English Study Material
English Study Material
English Study Material
There are now more than 2,000 languages in the world and they belong to
different families.
English with German, Dutch, Norwegian, Danish etc. belongs to the Low
Germanic branch of the Germanic group of languages. There were eight different
sets of languages by 2000 B.C. - all descendants of the Proto - Indo - European.
They are divided into the Eastern and theWestern groups. The division is based on
the shift in pronunciation of guttural consonants ‗g' and ‗k' to a ‗palatal position.
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For example, the assumed primitive form for the numeral 100 is kmtom, which
sound is retained in the western set.
Latin retains the original k sound (centum) whereas Sanskrit has changed the
k to a sh-sound (s) (satam). For this reason, the western languages are commonly
referred to as ‗Centum - Languages' and the eastern after the old Persian or Iranian
form of the word as ‗Satem - Languages.
Eastern Groups:
Balto - Slavic includes all the Slavonic tongues, ancient and modern and all
related languages of Baltic countries such as Lithuania and Latvia, Russia, Polish,
Czechoslovakia, Buyania, Selia and Croatia.
Indo – Iranian - includes the languages of old and new India of which
Sanskrit is a type and of most of the languages spoken in Iran-Persia, India, Persia,
Asia, Kurdesh etc.Armenian includes ancient and modern
Armenian with its various dialects spoken in a small area south of the
Caucuses and the eastern end of the Black Sea.
Albanian is spoken in a small area round the eastern coast of the Adriatic
like Armenia (Greek, Turkish etc. mixed). There are elements of Greek, Latin,
Slavonic and Turkish in it.
Western Groups:
The landmark changes in the History of English from the Old English period
to the modern era are discussed below:
Celtic Transmission: The Celts were supposed to have been the original
inhabitants of Britain. Rome annexed Britain and between 55 B.C. to A.D. 410,
Britain remained a colony of the Roman Empire. The British were Latinized and
Latin and Celtic existed side by side. So, in the period preceding the Anglo-Saxon
invasion, Latin influenced the language (Celtic).
4
Even before coming to Britain, the Germanic tribes were in contact with the
Romans, so a number of Latin words were absorbed into the Teutonic dialects even
before they invaded Germany. The three powerful races of invaders who
entrenched themselves in Britain were collectively called as Anglican. They had
deep linguistic and cultural affinities. So, English came to be applied not just to the
Anglican tongue, but to the language of all the invading tribes. The land and its
people were called Angelcynn (Angle - kin or the race of Angles).At the same time,
the term Anglo - Saxon was also used till 18th Century to refer to English. It was
King Alfred in the 10thcentury, who first interested himself in English culture. He
called the general language of England Englisc and its people as Engle (Angles)
(p.22) C.L.Wrenn)
Initially, there were many dialects spoken in the old English period e.g.
Northumbrian, Mercian, West Saxon and Kentish. During the old Saxon period, it
was the West Saxon dialect, which was more popular than the other three. But, it is
the Anglican dialect (Mercian) which is the direct ancestor of modern standard
English.
There were about 20,000 words in Anglo-Saxon vocabulary and old English
was phonetic in its spelling. It was almost purely Teutonic, with a sprinkling of
Celtic, Scandinavian, Greek and Latin.
Old English was flexible. Suffixes like “-th” were added to form a number
of words - e.g. abstract nouns: true-truth; foul-filth; merry-mirth etc. One single
word gave rise to many compounds. Prefixes and suffixes were used to enlarge the
vocabulary. Native linguistic resources were used to express new ideas, thoughts
and concepts. Modern English is indebted to the Anglo-Saxon tongue, as it is the
main base on which Modern English has developed.
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The Scandinavian (Danes or Old Norse) Influence: The age between the
8th to 11th centuries is known as the Viking Age in the history of England. Viking
is a common Germanic word in old English and old Norse. In old English, it was
‗wicing' meaning ‗pertaining to a settlement' and in old Norse, the word had the
form Viking which denoted one who crossed the seas from Norway for plunder
and settlement in a foreign country. For nearly 2 centuries they were repeatedly
plundering Britain and in the 10th Century, a Danish Prince Cnut became the king
of England.
In the year 1066, William the Duke of Normandy invaded England and was
crowned the king of England. Consequent to this, many changes were seen in the
history of English language as much as in the political and social history of
England. The Norman-French settlers brought with them nobles, soldiers and
servants, apart from merchants and craftsmen from Normandy and France.
The Black Death of 1348 spelt the death-knell of French language in Britain.
30% of the population was wiped out by this contagious disease and the people
were severely affected by the plague. This resulted in a shortage of labour and the
lower class people who knew only English stepped in. So, from the beginning of
the 14th Century, we find that English replaced French. Literature was written in
English and Jeoffrey Chaucer started the trend with his Canterbury Tales. In
administration too, English came to be used in place of French.
In 1362, the king's speech at the opening session of Parliament was made in
English and in the same year an Act was passed making English the official
language of the law courts instead of French, though records were to be kept in
Latin. French influence was indirectly Latin influence, since the French language is
derived from Latin. So, a very large proportion of English vocabulary is there
either directly or indirectly of Latin origin.
From the 13th to 15th century, a large volume of French literature was
translated into English. A very large number of French words were added to the
English vocabulary. For example, words for the flesh of animals used for food
were French words while their respective animals were referred to in English
words: Beef, mutton, veal, pork were French words - Ox, sheep, calf, pig are
English words.
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Titles like Duke, Marquis, Dawn, Viscount, etc., are French loan words. The
list of French loan words includes military terms - Battle, Siege, Fortress, etc, are
French loan words.
Modern English:
Britain was called as the “Queen of the seas” at the end of the middle ages.
She became very powerful and was able to annex many parts of the world. She had
colonies in almost all the continents of the world by 18th century and 19th century.
So, we find the influence of various languages on English.
Conclusion:
Though Modern English has evolved from old English, there is a vast
difference between the two. Old English was resourceful whereas modern
For e.g.:
be - /bi/
bee - /bi:/
see - /si:/
sea - /si:/
leave - /li:v/ etc.
For e.g.:
‗x'='ks' - ‗qs'
The French scribes introduced symbols from their own language to represent
English sound. So we have ‗C' for ‗S' in ‗City', ‗Mice' etc and ‗Gu' for ‗g' in
guest, guess etc.,
Loan words from other languages have improved the word-hoard of the
English language. It surpassed most other languages in its wealth of synonymous
words and hence its power to draw precise and subtle distinctions. To conclude we
can say that the English language has undergone great changes it:
Century and to the day, there is a phenomenal growth in English word hoard due to
Englishman interacting with people from different language groups each based on
varied speech sounds. Development in technology and communications especially
after the onset of LPG era (Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation) is
further widening and broadening the English language.
a) Etymology:
It studies the origin of each and every word. It not only traces the roots of
words, but also the meaning ascribed to the root word and its inferential word. In
etymology we go from the known to the unknown. In that process, the changes that
have taken place in the word meanings and pronunciation is also traced out
simultaneously.
b) Semantics:
It is the branch of linguistics that studies and understands how words have
meanings. It deals with the study of meaning, changes in meaning and the
principles that govern the relationship between words and sentences and their
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meanings. Semantics is derived from the Greek word sema', which means sign and
its adjective semantikos', meaning significant. Every word that is uttered is
meaningful in one way or the other. But there is a difference in being meaningful
and informative. The main aim of communication is to inform. Meaning can
include a variety of attitudes and emotions like courtesy, happiness, hostility,
praise, insult, affection, anger etc. The same sentence spoken by different speakers
on different occasions can give different meanings. One should listen to distinguish
between sentence meaning' and speaker meaning'. Semantics cannot lay down the
standards of semantic correctness and prescribe what meaning words shall have or
how they may be used. Semantics like the rest of linguistics describes and attempts
to set up a theory of meaning. A sentence is a string of words put together by the
grammatical rules of a language, an ideal string of words behind various utterances.
In semantics, utterances and sentences are distinct. The notion of sense' and
reference', are central to the study of meaning in an utterance. Semantics tells us
how words and sentences convey meaning in everyday situations of speaking and
writing.
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UNIT-II
a) PHONETICS
Phonology:
The way in which speech sounds are used, put together and organized in any
one language is called phonology.
Linguistics:
Phonetics:
Language:
• Language arose from the noises made by a group of men engaged in joint
labour or effort (Yo - He - Ho theory propounded by Noire)
• Language has arisen from man's instinctive need for contact with his fellows
gregariousness (Contact theory by James Revesz of Amsterdam)
Language Families:
Speech:
2. No language has all the sounds that can be articulated by a human being.
6. Even the few sounds that exist in a language can be grouped into a limited
numbers of sound units or families called phonemes.
10.The minimal pair test is the surest test to find out if two sounds belong
that phoneme.
Auditory Phonetics:
The study of the sounds, as they are received and interpreted in the hearer's
ear.
Acoustics phonetics:
Articulatory phonetics:
The study of the way in which the sounds are produced in the speaker's body.
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Every language has a large number of vowel and consonant sounds forming
the sound system of that language.
Meat and Neat constitute a minimal pair, as they differ from each other in
the initial consonant.
Ten and pin do not constitute a minimal pair as they differ from each other
in more than one sound the initial consonants and the medial vowels are different.
Speech sounds:
There are 44 speech sounds in English. They are divided into VOWELS (20
-12 Pure vowels and 8 Diphthongs) and CONSONANTS - 24
VOWELS 20:
DIPHTHONGS/VOWEL GLIDES - 8
The speech sounds which are produced without friction are called as
VOWELS.While articulating a vowel sound, the gap between the highest point of
the tongue and the hard palate is wide enough for the air from the lung to escape
freely without friction. Pure vowels are categorized in two ways based on manner
of articulation and place of articulation.
15
The vowels are again divided into front, back and central vowels, based on
the place of articulation.
Pure vowels/Monophthongs - 12
If the front of the tongue is raised towards the hard palate while
If a vowel sound is articulated with the back of the tongue being raised in the
direction of the soft palate, it is called a BACK VOWEL.
If the central part of the tongue between front and back towards the roof of
the mouth is active while articulation, it is called a CENTRAL VOWEL.
Manner of Articulation
BBC Classification:
VOWELS
PLACE OF ARTICULATION
3. /e/ - Front unrounded vowel between half close and half open
11. /ɜ:/ - Central unrounded vowel below half close and half open
Diphthongs Articulation
Diphthongs - 8 (3 groups)
3) /ə/ endings- /iə/ - /hiə// - here; /iə/- /hiə/ - hear; /e/ - /ðeə/ - there; /ʊə/
/ -
/pʊə/ - poor
THE SYLLABLE:
The unit that is higher than individual speech sound is the syllable. A word
consists
sists of one or more syllables.
Articulation:
Glide just above the ½ open to just above ½ close unrounded front position, lips
are spread.
Articulation:
From a back rounded vowel between open and ½ open to a centralized front
unrounded vowel just above ½ close position
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Articulation:
Glide from a central unrounded vowel ½ open and ½ close to back rounded vowel
just above ½ close positions
positions.
Articulation:
Articulation:
Glide with tongue position like for /i/ and moves in the direction of open
centralized vowel below ½ open
20
Articulation:
Glide from just below ½ close unrounded vowel centralized open unrounded
vowel just below ½ open.
Articulation:
Lips are rounded in the beginning of the glide which is just above ½ close
and gradually lips spread as the glide proceeds towards //ə/which
ə/which is a centralized
back vowel, just below ½ open portion to a central position.
CONSONANTS
1. Active Articulators:
Lower lip and the tongue, blade, front and back of the tongue.
2. Passive Articulation:
Upper lip, the upper teeth and the entire roof of the mouth i.e., teeth ridge,
the hard palate
te and the soft palate are considered as passive articulations.
When we breathe in and out, the vocal cords are drawn wide apart and the
glottis is open. If the vocal cords are wide apart and the glottis is pen while
articulation, the sounds produced are called voiceless or breathed sounds as this is
the position of the glottis for breathing.
Voiced Consonants:
Place of Articulation
Here the consonants are divided and categorized based on the place of
articulation. Only 2 articulators are involved in the production of a consonant in
this category (articulators).
a) Bilabial- /p, b, m/
The upper lip and the lower lip are the articulators. Examples are ‘pan’,
‘ban’, and ‘man’.
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The active articulator is the lower lip and passive articulators are the upper
front teeth. Examples are the sounds in ‘fan’, ‘van’.
c) Dental- /θ, ð/
The tip of the tongue is the active articulator and the upper front teeth are the
passive articulators. Initial sounds in English words like ‘thin’, ‘then’ are examples.
d) Alveolar/t, d, n, s, z/
The tip or the blade of the tongue is the active articulator and the teeth ridge
is the passive articulator e.g., in words like ‘tin’, ‘din’, ‘sin’, ‘zip’, ‘near’ etc.,
The tip of the tongue is the active articulator and the part of the roof of the
mouth that lies immediately behind the teeth ridge is the passive articulator. The
sound represented by the letter /r/ in the words ‘try' and ‘dry’ are examples.
f) Palato - Alveolar:/ʧ, ʃ, ʒ, ʤ/
The tip of the tongue or the tip and blade of the tongue is/are the active
articulator (s) and the teeth ridge is the passive articulator(s). Simultaneously the
front of the tongue is raised in the direction of the hard palate. /shi:p/ - ‘sheep’,
/chi:p/ ‘cheap’ /li:v/ - ‘leave’ are examples of palate - alveolar sounds.
g) Retroflex:/t,d/
The curled back tip of the tongue is the active articulator and hind part of the
teeth ridge or the hard palate is the passive articulator. Examples of retroflex
consonants are ‘tin’, ‘din’.
h) Palatal: /j/
The front of the tongue is the active articulator and the hard palate is the
passive articulator. The initial sound in the word ‘yes’ is one.
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i) Velar /k, g/
The back of the tongue is the active articulator and the soft palate is the
passive articulator. The final sound in the English words ‘sink’, ‘sing’ are
examples.
j) Glottal- /h/
Glottal sounds are produced at the glottis (the tract between the vocal cords)
and the two vocal cords are the articulators. Example is ‘hen’.
MANNER OF ARTICULATION
The active and the passive articulators come into contact with each other,
forming a stricture of complete closure, preventing air escaping from the mouth.
The soft palate is raised, nasal passage is blocked and air pressure is built up.
When the active articulator is suddenly removed, air is released with a plosive
sound - explosively. The sounds thus produced are called plosives.
If the active articulators are closed and the air pressure behind the oral
closure having been thus built up is removed slowly. (unlike sudden release) we
get an affricate.
Stop Consonants:
These plosives and the affricates are called stop consonants - because in
them the breath is completely stopped at some point in the mouth by the lips or
tongue/and the lip or tongue is rolled back and then released with a slight
explosion.
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The soft palate is lowered and there is a complete oral closure. Air escapes
through the nose producing a nasal consonant.
(a) Flap:
The active articulator strikes against the passive articulator only once.
The tongue (active articulator) tip taps against the teeth (passive articulator)
several times and the air escapes intermittently. Example: red
3) Partial closure:
Though the centre of the vocal tract is completely closed, air - stream
escapes without friction on the sides.
4) Narrowing:
Fricatives: /f,v, s, z, ʒ, h, θ, ð, ʃ/
5) Semi-vowel /j, w/
WORD ACCENT:
Very often, stress and pitch change work together to make a syllable more
prominent. The quality of the sounds and their length also contribute to
prominence of a word. The greater prominence of a syllable may be sure to stress
or produce greater breath force which makes a syllable more prominent than its
neighboring syllables.
Syllable division that is to say precisely, where one syllable ends and the
next begins in a poly-syllabic word is a bit difficult. There are no hard and fast
rules to divide a word into syllables, as long as the syllable division does not
violate any rules of the phonology of the language in question.
The reason for this apparent complexity in word accent can be traced to the
historical character of the English Language. The basic structure of English is
formed by the Teutonic accent that is the Germanic language. The Germanic group
of language is English, German, Scandinavian, etc., have a strong tendency to fix
the stress of a word on its root syllable or as near to its beginning as possible. The
Romance languages like French, Italian etc., which have contributed
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extensively to the word-hoard of English have their accent mostly on the last
syllable. The interaction of these two systems has largely contributed to the
accentual patterns of modern English.
Primary accent is marked with a vertical bar above and in front of the
syllable to which it refers.
Eg:
Secondary accent is marked with a vertical bar below and in front of the
syllable to which it refers. A few English words are given below in phonemic
transcription with both primary and secondary accents marked:
The first point to remember is that the syllables of words, which receive the
primary accent when the words are pronounced in isolation, are potentially those,
which receive the accent when the given sound/word occurs in an utterance. The
second point is that the words we stress in connected speech are those that are
important for meaning. These words are generally content or lexical words - nouns,
demonstrative and interrogative pronouns, principle verbs, adjectives and adverbs.
In English speech stressed syllables occur at regular intervals of time, i.e., the time
intervals between the beginning of the stress syllables will be approximately the
same irrespective of the number of the unstressed syllables in between. What we
do is, we pronounce the stressed syllables carefully and get the unstressed syllables
crowded together and pronounce rapidly. It is this regularity of occurrence of the
stressed syllables that give English a characteristic rhythm.
***********
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UNIT-III
The great battle of Gettysburg, fought for three days in July 1863 through
the streets and around the countryside of the little Pennsylvania town, was the
turning point of the Civil War. Congress decided to make a national cemetery of
the battlefield where so many gallant men had fallen. President Lincoln came from
Washington to dedicate that cemetery. His dedication speech, short as it is, is one
of the most eloquent statements of the democratic faith ever made.
THE SPEECH
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a
new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are
created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that nation
or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a
great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a
final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It
is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
Abraham Lincoln was the 16th president of the United States. He preserved
the Union during the U.S. Civil War and brought about the emancipation of slaves.
“No man is good enough to govern another man without the other's consent.”
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Childhood
Law Career
After the Black Hawk War, Abraham Lincoln began his political career and
was elected to the Illinois state legislature in 1834 as a member of the Whig Party.
He supported the Whig politics of government sponsored infrastructure and
protective tariffs. This political understanding led him to formulate his early views
on slavery, not so much as a moral wrong, but as an impediment to economic
development. It was around this time that he decided to become a lawyer, teaching
himself the law by reading William Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of
England. After being admitted to the bar in 1837, he moved to Springfield, Illinois
and began to practice in the John T. Stuart law firm.
Entering Politics
By the 1850s, the railroad industry was moving west and Illinois found itself
becoming a major hub for various companies. Abraham Lincoln served as a
lobbyist for the Illinois Central Railroad as its company attorney, and also for
banks, insurance companies and manufacturing firms. Lincoln also did some
criminal trials. In one case, a witness claimed that he could identify Lincoln's client
who was accused of murder, because of the intense light from a full moon. Lincoln
referred to an almanac and proved that the night in question had been too dark for
the witness to see anything clearly. His client was acquitted.
Elected President
In 1857, the Supreme Court issued its controversial decision Scott v. Sanford,
declaring that African Americans were not citizens and had no inherent rights.
Though Abraham Lincoln felt African Americans were not equal to whites, he
believed the America's founders intended that all men were created with certain
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Civil War
Assassination
Background:
that I could flatter myself that I had come as near to the central idea of the occasion
in 2 hours as you did in 2 minutes. This speech reconfirmed Lincoln's intention to
reunite the country. It was a stunning verbal coup. The power of words has rarely
been given a more compelling demonstration than in the Gettysburg Address.
Lincoln came to affect an intellectual revolution; his words had to and did
complete the work of the guns. At Gettysburg, war had made life very difficult.
There were 1000's of rotting bodies. There was a need for artful words to sweeten
the poisoned air of Gettysburg. Lincoln, through his speech transformed the ugly
reality into something different. For Lincoln this was a classical situation for
political fence mending. He undertook a new founding of the nation, to correct
things felt to be imperfect in the constitution. Lincoln also knew the power of his
rhetoric to define war aims and he did it very ably in 272 words. Because of that,
the civil war is to most Americans, what he wanted it to mean.
