1957. Lim Yew Hock was more willing to compromise than
Marshall, and they came to an agreement on the internal security
arrangements that had been a stumbling block previously. The out-
come was an Internal Security Council composed of three British
members, three Singaporean members and one member from the
Malay Federation. The other provisions the British had offered the pre-
vious year were accepted and Singapore was one step closer to self-
government, although the question of its relationship to the Malay
Federation remained. Other crucial provisions included a fully elected
assembly (no appointed members), a special provision for citizenship
for long-term resident Chinese, and control of trade and commerce.
The communists were unhappy when news of the Internal Security
Council reached Singapore. With three British members and one
Malay member, the Council was dominated by anticommunists. Seek-
ing more radical action, communists tried to mobilize via the MCP and
radicals at Nanyang University, a new Chinese-language university
that had been funded with private contributions from all echelons of
the Chinese community in effort to improve education opportunities
for students in the Chinese-medium schools as an alternative to study-
ing in China. The MCP and Nanyang mobilization targeted the unions
and the moderates in the PAP.
Lim Yew Hock, concerned about the new wave of militant behavior,
started another campaign against communist radicalism, especially in
the unions, even though some of them supported his own Labour
Front. Inadvertently, he did a favor to the moderate wing of the PAP
that was battling for survival within the party. When the PAP commu-
nists were jailed, the moderates received a life-sustaining boost
and promptly re-wrote party policies to make it harder for extremists
to influence the top levels of the party, marginalizing them at the lower
levels.
Progress was made on a number of the political agenda items impor-
tant to the Chinese community. Staffing the civil service with members
of the three Asian communities was proceeding apace. Citizenship
was granted to anyone who had been born in Singapore or the Malay
Federation, or British citizens who had been in Singapore for two years,
or those who had been there for at least ten years and would swear loy-
alty to Singapore. This gave voting rights to most of the previously
excluded 220,000 immigrant Chinese. Finally, education reform gave
equal status to the school systems in each of the four languages.
In this environment of greater stability and political progress, the
third London meeting about Singapore’s constitutional status took place
in April 1958, which largely confirmed and formalized the arrange-
ments of the prior year. In August the British Parliament passed the
State of Singapore Act, which converted its status from colony to state,
albeit a semi-sovereign state lacking control over all of its affairs, with
Britain retaining control over foreign relations, external defense, and,
in an emergency, the right to suspend the constitution. However, all
other decisions would be in the hands of the local government, an enor-
mous step toward self-governance. This act of parliament set the stage
for the implementation of the new arrangements, necessitating the
selection of a new, fully-elected Legislative Assembly so an election
was planned for 1959.
THE 1959 ELECTION AND THE ROAD TO MERGER

While the PAP only made a mediocre showing in the 1955 election, it
vowed to do better in 1959. Seeing its voting base in the masses of
working-class Chinese, the PAP had weekly rallies. After the Labour
Front collapsed in the face of a scandal, the PAP candidates wore white
clothing to symbolize their political purity. The party promised clean,
efficient politics and pledged to address issues in education, labor,
housing, health, social security, economic growth through industriali-
zation, and merger with the Malay Federation as a pathway to full
independence from Britain. The PAP swept the election, winning
43 of 51 seats in the Legislative Assembly.
The PAP victory terrified many conservatives since the party had
been associated closely with militant communist action through party
leaders like Lim Chin Siong. In many people’s minds, the PAP was still
linked with that radicalism, despite the extremists being in jail.
Although having moderate roots and having established cordial rela-
tions with the British authorities, Lee Kwan Yew also had a record of
inflammatory rhetoric and thus was little differentiated from the more
extreme Lim Chin Siong and other party leaders known for their anti-
capitalist speech and behavior. Anxiety in the business community led
companies to move their headquarters from Singapore to Kuala
Lumpur, the capital of the Malay Federation, which caused capital
flight and falling property prices. Given Singapore’s ongoing reliance
on international capital, this was a problem. Lee Kwan Yew did not
help the situation when he insisted on the release of some of the jailed
PAP leaders and then gave them positions in the government, albeit
minor ones well away from the center of power.
The PAP’s answer to the capital flight problem was twofold. First,
leaders envisioned a new economic plan that focused on industrializ-
ing Singapore. This was appealing for a number of reasons. The
economy had flourished with the onset of the Korean War in 1950,
but when the fighting stopped in 1953, so did the revenue from war-
related demand. Unemployment levels were extremely high, feeding
support for communism. Singapore’s economy was still heavily based
on entrepôt trade, especially rubber, which comprised two-thirds of
Singapore’s exports during the 1950s, half supplied from the Malay
Peninsula and half from Indonesia. In 1960, Singapore was the world’s
largest exporter of rubber.10 However, the 1950s had been a difficult
time for the rubber trade with unsteady supplies and prices. Worse,
the future of the rubber trade looked more uncertain as the newly in-
dependent Malay Federation was likely to develop its own ports and
trade. Further, President Sukarno of Indonesia was promoting eco-
nomic nationalism by insisting that Indonesian goods be traded only
through Indonesian ports. The uneven levels of trade in the 1950s
exacerbated the economic difficulties of high unemployment, which
was also fed in part by Singapore’s birth rate, one of the world’s
highest. The lesson Singapore’s leaders took from this was that
entrepôt trade was unreliable and could not provide security and
improved quality of life for the people. Singapore needed new economic
opportunities, and industrialization was the government’s choice.
The second approach to addressing the capital flight after the PAP
election was to push for a rapid merger with the Malay Federation.
This would help the Singaporean economy in several ways. First, if
Singapore were part of the federation, the rubber supply would likely
be more reliable. Second, until Singapore was within a common mar-
ket with the federation, something Singaporeans expected to come
with merger, Singapore would be on the wrong side of Malay trade
barriers. Finally, with the hope of new industrialization being the path
to stability, full employment, and release from poverty, Singapore
needed a larger domestic market for its goods.
Lee Kwon Yew also made it clear that he saw merger as a key to con-
trolling the communists. A Chinese proverb says when you ride the
tiger, it is hard to get off, lest you get eaten. When he affiliated himself
with the likes of Lim Chin Siong and his followers to gain political
support from the Chinese masses, Lee Kwan Yew climbed on the tiger.
Now he had to control it. He said that he could not challenge the com-
munists as long as the British still had some control over Singapore; if
he did, he would look like a puppet of the British and the communists
would appear as “anti-colonial martyrs,” 11 but with merger, the
conservative, anticommunist Malay government could help address
the communist threat. He also expressed his concern that without
merger, Singapore could become an organizational base for commu-
nist forces working in opposition to the ideologically nationalist Malay
government.
Singapore’s difficult relationship with the Malay Federation was at
the center of the merger agenda. Despite Lee Kwan Yew’s warning to
Malay leaders that Singapore may be a threat outside the federation,
they were alarmed by the level of communist activism in Singapore
since 1953, especially since they had just gotten the upper hand on
the communist guerilla insurgency on the Peninsula. Moreover, while
Singapore and the federation were united by geography, history, and
economics, they were divided in other meaningful ways. They had
been evolving along different trajectories since the end of World War II,
and very different political and social philosophies had developed. In
the Malay Federation, the strong political force of Malay nationalism
had manifested itself in a preference system that advantaged Malays
over members of other ethnic groups. For example, a civil service
quota required four Malays for each non-Malay employee. Malays
were disadvantaged in economic power (held mostly by ethnic
Chinese in the federation), so they were deliberate about protecting
political power for ethnic Malays. Malay was the official language,
and other Asian languages had no legal status. In contrast, in
Singapore, there was less focus on ethnicity in politics. While there
had been conflict over English-medium versus Chinese-medium
schools, no political party advocated benefits for one ethnic group over
another; in fact, with the official multilingualism in the Legislative

Assembly and the official equality of each of the four language streams
in education, Singapore had moved in the opposite direction of the
Malay leaders on a fundamental issue for ethnically diverse societies.
Moreover, the nature of Malay nationalism had an anti-Chinese element
to it, which was problematic when the population of Singapore had a
strong Chinese majority. The ethnic composition of the two states
was at the crux of the concerns of the Malay leaders. The 1957
census revealed that of the Malay Federation’s population of 6,279,000,
50 percent was Malay and 37 percent Chinese, while Singapore’s
1,446,000 people were 75 percent Chinese and 13 percent Malay.12
Moreover, Singapore’s citizenship laws were more liberal than the
federation’s, making it far easier for ethnic Chinese to gain citizenship.
The Malay leaders feared the dilution of Malay political power in the
case of a merger. Between the communist activities and the threat to
Malay nationalism, the Malay Federation opposed merger in 1959 and
the years prior. With a seat on the Internal Security Council, the Malay
Federation already had a voice in protecting itself from security
problems that might arise from Singapore and this voice, combined with
the unwavering anticommunism of the British, would suffice.
The state of emergency was officially rescinded in 1960, suggesting a
lesser communist threat, and the PAP made efforts to reach out to and
reassure Malay leaders. The PAP leadership made it clear that it was
unimaginable to have a separate future from the Malay Federation,
and even before taking power in 1959, had tried to demonstrate their
cooperativeness. In 1954 the PAP created a party Bureau for Malay
Affairs; in 1956 it advocated for a common school system to build ties
between the two populations. In 1959, when Singapore was able to
have its first non-British head of state (a largely ceremonial position),
the person picked was a Malay. The PAP leaders recognized Malay
as the national language. They especially targeted the Singaporean
Malay community for social development programs, including more
schools and community centers. The PAP’s main focus, though, was
to advance society and bridge differences between groups through
social and economic development; it was not a differentiating commu-
nal approach like that found in the federation.
On the economic front, the PAP attempted to make advances. For
example, in 1961, the government established an Economic Develop-
ment Program focused on import-substitution industrialization, a
development approach that calls for the creation and then protection
of domestic industries that will produce goods for the home market that
would otherwise be imported. One initiative was the development of an
industrial park in Jurong on what had been 4,000 acres of swampland.

Based on advice from the World Bank, the plan for the park offered a
range of tax incentives and tax breaks for both local and foreign invest-
ors as well as tariffs to protect the goods produced there. The hope was
that labor-intensive industry, such as textiles, would decrease the high
level of unemployment. Lee Kwan Yew warned of the importance of
social stability and cooperation, “The essential conditions for industri-
alization will only be realized if there is close cooperation and under-
standing between Government, unions, and industrialists.”13
In the interest of promoting labor stability and appearing more
investment-friendly, the PAP government took action against the
unions. For example, it passed legislation requiring union federations
to register with the government, which could then de-register them
for bad behavior, depriving the organizations of the legal right to exist.
The government also took direct action against some militant leaders
in the student and labor groups and even banished some from
Singapore, as the Internal Security Act permitted for non-citizens.
The restrictive actions and the PAP’s procapitalist policies reignited
the conflicts with the communist wing of the PAP that was still antico-
lonialist and anticapitalist. The conflict came to a head in 1961 when
Lee Kwon Yew’s tiger bared its fangs. The situation was so severe that
in May the prime minister of the Malay Federation, Tenku Abdul
Rahman, unexpectedly suggested in a speech that Singapore and the
federation could move toward greater cooperation. The Malays had
become so alarmed by the notion of a hostile, communist-controlled
Singapore, should the PAP moderates lose control of the party, that
having Singapore inside the federation, in some manner, suddenly
seemed preferable to the alternative.
In July there was a special election in one of the voting districts. The
communist wing of the PAP, led by Lim Chin Siong, together
with some radical union leaders, supported the PAP challenger, David
Marshall, now returned to politics as chair of the Workers’ Party.
Marshall won, running on a platform that advocated immediate
independence from Britain, including the removal of the British from
their military bases in Singapore as well as the elimination of the
Internal Security Council. Lim Chin Siong advocated these positions,
too, and opposed a merger with the anticommunists of the Malay
Federation, dismissing the notion as continued imperialism.
These events unleashed a debate in the Legislative Assembly about
Lee Kwan Yew’s suitability to lead the country. In a narrow vote, 27 of
the 51 assembly members voted in favor of the government.14 The com-
munist wing of the PAP responded by forming a new party, Barisan
Sosialis (BS) or Socialist Front. The new party was comprised of the
members the PAP had pushed aside four years earlier, when they
rewrote party policy to keep the extremists in the lower levels of the
PAP. The defection to the BS, however, cost the PAP most of its lower-
level organization and infrastructure that was in touch with the grass-
roots, which caused another crisis for the party. Some supporters
also fled anticipating that the PAP was simply going to implode. In
the end, the PAP was left with too few seats in the Legislative Assembly
to assure an affirmative vote if it could negotiate a merger with the
federation.
THE MERGER
The tumult of the PAP crisis affirmed the federation’s conclusion
that if an acceptable approach could be found, merging with
Singapore would be the safest course. Negotiations ensued with the
issue of preserving Malay political power at the forefront of the
agenda. As a compromise, leaders forged an agreement that would
leave Singapore with disproportionately little representation in the
federal government in exchange for considerably more local
autonomy than other states in the federation. The BS spoke out in
opposition and the PAP opted for a controversial referendum held in
September 1962 to gauge public support. The public voted on the form
of the merger but was not given a ballot option of voting against. The
government plan received approval from 71 percent of the voters.15
The British, who supported the merger, offered their holdings on the
northern side of the nearby island of Borneo and this territory was
then included in the merger plan.
In the interim, however, the BS was active in its resistance, and
worked with opponents in the federation and in Borneo. With others,
it sent a delegation to the United Nations to appeal to the Committee
on Colonialism, against which Lee Kwan Yew himself went to New
York to defend. The opposition was strongest in Brunei on Borneo,
where Indonesia, which strongly opposed the merger, helped instigate
resistance, and an armed revolt broke out in December 1962. The
British military responded by inserting 2,000 troops in the space of
only 60 hours, quickly putting down the rebellion.16 The sultan of
Brunei opted out of the merger agreement and planning went
forward without Brunei.
However, proponents of the merger could not so quickly quell Indo-
nesian opposition. Indonesia’s interests rested in controlling all of the
oil-rich island of Borneo, rather than only the portion that was already
part of Indonesia. Sukarno also had a vision of uniting the Malay

