UNIT 10 WESTERN AND CENTRAL

INDIA
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
The Rise of Rajput Dynasties
Origin Legends: Their Political Implications
Distribution of Political Authority
10.4.1 Prolifuat:mn of Rajput Clans
10.4.2 Formation of Lineage Power
10.4.3 Process of Rising in Social Status
Consolidation of Lineage Power
Nature and Structure of Polity
10.6.1 Political Instability
10.6.2 Bureaucratic Structure I

10.6.3 Lineage State and Feudal Polity

Let Us Sum up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

OBJECTIVES
After studying this Unit you will:
know about how various political power configurations emerged in Western and
Central India,
understand the nature of the distribution of political authority as well as the.
structure of polity, and
be able to analyse the patternsof the formation of political powers rnd their
consolidation.

INTRODUCTION
In conventional studies on Indian polity there is greater stress on the genealogy of
the ruling dynasties and chronology of their rules. Changes in polity are mostly
conceived as chadges represented by dynastic shifts. In view of the inadequacy of this
framework, recent studies on the polity have attempted to view the ancient and
medieval polity from the perspective of possible processes which were in operation.
There is a marked emphasis now on themes such as state formation, structure of
polity, nature of power and political control, etc. However generalization at sub-
continental level need to be,probed further from a microscopic point of view. In this
Unit we shall know about the emergence and evolution of regional polity in Western
and Central ~n'dia.This region comprises modern states of Rajasthan, Gujarat and
most of Madhya Pradesh.
Owing to the fact that regional political formations in various pans of India have
not been studied fully, the generalizations at sub-continental level require further'
precision. The study of regional political formations should, however, assume
importance in view of the fact that:
I) there were frequent shifts in the centres of powers, and
2) the formation of new polities was a continuous process.
Western and Central India provide us with examples of fresh spun in the emergence
of local states. For example, the Rajput clans such as the Gurjara Pratihara. Guhila.
Paramara, C!,ahamana as Well as the Kalachuris and Chandella exploited, political
uncertainties of post-Gupta and post tenth centuries in Western and Central India.
They dominated tfie pqlitical scene for centuries, especially during the period
n d l u Polity In 118 ~egi0n.1 extending from the eighth to the thirteenth centuries. The picture of the political
ui.tmn~ : 8th To 13th. <:enlury processqs that resulted !in the replacement of old dynssties by-new Rajput powers of :.
uncertain. origin is not clear. None the less, an attempt has been made to work out :
some essentia1,traits of the nature of the distri'bution of political authority. Unlike
Northern and Eastern India, the region under discussion shows some influence of
lineage-at least in some parts of the region (See also Unit 8.3.3). Even in these
parts. the dispersal of administrative and fiscal powers along with the changes in the
bureaucratic set-up----all based on new landholdings set the tone of feudal polity. ' 'i

10.2 THE RISE OF RAJPUT DYNASTIES

The A r a b Invaded Slnd and Multan In 712-13 A.D. Within the next 25 years tJey . .
overran Marwar. M a l \ r ~and Broach and threatened other ot lndla These
raids contributed to remarkable changes in the polit~calmap of Western lndia and
2 the Deccan. Powers lihe Rashtrakutas and clans n o y known to us as Rajputs came .
to the fore in this period. These clans. not heard of in earlier times, begad to play an
important part from about the eighth century. With obscure origins the lineages like
the Paramaras and the Chahamanas, after passing through many'vicissitudes, came .
to the fore in the context of the inter-state conflicts of the major powers such as the
Gurjara Pratiharas and Rashtrakutas (See also Unit 8.2.1):
The rise of the Rajputs to political prominence appears to be accidental. but an
understanding of the early pol~t~cal debelopments shows that their appearance on the
political scene was not sudden. The emergence of these clans took plact within the .
existing hierarchical political structure. Their emergence. therefore. should be
understood as a total process.