The English, after some setbacks were able to establish in 1607 a settlement
at Jamestown. Immigrants from all the European states especially from Britain
flocked to America in the 17th and 18th centuries. America was mainly a British
colony. A Frenchman Jacques Cartier laid the foundations for the French Claims to
North America, which were to last until 1763.
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The first blacks were brought to Virginia in 1619, just 12 years after the
founding of Jamestown. Initially, many were regarded as indentured servants who
could earn their freedom. By the 1660's as the demand for plantation labor in the
southern colonies grew, the institution of slavery began to harden around them and
Africans brought to America were in shackles for a lifetime of involuntary
servitude.
Before the outbreak of the civil war in the United States, serious economic
and ideological differences among the states rights and slavery divided the people
of the young nation. Most of the Northern States prohibited slavery (free states)
while the Southern States, which depended on agriculture permitted the
continuation of slavery/slave state. The Northern States were industrially well
advanced.
Political Factors:-
Loyalty to one's state took precedence, over loyalty to one's country. The
union was considered a voluntary compact entered into by the states for as long as
it served their purpose. It was a typical federal structure. The North was
industrialized and the South depended on agriculture.
By 1860, cotton was the chief crop of the south, and it represented 57% of
all U.S exports. The profitability of cotton completed the South's dependence on
the plantation system and its essential component, slavery.
37
The North was by then firmly established as an industrial society. Labor was
needed, but not slave labor. Roadways and railways were developed and North was
well connected.
Abraham Lincoln, (1809 - 1865) the 16th President of America was known
for his anti-slavery stance. Shortly after his victory, 11 southern states seceded. He
declared it as legally void and went to war against the belligerent states.
Lincoln felt that temporizing with slavery was the great historical weakness
of America. He felt that, A House divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this
Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free.
Lesson Analysis:-
the Emancipation Proclamation. It does not directly talk about slavery. The Great
Task mentioned in the Address is not emancipation but the preservation of self-
government.
Lincoln reached the very heart of the Address in the 1st paragraph itself
when he said that a new nation conceived in liberty by its dedication to the
Declarations' (1776) critical proposition (human equality) must test that
proposition's survivability in the real world of struggle.
These people was conceived in 1776, brought forth as an entity whose birth
was datable (four score and 7years back) and placeable (on this continent),
something that could receive a new birth of freedom'. A Score is a period of twenty
years and this address was made 87 years after American Constitution was drafted.
When he spoke at the end of the Address about Government of the people by
the people, for the people, he was saying that America is one nation addressing its
great assignment as was accepted in the declaration. Lincoln was looking beyond
the war to the great task remaining before us as a nation trying to live up to the
vision in which it was conceived.
Lincoln forged a new lean language to humanize and redeem the 1st modern
war. Words were weapons for him, even though he meant them to be weapons of
peace in the midst of war.
On April 19th, 1865 civil war ended and the war for Southern Independence
had become the lost cause'. On 14th April 1965, Lincoln (in his 2nd term was
assassinated by John Wilkes Booth, a Virginian actor, who was embittered by the
South's defeat.
***********
40
BY FELIX FRANKFURTER
THE LETTER
My deal Paul:
Sincerely yours,
One of the most reputed Supreme Court Justices in the history of United
States, Felix Frankfurter emigrated to the U.S from Vienna (Austria)with his
parents and four siblings in 1894 at the age of 12.They lived in Leopoldstadt,
centre of Jewish ghetto. In America, he had to face an undercurrent of hostility and
a bleak economic future. When he arrived in Manhattan he could not speak one
word of English. But with hard work, he earned his U.G degree from City College
41
in New York, 12 years after his arrival. He joined law and graduated first class
from Harvard law school.
Felix worked with a private law firm on Wall Street, corporate sector. He
was appointed by the government to serve as an assistant to U.S. attorney in the
southern district of New York for four years. In 1911, he was appointed as solicitor
to the Federal Bureau of Insular Affairs. In 1914, he joined as Professor of Law in
the Harvard Law School, his Alma matter. In 1939, he was appointed to the United
States Supreme Court as associate justice. He was also the informal advisor to
F.D.Roosevelt, the American President. He died on Febrauary22, 1965.
Lesson Analysis:
Felix opines that in order to become a competent lawyer, one must first be a
cultivated man. In the initial stage, he feels that technical preparation for the law is
42
not important. A well-read person can come to the study of law. A person with
liberal educational background alone can speak and write the English language
fluently and effortlessly. Good education gives one the ability to think widely and
clearly, which helps in speaking with clarity.
Along with that, the author stresses the importance of cultivation of the
imaginative faculties for a lawyer. This is done by reading poetry, seeing great
paintings, original or in reproductions, and listening to great music.
Felix finally advises Paul to forget worrying about his future career and to
first stock his mind with the deposit of good reading and to widen and deepen his
feelings by experiencing vicariously (indirectly) as much as possible the mysteries
in this world. Only then can law be learnt and understood in the proper perspective.
VOCABULARY
C) METHODS OF STUDY
Glanville Williams
LESSON:
TEXTBOOKS
How is my time better spent: sitting in the library reading cases in the
reports, or stewing over a text book or case book in my own room? This is a
question often put my beginners, and it is a hard one to answer. One can, of course,
answer it discreetly by saying-do both. But then the question is-in what proportion?
What is the relative importance of the two modes of study?
Before answering this question let me remind the leader that when studying
law there is not one aim but two. The primary and most important aim is to make
one self a lawyer. The secondary (but also very important) aim is to pass the law
exam with credit.
Now to a large extent these two aims can be pursued by the same means. For
both purpose one must study cases, either in the original law reports or in the case
book. It is through applying oneself to cases that one gets to understand how legal
problem present themselves and how legal problem present themselves and how
legal argument is conducted. That understanding is important whether one‘s object
is to solve exam problem or to give sound opinions on point of legal practice.
But there is one different between preparation for practice and preparation
for exams. For practicing lawyer, having a large field of what Pollock called
potential knowledge is more important than having a small amount of actual
knowledge. What the practitioner needs is a grasp of general legal principles, a
sound knowledge of practice and procedure, an ability to argue, and a general
knowledge of where to find the relevant law. But it is not essential for the
practitioner though, of course, it is a great help to carry much law in the mind. To
shine at exams, on the other hand, one must not only know how to argue, and be
able to display first- hand knowledge of the sources; one must also be able to recite
a considerable number of rules and authorities. From the exam point of view there
44
Teachers of law regret the amount of memorising that is required, but they
have not agreed upon effective counter-measures. Often it seems to smoother
constructive thought. Some exam scripts are positively shocking for the amount of
word-prefect memorising that they display, coupled with lack of individuality.
Copies of statues are allowed to be used in some law exams. The result should not
be lover the standard of the exam but to raise it, for it means that the exam can be
made more starkly a test of intelligence and lawyerly ability. But some candidate
fall prey to the temptation to recite long passages from the permitted materials,
which gives the examiner the impression that they are insufficiently prepared to
answer the question (even though the passage cited may be permitted, or at least
lists of names of cases. In some universities, some teachers allow pupils to take
into the exam all material that they have prepared themselves.
But I must not vex present readers with problems of educational reform. My
reason for writing the above was merely to underline the importance, as matters
now stand, of some memory work. Students whose schooling has consisted of
project work and other forms of continuous assessment might well find that the
degree of material that must be committed to memory is rather daunting. It is
distressing when a student who has worked industriously and read widely fails to
achieve a due place in the exam merely through failure to commit to memory a due
proportion of what has been read.
at this point. Had they had the perseverance to read through the book a third, fourth
and fifth time, they would have found that each successive reading came more
easily and that the residue left in the mind each time went up in geometrical
progression.
While on the subject of memory work it is worth pointing out that learning
by heart is best performed in short periods distributed over as long a time as
possible. For instance, it is better to devote one hour a day to revision than six
hours at a stretch once a week. By the same token, you can learn the same amount
in less learning time by distributing your learning evenly over term and vacation
than by crowding your learning into the term and leaving the vacations an
academic blank.
It has been found, says a psychologist, that when acts of reading and acts of
recall alternate, i.e. when every reading is followed by an attempt to recall the
items, the efficiency of learning and retention is enormously enhanced. This means
that learning is best done by reading a paragraph or page or similar convenient
amount, and immediately reciting the gist of it, and it has been found better to
recite aloud than to perform the recall in the head. If you find that you cannot
remember the passage properly, read it again and then try another recall. The
longer the passage that you set yourself for recall the better; in other words, read as
much at a time as you will be able to reproduce at the next recall. Heavy footnotes
to a book are sometimes distracting, and it is then a good plan to read the book
through a first time without looking at the footnotes.
Some teachers of law do not recommend the use of casebooks, although the
numbers who adopt such a high-minded line is undoubtedly dwindling. In their
view, the only way to become a proficient lawyer is to sit down and read cases, not
contenting oneself with the headnote or any other simplified version of the case,
but reading through the whole of the statement of facts and the whole of the
judgements. Faced with such a counsel of perfection the student may well echo
from the heart the words of Doderidge J., written when legal literature was but a
fraction of its present bulk: vita brevisest, ars longa, our life is short and full of
calamities, and learning is a long time in getting. A teacher must consider, before
giving advice like the above, the amount of time actually available to a law student
for studies. Taking first those at the universities, there period of residence is only
about 7 months in the year, and few can work for more than 8 months in the year
altogether. In that time they have to cover 4 or 5 subjects. This means an average
of between 6 and 8 weeks for each subject. Into this alarmingly short space they
must fit attendance at lectures and tutorials / supervisions, the reading of the text
books, wider reading in the library, and revision, as well as the manifold activities
that very properly occupy the undergraduate outside work. Those studying for
professional exams, particularly those engaged in office work during the day, will
probably have less rather than more time than undergraduates.
It should be added that the use of case books by no means dispenses with the
need for reading at least some of the original reports. For one thing, many of the
more important cases in the case book can profitably be read in full in the law
reports, using the case book version only for revision. Also, there are bound to be
47
many cases that the keen student will come across and want to read that are not in
the case book --- among them, cases decided since the case book went to print.
And it should be remarked that examiners are prone to set papers in which recent
cases figure prominently, if only because they afford such rich material
demonstrating the growth points of the law.
To the student of modest means the high price of law books is intimidating,
but it is false economy to do without basic works. Many are available at reasonable
prices in paperback. Money can usually be saved by buying secondhand books
(often organised by the student Law Society where you are intending to study), but
the beginner who does this should be careful never to buy anything but a latest
edition, and to make sure that an new edition is not in preparation at the time of
purchase. It can be infuriating to buy in June, only to find when the course starts in
late September or early October that a new edition has appeared. As rule of thumb,
I would say, be a big suspicious of any textbook in its 3rd or 4th year.
The following is a London firm speacilising in 2nd hand and new law books.
An email to Wildy& Sons Ltd, Lincoln‘s Inn Archway, Carey Street, London
WC2A 2JD (info@wildys.co.uk) (or a phone call --- 0207242 5778) will bring a
quotation.
In the Middle Ages lectures were necessary because of the shortage of books.
Now that printing has been with us for some hundred years, that many lectures
provide very comprehensive hand outs and that the internet is developing apace, is
there any need to continue the lecture system
change from the reading of books. Some lecturers seek to help an audience by
giving the basics and essentials of the subject, elucidating the broad principles and
indicating what is matter of detail. It is possible to dwell on the parts of the subject
that experience shows to cause special difficulties. Another point in favour is that
by varying the emphasis the lecturer can be understood more readily than can the
toneless words of a book. Finally, the lecturer can bring textbooks up to date, and
in a smallish class can solve individual difficulties through interaction and
discussion.
Taking notes
You will in time develop your own style of note taking, but there are some
well-established systems, such as the Cornell system for taking notes and
subsequent study. This suggests that you should draw a vertical line about 2 inches
from the left hand edge of the paper, using the right hand side to record the lecture
itself, and the left for recall purposes subsequently. That is, the lecture is captured
in general idea rather than detail and the key ideas can be summarized and
reflected upon later in the recall column.
Using shorthand
Some lecturers are blamed for saying too many valuable things in too short a
time, making it difficult for the pens of their audiences (particularly those not used
to note-taking) to keep pace. Often, you will find that the lecturer is in fact making
the same (or a very similar) point but in different language, in order to get the idea
across. But if you are not used to taking notes in a lecture and if the lecturer is
using a hand-out and visual aids (such as PowerPoint presentation), the difficulties
of keeping track are compounded. One tip that might help to meet these difficulties
is to suggest that you use abbreviations. You can devise your own system but
might find that the following are particularly useful:
H husband W wife
T tenant L landlord
Er employer Ee employee
C claimant D defendant (in both civil
and criminal cases)
A agent P principal
P purchaser V vendor
Some traditional abbreviations make use of the stroke, I. A part from a/c
(account), they all represent two words, the stroke being placed between the initial
letters of each:
Talking about your work, whether in class or with friends, has the further
very important advantage of helping the memory. To quote one of our
psychologists again:
Apart from this necessary conversation, from the habit of working a full
morning (which includes making use of the spare time that you have between
lectures), because this is the part of the day when you are freshest. Do not do minor
chores in the morning. As for the rest of the day, you will wish to make your own
52
choice between the afternoons and evening for work, but at wither time you will
find that alcohol is inconsistent with study.
Some students who have studied English history may be able to recollect the
order of the dates of the king and queens of England. Such knowledge is useful in
the study not only of constitutional but of purely legal history, for regnal years are
the foundations of legal chronology. Those whose historical knowledge is shaky
may possibly be glad of the following mnemonic rhyme, which was once learnt by
Victorian children. Even if you do not trouble to learn it, you may find in the
course of your studies that you will need to date a piece of legislation, and on the
basics that it may come in useful for that purpose, I set it out with the
corresponding regnal years at the side:
If rightly I guess;
If the regnal years are not already known and the task of learning them all
seems too great, the student should atleast notice the sovereigns whose regime
commenced at or shortly after the turn of each century. Knowledge of this,
combined with the knowledge of the order of the sovereigns, will place every
sovereign in the proper century. The sovereigns just referred to are:
54
Henry I 1100
Henry III 1216
Edward II 1307
Henry V 1413
Henry VIII 1509
James I 1603
Anne 1702
George IV 1820
Edward VII 1901
Not only regnal years but dates in general are often a bugbear to students of
history. The intelligent way to remember dates is to memorise a few key ones, and
then to remember others by working backwards and forward from these. By
relating this in the mind and noticing the difference in years, the one will become
linked to the other, and both can be recalled together. In time the same date can be
related to several others, so that all important dates become interlocked in the mind.
This method of memorising helps to build up the sense of historical perspectives,
which is the only rational justification for remembering dates. A useful dictionary
is J. Gardiner ed., The Penguin Dictionary of British History (2000).
ACADEMIC CAREER:
The book Learning the Law, from which this essay is taken was written in
1945. It was written as a small introductory about law studies for the new entrants
to the legal education. This book remains indispensible to any would-be law
students.
LESSON ANALYSIS:
Glanville Williams starts the lesson with a quote which says that learning
and knowledge acquisition have to be won and that is not a property to be acquired
or bequeathed. At the outset he says that there are two categories of people in
studying law – a law student and a lawyer. A student studies for two purposes- to
pass examinations and to qualify as a lawyer. Though both study law, a lawyer
should have wide knowledge of general legal principles while a student should
remember a good deal of information on the subject along with the sources, rules
and authorities. Problem solving question in the exam papers try to balance
between intelligence and memory. The author also agrees that a law student has to
memorise a lot.
56
In this lesson the author discusses four methods of study from textbooks,
casebooks, case laws, listening to lectures and classes and finally learning from
history. He has offered his suggestions on the best methods for studying.
CASEBOOKS:
In the age where cost effective printed material is available, the author raises
a question on the need for continuing the system of lecture. Defending lectures
Glanville Williams says that there are certain merits, like increasing as students
interest, giving the students the main points and leaving out the unimportant ones,
dwell at length on difficult areas, bring textbooks up- to date, clarify doubts and
can be readily understood than text.
57
Regarding listening in classes, the author is of the opinion that taking down
the points on a loose sheet of paper for every subject and filing them after writing
in full, helps to buildup material. At times, concentrating on the lecture, without
jotting down the points is also recommended. While jotting points it is better to use
abbreviations. Discussion classes are more valuable than an average lecture.
Students must make active participation in discussion classes, the more the
interaction, the better the understanding of the subject. Discussing with peers about
the class makes one remember well.
Knowledge of history is important for the legal history, legal chronology and
constitutional law. Hence a law student needs to memorise the historical facts also.
CONCLUSION:
To conclude with the author gives variable suggestions and useful tips are
learning from textbooks like ageing of learning , distribution of learning, reading
and recall, reading from latest casebooks, importance of lectures, active listening,
jotting down points and learning history. These methods of study if followed by
law students, would help them retain a large volume of what they read and
understand the subject better.
***********
58
D) MERCHANT OF VENICE
William Shakespeare
COURT SCENE
ACT IV SCENE I
DUKE: I am sorry for thee: thou art come to answer. A stony adversary, an
inhuman wretch uncapable of pity, void and empty. From any dram of mercy.
ANTONIO: I have heard Your grace hath ta'en great pains to qualify. His rigorous
course; but since he stands obdurate. And that no lawful means can carry me. Out
of his envy's reach, I do oppose. My patience to his fury, and am arm'd. To suffer,
with a quietness of spirit, The very tyranny and rage of his.
DUKE: Make room, and let him stand before our face. Shylock, the world thinks,
and I think so too, That thou but lead'st this fashion of thy malice. To the last hour
of act; and then 'tis thought, Thou'lt show thy mercy and remorse more strange.
Than is thy strange apparent cruelty; And where thou now exact'st the penalty,
Which is a pound of this poor merchant's flesh, Thou wilt not only loose the
forfeiture, But, touch'd with human gentleness and love, Forgive a moiety of the
principal; Glancing an eye of pity on his losses, That have of late so huddled on his
back, Endow to press a royal merchant down, And pluck commiseration of his
state. From brassy bosoms and rough hearts of flint, From stubborn Turks and
Tartars, never train'd. To offices of tender courtesy. We all expect a gentle answer,
Jew.
59
SHYLOCK : I have possess'd your grace of what I purpose. And by our holy
Sabbath have I sworn. To have the due and forfeit of my bond: If you deny it, let
the danger light Upon your charter and your city's freedom. You'll ask me, why I
rather choose to have A weight of carrion flesh than to receive Three thousand
ducats: I'll not answer that: But, say, it is my humour: is it answer'd? What if my
house be troubled with a rat And I be pleased to give ten thousand ducats. To have
it baned? What, are you answer'd yet? Some men there are love not a gaping pig;
Some, that are mad if they behold a cat; And others, when the bagpipe sings i' the
nose, Cannot contain their urine: for affection, Mistress of passion, sways it to the
mood. Of what it likes or loathes. Now, for your answer: As there is no firm reason
to be render'd, Why he cannot abide a gaping pig; Why he, a harmless necessary
cat; Why he, a woollen bagpipe; but of force Must yield to such inevitable shame.
As to offend, himself being offended; So can I give no reason, nor I will not, More
than a lodged hate and a certain loathing. I bear Antonio, that I follow thus. A
losing suit against him. Are you answer'd?
BASSANIO: This is no answer, thou unfeeling man, To excuse the current of thy
cruelty.
ANTONIO : I pray you, think you question with the Jew: You may as well go
stand upon the beach And bid the main flood bate his usual height; You may as
well use question with the wolf Why he hath made the ewe bleat for the lamb; You
may as well forbid the mountain pines To wag their high tops and to make no noise,
When they are fretten with the gusts of heaven; You may as well do anything most
hard, As seek to soften that-- than which what's harder?--His Jewish heart:
therefore, I do beseech you, Make no more offers, use no farther means, But with
all brief and plain conveniency. Let me have judgment and the Jew his will.
SHYLOCK : What judgment shall I dread, doing Were in six parts and every part a
ducat, I would not draw them; I would have my bond.