cultural space under his leadership. Finally, Sukarno worried about
Singapore’s ongoing prominence as a trading center, potentially
strengthened further through merger, because it interfered with his
economic nationalist policy of promoting trade through Indonesian
ports.
In January 1963, Sukarno announced that he would not permit a
merger to take place and launched a three-year undeclared war,
known as Konfrontasi or Confrontation. He sent raiding parties into
Borneo and Singapore, and up the Malay Peninsula. In Singapore,
beginning in February, Indonesian fighter planes flew in formation as
if to attack, forcing British Royal Air Force planes to scramble in
response, though the Indonesians never followed through with an air
attack. In the months and years that followed, however, the raiding
parties targeted Singapore, attacking a petroleum installation and later
setting off bombs. Security officials arrested more than 100 Indonesian
operatives in Singapore on charges relating to the Konfrontasi. The
Indonesian Navy also seized Singaporean fishing boats. The British,
in charge of external security, responded with a show of force bringing
in large reserves of ships, aircraft, and personnel to the bases in
Singapore. Sukarno pointed to the military buildup as evidence that
the federation was an imperial puppet.
The situation for the PAP and its political and organizational weak-
ness changed just as the problems with Indonesia were starting. There
is some disagreement among scholars as to whether the outcome was
engineered by the PAP (the dominant viewpoint) or whether the PAP
was simply the beneficiary of fortuitous circumstances outside of its
control. Regardless of the interpretation, the Internal Security Council
(comprised of three Britons, three Singaporeans, and a representative
from the Malay Federation) took action against Singaporean commu-
nists in what is known as Operation Cold Store on the night of February 3,
1963. Security forces rounded up nearly 150 activists, among them jour-
nalists, students, labor unionists, and opposition politicians, who had
allegedly supported the uprising in Brunei. They were detained without
trial, and no charges were ever filed. The detainees included about half
of the Executive Committee of the Barisan Sosialis, including Lim Chin
Siong. Rioting by their supporters broke out after the security operation
and more arrests followed, resulting in the jailing of many in the second
tier of the BS organization. The BS was severely undercut, and the PAP
was no longer burdened by BS competition.
The formal merger agreement was finalized in July 1963. The coun-
try’s name would be Malaysia; and the federal government would be
in charge of defense, internal security, and foreign affairs; but

Singapore’s local government had a high degree of autonomy over
important areas like finance, education, and labor, as well as adminis-
trative authority for the day-to-day running of the island. The merger
was to occur at the end of August, but then the Malay prime minister
asked for a two-week delay due to issues with the Konfrontasi.
However, much to the surprise of the Malaysian leadership, Lee
Kwan Yew went ahead and declared Singapore’s independence from
Britain two weeks ahead of the postponed merger date. In the interim,
he called for immediate elections to confirm the PAP mandate for gov-
erning the new state in Malaysia. The PAP’s strength was still compro-
mised from having lost so much of the lower levels of the party
organization to the BS, so the election outcome was not a foregone con-
clusion. However, the PAP did everything it could, within the limits of
the law, to promote its success. Leaders called the election with the
minimum amount of warning. Candidates had to present their docu-
ments in person, so the jailed BS members could not run. The
government restricted some meetings, and froze union funds. The
PAP also campaigned on its accomplishments of the previous four
years. The government’s Housing Development Board had con-
structed about as many housing units since 1960 as the prior housing
agency had done in 30 years.17 There were initiatives in health and
immunization programs. The government had spent considerable
funds on education and assured equality in the four-language school
system. There were steps toward greater security, not just in tackling
communist-incited unrest, but also secret societies. The government
passed a Women’s Charter, granting women greater security and legal
rights. It had constructed dozens of community centers that provided
people with a place for social interaction and space for programs like
literacy classes and recreation. The community centers served as
locations for publicizing PAP efforts and thus dovetailed with the
campaign efforts. The new economic approach of import substitution,
while it had not yet taken off (in fact, the Jurong industrial park had
been nicknamed “Goh’s Folly” after the Finance Minister Goh Keng
Swee), was very much on the agenda. Finally, of course, the PAP could
claim its greatest feat in having successfully negotiated merger with
the Malay Federation.
Because of the district-based, winner-take-all election system bor-
rowed from Britain (similar to that used in the United States House
of Representatives), the PAP only won 47 percent of the vote, but 37
of the 51 seats (or 74%).18 However, success came at a cost. The Malay
leaders in Kuala Lumpur were not pleased with the premature
declaration of independence or the hastily called election. The merger

went forward in mid-September as planned but with an added touch
of bitterness in this marriage of convenience between Singapore and
Malaysia.
ONWARD TO THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE

Lee Kwan Yew’s actions in the final weeks before merger contrib-
uted to an already established tension in the relationship with Malay
officials. Since Singapore was to retain a significant degree of financial
autonomy, the PAP negotiated for beneficial financial arrangements in
the merger agreement. The party got what it wanted, but its negotiat-
ing partners felt it had pushed too hard and insisted on taking too
much. This started the merger off on a bad foot and it soon worsened
from there.
In April 1964, national elections were scheduled in Malaysia. Lee
Kwan Yew agreed in a sort of gentleman’s agreement to sit out the
election and not compete on the national level until the next election.
However, Lee Kwan Yew became concerned that Malaysian Chinese
would shift their support from the Malay Chinese Association
(MCA) to the BS, which opposed merger, and that the merger effort
would thereby be undermined. Despite the fact that the MCA was
allied with the Prime Minister Tunku’s United Malays National
Organization, the PAP entered the election in opposition to the MCA.
UMNO leaders saw this as a breach of the agreement between Lee
Kwan Yew and Tunku. There was backlash from people fearing the
PAP, from predominantly Chinese Singapore, was trying to assert
itself too much into Malay-dominated politics, and Tunku publicly
reaffirmed his alliance with the MCA and against the PAP. The PAP
won only a single seat outside Singapore,19 which confirmed the poor
reception of the PAP’s actions.
The next blow to merger was two five-day episodes of rioting in
Singapore between the Chinese and Malay communities, the first in
July and the second in September 1964. It was the worst and longest
rioting in Singapore since World War II. The Malays were angry that
the special provisions for Malays in the other parts of Malaysia, such
as the quota system in the civil service, were not to be applied in
Singapore. Lee Kwan Yew instead spoke for equality of opportunity
across all the ethnic groups. A meeting between representatives from
the Malay community and Lee Kwan Yew corresponded to a planned
event honoring the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad. Fighting
broke out between Malay attendees and Chinese hecklers. By the time
police restored order, 22 were dead and 454 injured. The murder of a
Malay bicycle-rickshaw driver sparked the second wave of riots. In
that episode, 12 were killed, 109 injured, and more than 1200 arrested
for disorderly conduct or curfew violations.20 Motivated by the ten-
sions caused by the riots, the Indonesians staged further raids in Sin-
gapore and in the rest of Malaysia to push the conflict ever higher. In
other parts of Malaysia, these events confirmed the perceived anti-
Muslim bias on the part of the Chinese, and there was fear the ethnic
conflict could spread.
The general PAP attitude toward Malay policies of development
and communal relations was also a stumbling block and proved an
impossible gap to bridge. As exemplified by the Malay quota system,
the Malay political system was built on protecting Malay political
power from Chinese influence, since the Chinese had disproportionate
economic power. Singaporean politics were about communal inclu-
sion rather than division. The policies for economic and social devel-
opment also reflected the differing approaches. Singapore advocated
for maintaining its free-port policy, while Malaysia wanted trade bar-
riers. As a decision-deferring compromise, they decided on a 12-year
period to introduce a common market between the two territorial
units. The PAP advocated well-being for all citizens coming from eco-
nomic progress with socialist-style programs to spread the wealth. The
Malay leadership consisted of conservative Malay aristocrats; Tunku
was a prince, son of a sultan. They wanted to protect their status and
allied with elite Malay Chinese who had little interest in sharing their
wealth with the masses. Vastly different and incompatible ideologies
shaped the two sets of political elites. Lee Kwan Yew spoke of
Malaysia’s “feudal” politics and argued strongly and publicly for
approaches conforming to PAP ideas. He wanted to address the
problems dividing the societies head on, whereas Tunku and his
UMNO colleagues felt the divisions were so deep that only time could
bridge societal schisms.
The various problems, including ideological incompatibility, con-
cerns about excessive Chinese influence and inadequate Chinese
respect for Malay culture, a lack of trust between the two sets of lead-
ers, and the tensions from the Indonesian Konfrontasi combined to
make the situation intolerable for Malay elites. Lee Kwan Yew, who
saw himself as above ethnic politics but was the personification of
the Chinese threat in the minds of the Malays, became the target
for the worry and dislike. The UMNO elite debated the best way to
handle the situation and concluded that either the PAP’s leadership
of Singapore or Singapore itself had to go. Believing that it would be
difficult to remove the PAP from Singapore’s government, the Malay

leaders decided Singapore needed to leave Malaysia. Negotiations
between the two parties led to Singapore’s announcement of its indepen-
dence on August 9, 1965. Various Commonwealth members, including
Britain and Australia, as well as the United States immediately recog-
nized Singapore as an independent country. In September, the United
Nations admitted it for membership. The Republic of Singapore had
launched.
The post-war period was a tumultuous time. The difficulties of rebuild-
ing the infrastructure and economy, as well as restoring social trust and
order challenged colonial leaders. Then new, radical political forces arose
and pushed the country away from Britain on its own distinctive path,
with and without Malaysia. All of this happened in an environment
shaped by competition between leading ideologies spread around the
world through globalization. The struggle between capitalism and
communism acutely shaped Singapore’s history during this time.
NOTES
1. C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 1819–1988, 2nd ed. (New York, NY:
Oxford University Press, 1989), 220.
2. John Springhall, “Mountbattan versus the Generals: British Military Rule in
Singapore, 1945-46,” Journal of Contemporary History 36 (2001), 643.
3. Ibid., 647.
5. Ibid, 235.
8. Ibid., 256.
9. Ibid., 258.
10. Carl A. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control, 161–162.
11. Emma Sadka, “Singapore and the Federation: Problems of Merger,” Asian
Survey 1 (1962), 23.
12. Ibid, 18, 20.
13. Quoted in Carl A. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control, 122.
14. C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 271–272.
15. Ibid., 273.
16. Malcolm Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans (New York: Marshall
Cavendish International, 2004), 386–387.
18. Ibid., 277.
19. Carl A. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control, 126.
20. Lay Yuen Tan, “Communal riots of 1964,” Singapore National Library,
http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/SIP_45_2005-01-06.html.
7
From Third World to First
World: Since 1965
Since its independence in 1965, Singapore’s transformation has aston-

ished observers around the globe. The degree of progress in economic
and social development, and the speed of change, is nearly unrivaled.
After the merger with Malaysia failed, Singapore had little to recom-
mend it other than an excellent location and a hardworking popula-
tion. It had little land, no natural resources, an economy that was
vulnerable to fluctuations in international trade, and an economic
development program that was unviable. The obstacles before the
political leadership, the People’s Action Party (PAP), were immense,
but they successfully charted a new course for Singapore. The focus
of their efforts was forward thinking: they were at the leading edge
of poor countries using export-oriented manufacturing for economic
development, essentially a step into contemporary economic globali-
zation. Along with Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan, Singapore
became part of the elite group known as the Four Asian Tigers, newly
industrializing economies with some of the highest economic growth
rates in the world. Across the decades, the government shifted
strategies to stay with, or ahead of, the global economic trendsetters,

and it has paid off. In terms of social development, the government
pursued policies that improved the quality of life for many people,
especially in the areas of housing, education, and health. The area that
has made the least progress is political development toward a free and
democratic government; the government holds regular elections but
limits basic freedoms of press, speech and assembly, and suppresses
political opposition before it can develop into a competitive force.
Thus, while the economic benefits have been enormous, Singapore’s
development has not come without cost, at least to some individuals.
THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE, 1965–1973