. 10.3 ORIGIN' LEGENDS : THEIR POLITIC.AL

IMPLICATIONS
The problem of the origln of Rajput dynasties IS highly complex and controversial!
Their gotrochhara mak6s them kshatriyns of the Lunar family (Sonravamshi) while
o n the basis of old kavyas some maintain that they were of the Solar race. The
myths of Solar origin tegard them as kshatriya created in kaliyuga to wipe-out the
mlecchas (foreigners). Rajast h a n ~bards and chroniclers regard them as fire-born
(Agnikula).
According to the Agnikula myth recm'ded b j a court poet, the founder of the house
of the Paramaras or~glnatedfrom the firepit of sage Vasishtha on blount Abu. The
man who thus sprang but of the fire forcibl! wrested the wish-granting cow of sage
Vasishtha from sage Vishwamltra and restored it to the former. Sage Vasishtha gave
him the fitting name of paramara-daler of the enemy. From him sprang a race
which obtained high edteem by virtuous kings. The Paramara ~nscriptionsalso
declare the origi.1 of the Paramaras from the firepit of sage Vasishtha on the Mount
Abu. /

The Rajasthani bards went a step further and ascribed the fire origin not only io the
Paramaras but also to the Pratiharas,.the Chaulukyas of Gujarat and the
Chahamanas. Speaking of the fire origin of the Chahamanas the bardic tales said
that Agastya and other sages began a great sacrifice on the Mount Abu. Demons
rendered it inlpure by showering down filthy thlngs. Vaslshtha created from the
firepit three warl'iors Pratihara, Chaulukya, and Paramara. but none succeeded in
keeping the demons away. Vasishtha dug a new pit from where issued forth a four .
armed figure. The sages named him Chahuvana. This wgrrior defeated the demons.
This Agnlkula myth was nothing more than poetic imagination of bards. In their I
hunt for a fine pedigree for their patrons they had woven the story of'the fireorigin:
of the Paramaras. They found that it could splendidly explain the orfgin of the
Chahamanas too if th* added'some more details.
 -
The problem.of the origin, when viewed in its totality instead of viewing it from the Watern md Central India
angle of any particular dynasty, would help us understand its political significance.
The practice of hew social groups claiming kshntriyn status became \yidesp;ead in the
early niedieval period. Kshntriyn status was one of the various symbols that the
emergent social groups sought for the legitimation of their newly acquired power.
The early medieval and medieval Rajput clans, representing a m.ixed caste and
constituting a fairly large section of petty chiefs holding,estates. achieved political
emingnie gradually. There was corrpsponding relationship between the achievement .
of political eminence by Pratiharas, Guhilas. Chahamanas and other clans and their
movement towards a respectable social status, viz. acquiring a kshntriya lineage. In
this context it is'important to note that these dynasties claimed descent from ancient
. kshntriyns long after their accession to power.,Let us note the example of the
Gvrjara Pratiharas, chronologically the earliest and historically the most important
of the Rajput dynasties. In an inscription of the late ninth century issued by King
Bhoja-1 the.y claim Solar descent for the dynasty and say that Lakshmana, the
brother of the epic hero Rama was the ancestor of their family. Their inscript~ons
are silent on the question of origin till the glorious days of Bhoja. This epigraphic
tradition of the Sola'r descent is connected chronologic,ally with the period during
which the (iurjara Pratiharas were the dominant political power. The tradition, thus.
represents a stage of imperial prominence with the temptatjon to establish a l i n k with
the heroic age of the epics. The tradition of the legendary kshntriya origin of powers
such as,thc Paramaras and Chahamanas too had not originated at the initial stage of
the rise gf these powers. I n short, the entry to the Rajput fold was possible through
the acquisition of political power. And the newly acquired power was to be
. legitimised by claiming linkages with the kshatriya lines of the mythical past. (See
also Unit 9.7).

Cheek Your Progress 1

I) Why did the bards create the Agnikuln myth? Answer in about five lines.

2) List the reasons for the need to study regional polity.

................................................................................
r . .

3) Which of the following statements are right ( / ) or wro& ( >c ) ?

i) Rajput clans suddenly appeared on the Indian political scene.
1 ii)' New sociai groups started claiming kshntriyn status In the early med~eval
period.
iii) Arabs invaded-Sind in s i x a century A.D. .
b iv) There is no problem regarding the origin of Rajput dynasties.

1 .10.4 DISTRIBUTION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY

In India the distribution of political power did not CoHow a unifeym pattern. A study
I of the process of emergence of the political powers in nicdicval Wcstern India kllow*
'- that the distribution of political authority could be orpaniscd by a netucirk of
lincages (kuln. vnmshn) within the framework of tk lnonarchical form al' p o l ~ v 'l'hc
.
ladlaPoYLy ~nIb R @ o d political annals of the Rajput dynasties such as the Chahamanas of Rajasthan and
widam : lJtbCcltrq the Paramaras of southern Rajasthan, Gujarat and Malwa provide examples of the
clan based distribution of political authority.
k