SHYLOCK: What judgment shall I dread, doing no wrong? You have among you
many a purchased slave, Which, like your asses and your dogs and mules, You use
in abject and in slavish parts, Because you bought them: shall I say to you, Let
them be free, marry them to your heirs? Why sweat they under burthens? let their
beds Be made as soft as yours and let their palates Be season'd with such viands?
You will answer' The slaves are ours:' so do I answer you: The pound of flesh,
which I demand of him, Is dearly bought; 'tis mine and I will have it. If you deny
me, fie upon your law! There is no force in the decrees of Venice. I stand for
judgment: answer; shall I have it?
DUKE : Upon my power I may dismiss this court, Unless Bellario, a learned
doctor, Whom I have sent for to determine this, Come here to-day.
SALERIO : My lord, here stays without A messenger with letters from the doctor,
New come from Padua.
BASSANIO : Good cheer, Antonio! What, man, courage yet! The Jew shall have
my flesh, blood, bones and all, Ere thou shalt lose for me one drop of blood.
ANTONIO : I am a tainted wether of the flock, Meetest for death: the weakest kind
of fruit Drops earliest to the ground; and so let me You cannot better be employ'd,
Bassanio, Than to live still and write mine epitaph. Enter NERISSA, dressed like a
lawyer's clerk
NERISSA : From both, my lord. Bellario greets your grace. Presenting a letter
GRATIANO : Not on thy sole, but on thy soul, harsh Jew,Thou makest thy knife
keen; but no metal can,No, not the hangman's axe, bear half the keenness Of thy
sharp envy. Can no prayers pierce thee?
GRATIANO : O, be thou damn'd, inexecrable dog! And for thy life let justice be
accused. Thou almost makest me waver in my faith To hold opinion with
Pythagoras, That souls of animals infuse themselves Into the trunks of men: thy
currish spirit Govern'd a wolf, who, hang'd for human slaughter, Even from the
gallows did his fell soul fleet, And, whilst thou lay'st in thy unhallow'd
dam,Infused itself in thee; for thy desires Are wolvish, bloody, starved and
ravenous.
SHYLOCK : Till thou canst rail the seal from off my bond,Thou but offend'st thy
lungs to speak so loud: Repair thy wit, good youth, or it will fallTo cureless ruin. I
stand here for law.
DUKE : This letter from Bellario doth commend A young and learned doctor to
our court. Where is he?
NERISSA : He attendeth here hard by, To know your answer, whether you'll admit
him.
DUKE : With all my heart. Some three or four of you Go give him courteous
conduct to this place. Meantime the court shall hear Bellario's letter. Clerk
[Reads]Your grace shall understand that at the receipt of your letter I am very sick:
but in the instant that your messenger came, in loving visitation was with me a
young doctor of Rome; his name is Balthasar. I acquainted him with the cause in
controversy between the Jew and Antonio the merchant: we turned o'ermany books
together: he is furnished with my opinion; which, bettered with his own learning,
the greatness whereof I cannot enough commend, comes with him, at my
importunity, to fill up your grace's request in my stead. I beseech you, let his lack
62
of years be no impediment to let him lack a reverend estimation; for I never knew
so young a body with soold a head. I leave him to your gracious acceptance, whose
trial shall better publish his commendation.
DUKE : You hear the learn'd Bellario, what he writes: And here, I take it, is the
doctor come. Enter PORTIA, dressed like a doctor of laws Give me your hand.
Come you from old Bellario?
DUKE : You are welcome: take your place. Are you acquainted with the
differenceThat holds this present question in the court?
PORTIA : I am informed thoroughly of the cause. Which is the merchant here, and
which the Jew?
PORTIA: Of a strange nature is the suit you follow; Yet in such rule that the
Venetian law Cannot impugn you as you do proceed. You stand within his danger,
do you not?
ANTONIO: Ay, so he says. PORTIA: Do you confess the bond? ANTONIO: I do.
PORTIA: The quality of mercy is not strain'd, It droppeth as the gentle rain from
heaven Upon the place beneath: it is twice blest; It blesseth him that gives and him
that takes: 'Tis mightiest in the mightiest: it becomes The throned monarch better
than his crown; His sceptre shows the force of temporal power, The attribute to
awe and majesty, Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kings; But mercy is above
63
SHYLOCK: My deeds upon my head! I crave the law, The penalty and forfeit of
my bond.
BASSANIO: Yes, here I tender it for him in the court; Yea, twice the sum: if that
will not suffice, I will be bound to pay it ten times o'er, On forfeit of my hands, my
head, my heart: If this will not suffice, it must appear That malice bears down truth.
And I beseech you, Wrest once the law to your authority: To do a great right, do a
little wrong, And curb this cruel devil of his will.
PORTIA: It must not be; there is no power in Venice Can alter a decree established:
'Twill be recorded for a precedent, And many an error by the same example. Will
rush into the state: it cannot be.
SHYLOCK: A Daniel come to judgment! yea, a Daniel!O wise young judge, how I
do honour thee!
SHYLOCK: An oath, an oath, I have an oath in heaven: Shall I lay perjury upon
my soul? No, not for Venice.
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PORTIA: Why, this bond is forfeit; And lawfully by this the Jew may claim. A
pound of flesh, to be by him cut off Nearest the merchant's heart. Be merciful:
Take thrice thy money; bid me tear the bond.
SHYLOCK: When it is paid according to the tenor. It doth appear you are a worthy
judge; You know the law, your exposition Hath been most sound: I charge you by
the law, Whereof you are a well-deserving pillar, Proceed to judgment: by my soul
I swear There is no power in the tongue of man To alter me: I stay here on my
bond.
PORTIA: Why then, thus it is: You must prepare your bosom for his knife.
SHYLOCK: O noble judge! O excellent young man!
PORTIA: For the intent and purpose of the law Hath full relation to the penalty,
Which here appeareth due upon the bond.
SHYLOCK: 'Tis very true: O wise and upright judge! How much more elder art
thou than thy looks!
SHYLOCK: Ay, his breast: So says the bond: doth it not, noble judge?
PORTIA: Have by some surgeon, Shylock, on your charge, To stop his wounds,
lest he do bleed to death.
PORTIA: It is not so express'd: but what of that? 'Twere good you do so much for
charity.
65
SHYLOCK: I cannot find it; 'tis not in the bond. PORTIA: You, merchant, have
you any thing to say?
ANTONIO: But little: I am arm'd and well prepared. Give me your hand, Bassanio:
fare you well! Grieve not that I am fallen to this for you; For herein Fortune shows
herself more kind Than is her custom: it is still her use To let the wretched man
outlive his wealth, To view with hollow eye and wrinkled brow An age of poverty;
from which lingering penance Of such misery doth she cut me off. Commend me
to your honourable wife: Tell her the process of Antonio's end; Say how I loved
you, speak me fair in death; And, when the tale is told, bid her be judge Whether
Bassanio had not once a love. Repent but you that you shall lose your friend, And
he repents not that he pays your debt; For if the Jew do cut but deep enough, I'll
pay it presently with all my heart.
PORTIA: Your wife would give you little thanks for that, If she were by, to hear
you make the offer.
GRATIANO: I have a wife, whom, I protest, I love: I would she were in heaven,
so she could Entreat some power to change this currish Jew.
NERISSA: 'Tis well you offer it behind her back; The wish would make else an
unquiet house.
SHYLOCK: These be the Christian husbands. I have a daughter; Would any of the
stock of Barrabas Had been her husband rather than a Christian! Aside We trifle
time: I pray thee, pursue sentence.
PORTIA: A pound of that same merchant's flesh is thine: The court awards it, and
the law doth give it.
PORTIA: And you must cut this flesh from off his breast: The law allows it, and
the court awards it.
PORTIA: Tarry a little; there is something else. This bond doth give thee here no
jot of blood; The words expressly are 'a pound of flesh: 'Take then thy bond, take
thou thy pound of flesh; But, in the cutting it, if thou dost shed One drop of
Christian blood, thy lands and goods Are, by the laws of Venice, confiscate. Unto
the state of Venice.
PORTIA: Thyself shalt see the act: For, as thou urgest justice, be assured
Thou shalt have justice, more than thou desirest. GRATIANO: O learned judge!
Mark, Jew: a learned judge!
SHYLOCK: I take this offer, then; pay the bond thrice And let the Christian go.
PORTIA: Soft! The Jew shall have all justice; soft! no haste: He shall have nothing
but the penalty.
PORTIA: Therefore prepare thee to cut off the flesh. Shed thou no blood, nor cut
thou less nor more But just a pound of flesh: if thou cut'st more Or less than a just
pound, be it but so much As makes it light or heavy in the substance. Or the
division of the twentieth part Of one poor scruple, nay, if the scale do turn But in
the estimation of a hair, Thou diest and all thy goods are confiscate.
GRATIANO: A second Daniel, a Daniel, Jew! Now, infidel, I have you on the hip.
67
PORTIA: Why doth the Jew pause? take thy forfeiture. SHYLOCK: Give me my
principal, and let me go. BASSANIO: I have it ready for thee; here it is.
PORTIA: He hath refused it in the open court: He shall have merely justice and his
bond.
GRATIANO: A Daniel, still say I, a second Daniel! I thank thee, Jew, for teaching
me that word.
PORTIA: Thou shalt have nothing but the forfeiture, To be so taken at thy peril,
Jew.
SHYLOCK: Why, then the devil give him good of it! I'll stay no longer question.
PORTIA: Tarry, Jew: The law hath yet another hold on you. It is enacted in the
laws of Venice, If it be proved against an alien That by direct or indirect attempts
He seek the life of any citizen, The party 'gainst the which he doth contrive Shall
seize one half his goods; the other half Comes to the privy coffer of the state; And
the offender's life lies in the mercy Of the duke only, 'gainst all other voice. In
which predicament, I say, thou stand'st; For it appears, by manifest proceeding,
That indirectly and directly too Thou hast contrived against the very life Of the
defendant; and thou hast incurr'd The danger formerly by me rehearsed. Down
therefore and beg mercy of the duke.
GRATIANO: Beg that thou mayst have leave to hang thyself: And yet, thy wealth
being forfeit to the state, Thou hast not left the value of a cord; Therefore thou
must be hang'd at the state's charge.
DUKE: That thou shalt see the difference of our spirits, I pardon thee thy life
before thou ask it: For half thy wealth, it is Antonio's; The other half comes to the
general state, Which humbleness may drive unto a fine.
SHYLOCK: Nay, take my life and all; pardon not that: You take my house when
you do take the prop That doth sustain my house; you take my life When you do
take the means whereby I live.
ANTONIO: So please my lord the duke and all the court To quit the fine for one
half of his goods, I am content; so he will let me have The other half in use, to
render it, Upon his death, unto the gentleman That lately stole his daughter: Two
things provided more, that, for this favour, He presently become a Christian; The
other, that he do record a gift, Here in the court, of all he dies possess'd, Unto his
son Lorenzo and his daughter.
DUKE: He shall do this, or else I do recant The pardon that I late pronounced here.
SHYLOCK: I am content.
SHYLOCK: I pray you, give me leave to go from hence; I am not well: send the
deed after me, And I will sign it.
GRATIANO: In christening shalt thou have two god-fathers: Had I been judge,
thou shouldst have had ten more, To bring thee to the gallows, not the font. Exit
SHYLOCK:
PORTIA: I humbly do desire your grace of pardon: I must away this night toward
Padua, And it is meet I presently set forth.
69
DUKE: I am sorry that your leisure serves you not. Antonio, gratify this gentleman,
For, in my mind, you are much bound to him. Exeunt Duke and his train
BASSANIO: Most worthy gentleman, I and my friend Have by your wisdom been
this day acquitted Of grievous penalties; in lieu whereof, Three thousand ducats,
due unto the Jew, We freely cope your courteous pains withal.
ANTONIO: And stand indebted, over and above, In love and service to you
evermore.
PORTIA: He is well paid that is well satisfied; And I, delivering you, am satisfied
And therein do account myself well paid: My mind was never yet more mercenary.
I pray you, know me when we meet again: I wish you well, and so I take my leave.
Take some remembrance of us, as a tribute, Not as a fee: grant me two things, I
pray you, Not to deny me, and to pardon me.
Give me your gloves, I'll wear th And, for your love, I'll take this ring from you:
Do not draw back your hand; I'll take no more; And you in love shall not deny me
this.
BASSANIO: This ring, good sir, alas, it is a trifle! I will not shame myself to give
you this.
PORTIA: I will have nothing else but only this; And now methinks I have a mind
to it.
BASSANIO: There's more depends on this than on the value. The dearest ring in
Venice will I give you, And find it out by proclamation: Only for this, I pray you,
pardon me.
PORTIA: I see, sir, you are liberal in offers You taught me first to beg; and now
methinks You teach me how a beggar should be answer'd.
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BASSANIO: Good sir, this ring was given me by my wife; And when she put it on,
she made me vow That I should neither sell nor give nor lose it.
PORTIA: That 'scuse serves many men to save their gifts. An if your wife be not a
mad-woman, And know how well I have deserved the ring, She would not hold out
enemy for ever,For giving it to me. Well, peace be with you!
ANTONIO: My Lord Bassanio, let him have the ring: Let his deservings and my
love withal Be valued against your wife's commandment.
BASSANIO: Go, Gratiano, run and overtake him; Give him the ring, and bring
him, if thou canst, Unto Antonio's house: away! make haste. Exit Gratiano Come,
you and I will thither presently; And in the morning early will we bothFly toward
Belmont: come, Antonio.
Exeunt.
***********
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William Shakespeare, 26 April, 1564 (Baptised) –23 April, 1616 was a poet,
playwright and an actor, widely regarded as the greatest writer in the English
language and a pre-eminent dramatist. He is often called ―England‘s National
Poet and the ―Bard of Avon. His literary works, including a few collaborations,
consist of about 38 plays, 154 sonnets, 2 long narrative poems and a few verses.
CAREER
After the birth of the twins, Shakespeare left few historical traces until he is
mentioned as part of the London Theatre scene in 1592. Some scholars believe that
he fled from town to London to escape prosecution. By 1592, several of his plays
were already on the London stage. Many believe that his writing career could have
started any time from the mid- 1580s to just before 1592. By 1594, all his plays
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DEATH
Shakespeare died on 23 April, 1616 at the age of 52. He died within a month
of signing his will, a document which he begins by describing himself as being in
perfect health. There are no contemporary sources which explain how or why he
died. He was buried in the Holy Trinity Church two days after his death. The
epitaph carved into the stone slab covering his grave includes a curse against
moving his bones. Shakespeare has been commemorated in many statues and
memorials around the world, including funeral monuments in Southwark Cathedral
and Poets' Corner in Westminster Abbey.
WORKS
Even today, his works are held in high regard and are being translated and
performed in many languages all over the world. He is hailed as the Universal
Playwright and his works will continue to charm the audiences to come.
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LESSON ANALYSIS
The play Merchant of Venice, written by Shakespeare was set in the city of
Venice and Antonio is the Merchant. Act IV of the play is called as the Trial Scene
or the Court Scene. This Act which shapes the fate of the players and the play is
claimed to be one of the most enthralling in all dramatic literature
Act IV, scene I starts with Antonio facing trial before the Duke for failing to
pay Shylock his dues. Antonio borrows from his arch rival Shylock to help
Bassanio marry Portia. At that time, a bond is signed between them stating that if
Antonio is unable to pay the dues within the stipulated time, Shylock would cut a
pound of flesh from near his heart. Unable to return the dues due to business losses,
Antonio is dragged to the Duke's court for fulfilling the bond.
The strange bond evokes sympathy for Antonio and the Duke pleads with
Shylock to show mercy. Bassanio offers to pay three times the loan as repayment,
which is not accepted. The whole atmosphere is charged. The Duke had sent a
letter to Bellario, a doctor of laws to judge this tricky case. With no sight of
Bellario and unable to convince Shylock, the Duke threatens to dismiss the Court.
At that juncture, Portia's attendant Nerissa, dressed as a messenger announces the
arrival of Dr.Balthazar, supposed to have been sent by Dr.Bellario.
Dr.Balthazar, who is Portia in disguise, begins the trial by assuring the Duke
that he knows the facts of the case and ascertains Shylock's and Antonio's identity.
After Antonio accepts signing the bond, Portia turns to Shylock requesting him to
show mercy and accept the money offered. A perturbed Shylock demands the
fulfilment of the contract. He then hands over the bond to Portia on being asked for
it, who goes through it and asks him to go ahead as per the bond. An elated
Shylock exclaims, A Daniel come to judgement, yea, a Daniel! and starts
sharpening his knife.
the Jew is alienated by the Christians in the Court Hall. He gets ready to cut the
pound of flesh from Antonio's heart. Portia asks him if a doctor has been called, for
which he replies that it is not there in the bond. When he is about to cut, Portia as
Dr.Balthazar asks him not to shed even one drop of Christian blood and also to cut
just one pound, nothing more or less. This is the turning point in the scene and the
cunning Shylock realising that he is defeated, requests Portia to at least give him
his money. The request was rejected since the initial offer was not accepted by him.
At this point, Shakespeare through Portia displays his brilliant power of
interpretation and his legal acumen. Portia informs Shylock and the Court about
the existing Venetian law which states that any person plotting to kill a Christian
will lose half his property to the affected person or in the event of his death to his
family and the other half will be confiscated by the State. Not only that, the
accused's life will be in the hands of the Duke. Completely exhausted, Shylock
kneels down for the Duke to take away his life. The Duke pardons him and leaves
him.
For Shylock, this act of mercy did not cut ice, for, a Jew without his money
is better dead than alive and pleads not to show mercy. Understanding his problem,
Antonio tells the Court that he will forego his half and Shylock can do his business
with that amount on two conditions. Shylock has to convert to Christianity and
accept his daughter Jessica's marriage to her Christian husband Lorenzo to whom
the property must be bequeathed. Left with no choice, Shylock accepts this offer
and seeks the Duke's permission to leave the Court and agrees to sign all the papers
in the regard.
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CONCLUSION
The play merchant of Venice brought to light many things. During the
medieval period, there was the conflict between the Jews (who were expelled from
England in 1290) and the Christians. The play is set in that backdrop and that is
probably the reason for the dark portrayal of Shylock, the Jew and projecting
Antonio, the Christian merchant as the epitome of goodness. The Jews who were
barred from investing in lands or houses lived in Ghettos and they could survive
only by taking huge interest. Shakespeare's drama mirrors the society through
various characters.
Portia's character has been finely sketched by Shakespeare and this Act sees
the triumph of intellect over cunningness and hatred.
***********
76
Joseph W. Plank
LESSON:
Blackstone said, “The Lady of the Common Law likes to lie alone”. To the
contrary is the eminent authority of John Seldon: The “proverbial assertion that
Lady Common Law must lie alone never wrought with me”.
Thus is framed an issue of which Charles Lamb might well have disposed in
the Essays of Elia, where he undertakes to disprove certain popular fallacies. The
subject might well have proposed to one reared, as was he, within the classic walls
of the Inner Temple. That the law is a jealous mistress has been heard for several
centuries in Anglo-American law. It is, perhaps, time that this venerable ghost
were laid.
Thackeray describes a great lawyer, who best exemplifies the fruit of the
fallacy, in these terms:
He was a man who had laboriously brought down a great intellect to the
comprehension of a mean subject, and in his fierce grasp of that, resolutely
excluded from his mind all higher thoughts, all better things; all the wisdom and
philosophy of historians; all the thoughts of poets, all wit, fancy and reflection; all
art, love, truth, all together so that he might master that enormous legend of law.
He could not cultivate a friendship or do a charity or admire a work of genius or
kindle at the sight of beauty. Love, nature, and art were shut out from him.
What a libel on a great profession and how utterly false! The horizon of the
law is as broad as human life itself, and all culture is its domain. All knowledge
and learning is grist for the lawyer’s mill. What is the subject of a lawyer? Let us
hear the word of Juvenal:
Whatsoever it is that mankind does, their hopes, their fears, their angers,
their pleasures, their vagaries, their delights, all of these things form the subject of
our creation.
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What formula short of all knowledge can be written? The student cannot
slight his own language and its literature for they give him the power of thought
and articulation without which he cannot function. Government, economics, and
history in their fullness are all basic. Of all studies, they give meaning to law. The
natural sciences he must have to give him understanding of the world he lives in,
and to break the chains of prejudices which have so greatly hampered his for bears.