Prior to ejection from the federation with Malaysia, the PAP set a
course, under the advisement of the World Bank, toward import-
substitution industrialization, which was a typical approach at the
time for developing countries. Under this type of industrial develop-
ment, countries erect considerable trade barriers against imports from
other countries and seek to develop domestic industries to produce
and replace goods that were once imported. The government hoped
these industries, mostly low-wage and labor intensive, such as textiles,
would absorb many of the unemployed workers (10% in 19601). Suc-
cess in import substitution depended, in part, on a domestic market
that was large enough to purchase the new domestic products. While
there was a large potential market for domestic products when
Singapore was part of Malaysia, Singapore’s population of just less
than two million was not adequate for a successful domestic market.
Thus, upon independence, the political leadership immediately shifted
to a different strategy.
Economic Development
The PAP pursued export-led industrialization that would be funded
primarily through foreign investments. This was necessary for several
reasons. Hong Kong and Taiwan had benefited from the flight of
industrial entrepreneurs from the People’s Republic of China, whereas
Singapore had commercial entrepreneurs but few with industrial
experience. Moreover, Singapore could not rely on regional trade or
investment because of trade barriers in the neighboring countries.
Finally, due to a political climate created in the 1950s, the political lead-
ership had the opportunity to focus on foreign funding. In the 1950s,
the PAP embraced the left-leaning masses of poor laborers as the
From Third World to First World 135
party’s base. The wealthy conservatives were sidelined by the over-

whelming electoral strength of the PAP and lost political status within
society. This left the PAP free to pursue whatever policies it wished,
without feeling the political pressure to take wealthy domestic inter-
ests into account. The PAP chose to focus almost exclusively on what
foreign investors would offer, which, in addition to funding, was also
managerial expertise and ready markets for the exported goods.
To create an inviting foreign investment climate, the government
put a number of policies into place. First, it implemented a series of
financial incentives, including substantial tax breaks. Second, the
government positioned itself as a low-risk investment environment
through peaceful labor relations. To prevent the labor unrest that
had plagued Singapore in the decade before independence, the
government passed legislation intended to limit conflict and improve
productivity, including limited vacation time, longer working hours,
and reduced payments for overtime. Decisions relating to job assign-
ments, promotions, lay-offs, etc. were placed solely in the hands of
management and were no longer subject to negotiation, which had
been a prior source of labor-management conflict. Concessions to
workers included sick leave, severance pay for lay-offs, and increased
employer contributions to the national retirement fund, the Central
Provident Fund. In 1971, the government took a further step with the
creation of the National Wages Council, on which members from the
government, labor, and management worked together to set wage
levels. Collectively these policies created a very stable work environ-
ment, which, coupled with government programs for vocational
and technical training to provide basic skills to the workforce, made
Singapore a desirable investment locale.
While working on the foundations of this favorable investment
environment, the government acted in other ways to advance the
export-led growth plan. It revamped the Economic Development
Board, created shortly before independence. It continued to promote
economic development but shifted financing operations to the new
Development Bank of Singapore. The Development Bank provided
funding partnerships to private capital investments, particularly if an
investor was wary of funding a project alone, giving government-
related institutions a considerable role in the development of Singapore’s
economy. In addition to providing funding, the government established
a number of government-led companies, many of which formed joint-
venture partnerships with foreign corporations. These government-led
companies are an enduring feature of Singapore’s government-
managed economy. This affiliation with the government has lent
them credibility and security as partners for investors, but they

nevertheless function largely as independent, for-profit, competitive
companies. The government quickly formed government-led
companies in areas that it especially wanted to target for growth,
including transport, shipbuilding, oil refining, and more. By 1974,
the government had some involvement in at least 124 different
companies.2
While forming these plans, the government suffered a blow that
threatened its progress. In 1968, the British government announced
that it would withdraw from its naval and army bases in Singapore
within three years. This raised a number of security concerns, but it
also would have a negative economic impact. British military spend-
ing accounted for 20 percent of Singapore’s revenue at the time3 and
for tens of thousands of jobs.4 The immediate fear was a sharp increase
in unemployment. Lee Kwan Yew traveled to London to explain
Singapore’s position and won a number of concessions from the British.
Singapore’s government gained control of all military facilities,
including schools, hospitals, shipyards, airfields, and 10 percent of
the land on the island in addition to assistance with job retraining, a
defense system, and a sizable financial award. What initially looked like
potential disaster was turned into lucrative opportunities through the
exploitation of these new resources. For example, the Sembawang
Naval Base became a major port installation and was central in
Singapore’s development of shipbuilding and ship repair industries.
The new resources left Singapore well positioned to capitalize on
several international economic developments of the time. There was
increasing oil exploration in Southeast Asia and Singapore’s existing
port, petroleum storage facilities, and small refining infrastructure, as
well as its location between Middle Eastern oil suppliers and top users
in Asia, left it well positioned to become the region’s petroleum center.
Already in the 1960s, Mobil set up operations in Singapore to service
its Indonesian oil fields, and in 1970 Esso opened a refinery. Seeking
to promote itself in this arena, the government established the
Singapore Refining Company to develop joint ventures with foreign
companies. The high quality facilities at the Sembawang port were
useful in these endeavors, particularly for shipping, storage, and
supporting oil exploration operations. The involvement of the United
States in the war in Vietnam created demand for petroleum and other
products, and helped drive the boom that Singapore experienced
during this time. By 1970, oil comprised 40 percent of Singapore’s
manufactured exports, 5 and within a few years, it was one of the
world’s top refining centers.
Concerns about transiting the Suez Canal because of conflict

between Israel and its Arab neighbors increased demand for shipping
support in Asia. Singapore quickly established the goal of becoming
the second biggest shipping, shipbuilding, and ship repair site in Asia,
behind Japan. The effects of these efforts were immediate: The revenue
from Singapore’s shipbuilding and repair nearly doubled in just two
years, from $64 million in 1966 to $120 million in 1968. 6 The
Sembawang shipyard was eventually an asset for that undertaking. To
offer further support for the project, the government established another
government-led company, the Neptune Orient Line. Improving existing
port facilities, including a major expansion of container shipping
capacity completed in the early 1970s, also added to the success.
Regional trade also increased after the first few years of indepen-
dence. The Konfrontasi conflict ended in 1966, improving relations with
Indonesia. Tensions remained with Malaysia, but Singapore began try-
ing to repair these relations. In 1970, Singapore offered local entrepre-
neurs a tax benefit to invest in Malaysia and Indonesia. A short time
later Lee Kwan Yew made his first Malaysian visit since the failed
merger, resulting in the division of several joint Singaporean-
Malaysian economic ventures that had caused ongoing tensions
between the two countries. For example, the joint airline, Malaysia-
Singapore Airlines, was decoupled and two separate airlines were
established; Singapore Airlines, a government-owned corporation,
subsequently became one of the world’s most highly regarded air car-
riers. These reduced tensions with both Malaysia and Indonesia
opened the door to increased regional trade, which further helped
Singapore’s growth.
Another major development was the decision of Bank of America to
establish a “dollar market” in Singapore. The goal was to make U.S.
dollars available for loans to borrowers in the region. The government
successfully courted Bank of America to make Singapore the site of
this market by offering a range of tax incentives, such as exempting
from taxation the interest earnings of foreign depositors. Other banks
soon followed Bank of America’s example in establishing financial
operations, including a gold market, in Singapore. These activities cre-
ated a sizable financial sector that provided diversity in Singapore’s
economy, making it less vulnerable to shifting economic trends associ-
ated with a narrower economic base.
Singapore’s economy changed dramatically during this era, with an
average economic growth rate of 10 percent in the 1960s and accelerat-
ing even faster in the 1970s.7 Until the new economic program was put
into place, 70 percent of Singapore’s foreign investment came from
Britain.8 Soon, however, that shifted as funds flowed from the United
States, other European countries, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Malaysia, and
Australia. By 1972, the United States was the source of 46 percent of
foreign investment and the following year became the biggest trading
partner next to Malaysia. Moreover, 70 percent of the value of manu-
factured goods was produced by companies that were partly or
entirely foreign owned and these goods comprised 83 percent of
exports, shifting much of Singapore’s trade away from entrepôt
commerce. 9 In terms of percentages of gross domestic product
(GDP), in 1965 commerce accounted for 30 percent and manufacturing
15 percent. By 1973, commerce had dropped to 26 percent and manu-
facturing rose to 24 percent of GDP.10 The government succeeded at
reducing unemployment to such a degree that, by the early 1970s,
Singapore had to import foreign workers to meet demand for labor.
Social Development
Accompanying the economic progress were significant improve-
ments in social development. At the time of independence, Singapore,
like many poor countries, was plagued by substandard housing, hous-
ing shortages, health problems, and an undereducated population.
The government sought to rectify the problems. While the PAP advo-
cated socialism, it is important to note that this was not a form of
socialism that would be recognizable in a Western context. In the West,
socialism implies a welfare state with a range of government programs
to assist the poor and needy, in particular, but generally to redistribute
wealth and minimize income inequalities. Often these efforts will take
the form of government-funded health care programs, government-
funded pensions, subsidized housing and food assistance for poorer
people, financial support for the disabled and unemployed, and some-
times even government-assisted daycare and elder care. In its
most comprehensive form, the government may offer “cradle to
grave” assistance to its citizens. Singapore’s approach was (and con-
tinues to be) quite different. In fact, the government viewed the wel-
fare state as undermining both the work ethic of citizens and the
family as the basic unit of society, which bears responsibility for the
wellbeing of all family members. The government made social invest-
ments that would support economic growth.
One of the government’s first acts was to expand the Central Provi-
dent Fund, the retirement savings system, from applying only to
government employees to applying to all employees, a system that still
exists today. Unlike in an American-style social security program, the
government’s role is small and there is no redistribution of wealth.

Workers and employers are both required to pay a certain percentage,
initially 25 percent for each party, into a savings fund from which
workers can later draw. This was a major step for providing for the
long-term wellbeing of Singaporeans.
Hand-in-hand with the Central Provident Fund was the work of the
Housing Development Board. Initially it built thousands of high-rise
apartment for lower-income Singaporeans; with time, it expanded into
building somewhat larger apartments for middle-income citizens. The
scale and scope of construction was enormous as whole new towns
were created, the first, Queenstown, as early as the mid-1960s and
the second new town by 1973. These towns sought to meet all needs:
People could work, shop, obtain healthcare, and enjoy other services
all within the created town, and they had access to the growing public
transit system when they needed to leave the new town. This removed
people from the slum-like conditions of the dense urban center,
and allowed the government to gain control of that land, replacing
old dwellings and shops with office and hotel skyscrapers to support
new business development. While the Housing Development Board
constructed and operated many of the apartment buildings, the model
was not one of pure social support. There was some subsidy given, but
overall the residents paid the costs. The savings in the Central Provi-
dent Fund assisted the government in financing the housing construc-
tion as well as improvements to the infrastructure, including basic
utilities, roads, and public transit.
This large-scale housing construction had significant social implica-
tions relating to Singapore’s ethnic composition. The official policy of
the new country was multiculturalism. The four school systems in
each language had legal equality, and any of the four languages could
be used in the parliament. The government granted official recognition
to holidays from each religious group (two Hindu, two Muslim, and
one Chinese), although it was left to the individual communities to
sponsor celebrations as the government remained a neutral actor
above the fray of ethnic difference. While government officials spoke
out in support of Chinese-medium schools, any hint of advocacy for
one ethnic group was condemned as ethnic chauvinism, which was
incompatible with the goal of a multicultural society. Indeed, the gov-
ernment’s policy was that ethnic conflict could destroy the state, so the
wellbeing and, indeed, the survival of the country depended on ethnic
harmony. In this context, the work of the Housing Development Board
led to massive social integration. The old ethnic enclaves were razed
and citizens from all over Singapore were relocated into ethnically
mixed apartment complexes. One of the government’s tasks was to

forge a Singaporean national identity that transcended ethnic differ-
ence, and creating ethnically integrated living spaces was a central
feature in the project.
Another major social construction project involved education,
which needed to be transformed to accommodate the demands of the
developing economy. In 1966, the government introduced bilingual-
ism into the schools whereby students would study one of the other
four languages in addition to the language of instruction in their
school. The schools developed a special emphasis on marketable skills
that could be used in the industries, with particular focus on technol-
ogy and science. Since English was seen as the language of commerce
and technology, many parents opted for English education. The
schools were also an important tool for national identity formation.
For example, since 1966, students recite the National Pledge, “We, the
citizens of Singapore, pledge ourselves as one united people, regard-
less of race, language or religion, to build a democratic society, based
on justice and equality so as to achieve happiness, prosperity and
progress for our nation,” at school assemblies and on important
national days.
The goal of improving quality of life also necessitated changes in
health care. The government launched a program of immunizations
to combat diseases like smallpox and polio. Land reclamation projects,
involving drainage programs, increased useable land for both housing
and industrial development while helping with mosquito-borne ill-
nesses like malaria. The expansion of the infrastructure gave nearly
everyone access to piped water, and connection to the sewer system,
which helped control illnesses from contaminated water, like cholera.
These efforts improved the overall health of the people and soon the
leading killers mirrored those of wealthy countries: heart disease and
cancer instead of preventable diseases.
The last major social development issue the government tackled in
the early years was problematically high population growth, which
worsened the problem of unemployment. The Singapore Family Plan-
ning and Population Board was established in 1966, and charged with
leading the effort to achieve zero population growth. The Board
launched a Stop at Two campaign, encouraging people to have no more
than two children, and the government established penalties and incen-
tives to encourage compliance. Families with more than two children
were placed lower on the priority list for government-built housing;
government employees who had more than two children were denied
maternity leave; hospitals charged higher fees for delivering the third
and successive children; and no tax deductions were given for any chil-
dren beyond the second. Simultaneously, the government legalized
abortion and voluntary sterilization. The program, coming at the same
time as increasing education and improved job prospects for women
as well as increasing wealth (all demographic shifts associated with
reduced population growth), worked almost immediately.
Political Development
One might expect that independence would come with a certain
amount of political change. In fact, there was very little. The Legisla-
tive Assembly became the Parliament and an appointed president
took on the ceremonial role of head of state. Otherwise, the constitu-
tional structures remained unchanged from those established in the
late 1950s. The PAP’s unfettered control of government remained
intact, enabling the party to initiate the economic and social develop-
ment programs. While the party won a majority of seats in both 1959
and 1963, developments in 1966 cemented its hold on power. The
opposition party, Barisan Sosialis (BS), sorely undermined by previous
security actions that resulted in the imprisonment of much of its
leadership, opposed the newly independent state, claiming it was a
neocolonial entity, and BS members of parliament boycotted the par-
liamentary sessions. In 1965 and in 1966, the BS tried to mobilize stu-
dent protests at Nanyang University. The University expelled
students both times, and added the requirement of a voucher attesting
to “suitability” for university admission. Security officials jailed more
party members. Through 1966, the BS members of parliament gradu-
ally resigned and, by the end, the PAP controlled all of the parliamen-
tary seats. In the 1968 elections, the PAP won all the seats, although
there were only a handful of voting districts where opposing candi-
dates ran for election. In 1972, there were contests for most of the seats,
and the overall PAP vote declined to 70 percent,11 but it still managed
to sweep the election and control all seats in Parliament.
It appears that the PAP leaders’ early struggles, particularly against
the political unrest and threat from its own communist wing as well as
problems with ethnic rioting in Singapore and Malaysia, left the
leaders with a jaundiced eye toward democracy. They viewed it as a
tool of communists and those advocating ethnic divisions. The
leaders’ own comments make their position plain: Lee Kwan Yew said,
“. . . checks and balances interfere with governing in a developing
country where executive action must be swift,” 12 and that one
could not “. . . allow subversives to get away by insisting that I [have]
got to prove everything against them in a court of law.” 13 Kishore

Mahbubani, Deputy Secretary for Foreign Affairs, wrote,
“Freedom does not only solve problems; it can also create them.
The United States has undertaken a massive social experiment,
tearing down social institution after social institution that con-
strained the individual. The results have been disastrous. . . .
Many a society shudders at the prospects of this happening
on its shores. But instead of traveling overseas with humility,
Americans confidently preach the virtues of unfettered individ-
ual freedom, blithely ignoring the visible social consequences.”14
Another PAP leader expressed it this way, “. . . I don’t believe
that consultation with the people is a very productive exercise.
People, even with education, tend to be irrational.”15
With that rhetoric in the background, charges of weak democracy,

and even human rights abuses, have plagued Singapore virtually since
its founding. The government justifies its actions and positions in sev-
eral ways. First, PAP leaders argue that good government provides for
the wellbeing of its citizens and, thus, anything that potentially under-
mines Singapore’s desirability as a global center for investment, trade,
finance, etc. must be stopped. This includes anything that could com-
promise Singapore’s political stability such as political unrest or ethnic
conflict. Democracy, in their view, invites both those risks and must,
therefore, be limited. Second, the PAP is quick to point out that in their
regular elections, in which people are free to express their political
preferences, voters return the PAP to leadership in election after elec-
tion. Finally, the PAP argues cultural difference: Unlike in individual-
ist Western societies, Asian societies like Singapore put the interests
of the group first, and that it is both unfair and culturally imperialist
to place Western, individualist demands on a society that made differ-
ent cultural choices. The argument that trumps all, however, is eco-
nomic: If it is good for the economy, it is good for Singapore, and
political stability via the PAP is good for the economy.
The PAP achieved its exclusive hold on political authority by sup-
pressing potential opponents, and controlling society. It is important to
recognize in this context that there was no practical difference between
the PAP and the government. Many scholars look to the demise of inde-
pendent community organizations as a major tool of PAP control, as
organizations unaffiliated with the PAP have been co-opted, intimi-
dated, or driven out of existence by the PAP. The Chinese community,
for example, had a vibrant network of clan, regional, temple, and
burial-society organizations that thrived throughout the colonial period.