10.4.1 Proliferation of Rajput Clans

The bardic chronicles of Marwar state that Dharanivarab of the Paramara dynasty
of Abu made himself master of the Navkot Marwar which hl: afterwards divided
among his nine brothers: Mandovar to one brother, Ajmer to the second and so on.
Thus, apart from the Paramaras of Malwa there were at least four lines of the
Paramaras ruling in : il Abu, ii) Bhinmal. iii)Jalor, and iv)Vagada. Similarly, apart ' , -
from the Chahamanas bf Broach there was another line of the Chahamanas in
Pratabgarh region. It ww headed by a mahrsunanta of the Pratihara overlord. The
ancestor of thii'mahwmnta was a member of the famous Chahamana line of
Shkarnbhari. The Chahamanas of Shakambhari with their cradle land in the tract
extending from hwhkat to Harsa (central and eastern Rajasthan) had themselves
branched off into Chahamanas of i)Nadol, ii)Jalor. iii)Satyapura, and iv)Abu.
During about five centuries of their rule they exercised control over a vast region in
western Rajasthan and Gujarat.
The Chapas were another Rajput clan of the early medieval period. They ruled over
principalities like Bhillamala, Vadhiar in Kathiiwad, and Anahilapataka in Gujarat.
Similarly the Guhilas ruled over the regions of Udaipur and Mewar.
Apart from the subdjvisions of major clans, the emergence of various minor clam
was another important mpect of the proliferation of the Rajputs in early medieval
period: The continuing brocess of the formation of Rajput clans was through the
acquisition of political power. The new clans and subdivisions of earlier clans were
drawn into Rajput political network in a variety of ways.

10.4.2 Formation bf Lineage Power

The formation and con~oliditionof lineage power did not develop in a uniform way.
One of the indicators of the process of lineage power formation was the colonization
of new areas, as is evident in the expansion of the number of settlements. The
colonization of new areas could result from the annexation of the new territories by
means of organised military strength. The Chauhan kingdom of Nadol known as .
Saptrshata is said to have been made into Saptmahrsrikadcsha by a Chauhan chief
who killed chiefs of the boundaries of his kingdom and annexed their villages.
Territorial expansion of the Western Indian powers was accomplished, on some
areas, at the expense of tribal settlements. For example, Mandor Pratihar Kakkaka
is said to have resettled a place which was terrible because of being inhabited by the
Abhiras. Similarly, there are examples of the suppression of' tribal population like
Shabaras, Bhillas and Pulindas in Western and Central India.
Similar movements are found in the case of the CSuhilas and the Chahamanas as
well. For example, though the Guhila settlements were to be found in various parts
of Rajasthan as early as the seventh century, slightly later traditions recorded in the
inscriptions of the Nagada-Ahpr Guhilas trace their movement from.Gujarat. The
bardic tradition also suggests that the Guhila kingdoms in south Rajasthin
succeeded the earlier tribal chiefdoms of the Bhils.
The movement of the Chauhanas was from Ahichhatrapura to Jangaldesha
(Shakambhari) which, as the name indicates, was an inhospitable area. Their
movement led to its cobnization. A tenth century record says that Lakshmana, the
son of Vakpati-I of the Shakambhari Chahamana lineage started with few followers
and fought against the Medas who had been terrorising the people around Naddula
with their free-booting raids. It so pleased the brnhmana masters of the area that ,
they appointed him the guard of the towns. Gradually Lakshmana built up a small
b a d of troopers and suppressed the Medas in their. own temtory. The Medas agreed
to keep off from villages paying tribute to Lahhmana. He became a master of 2000
horses and extended his dominions at ease and built a great palace in Nadol.
Political authority of a lineage could even be brought about by simply replacing one
lineage by another as evident in the case of the Chahamanas of Jalor, a splinter line
of the Nadd Chahamaba.branch. Kirtipala, a son of Nadol Chahamana Alhana was
. dissatisfied with the shdre of land assigned to him. A man of ambition, he found that
 the situation in Mewar offered an advantage for an invader. Having failed there, he
made his way into the region which was ruled by the Paramaras. He attacked Jalor,
their capital, and made it the capital of his new kingdom. Similarly Chahamana line
of Broach was brought into being when a Chahamana chief Bharatravaddha-11
founded a principality over the tract of the Gurjaras of Broach. He was helped by
Pratihara Nagabhata-1 in ousting'the Gurjaras from Broach in the chaotic situation
created by the coming of the Arabs. He then assumed the title of
mahasamantadhipati in 756 A.D.
Thus the formation of lineage power evolved through multiple channels and .
processes which were not compartmentalised and interacted with one another.
I