Psychology, sociology, and anthropology are gaining significance as the
importance of human behaviour and human welfare comes to the fore in emerging
order. And for purposes of a sustaining base, how can the lawyer survive without
some integrating philosophy of all learning and all life?
To say that he is learned in the law who has committed some or many of its
rules to memory, who knows not history and philosophy and science and literature
and jurisprudence is to give a poverty stricken meaning to an opulent, ancient
phrase.
One more authority may suffice for the complete refutation of the ancient
libel with which we are concerned. Lord Macmillan, whose recent demise was
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widely noted in the press of this country, once spoke to American lawyers in
Chicago:
Let us recall a great lawyer created by Sir Walter Scott in Guy Mannering.
Colonel Mannering is paying a visit to the study of his counsel, MrPleydell, in the
High Street of Edinburgh.
The library into which he was shown [we read]…was a well proportioned
room, hung with a portrait or two of Scottish characters of eminence, by Jamieson,
the Caledonian Vandyke, and surrounded with books, the best editions of the best
authors and in particular an admirable collection of classics. “These”, said
Pleydell, “are my tools of trade. A lawyer without history or literature is a
mechanic, a mere working mason; if he possesses some knowledge of these, he may
venture to call himself an architect”.
Let us prepare a grave both wide and deep and respectfully inter this hoary
proverb, that the law is a jealous mistress, to which we have so long paid lip
service. In the same, sepulture belongs Thackeray‘s lawyer. Requiescat in pace!
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LESSON ANALYSIS:
The proverb ‘Law’ is a jealous mistress’, was popular in the American and
English legal circles for many centuries, It means that law as a subject or a
discipline or profession needs absolute dedication and no other interest or hobby
can be allowed for a practitioner. The author, Joseph W. Plank feels that such an
opinion is out-dated and is a false statement. Hence it needs to be discarded and
thrown out of usage. The method used by the author is to quote two different views
on one topic and then give his opinion, instead of just stating his personal opinion.
At the outset, he quotes Sir William Blackstone, British jurist and the author
of Commentaries, who said that the “lady of the Common Law likes to lie alone”.
John Selden, a 17th Century English jurist and antiquary held the view that, “the
proverbial assertion that Lady Common Law must lie alone never wrought with
me”. Charles Lamb, an eminent English essayist and a registered law practitioner
in the Inner Temple, the Bar Association in England, writing under the pen name
Elia, used to disprove some popular existing proverbs. The author Joseph W. Plank
feels that if only Charles Lamb had taken it up he would have torn it to pieces. This
fallacy has become a venerable ghost since it was being heard for many centuries
in the English and American legal circles and to be time it is laid to rest.
A learned judge Hon. Merril Otis, held the opinion that the epithet, ‘learned’,
should be given only to those who are not only learned in law, but also in history,
politics, philosophy, science, economics, literature and jurisprudence. The author
Joseph W. Plank admits that law requires a host of bed fellows which, are the other
subjects, some of them being very practical. Since law was the first of the social
sciences, she remains aloof. The belief that natural law or natural justice would
prevail in the world acted as a deterrent to law being looked at as a useful social
device. The aim of law is to attain social justice. Many subjects too work towards
that goal. For e.g. taxation is not only for collecting taxes, but also of exercising
social control. So a lawyer in the modern world needs to be a political scientist,
economist and sociologist among other things.
Lord Macmillan, addressing the American lawyers in Chicago said, that only
those lawyers who possess wide knowledge not only in law, but also in other
subjects can be given the epithet ‘learned’. If a lawyer and a literary man are
friends, they will enrich each other and enrich the society. He too stressed on the
importance of good language skills for a lawyer. A lawyer should acquire
knowledge not only from books, but from life also.
To conclude, the author recalls a scene from Sir Walter Scott‘s work, ‘Guy
Mannering’. The client while visiting his lawyer Mr. Pleydell‘s office is surprised
to see portraits by eminent artists and collection of classical literature in his library.
Understanding his client‘s thoughts, Pleydell says that these are his tools. A lawyer
without history and literature is a mason, with these he is an architect. So Joseph W.
Plank says that it is time to give a decent burial to that hoary proverb.
Vocabulary
Wrought – worked
disposed of – deal with
classic – famous because of a long history
venerable – old and deserving respect
demise – depth
mason – worker who builds with stone
paid lip service – supported in words but not infact; given loyalty in speech while
thinking the opposite
***********
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UNIT IV
O’ HENRY
LESSON
Lawyer Gooch bestowed his undivided attention upon the engrossing arts of
his profession. But one flight of fancy did he allow his mind to entertain. He was
fond of likening his suite of office rooms to the bottom of a ship. The rooms were
three in number, with a door opening from one to another. These doors could also
be closed.
“Ships”, Lawyer Gooch would say, “are constructed for safety, with
separate, water-tight compartments in their bottoms. If one compartment springs a
leak it fills with water; but the good ship goes on unhurt. Were it not for the
separating bulkheads one leak would sink the vessel. Now it often happens that
while I am occupied with clients, other clients with conflicting interests call. With
the assistance of Archibald− an office boy with a future− I cause the dangerous
influx to be diverted into separate compartments, while I sound with my legal
plummet the depth of each. If necessary, they may be hauled into the hallway and
permitted to escape by way of the stairs, which we may term the lee scuppers. Thus
the good ship of business is kept afloat; whereas if the element that supports her
were allowed to mingle freely in her hold we might be swamped ha, ha, ha!”
The law is dry. Good jokes are few. Surely it might be permitted Lawyer
Gooch to mitigate the bore of briefs, the tedium of torts and the prissiness of
processes with even so light a levy upon the good property of humour.
But not always was Lawyer Gooch the keen, armed, wily belligerent, ready
with his two-edged sword to lop off the shackles of Hymen. He had been known to
build up instead of demolishing, to reunite instead of severing, to lead erring and
foolish ones back into the fold instead of scattering the flock. Often had he by his
eloquent and moving appeals sent husband and wife, weeping, back into each
other’s arms. Frequently he had coached childhood so successfully that, at the
psychological moment (and at a given signal) the plaintive pipe of “Papa, won’t
you turn home adain to me and muvver?” had won the day and upheld the pillars
of a tottering home.
There came a season in June when the legal ship of Lawyer Gooch (to
borrow his own figure) was nearly becalmed. (The divorce mill grinds slowly in
June.) It is the month of Cupid and Hymen.
Lawyer Gooch, then, sat idle in the middle room of his clientless suite. A
small anteroom connected or rather separated this apartment from the hallway.
Here was stationed Archibald, who wrested from visitors their cards or oral
nomenclature which he bore to his master while they waited.
Suddenly, on this day, there came a great knocking at the outermost door.
Archibald, opening it, was thrust aside as superfluous by the visitor, who without
due reverence at once penetrated to the office of Lawyer Gooch and threw himself
with good-natured insolence into a comfortable chair facing that gentleman.
“You are Phineas C. Gooch, attorney-at-law?” said the visitor, his tone of
voice and inflection making his words at once a question, an assertion and an
accusation. Before committing himself by a reply, the lawyer estimated his
possible client in one of his brief but shrewd and calculating glances.
The man was of the emphatic type large-sized, active, bold and debonair in
demeanor, vain beyond a doubt, slightly swaggering, ready and at ease. He was
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well- clothed, but with a shade too much ornateness. He was seeking a lawyer; but
if that fact would seem to saddle him with troubles they were not patent in his
beaming eye and courageous air.
“I know you didn’t”, remarked the visitor, coolly; “And you won‘t just yet.
Light up?” He threw a leg over an arm of his chair, and tossed a handful of rich-
hued cigars upon the table. Lawyer Gooch knew the brand. He thawed just enough
to accept the invitation to smoke.
“You are a divorce lawyer”, said the cardless visitor. This time there was no
interrogation in his voice. Nor did his words constitute a simple assertion. They
formed a charge a denunciation as one would say to a dog: “You are a dog”.
Lawyer Gooch was silent under the imputation.
“I have undertaken cases”, said the lawyer, guardedly, “in the line to which
your figurative speech seems to refer. Do you wish to consult me professionally,
Mr.” The lawyer paused, with significance.
“Not yet”, said the other, with an arch wave of his cigar, “not just yet. Let
us approach the subject with the caution that should have been used in the original
act that makes this pow-wow necessary. There exists a matrimonial jumble to be
straightened out. But before I give you names I want your honest well, anyhow,
your professional opinion on the merits of the mix-up. I want you to size up the
catastrophe abstractly you understand? I’m Mr. Nobody; and I’ve got a story to tell
you. Then you say what’s what. Do you get my wireless?”
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“That’s the word I was after. ‘Apothecary’ was the best shot I could make
at it in my mind. The hypothetical goes. I’ll state the case. Suppose there’s a
woman a deuced fine-looking woman who has run away from her husband and
home? She’s badly mashed on another man who went to her town to work up some
real estate business. Now, we may as well call this woman’s husband Thomas R.
Billings, for that’s his name. I’m giving you straight tips on the cognomens. The
Lothario chap is Henry K. Jessup. The Billingses lived in a little town called
Susanville a good many miles from here. Now, Jessup leaves Susanville two weeks
ago. The next day Mrs. Billings follows him. She’s dead gone on this man Jessup;
you can bet your law library on that.”
Lawyer Gooch’s client said this with such unctuous satisfaction that even
the callous lawyer experienced a slight ripple of repulsion. He now saw clearly in
his fatuous visitor the conceit of the lady-killer, the egoistic complacency of the
successful trifler.
“Now”, continued the visitor, “suppose this Mrs. Billings wasn’t happy at
home? We’ll say she and her husband didn’t gee worth a cent. They’ve got
incompatibility to burn. The things she likes, Billings wouldn’t have as a gift with
trading-stamps. It’s Tabby and Rover with them all the time. She’s an educated
woman in science and culture, and she reads things out loud at meetings. Billings
is not on. He doesn’t appreciate progress and obelisks and ethics, and things of that
sort. Old Billings is simply a blink when it comes to such things. The lady is out
and out above his class. Now, lawyer, doesn’t it look like a fair equalization of
rights and wrongs that a woman like that should be allowed to throw down Billings
and take the man that can appreciate her?”
“Oh, you can bet on Jessup”, said the client, with a confident wag of his
head. “Jessup’s all right. He’ll do the square thing. Why, he left Susanville just to
85
keep people from talking about Mrs. Billings. But she followed him up, and now,
of course, he’ll stick to her. When she gets a divorce, all legal and proper, Jessup
the proper thing.”
“And now”, said Lawyer Gooch, “continuing the hypo- if you prefer, and
supposing that my services should be hired in the case, what”
“Let’s let her drop, and get down to straight talk. You ought to know who I
am by this time. I want that woman to have her divorce. I’ll pay for it. The day you
set Mrs. Billings free I’ll pay you five hundred dollars.”
Lawyer Gooch’s client banged his fist upon the table to punctuate his
generosity.
“Lady to see you, sir”, bawled Archibald, bouncing in from his anteroom.
He had orders to always announce immediately any client that might come. There
was no sense in turning business away.
Lawyer Gooch took client number one by the arm and led him suavely into
one of the adjoining rooms. “Favour me by remaining here a few minutes, sir”,
said he. “I will return and resume our consultation with the least possible delay. I
am rather expecting a visit from a very wealthy old lady in connection with a will.
I will not keep you waiting long”.
The breezy gentleman seated himself with obliging acquiescence, and took
up a magazine. The lawyer returned to the middle office, carefully closing behind
him the connecting door.
“Show the lady in, Archibald”, he said to the office boy, who was awaiting
the order.
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A tall lady, of commanding presence and sternly hand- some, entered the
room. She wore robes robes; not clothes ample and fluent. In her eye could be
perceived the lambent flame of genius and soul. In her hand was a green bag of the
capacity of a bushel, and an umbrella that also seemed to wear a robe, ample and
fluent. She accepted a chair.
“Are you Mr. Phineas C. Gooch, the lawyer?” she asked, in formal and
unconciliatory tones.
“As a lawyer, sir”, began the lady, “you may have acquired some
knowledge of the human heart. Do you believe that the pusillanimous and petty
conventions of our artificial social life should stand as an obstacle in the way of a
noble and affectionate heart when it finds its true mate among the miserable and
worthless wretches in the world that are called men?”
“Madam”, said Lawyer Gooch, in the tone that he used in curbing his
female clients, “this is an office for conducting the practice of law. I am a lawyer,
not a philosopher, nor the editor of an ‘Answers to the Lovelorn’ column of a
newspaper. I have other clients waiting. I will ask you kindly to come to the point”.
“Well, you needn’t get so stiff around the gills about it”, said the lady, with
a snap of her luminous eves and a startling gyration of her umbrella. “Business is
what I’ve come for. I want your opinion in the matter of a suit for divorce, as the
vulgar would call it, but which is really only the readjustment of the false and
ignoble conditions that the short- sighted laws of man have interposed between a
loving”
“Mrs. Wilcox is all right”, cut in the lady, with a hint of asperity. “And so
are Tolstoy, and Mrs. Gertrude Atherton, and Omar Khayyam, and Mr. Edward
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Bok. I’ve read em all. I would like to discuss with you the divine right of the soul
as opposed to the freedom-destroying restrictions of a bigoted and narrow-minded
society. But I will proceed to business. I would prefer to lay the matter before you
in an impersonal way until you pass upon its merits. That is to describe it as a
supposable instance, without-”
“I was going to say that”, said the lady, sharply. “Now, suppose there is a
woman who is all soul and heart and aspirations for a complete existence. This
woman has a husband who is far below her in intellect, in taste in everything. Bah!
He is a brute. He despises literature. He sneers at the lofty thoughts of the world’s
great thinkers. He thinks only of real estate and such sordid things. He is no mate
for a woman with soul. We will say that this unfortunate wife one day meets with
her ideal -a man with brain and heart and force. She loves him. Although this man
feels the thrill of a new-found affinity he is too noble, too honourable to declare
himself. He flies from the presence of his beloved. She flies after him, trampling,
with superb indifference, upon the fetters with which an unenlightened social
system would bind her. Now, what will a divorce cost? Eliza Ann Timmins, the
poetess of Sycamore Gap, got one for three hundred and forty dollars. Can I I
mean can this lady I speak of get one that cheap?”
“Madam”, said Lawyer Gooch, “your last two or three sentences delight me
with their intelligence and clearness. Can we not now abandon the hypothetical and
come down to names and business?”
“I should say so”, exclaimed the lady, adopting the practical with admirable
readiness. “Thomas R. Billings is the name of the low brute who stands between
the happiness of his legal his legal, but not his spiritual wife and Henry K. Jessup,
the noble man whom nature intended for her mate. I”, concluded the client, with an
air of dramatic revelation, “am Mrs. Billings!”
“Gentlemen to see you, sir”, shouted Archibald, invading the room almost
at a handspring. Lawyer Gooch arose from his chair.
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With his accustomed chivalrous manner, Lawyer Gooch ushered his soulful
client into the remaining unoccupied room, and came out, closing the door with
circumspection.
“I may say”, began Lawyer Gooch, “that my practice has not altogether
avoided-”
“I know you do”, interrupted client number three. “You needn’t tell me.
I’ve heard all about you. I have a case to lay before you without necessarily
disclosing any connection that I might have with it that is-”
unaccountably infatuated with him. Her attentions became so open that the man
felt the community to be no safe place for him, so he left it. She abandoned
husband and home, and followed him. She forsook- her home, where she was
provided with every comfort, to follow this man who had inspired her with such a
strange affection. Is there any- “thing more to be deplored”, concluded the client,
in a trembling voice, “than the wrecking of a home by a woman’s uncalculating
folly?”
Lawyer Gooch delivered the cautious opinion that there was not.
“This man she has gone to join”, resumed the visitor, “is not the man to
make her happy. It is a wild and foolish self-deception that makes her think he will.
Her husband, in spite of their many disagreements, is the only one capable of
dealing with her sensitive and peculiar nature. But this she does not realize now.”
“Would you consider a divorce the logical cure in the case you present?”
asked Lawyer Gooch, who felt that the conversation was wandering too far from
the field of business.
Client number three laid his hand upon Mr. Gooch’s arm. Deep emotion
was written upon his careworn face. “For Heaven’s sake”, he said fervently, “help
me in this hour of trouble. Seek, out Mrs. Billings, and persuade her to abandon
this distressing pursuit of her lamentable folly. Tell her, Mr. Gooch, that her
husband is willing to receive her back to his heart and home promise her anything
that will induce her to return. I have heard of your success in these matters. Mrs.
Billings cannot be very far away. I am worn out with travel and weariness. Twice
during the pursuit I saw her, but various circumstances prevented our having an
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interview. Will you undertake this mission for me, Mr. Gooch, and earn my
everlasting gratitude?”
“It is true”, said Lawyer Gooch, frowning slightly at the other’s last words,
but immediately calling up an expression of virtuous benevolence, “that on a
number of occasions I have been successful in persuading couples who sought the
severing of their matrimonial bonds to think better of their rash intentions and
return to their homes reconciled. But I assure you that the work is often
exceedingly difficult. The amount of argument, perseverance, and, if I may be
allowed to say it, eloquence that it requires would astonish you. But this is a case
in which my sympathies would be wholly enlisted. I feel deeply for you sir, and I
would be most happy to see husband and wife reunited. But my time”, concluded
the lawyer, looking at his watch as if suddenly reminded of the fact, “is valuable”.
“I am aware of that”, said the client, “and if you will take the case and
persuade Mrs. Billings to return home and leave the man alone that she is
following on that day I will pay you the sum of one thousand dollars. I have made
a little money in real estate during the recent boom in Susanville, and I will not
begrudge that amount.”
“Retain your seat for a few moments, please”, said Lawyer Gooch, arising,
and again consulting his watch. “I have another client waiting in an adjoining room
whom I had very nearly forgotten. I will return in the briefest possible space.”
The situation was now one that fully satisfied Lawyer Gooch’s love of
intricacy and complication. He revelled in cases that presented such subtle
problems and possibilities. It pleased him to think that he was master of the
happiness and fate of the three individuals who sat unconscious of one another’s
presence, within his reach. His old figure of the ship glided into his mind. But now
the figure failed, for to have filled every compartment of an actual vessel would
have been to endanger her safety; with his compartments full, his ship of affairs
could but sail on to the advantageous port of a fine, fat fee. The thing for him to do,
of course, was to wring the best bargain he could from some one of his anxious
cargo.
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First he called to the office boy: “Lock the outer door, Archibald, and admit
no one”. Then he moved, with long, silent strides into the room in which client
number one waited. That gentleman sat, patiently scanning the pictures in the
magazine, with a cigar in his mouth and his feet upon a table.
“Hey? No; for the whole job. It’s enough, ain’t it?”
“My fee”, said Lawyer Gooch “would be one thousand five hundred dollars.
Five hundred dollars down, and the remainder upon issuance of the divorce.”
A loud whistle came from client number one. His feet descended to the
floor.
“Guess we can’t close the deal”, he said, arising, “I cleaned up five hundred
dollars in a little real estate dicker down in Susanville. I’d do anything I could to
free the lady, but it out-sizes my pile.”
“Could you stand one thousand two hundred dollars?” asked the lawyer,
insinuatingly.
“Five hundred is my limit, I tell you. Guess I’ll have to hunt up a cheaper
lawyer”. The client put on his hat.
“Out this way, please”, said Lawyer Gooch, opening the door that led into
the hallway.
As the gentleman flowed out of the compartment and down the stairs,
Lawyer Gooch smiled to himself. “Exit Mr. Jessup”, he murmured, as he fingered
the Henry Clay tuft of hair at his ear. “And now for the forsaken husband”. He
returned to the middle office, and assumed a businesslike manner.
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“I understand”, he said to client number three, “that you agree to pay one
thousand dollars if I bring about, or am instrumental in bringing about, the return
of Mrs. Billings to her home, and her abandonment of her infatuated pursuit of the
man for whom she has conceived such a violent fancy. Also that the case is now
unreservedly in my hands on that basis. Is that correct?”