Many of these organizations revolved around the leaders in the Singa-
pore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, who were elites by virtue of the
individual wealth they had amassed. However, the PAP’s need for loy-
alty for social stability led it to undermine any organization that could
compete for people’s loyalty, and the organizations of the Chinese com-
munity fell on hard times after independence. The government espe-
cially tightened restrictions on activities by ethnic communal groups
after ethnic rioting in Malaysia in 1969. Student groups, known for their
political activism, also faced restrictions. Students at the University of
Singapore were not permitted to select their own student union officers,
and the university administration controlled the union’s funding. More
intimidating for students, however, was likely the knowledge that the
PAP influenced many hiring decisions for both government jobs and
those in government-related companies. Anyone marked as a trouble-
maker was unlikely to find a good job after finishing college. It was
government regulations that undermined the labor unions, in the
course of their consolidation into the progovernment National Trades
Union Congress, and also through the loss of most of their functions
with the labor and wage regulations that the government implemented
as part of its economic development plan.
In lieu of unaffiliated community organizations, the government
created a network of new ones. Already in 1960, the government estab-
lished the People’s Association, which was charged with running
community centers, kindergartens, and other amenities to increase
social connectedness. Many of these were launched along with the
new apartment complexes being built to help create a new sense of
community as people moved from their old neighborhoods. However,
the organizations were also tools of social control. For example, in
order to teach kindergarten, one had to be a PAP member, and
government-trained staff operated the community centers. The
People’s Association also served as an umbrella for a number of Citizens’
Consultative Committees, which were supposed to be independent
of the party but did not develop in that manner. The name implies
they would be a vehicle for citizen input and feedback but instead are a
downward communication avenue from government to people.
The government also extended its political authority through media
control. The broadcast media had been in government hands since the
beginning. The print media, in contrast, had historically been an
instrument of communist provocation, prompting the government to
exert stricter authority. In 1971, the government targeted newspapers,
and by the end of the year, only one of four English-language
newspapers, the Straits Times, still existed. Simultaneously, the

government challenged the non-English newspapers by suggesting
they were foreign influenced, which threatened national security, and
targeted journalists who worked for those papers.
Several colonial-era control laws were repeatedly renewed in case
efforts at co-opting or intimidating opponents failed, specifically the
Internal Security Act and the Preservation of Public Security Ordi-
nance, both of which permit detention without trial. Both of these mea-
sures had a pre-independence track record of effectiveness, making
their retention desirable. For example, the Internal Security Act had
been used as part of Operation Cold Store in 1963, through which PAP
leader and communist organizer Lim Chin Siong was jailed for six
years. The Preservation of Public Security Ordinance had been used
against the Straits Times in 1959 when its journalists were threatened
with arrest and detention for questioning the merger with Malaysia.
These laws were further expanded to assure social control into
Singapore’s years of independence.
While establishing and maintaining authority was a primary task for the
PAP in the early years, another project, developing political culture, also
received due attention. One aspect of the political culture formation was
tied to the multicultural national identity discussed above, but there were
other important characteristics of the emergent political culture that
affected Singapore’s political, social, and economic development. In a
sense, the values promoted by the PAP were a blurring of the lines between
the economic and the political, with emphasis on meritocracy, integrity,
competition, efficiency, discipline, self-reliance, and respect for success.
These values applied to government and policy in a variety of ways.
The government emphasized merit in its decisions on education pol-
icy, such as linking academic performance to admission and scholar-
ships for college, as opposed to considering social concerns like
ethnic representation for admission decisions or financial need for
scholarships. Academic performance was also the basis for employ-
ment after graduation rather than non-merit-based factors like per-
sonal connections. The education system featured a tracking system
so top-performing students, even at elementary levels, could be
directed into successively more elite paths. Encouragement of self-
reliance was evident in the decisions regarding a welfare state with,
for example, pension funds being established as workers’ savings
plans, rather than a government-supported program. These values
even shaped PAP candidate selection. PAP officials had to pass a
screening process before being allowed to run for office. Many were
headhunted based on strong performance in the bureaucracy,
government-led corporations, or the private sector. If individuals did

not perform up to the level of party expectation, they were dismissed.
Integrity is obvious in the almost corruption-free governance that
leaders considered important for attracting investment to Singapore.
In many ways, the state, society, and economy blended for the
common cause of economic growth.
In addition to facing domestic challenges, the leaders of the new
country had foreign policy concerns to address. Foreign Minister
Sinnathamby Rajaratnam, who held the post from independence
until 1980, was widely considered a master diplomat. He recognized
Singapore’s dependence on relationships with other countries for eco-
nomic wellbeing and national security. The improved relations with
Indonesia and Malaysia that opened the door to trade also facilitated
diplomatic relationships. Rajaratnam was crucial to Singapore’s
inclusion among the founding members (together with Indonesia,
Malaysia, Philippines, and Thailand) of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN), an important step in Singapore’s political
globalization. ASEAN members worked together for mutual economic
development and regional security, including combating narcotics
trafficking and policing the Strait of Melaka, which continued to have
problems with piracy. Singapore’s government, however, recognized
the global power of the United States as an important piece of
Singapore’s security configuration, particularly once the British com-
pleted their military withdrawal from Singapore. Immediately after
independence, the country implemented a policy creating a military
and compulsory national service for most Singaporean males; how-
ever in the case of a broader conflict, Singapore recognized the need
for bigger, more powerful allies. In the early years, leaders reached
out to Israel for military training and advice, as Israel used the military
to integrate members of a diverse society, and could thus serve as a
model for Singapore. The Israeli military also had experience in
defending itself against much larger and stronger neighbors, some-
thing Singapore initially feared it might need to do. Relations with
Israel also indirectly aligned Singapore with the United States. The
military relationship with Israel ended once relations with Malaysia
and Indonesia improved, but it serves as an example of both the
breadth and strategic nature of Singapore’s foreign relations, not just
for trade but for security and diplomacy.
Singapore’s first years as a country recorded amazing levels of
development. A World Bank/International Monetary Fund report
from 1970 painted a picture of success, saying that Singapore had “a
general sense of ebullience & optimism” and “it is this proper sense
of urgency which makes Singapore such an exciting place to live in

and which, tempered as it is with humanity & concern for the well-
being of the individual citizen, lies at the heart of Singapore’s out-
standingly successful development & achievements.”16 More critical
evaluators point to the price of democracy and justice. In the words
of Lee Kwan Yew, “I am often accused of interfering in the private lives
of citizens. Ye[t], if I did not . . . we wouldn’t be here today. And I say
without the slightest remorse, that we wouldn’t be here, we would
not have made economic progress, if we had not intervened on very
personal matters–who your neighbor is, how you live, the noise you
make, how you spit, or what language you use. We decide what’s
right. Never mind what the people think.”17
ONGOING GROWTH, 1973–1990

While Singapore’s accomplishments were considerable, the
government was careful not to slow down and fall behind the curve.
Much of the world experienced a severe economic downturn in
1973–1974, but Singapore weathered it well thanks to a diversified
economy and massive government spending on housing, infrastruc-
ture, etc. However, leaders saw the need for changes in the economic
development strategy and the need for social progress and political
action to support those endeavors.
New Economic Development Plans

The initial economic plan solved the problem of unemployment by
creating many low-skill, low-wage jobs but a problem that had grown
worse was income inequality. Lee Kwan Yew acknowledged that
development had been substantial but not just or equal. By the early
1970s, the per capita income was the second highest in Asia. Singapore
had a small group of extremely wealthy people, but the common
worker had been left behind, with worker wages rising only about
5 percent compared to a 100–200 percent increase in executive com-
pensation.18 In order to address this disparity, the government devel-
oped a new economic plan that invited higher skill, and thus higher
paying and higher profit, jobs to replace the low-paying, sweatshop-
type jobs created by the initial wave of industrialization.
Leaders announced a program, ultimately nicknamed the second
industrial revolution, to replace labor-intensive work with
technology-intensive work. The National Wages Council implemented
“corrective wage policy” in which it increased wages to levels
competitive for medium- to high-tech industries, thereby forcing man-

ufacturers either to upgrade their production to merit higher wages or
move their low-skill work to another country. The government
increased training programs, gave tax breaks for training expenses
related to medium- and high-tech employment, and gave more tax
breaks to companies in desired industries to new establish operations
in Singapore or to upgrade existing ones. Initially, certain high-skill
foreign workers, such as engineers, were admitted to jumpstart the
development. The targeted industries included petrochemicals, preci-
sion engineering, aerospace, electronics, computer software and hard-
ware, medical instruments, office equipment, etc.
The petrochemical focus was logical given the ongoing importance of
the oil industry, including exploration, extraction, and refining. In the
1970s, extensive new oil fields were found in the Gulf of Thailand, the
Indonesian archipelago, and the South China Sea; Malaysia, Thailand,
Philippines, and Vietnam became oil-producing countries, but Singapore
had the advantage with an already well-established infrastructure. From
1977 to 1982, 40 percent of Singapore’s gross manufacturing exports was
oil,19 although that percentage soon decreased as the new industrial pro-
gram increased exports in other areas, especially electronics. The govern-
ment’s commitment to the new industries was vast: To provide space for
large petrochemical factories, it undertook land reclamation, and one,
large Jurong Island emerged from seven small islands.
Massive amounts of new foreign investment flowed in, doubling
between 1979 and 1984.20 In addition to the new industries, increases
in off-shore banking caused growth in the banking sector, and height-
ened Singapore’s prominence as a financial center. All of this helped
further diversify the economy, which became an increasing priority
for the government to assure continued, steady growth. The Economic
Development Board increased its promotional efforts by opening
22 offices in the United States, Japan, and Europe, all of which had
been targets for luring investment since the beginning. The Economic
Development Board could highlight many desirable characteristics in
its marketing. Singapore offered skilled and English-speaking work-
ers; a highly improved infrastructure with quality communications
facilities, expanded and mechanized port facilities, and a new
international airport at Changi; a taxation and regulatory system that
favored business; and political stability and noncorrupt government
that facilitated the security of investments. Changes in the economic
policies of China also yielded new economic opportunities; as China
opened its markets, Singapore, with its large ethnic Chinese popula-
tion, positioned itself to capitalize on the situation.
However, the mid-1980s brought Singapore’s first economic down-