10.4.3 Process of Rising in Social Status

The political history of Western lndia shows that a large ethnic group of an area
could successfully compete for political power. It could also lay the fdbndations of
large state structures lasting for centuries. Starting from a local agrarian base a
lineage could in course of time, emerge as a big regional power by integrajing other
local lineages. For example, a tract of land variously called as Gujaraba,
Ghujuabhumi, Gurjjaruhba, etc. all referring possibly to the same area (territories
contiguous with southern Rajasthan) was the base from where many lineages >
emerged.
In the process of stratification that develeped within the Gurjara stock, some families
attained political dominance and became ruling lineages. From sevepth century
onwards various lineages that had branched off the Gurjara stock through the
channel of political power became widely distributed in Western lndia. Gurjara-
Pratihara power represents a classic example of the rise in the social ladder. It would
suggest that potential and dominant power strugtures could emerge from within local
agrarian bases by following a path of upward mobility in favourable political
circumstances.

10.5 CONSOLIDATION OF LINEAGE POWER

The emergence of the political powers in Western and Central lndia was associated
with certain features. At the level of economy the patterns of land distribution are
noteworthy. From about the late tenth century there are evidences for the
distribution of land among the members of Chahamana ruling lineages. King
Simharaja, his brothers Vatsasraja and Vigrharaja and his two brothers Chandaraja,
and Govindaraja had their own personal estates. In the areas held by the
Chahamanas of Nadol assignments called as grsa, grasabhumil or bhukti were held
by the King, the crown prince, other sons of the King, queens and so on. The
incidence of these assignments was higher in Rajasthan than in other parts. This
feature apparently represented a process which gradually developed and was
associated with the spread of a clan. Another pattern was the holding of units
consisting of villages which were part of administrative divisions as mandala or
I
bhukti. These units seem to have become centres of some kind of local control. The
units of 84 villages (chaurasia) which were held in Saurastra by the Gurjara
Pratiharas gradual19 spread to Rajasthan. This extension facilitated the land
distribution and political control among the ruling elites. Between the tenth and
twelfth centuries the kings and princes of Chahamana and Paramara clans held such
big holdings. The process coincided with the construction of fortresses on a large
scale in different locations. Apart from serving defence purposes the fortresses also
worked as foci of control for their rural surroundingi and hdped the process of the
consolidation of ruling families.
The marriage network among the ruling clans is another pointer t o the process of the
consolidation of clan power at the social level. Marriage network brought about
inter-clan relationship which had significant political implications because the
families were m ~ s t l ythe ruling Rajput clans. Apart from Paramara-Rashtrakuta and
Chahamana-Paramara matrimonial relations, the Guhila marriage network was
varied and widespread. Though the Guhilas extended their marriage relations with
Chaulukyas, Rqshtrakutas, Chedis and Hunas in addition to those with Rajput clans
like Chahamana and the Paramara, the. marriage network mostly constituted the
 -u
--
~ i r P&Y
a 1n Its ~agioad Rajput clan categary. The choice obviously was political as the families cited above
:#b To lab Cmconstituted the r u l i n ~elite of the early medieval Western India. Inter-clan marriage
- ~lationshipswere expected to lead to collaboration in wider activities of socio-
political nature since Chey facilitated the presence of clan members in different.--
kingdom and courts.
1
Check Your Progross ;1
1) Write in about five lines about the settlement of new areas as an indicator of the
pr6cess of lineage power formation in Western India.

2) Cite examples of the assignment of land among royal klnsmen in Rajasthan in

the post-tenth centpry,
&

3) Which of the follo\king statements are right ( V )orw;ong ( x ) ?

i) The newly acqlpired power was sought to be legitimised by claiming
respectable social status.
ii) The marriage network among the ruling clans had nothing to do with wider
activities of socio-political nature.
I
iii) Interclan marriages had significant political implications.
iv) The acquisitioniof political power had no role in the formation of Rajput
clans.
I
..
10.6 NATURE AND STRUCTURE OF POLITY
The political geography of early medieval Western India and the evidence of the
formation of political aqthority in disparate zones by ever proliferating lineages in
Gujarat, Rajasthan and Malwa show that there was not always a necessary
corresponding rilation between a ruling lineige and a fixed territory. The movement
of lineages outside their early centres of power led to the establishment of new ruling
families. Guhilas of Meqar may be cited as one among such lineages.