“Entirely”, said the other, eagerly. “And I can produce the cash any time at
two hours’ notice.”
Lawyer Gooch stood up at his full height. His thin figure seemed to expand.
His thumbs sought the arm-holes of his vest. Upon his face was a look of
sympathetic benignity that he always wore during such undertakings.
“Then, sir”, he said, in kindly tones, “I think I can promise you an early
relief from your troubles. I have that much confidence in my powers of argument
and persuasion, in the natural impulses of the human heart toward good, and in the
strong influence of a husband’s unfaltering love. Mrs.Billings, sir, is here in that
room-” the lawyer’s long arm pointed to the door. “I will call her in at once; and
our united pleadings”
Lawyer Gooch paused, for client number three had leaped from his chair as
if propelled by steel springs, and clutched his satchel.
“What the devil”, he exclaimed, harshly, “do you mean? That woman in
there! I thought I shook her off forty miles back.”
He ran to the open window, looked out below, and threw one leg over the
sill.
“Stop!” cried Lawyer Gooch, in amazement. “What would you do? Come,
Mr. Billings, and face your erring but innocent wife. Our combined entreaties
cannot fail to-”
“Billings!” shouted the now thoroughly moved client. “I’ll Billings you,
you old idiot!”
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Turning, he hurled his satchel with fury at the lawyer’s head. It struck that
astounded peacemaker between the eyes, causing him to stagger backward a pace
or two. When Lawyer Gooch recovered his wits he saw that his client had
disappeared. Rushing to the window, he leaned out, and saw the recreant gathering
himself up from the top of a shed upon which he had dropped from the second-
story window. Without stopping to collect his hat he then plunged downward the
remaining ten feet to the alley, up which he flew with prodigious celerity until the
surrounding buildings wallowed him up from view.
Lawyer Gooch passed his hand tremblingly across his brow. It was a
habitual act with him, serving to clear his thoughts. Perhaps also it now seemed to
soothe the spot where a very hard alligator-hide satchel had struck.
The satchel lay upon the floor, wide open, with its contents spilled about.
Mechanically, Lawyer Gooch stooped to gather up the articles. The first was a
collar; and the omniscient eye of the man of law perceived, wonderingly, the
initials H.K.J. marked upon it. Then came a comb, a brush, a folded map, and a
piece of soap. Lastly, a handful of old business letters, addressed every one of them
to “Henry K. Jessup, Esq”.
Lawyer Gooch closed the satchel, and set it upon the table. He hesitated for
a moment, and then put on his hat and walked into the office boy’s anteroom.
he coined the term, “Banana Republic”, which is now used to describe unstable
Latin American agricultural economies. His wife’s illness forced him to return to
U.S. when he surrendered to police. He was sentenced to five years and sent to
Ohio State prison in 1898, but in 1903, he was released due to his good behavior.
He moved to New York to pursue his writing career.
LESSON ANALYSIS:
This is a short story written by the American writer, O’Henry. There are
five characters in this story namely Lawyer Gooch, his assistant, Archibald, Mr.
and Mrs. Billings and Henry K. Jessup. The main theme is about the bungling and
finally losing a case by lawyer Gooch due to mistaking the identity of his clients. It
probably has an underlying message that lawyers first understand and estimate
their clients to be a successful lawyer.
Lawyer Gooch has constructed his office like the bottom of a ship, each
compartment being water-tight. There are three rooms in his office in a row,
connected to the central room and the hallway. This is to ensure that clients do not
mingle. The month of June is considered to be a lean season for divorce lawyers as
it is the month of Cupid, the god of love and Hymen, the goddess of marriage. One
day in June, the lawyer was sitting in his office room least expecting a client. A
knock was heard on the outermost door and when Archibald opened it, a visitor
pushed him aside and entered the lawyer’s room. Before lawyer Gooch could react,
the stranger who looked bold and arrogant asked the lawyer whether he was
Phineas C. Gooch. Offering the lawyer a cigar, the man stated a hypothetical case
and wanted the lawyer’s honest comments. He refused to reveal his name, despite
the lawyer asking him.
In a small town called Susanville, Mr. and Mrs. Billings lived. He was a
businessman who gave importance to earning money. The lady was more inclined
towards academics and enjoyed attending meetings, speaking about scientific
developments, reading poetry etc. They were not made for each other and there
was no love lost between them. In such a situation, Henry K. Jessup, a real estate
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agent came to Susanville to do some business. Mrs. Billings falls in love with him
and starts openly proclaiming her love. Startled by this, Jessup leaves Susanville,
but she leaves her home and follows him. The first client finishes the hypothetical
and asks the lawyer to get a divorce for that lady so that she can marry Jessup. He
assures the lawyer that Jessup will definitely take care of her once she gets her
divorce. He agrees to pay 500 dollars towards that. Before the lawyer could reply,
Archibald announces the arrival of a lady. Taking the first client to the adjoining
room, he excuses himself saying he has to write a will to a lady and that he will
come back on finishing that. Latching the door from outside the lawyer tells
Archibald to send that lady.
A very good looking, well dressed lady with flowing robes and accessories
is welcomed by the lawyer. She also states the same hypothetical case. It is clear to
the lawyer that she is Mrs. Billings. Instead of coming to the point, she beats round
the bush, irritating the lawyer. When prodded to come to the point, the lady asks
whether she can get a divorce for 340 dollars, for her friend got one for that
amount. Before the lawyer could discuss the matter, Archibald announces the
arrival of a client. Lawyer Gooch, takes that lady to the other empty room, and
asks her to wait since he has to write a will for an old man. Coming to the middle
office room, he permits the third client to enter.
Client number three is a very irritated looking man, who seems to be having
some problem. Though he was wearing good quality clothes, it looked like he had
travelled a lot and seemed to be tired and worn out. He too without revealing his
identity presented the same hypothetical case. He looked disturbed and pleaded
with the lawyer to see that the lady unites with her husband since only he knows
how to handle her. He promised to pay one thousand dollars to the lawyer the day
she returned to her husband, who he claimed was waiting for her.
This was a situation that pleased lawyer Gooch. He realized that all the
three related people in the hypothetical were with him and he was the master of
their destinies. Asking Archibald to close the outer door and not to allow anyone,
he enters the room where the first client is waiting, to get the best deal. He
demands a fee of 1500 dollars, which the first client refuses to pay and he exits
through the hall way without being able to see the other clients. The lawyer now
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goes to the third client to clinch the deal. He assures the client that he will
definitely bring together the Billings couple and assuming him to be Mr. Billings,
he dramatically reveals the presence of Mrs. Billings in the adjoining room. On
hearing that, the startled third client gets up from his chair, runs to the open
window and from the second floor attempts to jump down. The shocked lawyer
pleads with him to come back to his wife, assuming him to be Mr. Billings and
runs towards the window. Throwing the bag in his hand, the client jumps down. It
hits the lawyer on his face, who staggers back. The contents of the bag spill out
and it comes out that the man was not her husband as wrongly assumed by the
lawyer. The husband was asking for a divorce to his wife so she can marry Jessup,
while Jessup was willing to pay 1000 dollars so that the lady remains with her
husband. So both the men did not want the lady and were trying to pass her to the
other. Lawyer Gooch decided not to take up that case, asked Archibald to send her
off by telling her that Sir was gone to the Supreme Court. Thus due to wrong
assumption made by the lawyer, the case went out of his hand.
Vocabulary
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B) CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
LESSON
I heartily accept the motto, “That government is best which governs least;
and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out,
it finally amounts to this, which also I believe, That government is best which
governs not at all;” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of
government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but
most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient.
The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are
many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a
standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing
government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have
chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the
people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of
comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in
the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure.
another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are
most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made of India rubber,
would never manage to bounce over the obstacles which legislators are continually
putting in their way; and, if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of
their actions, and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed
and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads.
But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves
no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better
government. Let every man make known what kind of government would
command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it.
After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of
the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule, is not
because they are most likely to be in the right, nor because this seems fairest to the
minority, but because they are physically the strongest. But a government in which
the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice, even as far as men
understand it. Can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually
decide right and wrong, but conscience?in which majorities decide only those
questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a
moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has
every man a conscience, then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects
afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the
right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume, is to do at any time what
I think right. It is truly enough said, that a corporation has no conscience; but a
corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law never
made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-
disposed are daily made the agents of injustice. A common and natural result of an
undue respect for law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain,
corporal, privates, powder-monkeys and all, marching inadmirable order over hill
and dale to the wars, against their wills, aye, against their common sense and
consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a
palpitation of the heart. They have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which
they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all?
or small moveable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man
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in power? Visit the Navy Yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an American
government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts,a mere
shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and
already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniments, though
it may be
“Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note, As his course to the ramparts we
hurried; Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot O’er the grave where our hero
we buried.”
The mass of men serve the State thus, not as men mainly, but as machines,
with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables,
posse comitatus, &c. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the
judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and
earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the
purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw, or a lump of
dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these
even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others, as most legislators, politicians,
lawyers, ministers, and office- holders, serve the State chiefly with their heads; and,
as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil,
without intending it, as God. A very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in
the great sense, and men, serve the State with their consciences also, and so
necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated by it as
enemies. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be “clay”,
and “stop a hole to keep the wind away”, but leave that office to his dust at least: “I
am too high- born to be propertied, to be a secondary at control, Or useful serving-
man and instrument to any sovereign state throughout the world.”
How does it become a man to behave toward this American government to-
day? I answer that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an
instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave’s
government also.
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All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse
allegiance to and to resist the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are
great and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the case now. But such
was the case, they think, in the Revolution of ‘75. If one were to tell me that this
was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its
ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do
without them: all machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good
to counterbalance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But
when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are
organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a
sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty
are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign
army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to
rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the more urgent is the fact that the
country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army.
In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does anyone think that
Massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis?
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“A drab of state, a cloth-o’-silver slut, to have her train borne up, and her
soul trail in the dirt”.
All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or back gammon, with a slight
moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting
naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote,
perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should
prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never
exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is
only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will
not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power
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of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. When the
majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are
indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by
their vote. They will then be the only slaves. Only his vote can hasten the abolition
of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote.
do not pursue them sitting upon another man’s shoulders. I must get off him first,
that he may pursue his contemplations too. See what gross inconsistency is
tolerated. I have heard some of my towns men say, “I should like to have them
order me out to help putdown an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to
Mexico,see if I would go;” and yet these very men have each, directly by their
allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute. The
soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not
refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war; is applauded by
those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught; as if the State
were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to
that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under the name of order and
civil government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own
meanness. After the first blush of sin, comes its indifference; and from immoral it
becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have
made.
The broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue
to sustain it. The slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is commonly
liable, the noble are most likely to incur. Those who, while they disapprove of the
character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support,
are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most
serious obstacles to reform. Some are petitioning the State to dissolve the Union, to
disregard the requisitions of the President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves,
the union between themselves and the State, and refuse to pay their quota into its
treasury? Do not they stand in the same relation to the State, that the State does to
the Union? And have not the same reasons prevented the State from resisting the
Union, which have prevented them from resisting the State?
How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is
there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated
out of a single dollar by your neighbour, you do not rest satisfied with knowing
that you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning
him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full
amount, and see that you are never cheated again. Action from principle, the
perception and the performance of right, changes things and relations; it is
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essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It
not only divides states and churches, it divides families; aye, it divides the
individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine.
One would think, that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority, was
the only offense never contemplated by government; else, why has it not assigned
its definite, its suitable and proportionate penalty? If a man who has no property
refuses but once to earn nine shillings for the State, he is put in prison for a period
unlimited by any law that I know, and determined only by the discretion of those
who placed him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the
State, he is soon permitted to go at large again.
As for adopting the ways which the State has provided for remedying the
evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will be
gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make
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this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not every
thing to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not
necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be
petitioning the governor or the legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me;
and, if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then? But in this case the
State has provided no way: its very Constitution is the evil. This may seem to be
harsh and stubborn and un conciliatory; but it is to treat with the utmost indents
and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserve it. So is all change
for the better, like birth and death which convulse the body.
I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves abolitionists should
at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the
government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one,
before they suffer the right to prevail through them. I think that it is enough if they
have God on their side, without waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man
more right than his neighbours, constitutes a majority of one already.
not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done for
ever. But we love better to talk about it: that we say is our mission. Reform keeps
many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. If my esteemed
neighbour, the State’s ambassador, who will devote his days to the settlement of
the question of human rights in the Council Chamber, instead of being threatened
with the prisons of Carolina, were to sit down the prisoner of Massachusetts, that
State which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister, though at
present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel
with her, the Legislature would not wholly waive the subject the following winter.
Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just
man is also a prison. The proper place to-day, the only place which Massachusetts
has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put
out and locked out of the State by her own act, as they have already put themselves
out by their principles. It is there that the fugitive slave, and the Mexican prisoner
on parole, and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race, should find them;
on that separate, but more free and honourable ground, where the State places
those who are not with her but against her, the only house in a slave-state in which
a free man can abide with honour. If any think that their influence would be lost
there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the State, that they would not be
as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than
error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who
has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of
paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms
to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by
its whole weight. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war
and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not
to pay their tax-bills this year that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it
would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent
blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is
possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done,
“But what shall I do?” my answer is, “If you really wish to do anything, resign
your office”. When the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has resigned
his office, then the revolution is accomplished. But even suppose blood should
flow. Is there not a sort of blood shed when the conscience is wounded? Through
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this wound a man’s real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an
everlasting death. I see this blood flowing now.
property, and so her as same and my children without end. This is hard. This
makes it impossible for a man to live honestly and at the same time comfortably in
outward respects. It will not be worth the while to accumulate property; that would
be sure to go again. You must hirer squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop,
and eat that soon. You must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself, always
stocked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. A man may grow rich
in Turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of the Turkish
government. Confucius said, “If a State is governed by the principles of reason,
poverty and misery are subjects of shame;” if a State is not governed by the
principles of reason, riches and honours are the subjects of shame. No: until I want
the protection of Massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant southern port,
where my liberty is endangered, or until I ambient solely on building up an estate
at home by peaceful enterprise, I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massachusetts,
and her right to my property and life. It costs me less in every sense to incur the
penalty of disobedience to the State, than it would to obey. I should feel as if I
were worth less in that case.
Some years ago, the State met me in behalf of the church, and commanded
me to pay a certain sum toward the support of allergy man whose preaching my
father attended, but never I myself. “Pay”, “it said, or be locked up in the jail”. I
declined to pay. But, unfortunately another man saw fit to pay it. I did not see why
the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest, and not the priest the
schoolmaster: for I was not the State’s schoolmaster, but I supported myself by
voluntary subscription. I did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax-bill,
and have the State to back its demand, as well as the church. However, at the
request of he selectmen, I condescended to make some such statement as this in
writing: “Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be
regarded as a member of any incorporated society which I have not joined”. This I
gave to the town-clerk; and he has it. The State, having thus learned that I did not
wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on
me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time. If
I had known how to name them, I should then have signed off in detail from all the
societies which I never signed on to; but I did not know where to find a complete
list.
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I have paid no poll-tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this
account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the wall so solid stone, two or
three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, afoot thick, and the iron grating which
strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that
institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be
locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best
use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some
way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there
was a still more difficult one to climb or break through, before they could get to be
as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great
waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax.
They plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are
under bred. In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for they
thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall. I could
not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations,
which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all
that was dangerous. As they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my
body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have
spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that the State was half-witted, that it was timid as a
lone woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its
foes, and I lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.
and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and
destroys the other. If a plant cannot live according to its nature, it dies; and so a
man.
The night in prison was novel and interesting enough. The prisoners in their
shirt-sleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the doorway, when I
entered. But the jailer said, “Come, boys, it is time to lock up”, and so they
dispersed, and I heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments.
My roommate was introduced to me by the jailer, as “a first-rate fellow and a
clever man”. When the door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and
how he managed matters there. The rooms were whitewashed once a month; and
this one, at least, was the whitest, most simply furnished, and probably the neatest
apartment in the town. He naturally wanted to know where I came from, and what
brought me there; and, when I had told him, I asked him in my turn how he came
there, presuming him to be an honest man, of course; and, as the world goes, I
believe he was. “Why”, said he, “they accuse me of burning a barn; but I never did
it”. As near as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a born when drunk,
and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt. He had the reputation of being
a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on,
and would have to wait as much longer; but he was quite domesticated and
contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated.
He occupied one window, and I the other; and I saw, that, if one stayed
there long, his principal business would be to look out the window. I had soon read
all the tracts that were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken
out, and where agate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the various
occupants of that room; for I found that even here there was a history and a gossip
which never circulated beyond the walls of the jail. Probably this is the only house
in the town where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in circular
form, but not published. I was shown quite a long list of verses which were
composed by some young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who
avenged themselves by singing them.
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It was like travelling into a far country, such as I had never expected to
behold, to lie there for one night. It seemed to me that In ever had heard the town-
clock strike before, nor the evening sounds of the village; for we slept with the
windows open, which were inside the grating. It was to see my native village in the
light of the middle ages, and our Concord was turned into a Rhine stream, and
visions of knights and castles passed before me. They were the voices of old
burghers that I heard in the streets. I was an involuntary spectator and auditor of
whatever was done and said in the kitchen of the adjacent village- inn, a wholly
new and rare experience to me. It was a closer view of my native town. I was fairly
inside of it. I never had seen its institutions before. This is one of its peculiar
institutions; for it is a shire town. I began to comprehend what its inhabitants were
about.
In the morning, our breakfasts were put through the hole in the door, in
small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a pint of chocolate, with
brown bread, and an iron spoon. When they called for the vessels again, I was
green enough to return what bread I had left, but my comrade seized it, and said
that I should lay that up for lunch or dinner. Soon after, he was let out to work at
having in a neighbouring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back
till noon; so he bade me good-day, saying that he doubted if he should see me
again.
When I came out of prison, for someone interfered, and paid that tax, I did
not perceive that great changes had taken place on the common, such as he
observed who went in a youth, and emerged a tottering and gray-headed man; and
yet a change had to my eyes come over the scene, the town, and State and country,
greater than any that mere time could effect. I saw yet more distinctly the State in
which I lived. I saw to what extent the people among whom I lived could be trusted
as good neighbours and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only;
that they did not greatly propose to do right; that they were a distinct race from me
by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinamen and Malays are; that, in their
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sacrifices to humanity, they ran no risks, not even to their property; that, after all,
they were not so noble but they treated the thief as he had treated them, and hoped,
by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular
straight though useless path from time to time, to save their souls. This may be to
judge my neighbours harshly; for I believe that many of them are not aware that
they have such an institution as the jail in their village.
It was formerly the custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of
jail, for his acquaintances to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were
crossed to represent the grating of a jail window, “How do ye do?” My neighbours
did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had
returned from a long journey. I was put into jail as I was going to the shoemaker’s
to get a shoe which was mended. When I was let out the next morning, I proceeded
to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry
party, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour,
for the horse was soon tackled, was in the midst of a huckleberry field, on one of
our highest hills, two miles off, and then the State was nowhere to be seen.
This is the whole history of “My Prisons”. I have never declined paying the
highway tax, because I am as desirous of being a good neighbour as I am of being
a bad subject; and, as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my
fellow-countrymen now. It is for no particular item in the tax-bill that I refuse to
pay it. I simply wish to refuse allegiance to the State, to withdraw and stand aloof
from it effectually. I do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if I could, till it
buys a man, or a musket to shoot one with, the dollar is innocent, but I am
concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. In fact, I quietly declare war with
the State, after my fashion, though I will still make what use and get what
advantage of her I can, as is usual in such cases.
If others pay the tax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with the
State, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they
abet injustice to a greater extent than the State requires. If they pay the tax from a
mistaken interest in the individual taxed, to save his property, or prevent his going
to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private
feelings interfere with the public good.