turn since independence with a drop in per capita income and gross
domestic product. The recession especially affected manufacturing
and oil refining. This was a surprising event as people had become
accustomed to growth, and there was talk of malaise and charges that
Singaporeans were insufficiently entrepreneurial. A special taskforce
concluded that the recession was caused by changes in the global
economy and that Singapore’s international competitiveness was
declining. The government implemented a series of new priorities
and plans to turn things around. To reduce business expenses and
help Singapore become a center for profitability again, policy makers
cut business taxes, utility costs, international telephone charges, and
employer contributions to the Central Provident Fund, and the
government offered subsidies for property rentals and port fees. The
government also pushed for advanced technology and higher value-
added business investments. The focus shifted to marketing Singapore
as a “total business center” for international corporations where
Singapore could serve as a regional company headquarters with
proximity to production sites in nearby countries that had cheaper labor
costs. Singapore could offer a range of business support services like
banking, accounting, and law along with motivated and experienced
managers. Again the government initiated new programs to increase
the skills and productivity of the workforce, with special training for
clerical, administrative, and technical staff. The strategy was successful:
by 1991, 3,000 international corporations had Singapore-based
offices, including Citibank, DuPont, General Electric, Hewlett-Packard,
and IBM.21
A second strategy attempted to capitalize on Singapore’s many
small- and medium-sized companies, many of which were Chinese
family firms that had been virtually ignored in the government’s
development plans up to that point. The government hoped these firms
could exploit China’s entry into globalization by establishing trade rela-
tionships, finding investment opportunities, and meeting the demands
of China’s growing wealthy elite. This was part of Singapore’s plan to
become an international investor in the surrounding region, rather than
just a recipient of international investment. The government-led corpo-
rations partnered with the small- and medium-sized companies for
much of this activity. Economic planners also hoped that Singapore,
with its total business center assets, could employ its Chinese-
speaking population as an intermediary for European and American
companies that lacked the language skills and cultural insights for easy
business relationships in China.
Societal Shifts
Many social changes happened during the first years after
Singapore’s independence, but the government’s social engineering
programs continued. Two programs seem connected to the ongoing
development of a national identity. While government rhetoric touted
multiculturalism, a communal slant developed through the creation of
pro-Chinese programs. Government leaders, including Lee Kwan Yew
(who once said of himself, “I am no more Chinese than President
Kennedy was an Irishman”22), promoted Chinese-language education,
suggesting that English-educated Singaporeans lacked cultural roots.
To combat this perceived problem, one program promoted what lead-
ers called Confucian Values, specifically traditional Chinese values,
such as discipline, industriousness, frugality, family-orientation, etc.
Administrators added Confucian and other Asian values courses to
school curricula. While it may have been aimed at forming identity
and creating roots, some scholars have pointed out that Confucian val-
ues also support a hierarchical society where benevolent leaders rule
at will and elites are not challenged, which would support a govern-
ment’s control of society and economy. Around this time, too, the
government drastically cut social programs, such as financial support
for people with disabilities, since it was a family’s responsibility to
take care of people who needed assistance, and everyone who could
possibly work should do so. The other program advocated the use of
Mandarin by everyone, from food hawkers to business executives.
Speaking Mandarin could not only be used to do business with China
but also to promote economic relations with Taiwan and give
Singapore an edge over Westerners and the Cantonese-speaking
people of Hong Kong. The campaign was also an attempt to unify
the Chinese community and to undermine the ongoing use of dialects.
The bottom line was that the government wanted people to speak
proper Chinese, and that was Mandarin.
Beyond government initiatives, results of the efforts to build a multi-
cultural identity seemed mixed at most. Intermarriage rates among
communities remained low, even when there were no religious differ-
ences. The Malay ethnic group showed signs of difficulties, particu-
larly as the government gradually removed the few special
provisions they had as a group (such as free college tuition). While
there were some poor Chinese, the Malay group more than others
lagged in socioeconomic progress, such as wealth and educational
attainment. In 1981, the government set aside funding for the estab-
lishment of a Malay community organization, Mendaki, to be led by
Malay members of parliament. The group was to encourage educa-

tional progress, which in turn would increase the financial wellbeing
of the community. Finally, perhaps most telling was what developed
in the integrated housing units. Once people had greater choice about
where to live, communities began to resegregate. In studies regarding
people’s likes and dislikes about government housing, one of the fre-
quent complaints was lack of community, little neighborliness, and
other indicators of a sense of communal isolation. There developed
certain areas where members of a particular ethnic community tended
to live in greater number.
Changes in the housing situation facilitated this partial resegrega-
tion. By 1989, the Housing Development Board had built well over
800,000 apartments and virtually the entire population had adequate
housing.23 The Board permitted people to purchase their apartments
at affordable costs, and by the mid-1980s, the vast majority of people
owned their own homes in the apartment blocks. Workers used their
contributions to the Central Provident Fund for housing purchases,
thus the increase in homeownership did not reduce the government’s
role in people’s lives. Instead, the government essentially became
banker to most citizens, especially considering that most people did
their personal banking at the Post Office Savings Bank, a government
operation. The buying and selling of homes permitted people greater
choice in where they lived, and thereby undermined the policy of full
ethnic integration in housing.
The social engineering plan with perhaps the greatest success was
the Stop at Two program to halt population growth. Singapore
achieved zero growth by the later part of the 1970s, and by the mid-
1980s, the program had overshot its mark. Women were in the work-
force in increasing numbers; and although a substantial wage gap
existed, women actually had an advantage in employment and gain-
ing seniority, since they did not have to serve in the military like their
male counterparts. Women with higher earnings and women of the
Chinese community tended to have the fewest children, whereas poor
women and women of the Malay and Indian communities tended to
have more, but the overall trend was sharply downward. Suddenly
the government needed to engineer population growth, although it
sought to do this selectively, encouraging poorer and less educated
people to stop at two but encouraging wealthier and more educated
women to have more. Policy makers put in place various incentives
to promote reproduction, including tax rebates, medical and housing
benefits, priority in school choice, and childcare assistance. The
government also created a Social Development Unit that acted like a
matchmaking service for university graduates. It sponsored weekend

retreats with equal numbers of male and female attendees; there were
lessons in table manners, dancing, and other social skills. Despite the
effort, there was little success in halting the slide of the birthrate.
One problem of social development to which government gave no
attention was an increasing gap between the haves and the have-
nots. There were members of society, typically the wealthier ones,
who were fully integrated into the globalized city that Singapore had
become, working on international finance deals, working for multina-
tional corporations, traveling overseas on business, etc. There was
another part of society that had been left behind and was not living
globalization. Tensions increased in the 1980s, although the
government dismissed them as “politics of envy.”
Political Developments
The PAP retained power throughout this period, although with
some upsets. Having become accustomed to no opposition in the
Parliament since 1966, it came as a shock in 1981 when a member of
the Worker’s Party won a seat in a special election. The situation grew
more alarming in the 1984 general election when the PAP lost two
seats to the opposition. While this did not compromise the PAP’s abil-
ity to rule whatsoever, it was nevertheless a blow to party leaders. Lee
Kwan Yew declared, “If . . . it continued this way then the one-man-
one-vote system must lead to our decline, if not our disintegration.”24
To address an apparent desire for opposition voices, the government
decided to add up to three nonvoting opposition members of
parliament if opposition parties won fewer than three seats in an elec-
tion. More to the point of protecting its power, prior to the next general
election in 1988, the government enacted a significant change to the rep-
resentation system in Parliament. Instead of having a single member of
parliament represent voters in a given district (called constituency), the
PAP began a process that continued over the years to shift to group rep-
resentation constituencies in which a number of single member districts
would be consolidated and represented by a group of parliamentarians.
In the initial round in 1988, each of the group constituencies had three
representatives, and one of the three had to be either Malay or Indian
in order for the group representation system to meet the government’s
stated goal of increasing minority representation in Parliament. Oppo-
nents of the system criticized the move as an effort to prevent
opposition parties from winning seats, as they have to win a majority
of the vote in larger voting units. No party other than the PAP has
won seats in a group representation constituency since the system

started in 1988.
Beyond its engagement with the questions surrounding parliamen-
tary elections, the PAP expanded government influence over political
actors in other ways during this period, including new legislation to
exert greater control over the media. The 1974 Newspaper and Print-
ing Presses Act mandated newspaper companies, editors, and printers
to obtain annually renewed licenses, which the government may
choose not to renew; in 1977 most of the country’s newspapers were
brought under the control of a government holding company. In
1986, further legislation included provisions to restrict foreign publica-
tions that might influence Singaporean public opinion; the Far Eastern
Economic Review and Wall Street Journal Asia, both highly respected
media organizations, fell afoul of these laws and had their issues confis-
cated and their reporters declared unwelcome in Singapore. In 1982, a
prominent bureaucrat, S. R. Nathan (who became president of
Singapore in 1999), was placed in charge of the leading English news-
paper, the Straits Times. Under his leadership, other Singaporean news-
papers were restructured and put under the authority of the Straits
Times, leaving print journalism virtually under government control.
The colonial-era security laws continued to be harshly applied.
Government officials used the Societies Act, created to restrict the
Chinese secret societies a century earlier, to target the Roman Catholic
Church, which had advocated on behalf of immigrant workers, in par-
ticular Filipino maids, some of whom faced physical and sexual abuse
by their employers. These immigrant workers’ few rights were largely
unknown to them. When the Church sought to intervene on their
behalf, the government expelled non-Singaporean priests and told
the local Church organization to stay away from labor issues. The
Internal Security Act continued to be a tool of authority, and legislators
expanded its scope and frequency of use. In one notorious case, secu-
rity officials detained Chia Thye Poh for 23 years on two-year renew-
able detention orders, which can be levied against anyone seen as a
threat to security or the public order. Police arrested him in 1966 and
did not release him until 1989, and then it was to a remote government
house where he was prohibited from having any political visitors.
People detained during this time period reported various forms of
physical and psychological abuse, including beatings, sleep deprivation,
threats to family, and forced confessions. Political leaders further
strengthened the Act to permit any police officer to arrest a person
believed to be a potential threat to security or social order, without a
warrant, and hold that person for interrogation for up to 30 days.
Finally, another major tool for dealing with opponents is lawsuits for
libel and defamation, in which Singaporean courts reliably rule in
favor of government officials. To foreign newspapers, it is a reminder
to be conscientious about what they publish about Singapore. To local
individuals and organizations, such as opposition political parties, the
common outcome is bankruptcy, which curtails political activities
and has motivated a number of Singaporeans to flee the country to live
in exile.
While the world changed much during these years and many of the
earlier threats against social order in Singapore disappeared, the
government saw an ongoing need for a strongly guided economy, soci-
ety, and political system. A communist takeover would have under-
mined Singapore’s thriving capitalist society, but by the late 1980s,
both China and the Soviet Union, the ideological leaders for
international communist action, were reforming their own economic
systems. Communism no longer posed a realistic threat. Nevertheless,
the old-guard leaders seemed trapped by their life experiences of exis-
tential threat and acted accordingly. Economist Linda Y. C. Lim noted
that Singapore’s economic development during this time had been
praised by both free-market advocates like Milton Friedman and those
that favored government intervention such as John Kenneth Galbraith.
In a sense, Singapore’s approach to economic development offered
something for everyone with robust, government-guided capitalism.
However, Lim concluded, “Since independence, what has made
Singapore successful is not the Invisible Hand of the free market, but
rather the very Visible Hand, indeed the Long Arm, of the State.”25
THE NEXT GENERATION, 1990 ONWARD

Lee Kwan Yew, Singapore’s Founding Father, relinquished some of
his day-to-day duties already in 1985, and in 1990, the PAP chose a
new prime minister, Goh Chok Tong, to succeed him. Goh Chok Tong
began his career as a civil servant and was tapped for upper manage-
ment of the government-led shipping company, Neptune Orient Lines,
before the PAP recruited him to Parliament and then the prime minis-
tership. In 1991, the new prime minister and his team released their
strategy statement, “The Next Lap,” outlining their plans and prior-
ities for a future of “continuity and change.” The main idea was to
build on the established foundations: increase funding for education
to promote economic growth, expand the labor force by increasing
the population via immigration and larger family size, and help peo-
ple be self-sufficient to avoid the perils of welfare-state-based
government spending on social programs. In many respects there was

little change: The economic plan established after the 1985 recession
rolled along and the economy grew; the Housing Development Board
shifted its focus to upgrading housing; commercial ties with China
expanded to full diplomatic ties; and the PAP remained in complete
control of the government. Goh Chok Tong spoke of a more open soci-
ety, and relaxed some censorship of nonpolitical media. Police used
the Internal Security Act less frequently against critics, although the
courts still meted out judgments favoring the government in libel
and defamation lawsuits.
One policy shift was the 1991 decision to have a national ideology,
something that Malaysia and Indonesia had also adopted years earlier.
Leaders labeled Singapore’s national ideology “Shared Values,” and in
many respects it was a reiteration of the earlier and largely unsuccess-
ful Confucian Values campaign. The Shared Values statement was a
simplistic distillation of some basic ideas from the cultures that com-
prised Singapore’s citizenry. There were five points: nation before
community and society above self; family as the basic unit of society;
community support and respect for the individual; consensus, not
conflict; and racial and religious harmony. These were to stand in con-
trast to the individualist values of Western democracies that were
plagued by crime, divorce, welfare programs, and the eventual finan-
cial ruin of the country as governments spend more to feed the ever
expanding needs of society to assure reelection. Critics suggested the
Shared Values were, as with the Confucian Values, a justification for
the government to maintain tight political control.
Another nominal policy shift involved the presidency. The idea had
been discussed in the 1980s, but it was not until later that the
government transformed the presidency from a ceremonial, appointed
office to an elected office with limited powers of oversight to prevent
corruption (such as nepotistic appointments to the civil service) or
unwise spending of the national reserve. The first election took place
in 1993, but subsequent elections have not occurred due to the lack of
opposing candidates. The Presidential Elections Commission oversees
candidate selection based on qualifications standards so stringent, it is
estimated that only about 400 Singaporeans could meet the criteria.26
Indeed, through much of the 1990s, there was very little change, but
late in the decade, a series of shocks brought about the worst recession
since independence. It began in 1997 when the Asian Economic Crisis
that started in Thailand spread to Indonesia, Malaysia, and beyond.
Singapore’s level of investment in these countries and the amounts of
weakened currency held by the banks was enough to push Singapore’s
economy into recession. The government cut salaries for public