10.6.1 Political Instability I/

Mobilization of militarystrength could not only displace a ruling lineage but also
create new locus and neliwork of power. The case of the Vagada branch of the main
1
line of the Paramaras pmvides an example for this. The Vagada branch was in
existence from as early as the first decade of the ninth century. Following the' death
of Upendra Paramara, Mis son was ruling in ~ a n s w a r aarrd Dungarpur area as a
feudatory of the house of Malwa. This Vagada branch continued to be a loyal 1
feudatary line for centuries till Chamundaraja; one of Its rulers defied the Paramartis
of Malwa and became independent in the second half of the eleventh century. T h e
Vagada was lost to the of Malwa id the beginning of the twelfth century.
After the successor of nothing is heard of the Vagada branch.-Three
d e e d e s later we find on$ Maharaja Shurapala ruling over the region of the erstwhile
Vagada branch, This shaws that by 1.155 the Paramara were dethroned by the .
members of a family whyd as their geneology shows, were not connected with the
Paramgra dynasty cf Va$ada, Within next 25 years this line was also uprooiedrnd a
Guhila King was rueng- g v $ ~ y ~ & - B yt39:
-t in turn appears to have been
disposyssed of @'newly' establish J-l(bdo_mma ~ I e who r styled himself
'mahshajqlhiraja.
Chalukya overlord.
seems t o have establlshbd h ~ n n e lthere
f with the help o f his

10.6.2 Bureaucratic Structure

I t i s hardly likkly that t h early
~ medieval powers such as the Chaulukyas, Paramaras
and hah ham an as could i i v e stable government to the colintry without a powerful
bureaucracy i n the structure o f thcir polities..-~ecome across the namcs of a number,
o f officer: who evidently assisted.in the transaction of' the.,al'fairs of the state.'
. -
Lekhapaddhati furnishes the {lames 01' karanas (departments) of the government. It'is
supposed to be applicable to the ChauLukyi~gtivern-mcnt as the largest number o f its
, documents are datable to the Chaulukya poriod i n t t ~ c history of (iujarat. A few
karanas rncnticjncd i n thc work also figure in the C'haulukya records. S r i - K a r a ~ a
(Chief secretariat). for instance, i\ a familiar term in their inscriptions. Also known
from ,their records are Vyaya Karana or the ilccounts department, Vyapara-Karana
or the department in chargc of general supervision of tradc and the collection of
import and export duties and mrrndrrpika-karna or the secretariat in charge of the
collectio~~ o f taxes. Such karanas wCrc headed by ministers known by the term
mahan~atyas.Little except the namcs of. these ministers arc.,available in the rcco'rds
and t l ~ actual
r nature and functions .of bureaucracy are difficult to determine. Besides
the mahamatyas, there were other officers called mahamantrins, mantrins and
sachivns. 'l'he information about thcir status i s also very meagre as they are only
casually mentioned i n only a fkw inscriptions. Of' the more frequ6.ntly mentioned
off'iters in early medieval Wcstern India was mahasandhivigrahiits who was a
fa
minister o f peace and war and whose duties also included that of . conveyor ,
of a
grant. A mahamatya mahasandhivigrahika of the Chaulukyas was also in charge of
the Sri-Karana and the Mudra (the department that issued passports and col.lected
import duties). Another oll'iter mentioned was mahakshapatalika or the head o f
accounts or record office. He kept a full. account of the incomi of the statc and also
o f the expenditure. He also registered land grants under the Paramari
administration.
Mahamantrin or mahapradhana, literally meaning a chief minister. was an official o f
great iniportance. He held charge ol t he royai seal and exercised general supervision .
(over all departoicnts. Dandanaynkr or senapati was also an important official. who
was primarily a niilitary ol'f~cer. I h r Chahamana records show that the cavalary
commanders and baladhipas or officers in charge o f the military stationed in
outposts and towns were placed under him. The whole administration was controlled
by a department. the Baladhikarana, stationed at the capital.
l'he so called ccntral officialdoin also ~ncluded.among others. the dutaka who
conveyed the rulers sanction o f a grant to local officiats who then had the charter
drawn up and delivered. Mahapratihara (the l.ord chamberlain) and bhandagarika
(in charge o f p b i s i o n s ) also figure as governmental officers.