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This, then, is my position at present. But one cannot be e regard for the
opinions of men. Let him see that he does only what belongs to him and to the hour.
I think sometimes, Why, this people mean well; they are only ignorant;
they would do better if they knew how; why give your neighbours this pain to treat
you as they are not inclined to? But I think, again, this is no reason why I should
do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind.
Again, I sometimes say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat,
without ill-will, without personal feeling of any kind, demand of you a few
shillings only, without the possibility, such is their constitution, of retracting or
altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal
to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force? You
do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately; you
quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities. You do not put your head into the
fire. But just in proportion as I regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a
human force, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many
millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that appeal is
possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the Maker of them, and, secondly,
from them to themselves. But, if I put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no
appeal to fire or to the Maker of fire, and I have only myself to blame. If I could
convince myself that I have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to
treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and
expectations of what they and I ought to be, then, like a good Muss man and
fatalist, I should endeavour to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the
will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a
purely brute or natural force that I can resist this with some effect; but I cannot
expect, like Orpheus, to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts.
I do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. I do not wish to split hairs,
to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbours. I seek
rather, I may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. I am but
too ready to conform to them. Indeed, I have reason to suspect myself on this head;
and each year, as the tax- gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed to review
the acts and position of the general and State governments, and the spirit of the
people, to discover a pretext for conformity.
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“We must affect our country as our parents, and if at any time we alienate
our love or industry from doing it honour, we must respect effects and teach the
soul Matter of conscience and religion, and not desire of rule or benefit.”
I believe that the State will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out
of my hands, and then I shall be no better a patriot than my fellow- countrymen.
Seen from a lower point of view, the Constitution, with all its faults, is very good;
the law and the courts are very respectable; even this State and this American
government are, in many respects, very admirable and rare things, to be thankful
for, such as a great many have described them; but seen from a point of view a
little higher, they are what I have described them; seen from a higher still, and the
highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking
of at all?
However, the government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow
the fewest possible thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a
government, even in this world. If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-
free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers
or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him.
I know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives
are by profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects, content me as
little as any. Statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within the
institution, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society,
but have no resting-place without it. They may be men of a certain experience and
discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for
which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain
not very wide limits. They are wont to forget that the world is not governed by
policy and expediency. Webster never goes behind government, and so cannot
speak with authority about it. His words are wisdom to those legislators who
contemplate no essential reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and
those who legislate for all time, he never once glances at the subject. I know of
those whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal the
limits of his mind’s range and hospitality. Yet, compared with the cheap
professions of most reformers, and the still cheaper wisdom and eloquence of
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politicians in general, his are almost the only sensible and valuable words, and we
thank Heaven for him. Comparatively, he is always strong, original, and, above all,
practical. Still his quality is not wisdom, but prudence. The lawyer’s truth is not
truth, but consistency, or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with
her, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrong-
doing. He well deserves to be called, as he has been called, the Defender of the
Constitution. There are really no blows to be given by him but defensive ones. He
is not a leader, but a follower. His leaders are the men of ‘87. “I have never made
an effort, he says, and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced
an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort”, to disturb the arrangement as
originally made, by which the various States came into the Union. Still thinking of
the sanction which the Constitution gives to slavery, he says, Because it was a part
of the original compact, “let it stand”. Notwithstanding his special acuteness and
ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its merely political relations, and behold it
as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by the intellect, what, for instance, it behaves
a man to do here in America to-day with regard to slavery, but ventures, or is
driven, to make some such desperate answer as the following, while professing to
speak absolutely, and as a private man, from which what new and singular code of
social duties might be inferred? “The manner”, says he, “in which the governments
of those States where slavery exists are to regulate it, is for their own consideration,
under their responsibility to their constituents, to the general laws of propriety,
humanity, and justice, and to God. Associations formed elsewhere springing from
a feeling of humanity, or any other cause, have nothing whatever to do with it.
They have never received any encouragement from me and they never will”.
They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream
no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the Constitution, and drink at it
there with reverence and humility; but they who behold where it comes trickling
into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their
pilgrimage toward its fountain-head.
No man with a genius for legislation has appeared in America. They are
rare in the history of the world. There are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by
the thousand; but the speaker has not yet opened his mouth to speak, who is
capable of settling the much-vexed questions of the day. We love eloquence for its
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own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any1 these extracts have
been inserted since the lecture was read. Heroism it may inspire. Our legislators
have not yet learned the comparative value of free-trade and of freedom, of union,
and of rectitude, to a nation. They have no genius or talent for comparatively
humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufactures and
agriculture. If we were left solely to the wordy wit of legislators in Congress for
our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable experience and the effectual
complaints of the people, America would not long retain her rank among the
nations. For eighteen hundred years, though perchance I have no right to say it, the
New Testament has been written; yet where is the legislator who has wisdom and
practical talent enough to avail him of the light which it sheds on the science of
legislation?
INTRODUCTION:
In 1848, Thoreau gave lectures at the Concord Lyceum entitled the rights
and duties of the individual in relation to Government. This formed the basis for
his essay, which was first published under the title Resistance to Civil Government
1849 in an anthology called Aesthetic Papers.
In 1866, four years after his death, the essay was reprinted in collection of
Thoreau’s work (A Yankee in Canada) under the title Civil Disobedience. Today
the essay also appears under the title On the Duty of Civil Disobedience.
LESSON ANALYSIS:
Thoreau opens his essay with the motto that government is best which
governs least. His distrust of government stems from the tendency of the latter to
be prevented and abused before the people can actually express their will through it.
A case in point is the Mexican War, orchestrated by the small elite of individuals
who have manipulated government to their advantage against popular will.
Government inherently lends itself to oppressive and corrupt uses since it enables a
few men to impose their moral will on the majority and to profit economically
from their own position of authority. Thoreau views government as a fundamental
hindrance to the creature enterprise of the people it purports to represent. He cites
as a prime example the regulation of trade and commerce, and its negative effect
on the forces of the free market.
After refusing to pay the poll tax for six years, Thoreau is thrown into jail
for one night. While in prison, he realises that the only advantage of the State is
superior physical strength. Otherwise, it is completely devoid of moral or
intellectual authority, and even with its brute force, cannot compel him to think a
certain way.
Why submit other people to one’s own moral standard? Thoreau meditates
at length on this question. While seeing his neighbors as essentially well-
intentioned and in some respects undeserving of any moral contempt for their
apparent indifference to the State’s injustice, he nonetheless concludes that he has
a human relation to his neighbors, and through them, millions of other men. He
does not expect his neighbors to confirm to his own beliefs, nor does he endeavor
to change the nature of men. On the other hand, he refuses to tolerate the status quo.
Despite his stance of civil disobedience on the questions of slavery and the
Mexican war, he claims to have great respect and admiration for the ideals of
American government and its institutions. Thoreau goes so far as to state that his
first instinct has always been conformity. Statesmen, legislators, politicians, in
short, any part of the machinery of the state bureaucracy, are unable to scrutinize
the government that lends them their authority. He values their contributions to
society, their pragmatism and their diplomacy, but feels that only someone outside
of government can speak the Truth about it.
The purest sources of truth are, in Thoreau’s view, the Constitution and the
Bible. Not surprisingly, he holds in low esteem the entire political class, which he
considers incapable of devising the most basic forms of legislation. In his last
paragraph, he comes full circle to discussing the authority and reach of government,
which derives from the sanction and consent of the governed. Democracy is not the
last step in the evolution of government, as there is still greater room for the State
to recognize the freedom and rights of the individual. Thoreau concludes on an
utopist note, saying such a State is one he has imagined but not yet anywhere seen.
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C) OF TRUTH
LESSON:
What is truth? said jesting Pilate, and would not stay for an answer.
Certainly there be, that delight in giddiness, and count it a bondage to fix a belief;
affecting free-will in thinking, as well as in acting. And though the sects of
philosophers of that kind be gone, yet there remain certain discoursing wits, which
are of the same veins, though there be not so much blood in them, as was in those
of the ancients. But it is not only the difficulty and labour, which men take in
finding out of truth, nor again, that when it is found, it imposes upon men's
thoughts, that doth bring lies in favour; but a natural though corrupt love, of the lie
itself. One of the later schools of the Grecians, examine the matter, and is at a stand,
to think what should be in it, that men should love lies; where neither they make
for pleasure, as with poets, nor for advantage, as with the merchant; but for the lie's
sake. But I cannot tell; this same truth, is a naked, and open day-light, that doth not
show the masks, and mummeries, and triumphs, of the world, half so stately and
daintily as candle-lights. Truth may perhaps come to the price of a pearl, that
showeth best by day; but it will not rise to the price of a diamond, or carbuncle,
that showeth best in varied lights. A mixture of a lie doth ever add pleasure. Doth
any man doubt, that if there were taken out of men's minds, vain opinions,
flattering hopes, false valuations, imaginations as one would, and the like, but it
would leave the minds, of a number of men, poor shrunken things, full of
melancholy and indisposition, and unpleasing to themselves?
One of the fathers, in great severity, called poesy vinum doemonum, because
it filled the imagination; and yet, it is but with the shadow of a lie. But it is not the
lie that passed through the mind, but the lie that sinketh in, and settled in it, that
doth the hurt; such as we spake of before. But, howsoever these things are thus in
men's depraved judgments, and affections, yet truth, which only doth judge itself,
teach that the inquiry of truth, which is the love-making, or wooing of it, the
knowledge of truth, which is the presence of it, and the belief of truth, which is the
enjoying of it, is the sovereign good of human nature. The first creature of God, in
the works of the days, was the light of the sense; the last, was the light of reason;
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and his sabbath work ever since, is the illumination of his Spirit. First he breathed
light, upon the face of the matter or chaos; then he breathed light, into the face of
man; and still he breatheth and inspireth light, into the face of his chosen. The poet,
that beautified the sect, that was otherwise inferior to the rest, saith yet excellently
well: It is a pleasure, to stand upon the shore, and to see ships tossed upon the sea;
a pleasure, to stand in the window of a castle, and to see a battle, and the
adventures thereof below: but no pleasure is comparable to the standing upon the
vantage ground of truth (a hill not to be commanded, and where the air is always
clear and serene), and to see the errors, and wanderings, and mists, and tempests, in
the vale below; so always that this prospect be with pity, and not with swelling, or
pride. Certainly, it is heaven upon earth, to have a man's mind move in charity, rest
in providence, and turn upon the poles of truth.
LESSON ANALYSIS:
The essay of truth, began with a question on what is truth, by Pilate, the
Roman governor of Judea. He was not interested in an answer, since he belonged
to the school of thought which refused to accept something as final or truth. There
is a natural tendency to lie amongst men neither for business nor for poetry. It is
rather a way of life. Truth says Bacon is like light, but people play with darkness
i.e., untruth along with light i.e., truth for their pleasure. He compares truth to
pearls seen only during daylight and lies to diamonds, which shine in any amount
of light. Without hearing lies, many person egos are hurt as they get used to listen
to flattering words and hopes.
There are references to Christian faith and belief in the essay. The early
church fathers considered poetry to be the wine of demons. Poetry which is a blend
of lies and truth makes men’s mind depraved and so they condemned poetry Bacon
categories lies into two-passing lies and the settling lies. Of these, one which
settles down is dangerous. It is like a snake which moves with its stomach.
God created the universe and breathed life into many forms. He breathed
light of reason into men inspiring lives to follow the truthful path. Though lies are
attractive, man derives the most pleasure from speaking the truth. Bacon says that
truthfulness is an inherent quality of human being that god has bestowed on him. It
is like standing a hillock safe and secure while people down the valley are
struggling due to a web of lies and deceit. They are unable to climb up. Bacon
cautions that when such situations arise, the person on top instead of feeling
arrogant should sympathize with the suffering people.
Mixing lies and truth may make one’s speech attractive. It is like mixing
alloys to gold and silver which makes the metal stronger, but the purity of the
metal is reduced in that process. If a man is found to be a liar, he is shamed and
looked down by the society. Montaigne, the poet regarded lies as a blot on human
behaviour, since a liar is brave towards god and a coward towards fellow human
beings. If this lying for the sake of lying continues, Bacon feels that when Christ
comes back to earth, he may not find any faith left on earth.
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D) ON LIBERTY
LESSON:
The subject of this Essay is not the so called Liberty of the Will, so
unfortunately opposed to the misnamed doctrine of Philosophical Necessity; but
Civil, or Social Liberty: the nature and limits of the power which can be
legitimately exercised by society over the individual. A question seldom stated,
and hardly ever discussed, in general terms, but which profoundly influences the
practical controversies of the age by its latent presence, and is likely soon to make
itself recognized as the vital question of the future. It is so far from being new, that,
in a certain sense, it has divided mankind, almost from the remotest ages; but in the
stage of progress into which the more civilized portions of the species have now
entered, it presents itself under new conditions, and requires a different and more
fundamental treatment.
The struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous feature
in the portions of history with which we are earliest familiar, particularly in that of
Greece, Rome, and England. But in old times this contest was between subjects, or
some classes of subjects, and the Government. By liberty, was meant protection
against the tyranny of the political rulers. The rulers were conceived (except in
some of the popular governments of Greece) as in a necessarily antagonistic
position to the people whom they ruled. They consisted of a governing One, or a
governing tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance or conquest,
who, at all events, did not hold it at the pleasure of the governed, and whose
supremacy men did not venture, perhaps did not desire, to contest, whatever
precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise. Their power was
regarded as necessary, but also as highly dangerous; as a weapon which they
would attempt to use against their subjects, no less than against external enemies.
To prevent the weaker members of the community from being preyed on by
innumerable vultures, it was needful that there should be an animal of prey
stronger than the rest, commissioned to keep them down. But as the king of the
vultures would be no less bent upon preying upon the flock than any of the minor
harpies, it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of defend against his beak
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and claws. The aim, therefore, of patriots was to set limits to the power which the
ruler should be suffered to exercise over the community; and this limitation was
what they meant by liberty. It was attempted in two ways. First, by obtaining a
recognition of certain immunities, called political liberties or rights, which it was
to be regarded as a breach of duty in the ruler to infringe, and which, if he did
infringe, specific resistance, or general rebellion, was held to be justifiable. A
second, and generally a later expedient, was the establishment of constitutional
checks, by which the consent of the community, or of a body of some sort,
supposed to represent its interests, was made a necessary condition to some of the
more important acts of the governing power. To the first of these modes of
limitation, the ruling power, in most European countries, was compelled, more or
less, to submit. It was not so with the second; and, to attain this, or when already in
some degree possessed, to attain it more completely, became everywhere the
principal object of the lovers of liberty. And so long as mankind were content to
combat one enemy by another, and to be ruled by a master, on condition of being
guaranteed more or less efficaciously against his tyranny, they did not carry their
aspirations beyond this point.
A time, however, came, in the progress of human affairs, when men ceased
to think it a necessity of nature that their governors should be an independent
power, opposed in interest to themselves. It appeared to them much better that the
various magistrates of the State should be their tenants or delegates, revocable at
their pleasure. In that way alone, it seemed, could they have complete security that
the powers of government would never be abused to their disadvantage. By
degrees this new demand for elective and temporary rulers became the prominent
object of the exertions of the popular party, wherever any such party existed; and
superseded, to a considerable extent, the previous efforts to limit the power of
rulers. As the struggle proceeded for making the ruling power emanate from the
periodical choice of the ruled, some persons began to think that too much
importance had been attached to the limitation of the power itself. That (it might
seem) was a resource against rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to
those of the people. What was now wanted, that the rulers should be identified with
the people; that their interest and will should be the interest and will of the nation.
The nation did not need to be protected against its own will. There was no fear of
its tyrannizing over itself. Let the rulers be effectually responsible to it, promptly
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removable by it, and it could afford to trust them with power of which it could
itself dictate the use to be made. Their power was but the nation's own power,
concentrated, and in a form convenient for exercise. This mode of thought, or
rather perhaps of feeling, was common among the last generation of European
liberalism, in the Continental section of which it still apparently predominates.
Those who admit any limit to what a government may do, except in the case of
such governments as they think ought not to exist, stand out as brilliant exceptions
among the political thinkers of the Continent. A similar tone of sentiment might by
this time have been prevalent in our own country, if the circumstances which for a
time encouraged it had continued unaltered.
to the community, that is, to the strongest party therein. This view of things,
recommending itself equally to the intelligence of thinkers and to the inclination of
those important classes in European society to whose real or supposed interests
democracy is adverse, has had no difficulty in establishing itself; and in political
speculations "the tyranny of the majority" is now generally included among the
evils against which society requires to be on its guard
Like other tyrannies, the tyranny of the majority was at first, and is still
vulgarly, held in dread, chiefly as operating through the acts of the public
authorities. But reflecting persons perceived that when society is itself the tyrant—
society collectively, over the separate individuals who compose it—its means of
tyrannizing are not restricted to the acts which it may do by the hands of its
political functionaries. Society can and does execute its own mandates: and if it
issues wrong mandates instead of right, or any mandates at all in things with which
it ought not to meddle, it practices a social tyranny more formidable than many
kinds of political oppression, since, though not usually upheld by such extreme
penalties, it leaves fewer means of escape, penetrating much more deeply into the
details of life, and enslaving the soul itself. Protection, therefore, against the
tyranny of the magistrate is not enough: there needs protection also against the
tyranny of the prevailing opinion and feeling; against the tendency of society to
impose, by other means than civil penalties, its own ideas and practices as rules of
conduct on those who dissent from them; to fetter the development, and, if possible,
prevent the formation, of any individuality not in harmony with its ways, and
compel all characters to fashion themselves upon the model of its own. There is a
limit to the legitimate interference of collective opinion with individual
independence: and to find that limit, and maintain it against encroachment, is as
indispensable to a good condition of human affairs, as protection against political
despotism
But though this proposition is not likely to be contested in general terms, the
practical question, where to place the limit how to make the fitting adjustment
between individual independence and social control is a subject on which nearly
everything remains to be done. All that makes existence valuable to any one,
depends on the enforcement of restraints upon the actions of other people. Some
rules of conduct, therefore, must be imposed, by law in the first place, and by
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opinion on many things which are not fit subjects for the operation of law. What
these rules should be, is the principal question in human affairs; but if we except a
few of the most obvious cases, it is one of those which least progress has been
made in resolving. No two ages, and scarcely any two countries, have decided it
alike; and the decision of one age or country is a wonder to another. Yet the people
of any given age and country no more suspect any difficulty in it, than if it were a
subject on which mankind had always been agreed. The rules which obtain among
themselves appear to them self evident and self justifying. This all but universal
illusion is one of the examples of the magical influence of custom, which is not
only, as the proverb says, a second nature, but is continually mistaken for the first.
The effect of custom, in preventing any misgiving respecting the rules of conduct
which mankind impose on one another, is all the more complete because the
subject is one on which it is not generally considered necessary that reasons should
be given, either by one person to others, or by each to himself. People are
accustomed to believe, and have been encouraged in the belief by some who aspire
to the character of philosophers, that their feelings, on subjects of this nature, are
better than reasons, and render reasons unnecessary. The practical principle which
guides them to their opinions on the regulation of human conduct, is the feeling in
each person's mind that everybody should be required to act as he, and those with
whom he sympathizes, would like them to act. No one, indeed, acknowledges to
himself that his standard of judgment is his own liking; but an opinion on a point
of conduct, not supported by reasons, can only count as one person's preference;
and if the reasons, when given, are a mere appeal to a similar preference felt by
other people, it is still only many people's liking instead of one. To an ordinary
man, however, his own preference, thus supported, is not only a perfectly
satisfactory reason, but the only one he generally has for any of his notions of
morality, taste, or propriety, which are not expressly written in his religious creed;
and his chief guide in the interpretation even of that. Men's opinions, accordingly,
on what is laudable or blameable, are affected by all the multifarious causes which
influence their wishes in regard to the conduct of others, and which are as
numerous as those which determine their wishes on any other subject. Sometimes
their reason at other times their prejudices or superstitions: often their social
affections, not seldom their antisocial ones, their envy or jealousy, their arrogance
or contemptuousness: but most commonly, their desires or fears for themselves
their legitimate or illegitimate self interest. Wherever there is an ascendant class, a
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large portion of the morality of the country emanates from its class interests, and
its feelings of class superiority. The morality between Spartans and Helots,
between planters and negroes, between princes and subjects, between nobles and
rotaries, between men and women, has been for the most part the creation of these
class interests and feelings: and the sentiments thus generated, react in turn upon
the moral feelings of the members of the ascendant class, in their relations among
themselves. Where, on the other hand, a class, formerly ascendant, has lost its
ascendancy, or where its ascendancy is unpopular, the prevailing moral sentiments
frequently bear the impress of an impatient dislike of superiority. Another grand
determining principle of the rules of conduct, both in act and forbearance, which
have been enforced by law or opinion, has been the servility of mankind towards
the supposed preferences or aversions of their temporal masters, or of their gods.