employees, scaled back housing improvements, reduced employer
contributions to the Central Provident Fund, and increased spending
on programs such as education that would offer long-term economic
benefits. The government also reassessed its strategy to cope with
the increasingly rapid changes in the global economy. With the ascen-
sion of China and India and the improved development of other
Southeast Asian countries, Singapore faced ever more competition.
Leaders had to be vigilant about adjusting to meet new challenges
and to capitalize on new opportunities. When economy began to re-
cover in 2001, the government promoted alliances or mergers between
Singaporean businesses and major global competitors in order to par-
ticipate in the developing trend of consolidation within industries. For
example, already in 2000, Singapore Airlines joined the Star Alliance,
an international network of airlines that integrated their operations
and shared passengers. Potential international partners pressured
regulators for greater openness in business practices. At the same
time, the World Trade Organization pushed for reduced regulation
(liberalization) of sectors like finance and telecommunications. The
government continued to encourage investment in poorer countries
but began promoting investment in wealthy countries as well, such
as SingTel’s (Singapore’s telecommunications company) purchase of
a major part of the second biggest telecommunications company in
Australia.
While the strategy was in place, Singapore confronted additional
jolts that undermined the fledgling recovery from recession. The
September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on the United States was a blow to
the global economy, and caused a spike in national security concerns.
As the wealthiest and only non-Muslim country in its neighborhood,
the government feared Singapore might be a target for Muslim
extremists, particularly those of Jemaah Islamiyah, an Indonesian-
based terrorist group seeking the establishment of an Islamic state com-
prised of Indonesia, the southern Philippines, and the Malay Peninsula.
Singapore increased its internal security provisions, resulting in the
arrest of 15 Singaporeans in December 2001, and another 21 in
September 2002, on charges of plotting terrorist attacks in Singapore
and other countries. This spawned deep concern about how well
the Malay population was integrated into Singaporean society.
These events had economic repercussions, as did the outbreak of
SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) in 2003, which killed
33 Singaporeans and caused a 30 percent drop in tourism.27 In 2004, a
tsunami devastated parts of Indonesia and Thailand, and harmed the
region’s economy. At about the same time, there was another global
health scare with Avian Flu.
Singapore’s integration into the global economy has and will
present challenges for the government and people. Singapore’s politi-
cal leadership continues to push for changes that advance it as a
knowledge-based economy to keep up with or ahead of the competi-
tion. Another political transition occurred in 2004, when Lee Hsien
Loong, the son of Lee Kwan Yew, succeeded Goh Chok Tong as prime
minister. Lee Hsien Loong has set his own path. Revised economic
development plans target new areas of growth, some with significant
political controversy. The most controversial involved the 2010 open-
ing of two integrated resorts that offer casino gambling. While the
government had long opposed gambling, the pragmatic new leader-
ship concluded that it was too good an opportunity to pass up. The
government hopes to increase tourism, which grew through the nine-
ties but dropped off after 2001, and also capture some of the estimated
billions that it is losing to Singaporeans going abroad to gamble.
In typical fashion, however, controls limit the potential damage to
Singaporeans. Citizens have to pay an admission of 100 Singaporean
dollars per visit or 2,000 Singaporean dollars per year, whereas
foreigners can enter for free.28 Singaporeans may not gamble on credit,
and the government expanded counseling and rehabilitation services
to help cope with gambling-related problems. The government also
seeks to make Singapore a global education hub by capitalizing on its
recent heavy investments in higher education. The goal is to have
150,000 international students at Singaporean universities by 2015.29
The third area for major development is medical tourism. Singapore
offers first-rate medical care at minimal cost compared to the high
costs of healthcare in the United States. For example, the 2006–07 cost
of a heart bypass surgery in the United States was 130,000 U.S. dollars,
whereas in Singapore it could be done for 18,500 U.S. dollars. The
government’s target is one million medical tourists by 2012.30
Still, challenges remain. Efforts to improve the birth rate have thus
far failed, but the government keeps trying. The government now
offers a Baby Bonus for second and third children, and a baby fund
to which the government will deposit yearly matching funds to paren-
tal contributions for second and third children. More recently, the
government announced a bigger bonus of 10,000 Singaporean dollars
for third and fourth children.31
As is common for highly globalized, knowledge-based economies,
there are growing concerns and tensions that less-educated people
are being left behind. At the same time as the bottom 20 percent of
families suffered a decrease in income, Singapore was revealed to have

had the greatest increase (22.4%) in number of millionaires among 68
countries studied.32 The government keeps pushing for family respon-
sibility, and has mandated that children must care for their elderly
parents, but the new reality Singapore faces is structural unemploy-
ment, a form of unemployment caused by the nature of the global
economy that is difficult to overcome. Thus, the wealth gap will likely
continue and perhaps increase, possibly causing greater discontent.
How Singapore handles these problems will determine how the
country changes in the future. Singapore’s globalization thus far has
been intensive in the economic and social sectors, but political globaliza-
tion, which includes characteristics like expanded democracy, has been
more limited. Singapore’s second generation of leaders does not appear
substantially different from the first. Both have demonstrated a prag-
matic approach to continue economic growth and justify their continu-
ing political leadership. However, this may become more difficult as
the economic competition becomes sharper, as dissatisfaction by those
not participating in the economy grows, and as the government’s
control of the media, especially the Internet, becomes weaker. Thus far,
Singapore’s government has been relatively successful at limiting politi-
cal criticism on the Internet, but this may not continue, since the country
has extensive Internet penetration. Can the economy grow forever and
will the people continue to be satisfied with wealth but not meaningful
political participation? The People’s Action Party hopes so.
NOTES
1. Tilak Abeysinghe, “Singapore: Economy,” in The Far East and Australasia,
39th ed., edited by Lynn Daniel (London: Europa Publications, Routledge, 2008),
http://courses.nus.edu.sg/course/ecstabey/Singapore%20Economy-Tilak.pdf.
2. C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 1819-1988, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1989), 312.
3. Malcolm Murfett et al., Between Two Oceans (New York: Marshall Cavendish
International, 2004), 400.
5. Ibid., 296.
6. Ibid., 295.
7. Linda Y. C. Lim, “Singapore’s Success: The Myth of the Free Market
Economy,” Asian Survey 23 (1983), 752–763, 753.
9. Ibid., 296.
10. Carl A. Trocki, Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control (New York:
Routledge, 2006), 163.
11. Singapore Elections, “Singapore Parliamentary General Election 1972,”
Singapore-Elections.Com, http://www.singapore-elections.com/parl-1972-ge/.
12. Quoted in Melanie Chew, “Human Rights in Singapore: Perceptions and

Problems,” Asian Survey 34 (1994), 933–948, 941.
13. Quoted in Neil A. Englehart, “Rights and Culture in the Asian Values
Argument: The Rise and Fall of Confucian Ethics in Singapore,” Human Rights
Quarterly 22 (2000), 548–568, 551.
14. Kishore Mahbubani, “The Dangers of Decadence: What the Rest Can Teach
the West,” Foreign Affairs 72 (1993), 10–14.
Quarterly 22 (2000), 548–568, 553.
16. Quoted in C. M. Turnbull, A History of Singapore, 298–299.
Quarterly 22 (2000), 548–568, 554.
20. Ibid., 167.
21. Teck-Wong Soon and William A. Stoever, “Foreign Investment and
Economic Development in Singapore: A Policy-Oriented Approach,” The Journal
of Developing Areas 30 (1996), 317–340, 330.
Quarterly 22 (2000), 548–568, 555.
25. Linda Y. C. Lim, “Singapore’s Success: The Myth of the Free Market
Economy,” Asian Survey 23 (1983), 752–763, 758.
26. Terence Chong, “Singapore: Globalizing on Its Own Terms,” in Southeast
Asian Affairs 2006, ed. Daljit Singh and Lorraine Carlos Salazar (Singapore:
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2006), 278.
28. Terence Chong, “Singapore: Globalizing on Its Own Terms,” 271–272.
29. Tilak Abeysinghe, “Singapore: Economy,” 7.
30. Ibid., 7.
31. Ibid., 9–10.
32. Terence Chong, “Singapore: Globalizing on Its Own Terms,” 269.
Notable People in
the History of Singapore
Crawfurd, Dr. John (1783–1868). He was the third resident (chief

administrator) of Singapore, taking over from Raffles in 1823 and serving
until 1826. He assisted in negotiating Singapore’s final status with the
Malay nobility in Singapore in 1824. He also affirmed Singapore’s status
as a free-trade port.
Churchill, Sir Winston (1874–1965). He was the prime minister of

Great Britain during World War II, making many decisions that
shaped Singapore’s fate during that war.
Farquhar, Col. William (1770–1839). He assisted Raffles in founding

the colony and served as the first resident/chief administrator from
1819 to 1822. He left an enduring mark on Singapore in establishing
it as a free-trade port, and inviting much of its early immigration from
the Malay Peninsula. He was significant in holding the colony secure
in its first years.
Fong Swee Suan (1931–). He was one of Singapore’s leading labor

and student organizers in the 1950s and 1960s and promoted anticolo-
nial activities. He was a member of the People’s Action Party, but was
160 Notable People in the History of Singapore
in the radical, communist branch blamed for much political unrest.

He was jailed repeatedly for inciting unrest, including as result of
Operation Cold Store in 1963. After being released from prison, he
settled in Malaysia and had a career in business.
Goh Chok Tong (1941–). He was the second prime minister of the
Republic of Singapore from 1990 to 2004, taking over after Lee Kwan
Yew’s retirement. He began his career in administrative service, and
then was in management of a government-led shipping company
before being recruited into politics for the People’s Action Party. He
was the first prime minister from the second generation of leaders
and remains active in the cabinet of his successor, Lee Hsien Loong,
son of Lee Kwan Yew.
Goh Keng Swee (1918–2010). He was the economic architect of

modern Singapore, having served as Minister of Finance and of
Defense and as chair of the Monetary Authority and several
government-led companies. He was very much in the People’s Action
Party inner circle, designing key policies that shaped the economic
development and industrialization of Singapore as well as making
the country a center for finance.
Hussein (–1835). He was the Sultan of Johor-Riau who signed the

treaty with Raffles granting the English East India Company permission
to establish a trading settlement in Singapore. He gained the title of
sultan from a half-brother through the Company’s acknowledgement
of his status in return for the treaty.
Lee Kwan Yew (1923–). He was the first prime minister of Singapore
and served as chief minister prior to that, holding the top executive
position from 1959 to 1990. He founded the People’s Action Party,
Singapore’s dominant political party, negotiated merger with Malaysia,
and then led Singapore through the collapse of the merger and on to
independence. He is the father of modern Singapore and fundamentally
shaped the direction the country took after independence. He continued
to serve after his retirement as minister mentor, advising the two prime
ministers who have followed him.
Lim Chin Siong (1933–1996). He was a communist labor and

student union organizer and a founder of the People’s Action Party.
He served in the Legislative Assembly and led the communist wing
of the party, opposing British imperialism, until a group of
disaffected party members broke away in 1961, forming the

opposition party, Barisan Sosialis. He was jailed for six years due to
the violent nature of some of his political activities and spent some
time in London in exile, before returning to Singapore in 1979 where
he lived until his death.
Lim Yew Hock (1914–1984). He was the second chief minister of

Singapore, serving from 1956–1959. He was involved with the labor
movement prior to entering politics with the Singapore Progressive
Party. He was later a leader in the Labour Front, and it was with this
party that he became chief minister, with his most notable accomplish-
ments being the negotiation of Singapore’s self-government and
opposition to communist political action. He left politics in 1963 after
his party, the People’s Alliance Party, failed to win any seats in the
1963 election. He became a citizen of Malaysia and worked for the
Malay government for several years.
Marshall, David Saul (1908–1995). He was the first chief minister

once Singapore began its process toward self-governance, serving
from 1955–1956. He was a lawyer and community activist and joined
the Singapore Progressive Party for a time before becoming disaffected
and founding the Labour Front. He became chief minister in Singapore’s
first election for the Legislative Assembly. He struggled to make the
British governor take the new, elected government seriously, and
eventually succeeded. He resigned as chief minister after failing to
negotiate further steps toward self-governance, yet most of his goals
were realized by the subsequent administration. He returned to politics
and founded the Workers’ Party.
Mountbattan, Lord Louis (1900–1979). He was the British naval

officer who, as Supreme Allied Commander, Southeast Asia, oversaw
the Japanese surrender of Singapore following World War II. He was
also in charge of the British Military Administration reconstruction
efforts immediately after the war. Despite corruption in the lower levels
undermining the Administration’s authority with the people,
significant achievements were made in rebuilding the infrastructure,
including the port, reopening schools, and reforming the police in the
months immediately after the end of the war.
Parmeswara (–1411). He was the fifth ruler of ancient Singapore

from approximately 1391–1397, until he was driven out and moved
the Singapore settlement to Melaka.
162 Notable People in the History of Singapore
Pervical, Gen. Arthur E. (1887–1966). He was the British Lieutenant-

General in charge of ground forces during the attempt to defend the
Malay Peninsula and Singapore from the Japanese invasion in 1941.
He surrendered to the Japanese in Singapore on February 15, 1942,
and spent the rest of the conflict as a prisoner of war in Singapore
and other locations before returning to Britain after the war. He has
received considerable blame for the fall of Singapore, although most
recognize that it was a broad and multifaceted failure that was not
solely Percival’s fault.
Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford (1781–1826). He is credited with

founding Singapore and served as Singapore’s second resident (chief
administrator) for a short time in 1823. It was his insistence that
Singapore became a free-trade port. He also marginalized the Malay
nobility. He was a commoner but rose to be Lieutenant-Governor of
the English East India Company’s Bengkulu holdings. He retired from
the Company in 1823.
Rajaratnam, Sinnathamby (1915–2006). He was Singapore’s first

and longest-serving foreign minister after independence, holding
office from 1965 to 1980. He was a cofounder of the People’s Action
Party and a part of the inner circle who formed modern Singapore.
As foreign minister, he played a key role in establishing relations
with various countries that contributed to Singapore’s security and
economic development, which was tied very closely to foreign
investment. He also pushed for Singapore to be included among the
founding members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN), an important international organization.
Sang Nila Utama. He was also known as Sri Tri Buana and was a
prince from Palembang who founded the first known settlement at
Singapore in 1299. He and his heirs, five rulers in all, established a
capital at Singapore that stood until they were forced to relocate to
Melaka in 1397 or 1398.
Sri Tri Buana. See Sang Nila Utama.
Temenggong Abdul Rahman (–1825). He was the Malay official

who was based in Singapore prior to the arrival of Raffles and who
brokered a deal giving the British access to Singapore in exchange
for official recognition of his son-in-law Hussein as Sultan of
Johor-Riau.
Tsuji, Col. Masanobu (1902–1961?). He was the Japanese colonel in

charge of planning the invasion of the Malay Peninsula and Singapore.
Well-known for his brutality, he is blamed for the massacre of tens of
thousands of Chinese Singaporeans in the early days of the Japanese
occupation in 1942. Following the war, he disappeared into China
and remained there until the British closed the file on his potential
prosecution for war crimes. He returned to Japan, wrote a book about
his wartime experiences, and was elected to the Japanese parliament.
He was last seen in Laos in 1961; and it is assumed that he was killed
that year, although he was not legally declared dead until 1968.
Yamashita, Gen. Tomoyuki (1885–1946). He was the Japanese

Imperial Army general who commanded the invasion of the Malay
Peninsula and Singapore in 1941. He was nicknamed the “Tiger of
Malaya” for his rapid sweep down the Peninsula, taking Singapore
in only 70 days, 30 days faster than the Japanese anticipated. At the
end of the war, he surrendered to American forces in the Philippines,
where he was tried for war crimes and executed.
Glossary
Bang: A group within the Singaporean Chinese community whose member-

ship was based on Chinese dialect group and region of origin in China.
There were five main bangs: Cantonese, Hainanese, Hakka, Hokkien, and
Teochew.
Bendahara: A noble title in the Malay court, this official was ranked second
behind the sultan and is approximately equivalent to a prime minister.
British Commonwealth: An organization of Britain and a number of its
former colonies, who work cooperatively and have formal allegiance to
the British Crown.
Bugis: A seafaring people of the region who were key players in Malay
court politics and traders throughout the islands of Indonesia and
Singapore.
Chinese Protectorate: A colonial government office created to address
abuses of unskilled Chinese workers.
Entrepôt Port: A transshipment port where goods are brought in from one
location, traded, and then sent to another location—very few trade goods
are of local origin.
Export-Led Industrialization: An economic development model that pro-
motes the creation of industry though producing exportable items, often
funded by foreign investment. This has become a dominant economic
development model in recent decades.
166 Glossary
Globalization: The process of countries and peoples growing more integrated

and economically, politically, and socially interconnected.
Guomindang: The Nationalist Party in China, which had many supporters
among the Singaporean Chinese community. After the 1949 Chinese
Communist Revolution, the leaders fled to Taiwan and established a
government on the island.
Import-Substitution Industrialization: A model of economic develop-
ment that calls for poor countries to put up barriers to imported prod-
ucts and instead to build new domestic industries to produce goods to
replace the foreign imports, and thereby jumpstart the industrial
growth of a country. This was a leading economic development model
in the 1960s.
Indentured Workers: The majority of migrant workers who settled in
Singapore from China and some from India. Under indenture, workers
have to pay back the cost of their transportation, labor recruitment costs,
and other expenses, often at inflated prices, before they are able to choose
where they work.
Konfrontasi: Translated as confrontation, this was an undeclared war from
1963–1966 waged by Indonesia against Malaysia and Singapore to disrupt
the merger between the two territories.
Malay Annals: A semi-mythological history of the Malay nobility, whose roots
were in Singapore. Passed down by oral tradition, it was finally written in
the fifteenth century.
Orang Laut: Various peoples comprising a group of sea nomads. During
times of political organization in Southeast Asia, these groups often
served the local sultan as a naval defense force; however, in times of weak
political authority, these peoples instead acted as pirates.
Revenue Farms: Strictly-regulated government monopolies of opium and
liquor that were auctioned to private interests by the government as a
source of revenue. The government would then charge rent on the farms
as a source of ongoing income.
Secret Societies: Secretive groups found in the Singaporean Chinese
community. They provided benefits, in particular, to newly arrived
immigrants from China but were also involved in considerable social
unrest and were ultimately banned by the government.
Sook Ching: The “purification by purging” that Japanese occupation forces
undertook against the Chinese community with the goal of removing
anyone who the Japanese thought was untrustworthy. In fact, the
process was very indiscriminate and cost the lives of as many as 50,000
people.
Straits-Chinese: A term referring to persons of Chinese ethnicity who were
born in the Straits Settlements, rather than being born in China and
immigrating to Singapore.
Glossary 167
Straits Settlements: A term referring to the unified British holdings on the

Malay Peninsula of Penang, Melaka, and Singapore. The Straits Settlements
were created in 1826 after the Dutch agreed to leave the British alone to
establish a sphere of influence based on the Malay Peninsula. The Straits
Settlements were directly administered from Kolkata by the English East
India Company and later by the Colonial Office in London.
Temenggong: A noble title in the Malay court, this official was ranked third
behind the sultan and is approximately equivalent to a minister of justice
and defense.
Bibliographic Essay
For a work spanning Singapore’s history since the British colonization,

one should turn to C. M. Turnbull’s A History of Modern Singapore
(Singapore: NUS Press, 2009). The emphasis in this very detailed volume
tends toward administrative and political matters, but it does not neglect
economic and social developments. Malcolm Murfett, John N. Miksic,
Brian P. Farrell, and Chiang Ming Shun offer a very comprehensive
military history in Between To Oceans: A Military History of Singapore from
First Settlement to Final British Withdrawal (Singapore: Times Academic
Press, 1999). This volume gives an especially helpful overview of the
pre-British era, one that is otherwise relatively difficult to access in depth
outside of specialized collections. However, it would be challenging for
those readers of the World War II era who are unfamiliar with British
military history as the text becomes encumbered by acronyms and detail.
Finally, Carl A. Trocki’s Singapore: Wealth, Power and the Culture of Control
(New York: Routledge, 2006) makes a provocative argument about the
trajectory of societal control, for which contemporary Singapore is well
known, from the colonial period to independent Singapore. In addition
to this volume, Trocki has written several other noteworthy additions to
the literature on Singapore, including Price of Pirates: The Temenggongs
and the Development of Johor and Singapore 1784–1885, 2nd ed. (Singapore:
170 Bibliographic Essay
NUS Press, 2007), Opium and Empire: Chinese Society in Colonial Singapore
1800–1910 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), and Paths Not Taken:
Political Pluralism in Post-War Singapore (co-authored with Michael Barr)
(Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2009).
If one seeks a more contextual examination of Singapore, one may
wish to examine Contemporary Southeast Asia, edited by Mark Beeson
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan) This volume offers comparative
examinations of Singapore and its neighbors on topics ranging from
colonization and decolonization, economy, democratization, ethnicity
and nationalism, international relations, and environmental issues.
For those especially interested in World War II, journalist Peter
Elphick offers a detailed, yet approachable account in Singapore: The
Pregnable Fortress (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1995), a volume
that caused political backlash in Australia. For a more scholarly
examination, one does well to look at Karl Hack and Kevin
Blackburn’s Did Singapore Have to Fall? Churchill and the Impregnable
Fortress (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004), which examines
answers to that question from various writers and then seeks to sort
out the facts.
Those interested in the Singaporean Indian community or the
dynamics of one of Singapore’s ethnic neighborhoods are invited to
read Singapore’s Little India: Past, Present, and Future, 2nd ed. by Sharon
Siddique and Nirmala Shotam (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies, 1984). This small volume helps the community come alive
with maps, drawings, and old and new photographs, as well as a
detailed narrative.
Two noteworthy volumes that must be mentioned are from a couple
of Singapore’s most influential political leaders. Lee Kwan Yew’s auto-
biography, From Third World to First: The Singapore Story 1965-2000
(New York: HarperCollins, 2000) is lengthy and can be a little difficult
at times for those without any background in economics, but it is
undeniably interesting to hear about Singapore’s recent decades from
the man who was behind many of the events. An interesting partner
to this volume is Goh Keng Swee’s The Economics of Modernization
(Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic, 2004). Goh was the
architect of Singapore’s economic development plan and has much to
offer. The volume is a collection of speeches on various topics and is
approachable in its level of difficulty. The greatest problem may be
finding an affordable copy outside of Singapore; it is suggested to seek
it in a library. For those desiring a shorter and narrower discussion of
Singapore’s economic development model, read “Foreign Investment
and Economic Development in Singapore” by Teck-Wong Soon and
Bibliographic Essay 171
William A. Stoever in the Journal of Developing Areas (Vol. 30, No. 3,

April 1996, p. 317–340).
Since most of the visible evidence of Singapore’s history has
disappeared in the face of economic development, an examination of
Gretchen Liu’s Singapore: A Pictorial History 1819–2000 (Singapore: Didier
Millet, 2007) may be a welcome addition to readers. This volume has over
1,000 photographs and drawings covering each of the ethnic groups and
a range of topics.
Finally, it would be remiss to omit an online resource offered by
Singapore’s National Library Board called Singapore Infopedia (http://
infopedia.nl.sg/index.html). This searchable Web site offers a series
of well-researched and well-documented short essays on major
historical events, important figures, and culture, architecture, nature,
etc. It is an excellent resource for basic information.
Index
Aceh, 27–28, 30, 38 protectionism, 54, 58–59, 66;

Agency houses. See Trading globalization, 3, 37, 45, 48–49,
houses 62, 64, 73; Interwar years,
Ancient Singapore, 18–24 80–81, 83–86; Opium Wars,
Anticolonialism, 73, 100, 112–13, 47; parliament, 48–49, 58–59,
117, 125 121; World War II military
Arab traders, 21–22, 25, 49 decisions, 88–92, 94–99, 107;
Archeology, 16, 19, 24, 27, 32 World War II political
Association of Southeast Asian decisions, 88–89, 92, 94,
Nations (ASEAN), 145 97–99. See also Colonial
administration, and English
Banking, 64–65, 87, 113, 135, 137, East India Company
147–48, 150 Bugis, 31–33, 38–39, 42, 44–46, 50
Bintan Island (Indonesia), 14,
26, 40 Chambers of Commerce, 48–49,
Britain, 10–11, 79–81; 75; Singapore Chinese
colonization, 19, 33, 37–42, 45, Chamber of Commerce, 75,
57–59, 61–62; decolonization, 114–15, 118, 143;
109, 112–14, 116–17, 119–21, Straits-Chinese British
126–28, 131, 136; economic Association, 75
174 Index
Changi, 27, 85, 100–102, 147 Chinese Protectorate and

China, 47, 53–54, 58, 66, 74–75, English East India Company
115, 134, 154; Communists, Colonial Office; see in London
74–75, 102, 111, 114, 153; under Colonial administration
globalization, 1, 147–48, 155; Colonization, of region, 25–35,
Guomindang, 74–75, 102, 112; 37, 40–41, 52, 60–62, 87; of
nationalism, 74, 116, 149; Singapore, 38–42
trade, 7, 15–17, 20, 29, 33–34, Commodities for trade, 20, 34,
37–38, 48–50, 58–60, 148–49; 47–48, 61–63
World War II, 84, 86–87, Communism, 84, 110, 113–14,
102, 107 131; Chinese, 74–75, 102, 111,
Chinese Protectorate, 68, 70–72 114–15; Malay, 109, 111–14,
Chinese Singaporeans, 76–78, 94, 116, 124; Singaporean, 111–17,
102–5, 111–12, 114, 116, 121, 119–25, 127–28
129–30, 143, 150; business Community organizations.
activities, 49–50, 61–62, 64–65, See Civil society
67, 69, 71–72, 106, 116, 148; Corruption, 105–6, 110–11, 145,
citizenship, 114–15, 118, 147, 154
120–21, 124; group identities, Crawfurd, Dr. John, 44–45
73–75; philanthropy, 53, 76; Crown colony, 57–59, 80–81
Straits-Chinese, 73, 75–77; Culture, 4–5, 8–10, 51, 55,
subgroups of, 3, 43, 71–72, 149, 154
75, 149. See also Education
Chinese societies, 142–43; Bangs, Democracy, 101, 134, 140–42, 146,
71, 73, 75; Secret societies, 50, 154, 157. See also Political
53–55, 61, 71–72, 102, 111, 128, participation
152. See also Chambers of Detention. See Civil liberties
Commerce Domestic security, 117, 119–20,
Churchill, Sir Winston, 88, 92, 94, 124–25, 127–28, 144, 152,
96–98 154–55. See also Civil liberties
Civil liberties, 6, 10, 112, 114, 125, and Political unrest
127, 134, 141, 144, 152–54 Dragon’s Tooth Strait, 21, 24
Civil society, 6, 49, 75, 77, 79, 105, The Dutch, 25, 28, 34, 37–38,
142–43, 149, 152. See also 40–42, 45, 48–49, 52, 54, 61, 66,
Chinese societies Dutch East India Company,
Colonial administration, in 28–34
India, 34, 39, 43–45, 52, 54,
58–59; in London, 41, 58–59, Economy, 7, 133–34, 146, 148,
61–63, 65, 69, 72, 109, 111–13, 154–56; colonial, 50, 62–66,
119–21; in Singapore, 41–46, 112; development, 122–23,
51–55, 57–57, 69, 75, 77–79, 94, 130, 134–38, 146–48;
98, 110–12, 114–16. See also government involvement in,
Index 175
135–37, 146–48, 155, Free trade, 2, 42–44, 48–49, 54,

performance and growth of, 58–59
1–2, 50, 62–63, 112, 122, Friedman, Thomas (The World Is
135–38, 145–48, 156–57. See Flat), 2–3, 6
also Industrialization
Education, 73, 76, 79, 111, 115, Gender imbalance (in society),
117–18, 121, 124, 128, 140, 149, 54–55, 67, 70–71
153, 155–56; Chinese, 74–76, Globalization, 1–3, 10–11, 155–56;
115–117, 119–21, 128, 139, 149; definition of, 2; economic, 3,
colonial era, 44; during 7–8, 133–34, 148, 155–56;
Japanese occupation, 104–5; economic in colonial era,
English–medium, 76, 79, 115, 28–29, 32–34, 37–38, 46–47,
121, 128, 140, 144; Indian 49, 59–65; economic in
(Tamil), 76, 121, 128; Malay, 5, pre–colonial era, 13–14,
76–77, 121, 124, 128, 149–50; 21–22; political, 6, 73–75, 110,
university, 7, 69, 101, 120, 141, 131, 145, 155, 157; social, 3–5,
143, 156; vocational training, 8–10, 151, 156–57; social in
7, 135, 147–48 colonial era, 38, 45–47, 54, 66,
Elections, 6, 142; 72–76. See also Economy,
post–independence, 141, Foreign investment, and
151–52, 154; Immigration
pre–independence, 114–15, Goh Chok Tong, 9, 153–54, 156
117–19, 121, 125, 128–29 Goh Keng Swee, 7, 128
English East India Company, Government, 4–10, 141–46,
32–34, 37–42, 44–49, 51, 151–54, 156–57; reform, 114,
57–58 116–17, 121. See also Colonial
Entrepôt trade, 48–49, administration and People’s
63, 122, 138 Action Party (PAP)
Ethnic neighborhoods, 2, Group identities, 3–5, 72–79,
8, 42–43 139–40, 149–50
Farquhar, Col. William, 39–44 Health, 8–9, 52–53, 77, 128,