This servility, though essentially selfish, is not hypocrisy; it gives rise to perfectly
genuine sentiments of abhorrence; it made men burn magicians and heretics.
Among so many baser influences, the general and obvious interests of society have
of course had a share, and a large one, in the direction of the moral sentiments: less,
however, as a matter of reason, and on their own account, than as a consequence of
the sympathies and antipathies which grew out of them: and sympathies and
antipathies which had little or nothing to do with the interests of society, have
made themselves felt in the establishment of moralities with quite as great force.
The likings and dislikings of society, or of some powerful portion of it, are
thus the main thing which has practically determined the rules laid down for
general observance, under the penalties of law or opinion. And in general, those
who have been in advance of society in thought and feeling, have left this
condition of things unassailed in principle, however they may have come into
conflict with it in some of its details. They have occupied themselves rather in
inquiring what things society ought to like or dislike, than in questioning whether
its likings or dislikings should be a law to individuals. They preferred
endeavouring to alter the feelings of mankind on the particular points on which
they were themselves heretical, rather than make common cause in defence of
freedom, with heretics generally. The only case in which the higher ground has
been taken on principle and maintained with consistency, by any but an individual
here and there, is that of religious belief: a case instructive in many ways, and not
least so as forming a most striking instance of the fallibility of what is called the
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moral sense: for the odium theologicum, in a sincere bigot, is one of the most
unequivocal cases of moral feeling. Those who first broke the yoke of what called
itself the Universal Church, were in general as little willing to permit difference of
religious opinion as that church itself. But when the heat of the conflict was over,
without giving a complete victory to any party, and each church or sect was
reduced to limit its hopes to retaining possession of the ground it already occupied;
minorities, seeing that they had no chance of becoming majorities, were under the
necessity of pleading to those whom they could not convert, for permission to
differ. It is accordingly on this battle field, almost solely, that the rights of the
individual against society have been asserted on broad grounds of principle, and
the claim of society to exercise authority over dissentients, openly controverted.
The great writers to whom the world owes what religious liberty it possesses, have
mostly asserted freedom of conscience as an indefeasible right, and denied
absolutely that a human being is accountable to others for his religious belief. Yet
so natural to mankind is intolerance in whatever they really care about, that
religious freedom has hardly anywhere been practically realized, except where
religious indifference, which dislikes to have its peace disturbed by theological
quarrels, has added its weight to the scale. In the minds of almost all religious
persons, even in the most tolerant countries, the duty of toleration is admitted with
tacit reserves. One person will bear with dissent in matters of church government,
but not of dogma; another can tolerate everybody, short of a Papist or an Unitarian;
another, every one who believes in revealed religion; a few extend their charity a
little further, but stop at the belief in a God and in a future state. Wherever the
sentiment of the majority is still genuine and intense, it is found to have abated
little of its claim to be obeyed.
The object of this Essay is to assert one very simple principle, as entitled to
govern absolutely the dealings of society with the individual in the way of
compulsion and control, whether the means used be physical force in the form of
legal penalties, or the moral coercion of public opinion. That principle is, that the
sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in
interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self protection. That
the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of
a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good,
either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be
compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to do so, because it will
make him happier, because, in the opinions of others, to do so would be wise, or
even right. These are good reasons for remonstrating with him, or reasoning with
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him, or persuading him, or entreating him, but not for compelling him, or visiting
him with any evil in case he do otherwise. To justify that, the conduct from which
it is desired to deter him, must be calculated to produce evil to some one else. The
only part of the conduct of any one, for which he is amenable to society, is that
which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself, his
independence is, of right, absolute. Over himself, over his own body and mind, the
individual is sovereign.
It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to say that this doctrine is meant to apply
only to human beings in the maturity of their faculties. We are not speaking of
children, or of young person below the age which the law may fix as that of
manhood or womanhood. Those who are still in a state to require being taken care
of by others, must be protected against their own actions as well as against external
injury. For the same reason, we may leave out of consideration those backward
states of society in which the race itself may be considered as in its nonage. The
early difficulties in the way of spontaneous progress are so great, that there is
seldom any choice of means for overcoming them; and a ruler full of the spirit of
improvement is warranted in the use of any expedients that will attain an end,
perhaps otherwise unattainable. Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in
dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement, and the means
justified by actually effecting that end. Liberty, as a principle, has no application to
any state of things anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of
being improved by free and equal discussion. Until then, there is nothing for them
but implicit obedience to an Akbar or a Charlemagne, if they are so fortunate as to
find one. But as soon as mankind have attained the capacity of being guided to
their own improvement by conviction or persuasion (a period long since reached in
all nations with whom we need here concern ourselves), compulsion, either in the
direct form or in that of pains and penalties for non compliance, is no longer
admissible as a means to their own good, and justifiable only for the security of
others.
say only himself, I mean directly, and in the first instance: for whatever affects
himself, may affect others through himself; and the objection which may be
grounded on this contingency, will receive consideration in the sequel. This, then,
is the appropriate region of human liberty. It comprises, first, the inward domain of
consciousness; demanding liberty of conscience, in the most comprehensive sense;
liberty of thought and feeling; absolute freedom of opinion and sentiment on all
subjects, practical or speculative, scientific, moral, or theological. The liberty of
expressing and publishing opinions may seem to fall under a different principle,
since it belongs to that part of the conduct of an individual which concerns other
people; but, being almost of as much importance as the liberty of thought itself,
and resting in great part on the same reasons, is practically inseparable from it.
Secondly, the principle requires liberty of tastes and pursuits; of framing the plan
of our life to suit our own character; of doing as we like, subject to such
consequences as may follow: without impediment from our fellow creatures, so
long as what we do does not harm them, even though they should think our
conduct foolish, perverse, or wrong. Thirdly, from this liberty of each individual,
follows the liberty, within the same limits, of combination among individuals;
freedom to unite, for any purpose not involving harm to others: the persons
combining being supposed to be of full age, and not forced or deceived.
No society in which these liberties are not, on the whole, respected, is free,
whatever may be its form of government; and none is completely free in which
they do not exist absolute and unqualified. The only freedom which deserves the
name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not
attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impede their efforts to obtain it. Each is the
proper guardian of his own health, whether bodily, or mental and spiritual.
Mankind are greater gainers by suffering each other to live as seems good to
themselves, than by compelling each to live as seems good to the rest.
Though this doctrine is anything but new, and, to some persons, may have
the air of a truism, there is no doctrine which stands more directly opposed to the
general tendency of existing opinion and practice. Society has expended fully as
much effort in the attempt (according to its lights) to compel people to conform to
its notions of personal, as of social excellence. The ancient commonwealths
thought themselves entitled to practise, and the ancient philosophers countenanced,
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the regulation of every part of private conduct by public authority, on the ground
that the State had a deep interest in the whole bodily and mental discipline of every
one of its citizens; a mode of thinking which may have been admissible in small
republics surrounded by powerful enemies, in constant peril of being subverted by
foreign attack or internal commotion, and to which even a short interval of relaxed
energy and self command might so easily be fatal, that they could not afford to
wait for the salutary permanent effects of freedom. In the modern world, the
greater size of political communities, and above all, the separation between
spiritual and temporal authority (which placed the direction of men's consciences
in other hands than those which controlled their worldly affairs), prevented so great
an interference by law in the details of private life; but the engines of moral
repression have been wielded more strenuously against divergence from the
reigning opinion in self regarding, than even in social matters; religion, the most
powerful of the elements which have entered into the formation of moral feeling,
having almost always been governed either by the ambition of a hierarchy, seeking
control over every department of human conduct, or by the spirit of Puritanism.
And some of those modern reformers who have placed themselves in strongest
opposition to the religions of the past, have been no way behind either churches or
sects in their assertion of the right of spiritual domination: M. Comte, in particular,
whose social system, as unfolded in his Systeme de Politique Positive, aims at
establishing (though by moral more than by legal appliances) a despotism of
society over the individual, surpassing anything contemplated in the political ideal
of the most rigid disciplinarian among the ancient philosophers.
Apart from the peculiar tenets of individual thinkers, there is also in the
world at large an increasing inclination to stretch unduly the powers of society over
the individual, both by the force of opinion and even by that of legislation: and as
the tendency of all the changes taking place in the world is to strengthen society,
and diminish the power of the individual, this encroachment is not one of the evils
which tend spontaneously to disappear, but, on the contrary, to grow more and
more formidable. The disposition of mankind, whether as rulers or as fellow
citizens, to impose their own opinions and inclinations as a rule of conduct on
others, is so energetically supported by some of the best and by some of the worst
feelings incident to human nature, that it is hardly ever kept under restraint by
anything but want of power; and as the power is not declining, but growing, unless
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a strong barrier of moral conviction can be raised against the mischief, we must
expect, in the present circumstances of the world, to see it increase.
It will be convenient for the argument, if, instead of at once entering upon
the general thesis, we confine ourselves in the first instance to a single branch of it,
on which the principle here stated is, if not fully, yet to a certain point, recognised
by the current opinions. This one branch is the Liberty of Thought: from which it is
impossible to separate the cognate liberty of speaking and of writing. Although
these liberties, to some considerable amount, form part of the political morality of
all countries which profess religious toleration and free institutions, the grounds,
both philosophical and practical, on which they rest, are perhaps not so familiar to
the general mind, nor so thoroughly appreciated by many even of the leaders of
opinion, as might have been expected. Those grounds, when rightly understood,
are of much wider application than to only one division of the subject, and a
thorough consideration of this part of the question will be found the best
introduction to the remainder. Those to whom nothing which I am about to say will
be new, may therefore, I hope, excuse me, if on a subject which for now three
centuries has been so often discussed, I venture on one discussion more.
J.S. Mill (1806 1873), British philosopher, economist, moral and political
theorist and administrator, was the most influential English speaking philosophist
of the nineteen century. He was born on May 20, 1806 at Pentonville, a suburb of
London and passed away on 8th may 1873 at Avignon, France. His father was
James Mill, a Scotsman and a poet of the utilitarian group of Jeremy Bentham. His
mother was Harriet Burrow and she influenced J.S.Mill’s ideas. His father wrote
“History of India” and served as a chief examiner/administrator of the company.
His father and Jeremy Bentham devised a method to educate J.S.Mill in such a way
that he becomes the king of utilitarian philosophy. Mill believed in empiricism,
utilitarianism and liberality. Marriage to Harriet Taylor influenced his views
mostly on moral life and women’s rights. In 1854, Mill planned to write a short
essay on liberty, but it developed and expanded so much that it became a full
fledged book. His wife contributed hugely to this world. Acknowledging her
contribution for the completion of this book Mill stated that, On Liberty “was more
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directly and literally our joint production than anything else which bears my name”.
His wife died suddenly in 1858, by then the book was ready and he published it
shortly in 1859 to consecrate it to her memory. In writing this book he was heavily
influenced by German thinker Wilhelm von Humboldt. The topic which inspired
was “On the Limits of State Action”.
“On liberty” and “Utilitarianism” are the two widely popular books written
by J.S. Mill. A copy of the book is presented to the President of the British Liberal
Democrats and to the resident of the Liberal Party as a symbol of office. “On
liberty’s” success is so great that it has remained in printing without break from the
time of its initial publication.
LESSON ANALYSIS
The introductory part of the book is taken up for analysis. There are two
types of liberty
civil liberty
social liberty
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Civil liberty
In this essay the author analyses the nature and limit of the power which can
be exercised legitimately over an individual by the government or the society in
accordance with the civil liberty and social liberty respectively.
Mill opines that struggle between liberty and authority remains a constant
factor from the ancient periods to the present. In ancient Greece and Rome, the
rulers were considered to be antagonistic to the ruled and there was a great divide
between them. Slowly, over time, the control of authority was divided into two
rights of the citizens and the “establishment of constitutional checks with people’s
consent”. These were considered as people’s duties and they became the
Government’s power. Society’s political control kept changing from monarchy to
despotism to democracy.
The concept of democracy was good but when it started working, phrases
like “self government”, “the power of the people over themselves”, etc., came to
mean “the power of few over many” and Mills said “like other tyrannies, the
tyranny of the majorities was at first, and is still vulgarly held in dread”.
Social control
Tyranny of the majority, says Mill is not limited to political function. One
can protect oneself from a tyrant, but it is very difficult to be protected “against the
tyrant of the prevailing opinion and feeling”. Social control over people is more
dangerous than political control. In a society, there can be no safeguard in law
against the tyranny of the majority. According to Mill, it is the majority opinion
that will prevail and it need not be the correct opinion. He opines that of the two
civil liberty and social liberty, it is more difficult to protect yourself against social
liberty.
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CONCLUSION
The freedom to unite so long as the involved members are of age, the
involved members are not forced and no harm is done to others Finally Mill
says that in contemporary and civilized societies removal of these freedoms
cannot be justified.
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- ANNA DURAI
LESSON:
Revered Chairman, I was extremely thankful to you for having given me this
opportunity to associate myself with the observations made in this august
Assembly. Of course, I was a bit hesitant to take part in the discussions this session,
because I thought that my method ought to be to listen and learn this session rather
than talk and rake up controversies. But the very congenial atmosphere that I find
in this august House has emboldened me to join the rich chorus of praise that has
been showered upon the President of this great country. I join along with others in
paying my tributes to the unstinted service of our President though he has got
failing health, and when I pay a tribute to Babu Rajendra Prasad, the President, I
do not claim to have been a camp follower of the President. I do not have an
identity with the ideologies, which the political party to which he is wedded has
got. I was admiring the very able effort of the President from a vast distance.
Perhaps, that gives me strength as well as weakness, weakness in the sense that I
cannot have the same amount of warmth that others who worked along with him
would have claimed, and strength because of the fact that the amount of tribute that
I pay to the President is not to be construed a dutiful party man’s tribute to another
party man but one who having seen from a distance the unstinted service of the
President pays the tribute that is due to him. Therefore, Sir, while I express my
respects, when I pay my tribute, to the Hon. President, I have to couple it
unfortunately with a sense of disappointment with the address that he has favored
to deliver to us. As students of Constitutional history know, it is only the
Government that is speaking through the President and, therefore, any remark
bitter or otherwise, which is started about the address is not to be construed and I
am very confident it would not be construed as anything against the President. But
in spite of the President, the Government have failed to deliver the goods as it were.
Therefore, Sir, Members on the opposite side have got certain sentiments to
express about that.
Therefore, Sir, throughout the speeches from the ruling party on the Address
and the Motion of Thanks, I found a sort of jubilation, a sort of elation on their part.
“Oh, we have been elected by the people for three consecutive terms. Therefore,
whatever we say is correct, whatever we do is correct and the smaller parties have
no right to question our rights and our prerogatives”.
Sir, I may point out that after having got victory in the general elections, any
party has got the right to be jubilant. But I may with your permission; point out to
the ruling party that it is not very astounding for a well organized and well funded
party like the Congress to win the elections pitted as it is against opposition groups
of varied interests and varied ideologies. May I point out, Sir, that the strength of
the Congress lies in the weakness of the opposition parties. Therefore, instead of
being jubilant over the victory, the ruling party should learn to be humble,
magnanimous, liberal and democratic. Therefore, the very first thought, the very
first sentiment that Members on this side were pleased to state was about the
corrupt practices in elections.
Sir, as the members on this side spoke about the corrupt practices in the
elections, the people of the ruling party rose up to ask whether it could be proved.
Sir, may I point out that if we were able to lay our hands on proof, we could have
dragged them into courts, of law rather than come to this august assembly to
present our sentiments. It is not always easy for parties placed at a disadvantage to
produce proofs. We lay more emphasis on the philosophic side rather than the legal
side of the matter. Did we not see some time ago strictures from High Courts that
the ruling party to take donations though it may be legal on their part to take
donations from industrial firms is highly immoral got their weapons from the
armoury of Tatas and Birlas. They did not find it below their dignity even to go to
the Mundhras for funds. Has the country forgotten where from their election fund
was built up? Is it on this basis that the ruling party is jubilant? Perhaps the ruling
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party Members might say that corrupt practices can be found in other political
parties too. But as the premier political party of this vast sub continent, is it not the
duty of the Congress to set high traditions? I am reminded, Sir, of the sayings of
Sanskrit Pandits, of home town “Conjeevaram Yatha Raja TathaPraja”. Whatever
traditions the Congress set, other political parties may follow. I conveniently use
the word “may” because “may” implies “may not” also. Therefore our first point is
that this election was not fair and free and the peoples will was not legitimately
consulted. Therefore, if at least during the next elections the ruling party does not
associate itself with the protagonists of fleet owners, profiteers and permit mongers,
and as Mr. Ganga Sharan Sinha stated the other day, if Members of the ruling party
and the cabinet resign at least six months before the general elections, I challenge,
Sir, the ruling party to come back to power. Therefore, the first ingredient that the
President wants in his Address is that we should build up high democratic
traditions by disassociating ourselves from the ……
Shri. N. Sri Rama Reddy (Mysore): Is there any democratic precedent for this?
Shri. Bhupesh Gupta (West Bengal): There is hardly any precedent, Sir, to
interrupt a maiden speech.
Shri. C.N. Annadurai: Of course, Sir, this is my maiden speech but I am not
bashful of interruptions. Therefore, I like them.
The second point that I want to make on the President’s Address is that I
understood that three cardinal principles are being enunciated in the President’s
Address democracy, socialism and nationalism. As far as democracy is concerned
unless we have got proportional representation coupled with a system of
referendum initiated in a vast sub continent like this, you cannot have any utility
for democracy. It is, therefore, that I regret very much that the President in his
Address has not given the shortcomings of democracy as it has been worked out
for the past ten or fifteen years. Therefore, I would request this House to consider
the matter, whether it is not necessary and expedient now at least to have a free
thinking on the tenets of democracy.
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About socialism, Sir, the other day I have found in this House a new
meaning given to socialism. When my friend Hon. Mr.Ramamurti was telling the
House about the big industrial concerns, the Tatas and Birlas, I found an Hon.
Member giving an amazing interpretation of shares and profits. He was pleased to
say that though crores and crores of rupees are gathered as profit, it does not go to
the coffers of the individual capitalist like the Tatas and Birlas but it is being
disbursed to the shareholders. Sir, if that it is the economic interpretation, why do
we have two sectors, public and private? If my Hon. friend thinks that private is
public, that private industries controlled by Tatas and Birlas are after all public,
why make a differentiation between public and private? Sir, he was far off the
mark when he said that these shares and profits were distributed and disbursed.
Sir, we have committees which have gone into the question and they have
stated that powerful, industrial empires have been built up, monopolies have grown.
I find that the Prime Minister of this country has stated that the question should be
looked into. I understand that a Committee is working and they are going to find
out how and where the amount of wealth produced by the two plans has gone.
Therefore, Sir, instead of a different kind, give it some other name; why drag in the
name of socialism and give your own interpretation to socialism? Socialism is not
mere welfare, because socialism is something other than guaranteeing welfare. It
works out to create equality. I am aware, according to Laski, that equality is not
identity of treatment but affording equal opportunities for all but in this country of
ours, can we say that equal opportunities have been given or is being given to all?
What about the Scheduled Castes, what about the backward classes?
Sometimes ago I read in the papers that there was a conference at Hyderabad
of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes wherein the Prime Minister and Hon. Mr.