Foreign investment, 134–38, 142, 138–40, 155–56
145, 147–48, 154–55 Hong Kong, 1, 7, 47, 49, 59, 80,
Foreign policy, 137, 145, 155 84, 90, 133–34, 138, 149
Fort Canning, 52, 54, 59, Housing, 8, 68, 110, 121, 128,
80, 96–97 138–40, 150, 154–55
Fort Canning Hill, 18–20, 24
Fortifications, 19, 22, 52, Immigration, 5, 42, 46, 66;
84–85, 95 Chinese, 42, 46, 66–67,
“Fortress Singapore.” See under 70–71, 74, 78, 115; Indian, 46,
Military defense 66–67
176 Index
Indenture. See under Labor Kolkuta. See English East India

Independence, 118–19, 125, Company and Colonial
128–31 administration
India, 3–4, 41, 54, 73–74, 80, 100;
in international trade 15–17, Labor, 46, 67–68, 71–72, 125, 128,
21–22, 25–26, 47–49, 59–60. 134–35, 138, 146, 153;
See also English East India indentured, 44, 53, 67–70;
Company and under skilled, 7, 64–65, 67, 76, 79,
Immigration, Indian 116, 118–19, 121, 135, 147–48;
Indian Singaporeans, 3–4, 8, unions, 75, 112, 127, 135, 143;
53–54, 102–3, 150–51; unrest 117, 119–20, 125, 127,
economic activity, 46, 49, 54, 135 (see also Political unrest);
67; group identity, 73–74, unskilled, 50, 54, 61–62,
79–80; immigration of, 45–46, 64–65, 67–69, 125, 152. See also
54, 66–67; subgroups of, 3, 73 Immigration
Indonesia, 7, 22, 29, 31, 48, 62, 73, Languages, 79, 104, 116, 123–24,
75, 87; 154–55; under 146, 148–49; multilingualism,
Sukarno, 122, 126–27, 130, 116, 118, 121, 124, 139–40;
137, 145. See also The Dutch, official, 4, 139. See also
Dutch East India Company, Education and Media
and Palembang Lee Hsien Loong, 156
Industrialization, 7, 63; Lee Kwan Yew, after
export–led, 134–38, independence, 136–38;
146–48; import–substitution, democratic views, 141–42,
121–24, 134 146, 151; early career, 118–19,
Infrastructure, 8, 43, 54, 77, 107, 122–23, 125–26, 128–30;
110–11, 139–40, 146–47 retirement, 153
Interwar years (1918–1941). Lim Chin Siong, 117, 119–20,
See under Britain 122–23, 125, 127, 144
Islamic trading network. See Lim Yew Hock, 120–21
Arab traders
Majapahit Empire, 22–24
Japan, 75, 80, 83, 137; conflict Malay Annals, 13–14, 18–19,
with China, 74–75, 84, 86; 22–23, 38
economic interests, 7, 86–87, Malay Federation, 113–14, 118,
147; invasion, 90–97, 99; 120–28
occupation, 100–107; war Malay nobility, 14, 38–39,
planning, 84–88 45, 51, 61
Japanization, 104–5 Malay Peninsula, colonization
Johor, Kingdom of, 26–33, of, 26–28, 34, 38, 45, 59, 61–62;
38–40, 85; State of, 87–89, immigration to, 66–67;
92, 94–95, 105 kingdoms, 24–33; trade, 16,
Index 177
48, 50, 86 (see also Rubber and 88–91, 97. See also
Tin); World War II, 85, 87–88, Fortifications and Fort
90–92, 94–95, 98–99, 101–2, Canning
105–7, 111–12 Mountbattan, Lord Louis, 107,
Malaysia, 4, 7, 22, 109–10, 137–38, 110, 112
145, 147, 154; nationalism, Multiculturalism, 123–24,
114, 123–24; politics, 113–14, 129–30, 139–40, 149
125–26, 129–31, 143. See also
Merger National identity, 2, 4–5,
Malay Singaporeans, 41, 45–46, 140, 144, 149
53, 66, 124, 129–30, 149–51,
155; economic activity, 41, 76; Oil industry. See Petroleum
group identity, 73, 75–77, 79, Opium, abuse of, 44, 52–53, 55,
155; subgroups in, 46, 73; 68–70, 72, 111; sale of, 42, 44,
World War II, 100–103 50, 55, 69–72; trade of, 33–34,
Maritime Silk Road, 13, 21–22, 44, 47–49
25, 28, 34–35, 60 Orang Laut (sea nomads), 16, 25,
Marshall, David, 118–20, 125 30–31, 41, 46
Media, 6, 114, 143–44, 152, 154,
157; in World War II, 94, 105 Palembang, Sumatra
Melaka, 92, colony of Britain, (Indonesia), 16, 18, 22–23, 30
39–42, 45; colony of Parmeswara, 23–25
Netherlands, 30–31, 34, 40, 45; Penang (colony and town), 34,
colony of Portugal, 26–27, 38–39, 41, 45, 92. See also
29–30, 34; kingdom of, 24–26. Straits Settlements
See also Straits Settlements People’s Action Party (PAP),
Melaka, Strait of, 17, 25, 27, communism, 120–22, 123,
control of shipping, 15–16, 38; 125, 127, 144; in elections, 121,
importance of, 21–22, 29, 59. 125, 128–29, 141, 151–52;
See also Piracy founding, 118; in government,
Merger with Malay Federation, 124–25, 128–29, 131–38,
118, 121–29; merger collapse, 141–57; internal divisions,
129–31 119–22, 125–28; policy
Military defense, 11, 19, 23, 52, positions, 118, 121–26, 128,
80, 117, 121, 127–28, 136; Fall 130, 134–57. See also Goh Chok
of Singapore, 94–100; Tong, Lee Hsien Loong,
“Fortress Singapore,” 84, 86, Lee Kwan Yew, and
88, 92, 94, 98; Operation Lim Chin Siong
Matador, 85, 90–91, 98; Percival, Lt.–Gen. Arthur, 89,
Sembawang Naval Base, 91–92, 95–98
85–87, 91, 113–14, 136–37; Petroleum, 62–63, 96, 99, 126,
Singapore Strategy, 81, 84–85, 136, 147–48
178 Index
Pirates, 16, 20–21, 25, 41, 50–52, Revenue farms, 44, 50, 69, 71.
58, 60–61, 145 See also Opium, sale of,
Political freedoms. See Civil Riau, 30–32, 34, 38–40, 42, 45
liberties Rubber, 62–66, 86–87, 96, 99, 106,
Political participation, 6, 114–15, 112–13, 122–23
117–18, 121, 126, 141–42,
151, 157 Sang Nila Utama, 18–19 23, 26
Political parties, 5, 111–12, Shipping industry, 3, 64, 87, 106,
114–18, 120; Barisan Sosialis, 110, 113, 136–38, 153. See also
5, 125–27, 129, 141; Labour Technology
Front, 118–21; Opposition Singapore River, 8, 32, 39–40, 43,
parties, 5–6, 134, 151–53. 52. See also Archeology
See also People’s Action Party Singapore Strait, 21, 28, 45
(PAP) Singapore Strategy. See under
Political unrest, colonial era, 52, Military defense
54, 58, 61, 66, 75, 78; Social development, 8, 124, 130,
post–World War II, 134, 138–41, 150–51. See also
117, 119–20, 125, 127, Education, Health, Housing,
129–30, 141–43 and Wage disparities
Population growth, 42, 45–46, 66, Social order, colonial era, 42, 53,
70–71, 102, 105–6; engineered 72, 77, 80; Japanese
population growth, 150–51, occupation era, 100, 103;
153, 156; family planning, 5, post–independence, 1,
122, 140–41, 150–51, 156 142–44, 149, 152–53, 156–57.
The Portuguese, 20, 25–30, 49 See also Chinese Protectorate,
Prostitution, 70–72, 102, 111. See Opium, Political unrest,
also Secret societies Prostitution, and Chinese
Public works. See Infrastructure societies, Secret societies
Social problems, 10, 52–55,
Queen Sakidar Shah of Bintan, 68–72, 110–11
18, 26, 39 Social unrest. See Political unrest
Sook ching, 102–3, 111
Racism, 73, 78–79, 99, Srivijayan Empire, 14–18, 22, 27
116, 118 Straits-Chinese. See under
Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford, 19, Chinese Singaporeans
38–44, 46, 51–52 Straits Settlements, 45–47, 57–59,
Rajaratnam, Sinnathamby, 5, 145 61, 79–81, 109. See also
Religion, 4, 10, 43, 77, 103, Colonial administration
139–40, 149, 154; Buddhism, Student protest. See Political
4, 22, 139, 142; Hinduism, 4, unrest
149; Islam, 4, 22, 25, 75, 80, Suez Canal, 59–60, 137
130, 139, 155 Sultan Hussein, 39–41
Index 179
Technology, 3, 47, 99, 140, 146–48; with, 7, 55, 61, 86, 136, 138,
changes in, 49, 57, 60, 62–63; 147, 155–56; military and
training, 135, 140, 147–48 World War II, 84, 86, 88, 90,
Temasek, 16–18, 21, 24 92, 98, 107
Temenggong Abdul Rahman,
38–41, 43, 45, 51 Wealth disparity, 7, 52, 146–47,
Thailand, 48, 145, 147, 154–55; 156–57
ancient, 22–24; in World War Women’s issues, 55, 70–72, 102,
II, 85, 87, 90, 101 128, 141, 150; family
Tin, 20, 34, 86–87, 106, 113; planning, 5, 122, 140–41,
mining, 46, 48, 61–66, 71 150–51, 156. See also Gender
Trade port. See Entrepôt imbalance
Trading houses, 48–49, 57, 64 World War I, 80
World War II, 86–107; recovery
United States, 74, 113–14, 128, from, 110–12; preparation for,
131, 142, 145; economic ties 84–89. See also Military defense
About the Author
JEAN E. ABSHIRE is associate professor of political science and

international studies and head of the Department of Political Science
at Indiana University Southeast, New Albany, IN. Abshire has
received two Fulbright grants to conduct international research,
particularly in the areas of ethnicity and nationalism.
Other Titles in the Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations
Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling, Series Editors
The History of Afghanistan The History of the Czech
Meredith L. Runion Republic and Slovakia
William M. Mahoney
The History of Argentina
Daniel K. Lewis The History of Egypt
Glenn E. Perry
The History of Australia
Frank G. Clarke The History of El Salvador
Christopher M. White
The History of the Baltic States
Kevin O’Connor The History of Ethiopia
Saheed Adejumobi
The History of Brazil
Robert M. Levine The History of Finland
Jason Lavery
The History of Bulgaria
Frederick B. Chary The History of France
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THE

The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations

Series Foreword vii

Timeline of Major Events xiii

2 Pre-Colonial Singapore: Temasek, Dragon’s Tooth

3 The Establishment of Colonial Singapore:

4 A Crown Colony: 1867–1942 57

5 Fortress Singapore to Syonan-to: World War II 83

6 The Rough Road to Independence: 1945–1963 109

7 From Third World to First World: Since 1965 133

Notable People in the History of Singapore 159

Bibliographic Essay 169

The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations series is intended to

computer age has radically transformed global communications,

information following the narrative, which may include a timeline that

Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling

600s Meeting point for traders under the Srivajanyan Empire

Circa 1378 Attack from Majapahit Empire

1391 Invasion by Thai Kingdom

1397–1398 Parmeswara fled, and Singapore settlement relocated to

1819 Raffles and Farquhar established a trade port for the

1824 Treaty of London confirmed Singapore as a permanent

1826 Straits Settlements created, integrating Singapore,

1832 Singapore became capital of Straits Settlements

1832–1833 Chinese merchants banded together to combat pirates

1837 Singapore Chamber of Commerce founded

1854, 1857 Riots involving secret societies

1859 Fort Canning constructed

1867 Straits Settlements became a crown colony

1869 Suez Canal opened; Singapore became a coaling station

1873 British expanded control on Malay Peninsula increasing

1877 Chinese Protectorate created

1903 Singapore was world’s seventh largest port in tonnage

1910 Colonial administration took over opium production in

1914 Indentured labor from China banned

Sale of women and girls for prostitution banned

1915 Mutiny of Indian soldiers stationed in Singapore

1921 Britain decided to build naval station in Singapore

1929 Great Depression harmed Singapore’s trade

1931, 1933 Laws passed limiting immigration from China

1939 World War II began in Europe

July 1941 Vichy France gave Japan access to airbases in Indochina

United States froze Japanese assets

Japan made final decision to invade Singapore via the

December 8, 1941 Japan bombed Singapore, launched attack down Malay

February 8, 1942 Japanese forces launched attach on Singapore

February 15, 1942 Britain surrendered Singapore to Japan

August 15, 1945 Emperor Hirohito officially announced Japan’s surrender

September 2, 1945 British and Commonwealth forces landed in Singapore

1947 Singapore’s trade reached prewar levels

1948–1960 State of emergency

1950–1953 Korean War fueled economic boom

1954–1964 Singapore shaken by waves of communist political

1954 Rendel Commission recommended constitutional

David Marshall elected first chief minister of Singapore

Lee Hock Bus Strike

1959 New constitutional arrangements gave self-governance

1960 Singapore was world’s largest exporter of rubber

1961 Singapore Economic Development Board founded

1963–1966 Undeclared war with Indonesia (Konfrontasi)