Jagjivan Ram were present, not to present a united front but to give varied opinions.
The Prime Minister was said to have stated there that distinctions like Scheduled
Castes and Backward Classes were not to be allowed hereafter ; and Mr.Jagjivan
Ram, naturally enough, rose to say that the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
need patronage because they have been driven to the last rung of the society.
If two such stalwarts can hold different views and remain in the same party,
is it any wonder, Sir, that there is difference in the ideology between the ruling
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party and other parties? Therefore it is that I would say that the implementation of
socialism are not leading towards socialism. Here I have got to refer to what a
great friend of India, an admirer of this Government, the Ambassador of the United
States of America, but an economist, Dr. Galbraith, says labour our socialism. He
has called it “Post office Socialism”. Why is it that Prof. Galbraith calls it “Post
office Socialism?” That is because he says that public enterprises should be run to
maximise revenues, that is to say, profits, in a developing country like India. He
points out that both America and Russia do this. The idea is that the profits made
should in turn be ploughed back into the unit, should be re invested, and it should
be used for the good of the people. Just now we have been hearing the observations
of the Hon. Member, Shri V. T. Krishnamachari. He was stating that in the public
projects, whether they be irrigational projects or power project or industrial
projects, the returns are not up to the mark. He says that the returns are not up to
the mark and adequate. It is because of the difference in the interpretation of
socialism that we are not getting enough returns. I would say that much money has
been sunk in the public sector. But neither have the targets been reached nor are
the returns commensurate with the efforts taken on the sonnets sung about Sindri
or Bhakra or other projects. Sir, I would hasten to state that I must not be
misconstrued to mean that I am against planning or against the public sector, I am
all for planning and all for the public sector, but if in the public sector the return is
so meager, if in the implementation of the public sector there is so much of
wastage we have to see to it. There are rumors about corruption. I am not in a
position to present facts and figures, but the rumor is wide spread that there is
corruption and maladministration and other evils connected with the public sector.
Therefore, I feel that the President should have stated in his Address that in spite of
having the vision of socialism, we are not moving towards socialism.
The third point which is a point that is very intimate so far as the party to
which I have the honour to belong is concerned is nationalism. Or to put in the
current word, which has become very current now, I would call it “national
integration”. But, Sir, before coming to the point and to the nature of methods to be
followed for national integration, may I point out that to think about national
integration fifteen years after independence, fifteen years after the working of a
national Government, is something which is against all that we have been thinking
and doing all these years. Are we to take, Sir, that all the efforts of the national
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leaders all these years have not been fruitful? Why is it that we are forced today to
speak, or to chalk out methods, of “national integration?” We from the South,
especially Tamilnadu, while we are sitting here, find Hon. Members though they
know English, speaking in Hindi and putting questions in Hindi and getting
answers in Hindi. At that time I find a twinkle in their eye, as if to say; you people,
unless you learn Hindi, you have to keep quiet. Is that the way to national
integration? Sir, may I say, even at the point of being misunderstood, that the very
term “national integration” is contradiction in terms? People integrated become a
nation and if they become a nation, where is the necessity for integration?
Therefore, that term “national integration” shows the poverty of ideas which has
been holding away all this time. I would, therefore, say this. Let us have are
thinking. We have had a constitution, of course, stalwarts of this country sat and
devised the constitution. But the time has come for a re-thinking, for a re-appraisal,
for re-valuation and for a re-interpretation of the word “nation”. I claim, Sir, to
come from a country, a part in India now, but which I think is to be of a different
stock not necessarily antagonistic. It does not mean it is antagonistic. It means only
being supplementary to, or complementary not necessarily antagonistic to one
another. I belong to the Dravidian stock. I am proud to call myself a Dravidian.
That does not mean that I am against a Bengali or a Maharashtrian or a Gujarati.
As Robert Browns has stated “A man is a man for all that”. Therefore, it is that I
say that I belong to the Dravidian stock and that is only because I consider that the
Dravidians have got something concrete, something distinct, something different to
offer the world at large. Therefore, it is that we want self determination.
After coming here I must say that many times I have found great kindness
from Hon. Members. I did not expect so much of kindness when I came here. I find
that this kindness even makes me forget the animosities that had been created by
certain Hindi people. I would very much like to be with you as one nation. But
Wish Is Something And Facts Are Different. We want one world, one Government
but we do not forget national frontiers. The other day, I found the Hon. Member
Shri. Dahyabhai Patel speak and when he spoke about Gujarat there was such fire
in his words and I felt it. About such an industrially advanced state Gujarat he
speaks thus: “I come from Gujarat. I am talking of Gujarat” and so on. Take my
State of Madras. It is backward taking into consideration everything. You have
here four steel plants. We have been crying hoarse for a decade and more for a
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steel plant, but what have they given? They gave the portfolio to a new Minister,
not the steel industry to us. Perhaps if Hon. Subramaniam had not come here, he
might have been pressing for the steel industry from there. Is it diplomacy or
prudence or political expediency? I do not know which – But you have brought
him here and you are going to ask him to reply to the demand of the South. That is
what the Britishers were doing – divide and rule, barter and get money, marshal
out figure and demolish arguments. I would say that the fact that we want
separation is not to be misconstrued as being antagonistic. Of course, I can
understand the feelings that would very naturally arise in the minds of people in
the northern area whatever they think of partition. I know the terrible consequences
of partition and I am deeply sympathetic towards them. But our separation is
entirely different from the partition which has brought about Pakistan. I would
even say that if the ideal is being considered and if sympathetic treatment is
afforded, there need be no heat generated. There would not be any amount of
consequence. Fortunately, the South itself is a sort of a geographical unit. We call
it the Deccan plateau or Peninsula. There will not be any amount of people
migrating from this place to that. There will not be any refugee problem.
Shri Joseph Mathen (Kerala): And what will be the language of the Southern
State?
Shri C. N. Annadurai: Sir, the language and other details will be out by a
Constituent Assembly. Therefore, Sir, the position today is, whatever may be your
reading of the situation, for whatever we do not get in the South, the messes are
ready to lay the entire blame on the Indian Government. There will be very natural
reasons for not opening certain industries there but the moment we are denied a
steel plant, the moment we are denied new railway lines, the moment we are
denied an oil refinery, the man in the street in the South gets up and says, “This is
the way of Delhi”. This is the way of northern imperialism and unless you come
out of that imperialism you are not going to make your country safe, sound,
plentiful and progressive. Therefore, it is, Sir, that when I talk about separation, I
represent the resurgent view of South and as the illustrious person, Mira Behn,
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started some time ago, the national unity that we found when we were opposing the
Britishers is not to be construed as the permanent affair. The principle of
separation or, to put in the correct way, an act of the principle of self determination
has been accepted by the leaders of international repute and more than that, by the
Prime Minster of the sub continent of ours. During the day of Pakistan controversy,
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, speaking, if I remember correctly, on the Kapurthala
Grounds, stated categorically that the Congress as an organisation would try to
keep every unit within the Indian Union but if any Indian unit decided to secede,
the Congress would give consent for that. Thus, the Congress has recognised the
principle of self determination. I make this bold appeal to that liberal thoughts, to
that democratic spirit and despite the fact that he has become the Prime Minister, I
think part of the old fire is still burning in his heart. Why not give self
determination to the peninsular India and after that India will not be impoverished?
I would say that the decision would pave the way for raising the stature of India. I
am inviting those people who want to keep India one and indivisible to make it a
Comity of Nations instead of being a medley of disgruntled units here and there.
Sir, whenever Members representing different units get up and plead for this
project or that project, do they not to that extent forget that India is one and
indivisible? Did not our Maharashtra friends, when they wanted a Maharashtra
State, at that time forget that India was one and indivisible? Was not the Bengal
infuriated when Berubari was taken away and switched over to Pakistan? Was not
Bihar infuriated over the claims of Orissa? Is it not a fact that animosity was
created over language between Assam and Bengal? While I like that supreme
Indian unity and ideology, whatever these things are just to brush aside other
things by saying that these are all regionalism, parochialism and the like, is to
burke the issue. I would like this House to face this issue squarely and grant self
determination for that part of the country from which I come, the Dravidian part.
Shri N. M. Lingam: Why not grant self determination, following your logic, to all
the States of the Union? That would be logical.
Shri C. N. Annadurai: Well, my Hon. Friend can advocate that. I am pleading for
separation of Dravidanad not because of any antagonism but because if it is
separated, it will become a small nation, comp act, homogeneous and united
wherein sections of people in the whole area can have community of sentiment.
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Then we can make economic regeneration more effective and social regeneration
more fruitful. Sir, it was only ten days ago that I came to Delhi. I did not wander or
saunter along all the avenues but wherever I went, I found many avenues, new
roads, parks – they are to be found in New Delhi. Why is it, Sir, that it did not
occur to the Indian Government that a single avenue be named after a Southerner?
Shri C. N. Annadurai: Does that mean that people of the south will have to be
Shri N Rama Reddy: There is the Thyagaraja Road, named after the great
musician saint.
Shri C. N. Annadurai: Come to any Southern Town. You can saunter in Motilal
Nehru Park; you can enter Jawaharlal Nehru Reading Room; you can go to Kamla
Nehru Hospital
Mr. Chairman: You can motor through Abul Kalam Azad Road. Why is it that
such a thing is not found in this part of the country? And, Sir, look at the
sentiments of the Southerners. When I am pleading for the South it is only my
Southern friends who and say, ‘don’t plead; we are quite all right’. This is due to
the fear complex instilled into the minds of representatives of the South because if
they plead for something they are dubbed as separatists and it may be taken that
these people have joined the DMK and there for it may be that their political future
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might be lost. That is why people get up and say, ‘Oh, you have got this road and
that road’. Am i not aware of that? I am as fully aware of that as members from the
South of other political parties are. I am pleading for a national cause, and not for
parochialism, not for party principle. I want that this great State of ours should
haver self determination so that it can contribute its might to the whole world
because, Sir, we have got a culture peculiar to ours. There may be a similarity
between the culture obtaining in Dravida nad and the culture that is to be found in
other places.
And I am reminded, Sir, of your very scholarly statement made some time
ago that India is united because Rama and Krishna are being worshipped and
venerated from the Himalayas right up to Cape Comorin. So too is Jesus held in
respect and veneration throughout the world and yet you have got nation – States
in Europe and new and newer nation states are coming up in the world.
Therefore, I regret very much that the President has not stated anything
about neo – nationalism that is surging up in the South. Sir, I have stated that there
are three tenets, democracy, socialism and nationalism. I would conclude by saying
that democracy is distorted, socialism is emaciated and nationalism is
misinterpreted. I think in the coming years there will be a new sense of
appreciation and the needs and philosophy of the South will be more appreciated
and self determination accorded to Dravida nad from where I have the honour to
come.
Annadurai was born on Sep 15, 1909 in Kanchipuram. His parents were
Natrajan and Angaruammal his sister Rajamaniammal raised him. He married
Rani, had no children and adopted Rajamani’sgrand children. He worked
initially in town’s municipal office and in 1934 he graduated from Pachaiyappa’s
college Chennai and later completed M.A in economics and politics in same
college. Before joining journalism and politics he worked as an English teacher in
Pachaiyappa’s college.
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ANNA AS A POLITICIAN
In 1916, the Justice Party was formed by Non Brahmin elites – Natesa
Mudaliar, Sir Pitti Thayagara Chetty and Dr. T.M. Nair. In 1925 Self Respect
Movement (S.R.M)was started. In 1936 both were merged at Salem and the party
was called Dravida Kalagam(D.K). Anna joined the Justice party in 1935, inspired
by Periyar E.V Ramasami Nayakar and from then Anna became a full fledged
politician. Periyar’s decision not to participate in election, mourning India
independence and his marriage to Maniammai who was 40 years younger than him,
resulted in serious differences between Anna and Periyar. In 1949, Anna formed
the D.M.K. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam .
ANNA AS A JOURNALIST
Anna realized the importance of mass media and he was a journalist also. He
was the sub editor of the Justice Magazine, edited for Viduthalai (Freedom in
English) and Kudiarasu. He also started a journal Dravida Nadu and served as it
editor.
LITERARY CONTRIBUTIONS
Anna was not only a skilled orator but also an acclaimed writer. The
dravidan ideology was taken to the masses through his works, and through his
dramas and cinema.
POLITICAL IDELOGY
DRAVIDA NADU
Periyar proposed the idea of creating a separate Dravida Nadu and Anna
durai supported it. In his maiden speech in RajyaSabha, Anna pleaded the cause of
Dravida Nadu. But the 16th constitutional amendment popularly known as Anti
Secessionist amendment banned parties with sectarian principals from participating
in election. Anna as the MP opposed it but it was passed. If D.M.K continued to
ask for separate Dravida Nadu it cannot contest the election. Commenting on this
tricky situation Anna said “to make the Dravidian state a separate state was our
ideal. A situation has arisen where we can neither talk nor write about this ideal. Of
course we can destroy the party by undertaking to violate the prohibition, but once
the party itself is destroyed there will not be any scope for the ideal to exist or
spread. That is why we have to give up the ideal”.
POSTS HELD
Anna held the post of general secretary of D.M.K. till May 1956. In
ANNA AS CM
In 1967, elections the D.M.K. won a huge victory and formed the
Government the first State to have a non congress party in power. His
achievements are:
Spoke at U.N.
LESSON ANALYSIS:
Anna opens his speech by showering praises on the then Indian President,
Babu Rajendra Prasad for his admirable qualities. At the same time, he expresses
his wish to criticize the Presidential Address, which is authorized by the party in
power. Before that he condemns the Congress Party’s corrupt election practices.
Finding fault with the Congressmen’s arrogant attitude, Anna says that they are
winning the elections not on their strengths, but due to the weakness of the
opposition parties. As the largest national party, the Congress should set a good
example to the small upcoming parties. Anna suggests that 6 months before
election, President’s rule should be declared both at the centre and the states. If that
is done, he says he is sure the Congress would not be able to win.
He even said that in the true spirit of socialism, the profits are distributed
among the shareholders. Criticizing this equation of a private sector with public
sector, Anna asks the Government not to use the name of socialism for such things.
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Anna then comes to the important part of his speech namely Dravidian
nationalism. Pointing out the step motherly treatment meted out to South Indian
States, Anna pleads the cause of Dravidian nationalism. Claiming to come from the
Dravidian stock and being proud of it, Anna opines that a separate Dravida Nadu
will ensure better and faster development in the Southern Peninsula. When he was
arguing for in that vein, members from the South were asking him about the
language and other things and Anna replied that those would be discussed later.
The imposition of Hindi on non Hindi states and speaking in Hindi to them also
smacked of Aryan dominance. If the Aryan hegemony is lifted, the Dravidian
greatness and individuality can be showcased to the world and benefit it.
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UNIT V – GRAMMAR
To learn a language a person needs to learn the words in that language, and
how and when to use them. But people also need to learn idioms separately
because certain words together or at certain times can have different meaning. In
order to understand an idiom, one sometimes need to know the culture the idiom
comes from. The meaning of an idiom/phrase cannot be understood from the
dictionary, but from the usage of it in that language group.
SENTENCE: The councilor played fast and loose on his election manifesto
MEANING: to rebuke
MEANING: to disagree
MEANING: fully
MEANING: to object to
MEANING: at interval
MEANING: to thwart the execution of one‘s design (to spoil someone else's plans
and stop them from doing something) SENTENCE: Steve if you try to put a spoke
in the wheel you will facethe consequences
MEANING: to resolve
MEANING: to discourage
SENTENCE: The politician was hand in glove with the sandalwood smugglers.
SENTENCE: Sheena was sitting on the fence about choosing her college
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25.IDIOM: at issue
MEANING: in dispute
MEANING: to disclose
MEANING: fairly to
SENTENCE: We were at sixes and sevens before the seminar inaugural began.
34.IDIOM: To be on alert
SENTENCE: Going to bed early was the order of the day when we were young.
MEANING: to overcome
SENTENCE: Women have to get the better of one‘s hurdles in their day to day
life.
SENTENCE: Kids often let throw their parent‘s work life out of the gear
MEANING: to involve
SENTENCE: We fought tooth and nail to keep our share of the business.
SENTENCE: Julia finally made a clean breast of her role in the bank robbery.
SENTENCE: Johnny thinks the job is easy, but he will find where the shoe
pinches when he tries it.
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SENTENCE: The little boy on seeing his teacher took to his heels
SENTENCE: I didn‘t make any error, I followed your instructions to the letter
SENTENCE: Tom had too many irons in the fire that he missed many deadlines
60.IDIOM: To go back on
MEANING: To listen to
SENTENCE: Health inspectors are always a thorn in the side for most restaurant
owners.
MEANING: to suspect
SENTENCE: The whole strike was nipped in the bud by a clever negotiation.
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SENTENCE: The long and short of the seminar is that physical activity is very
good for health.
MEANING: to assess
SENTENCE: I spent some time yesterday taking stock of my good and bad
qualities.
SENTENCE: She doubted what he said but kept her own counsel.
SENTENCE: Most of the students at the exclusive private college were born with
silver spoons in their mouth.
MEANING: to be logical
SENTENCE: Any experience you get in dealing with the public will stand you in
good stead, no matter what line of work you go into.
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SENTENCE: Learning that one has been totally wrong about something can really
take the wind out of one's sails
SENTENCE: I decided to pay her back in her own coin and refused to help her.
SENTENCE: If you go into the war zone, you will be taking your life in your
hands.
SENTENCE: Even after the best players were there, they ended in smoke as they
did not win the game
SENTENCE: The PM left no stone unturned for the development of the nation.
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SENTENCE: Harish harped on the same string recounting his father‘s death.
SENTENCE: Insurance companies make good the loss to the policy holders.
MEANING: to be uneasy
SENTENCE: Our boxers rose to the occasion and won gold medals in the
Olympics.
SENTENCE: The corruption case against the Tahsildar hung in the balance due to
many reasons.
MEANING: to disappoint
MEANING: instantly
SENTENCE: The police reacted on the spur of the movement to control mob
violence.
SENTENCE: The employer of the company burned the candle at both the ends.
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SENTENCE: The political parties buried the hatchet to maintain public tranquility.
SENTENCE: Students usually blow their own trumpet as there are no other to do
so.
97.IDIOM: To be beside
MEANING: to be irrelevant
SENTENCE: The CBI officers were being on tender hook due to the lack of
evidence.
SENTENCE: The CM moved heaven and earth to tackle the problem in the State.
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The cold night never affected the poor man. The area was affected by floods.
Effect(consequence)
2) Adverse(un-favorable)
Averse(opposed)
They are not averse to the idea of going to the boarding schools.
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6) Advise
Advice
Besides (moreover)
They fired the cannons but did not hit the enemies.
In 1914, the German ship Emden fired many cannons on Madras city.
Childish (immature)
The closing down of the school was imminent was due to the shortage of
funds.
Termites are among the most industrious insect group in the world.
Mettle (bravery,courage)
Most of the indoor games are a test of one‘s patience and mettle.
organization)
The hospital was pointlessly officious regarding the visiting rights of parents.
The entire populace came to the streets to protest against the government.
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Stationery(writing material)
29. Sea (the expanse of salt water that covers most of Earth’s surface)
The sea was rough due to storm. The navies guard the sea-coast.
She took her survey to estimate who would win the polls.
Permanent residence)
She was unable to avert her gaze from her ruined house.
The total cost for the travel should not exceed the budged.
Artificial limbs help the people who have lost their limbs.
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193
ENGLISH – I
Time : 2 ½ hours
Maximum : 70 marks
(b) Describe the events leading to lawyer Gooch bungling the hypothetical
case.
(a) No less important for a lawyer is the cultivation of the imaginative faculties.
(e) Whatever traditions the congress set, other political parties may follow.
(f) His primary and most important aim is to make himself a lawyer.
(c) Examine the influence of the other language on English vocabulary and
the need for a phonetic script.
Grammar
(a) Eliminate
(b) Dispose
(a) Pre
(b) ing
(a) ―Will you please keep the paper on my tableǁ requested teacher to Lata.
( Into indirect).
(b) The police warned people not to go near the water as the sea waves were
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