10.6.3 Lineage State and Feudal Polity

From the Gupta period onwards there was a marked interrelatedness o f polities.
which was the result o f the horilpntal spread o f statc society. The differentiated
polities, including clan based ruling lineages, had certain vital components that cut
across all major political structures o f the early medieval period. The region o f
Western and Ceritral lndra was no exception.
. ,

T o begin with, let us be familiar wlth the material base o f lineage based state. (See
also Unit 9.4.4). I t was not just consolidation o f the lineage power i n terms o f
political power. Much more than that was the factor o f landholding. One gets the
impression o f some sort o f land grabbing o n the part o f the members o f ruling
famil~es.The exercise o f Important gokernmental functions was gradually being
linked up with landholding. Thhs. under the rule o f the Gurjara Pratiharas we
find references to estates held by chiefs o f the ~hahamana.Guhila and Chalukya
clans. Mathanadeva, another chief of the Gurjara Pratihara lineage also claimed t o
have obtained his allotment as-svabhogavapta (own share). The Nadol plates o f
Rajaputra Kirtipala dated i n 116.1.refer to a group of twelve villages which a junior
prince had received from the reigning prince. The Kalvan plates o f Yashovarman (of
the time of the Paramara King Rhojadeva) mentions a chief who had acquired a
royal charter o f 84 villages, obviously from his overlord (See also Unit 11.4.2).
1ndl.n ~ o m yI. 1b R-~I Unlike the Chahamana and Gurjara Pratiharas, there seems to be somewhat lesser
V**iom : 8th To 13th C c n t ~ frequency of land grants based on clan consideration amongst the Paramaras. But
the Paramara records refer to more groups of villages than is the'case with the
Chahamana records. Groups of villages in units of twelve or its multiples (12, 24, 36
etc.) and even in units pf sixteen or its multiples have been mentioned in at least
scvcn cases. A Paramara inscription of 1017 refers to a stray example of district
,comprising 52 villages, which does not fit in either in the pattern of the multiples of ,
twelve or in that of sixteen. But, it cannot be ascertained fully, whether the clan.
system of administration covered the major part of the Paramara kingdom.
Irrespective of the incidence or frequency of clan influences, the more substantive
component of the so-called lineage state is the nature of landholding. As already
indicated (see Unit 8.3.3). so far the lineage state or integrative polity has not offered
any alternative materialbbase of political structurels. No wonder, therefore, even in
these states of Western and Central India the phenomenon of different foci or kvels
of power cuts across all1 major political structures which reiterates the validity of the
hypothesis of feudal polity.
What is broadly labelled as samanta system was not, however, a uniform category. It
included a wide range of status all of wbch corresponded to the landed aristocracy .
of the period.
The Kingdoms of all the major powers of Western and Central India included the
territories which were under the controi of the feudatories who were known under
the generic title 01' man&lika, but sometimes styled themselves as mahuajadhirrl(*,
mahamandalesvara, mPllamandalikas, mahasamantas and samantm. The most
important of the feudatory princes of the Chaulukyas were the Paramaras of Abu
and the hah ham an as of Jalor; others of minor importance being the Mer King
Jagamalla and Paramara Somesvara. Similarly, a considerable portion of the
Chahamana state, especially in Nadol and Jalor, was held by landed intermediaries
variously known as thakkuras, ranakas, and bhoktas, on the condition that they
supplied certain quotas of soldiers when required by the overlord.
The categories of feudatory chiefs under the Paramaras consisted of those officers
and princes :
i) who were rewarded by the King with land in consideration of their valuable
services;
ii) who had built up their own principalities during the period of aggrandisement
and acknowledged the supremacy/ of the premier line. (To this categoby belonged
the Pararnaras of Vagada, and the Paramaras of Kiradu),
iii) who had carved out their principalities by the force of their own arms in
defiance of the central authority during the difficult days of the Paramaras. (In
this category came the Paramara Mahakumaras who used subordinate titles but
were for all practical purposes independent), and
iv) who were defeated ahd forced to accept the suzerainty of the Paramaras and
were given the status of a vassal.

Rig feudatory chiefs such as the Paramaras of Arnbudamandala and the Paramara
Mahakumaras enjoyed large amount of internal autonomy. They could create their
own sub-feudatories and appoint their own officers. I t was possible for feudatory
chiefs also to distribute their lands among their dependents. The thrkkarrs served
the feudatory chiefs in almost all the feudatory states under the Paramaras. The
feudatories could also assign taxes, alienate villages and exempt certain people from ,
taxation. This practice of'granting land and its associated fiscal and adm~nistrative
rights is called sub-infeudhtion. There is surprisingly sufficient evidence for this,
particularly under the Pratiharas. It was practiced both in the areas of direct
Pratihara control as well as those under their vassals. Examples of sub-infeudation
caused by service grants ih Gpjarat under Chaulukyas are also known. A subordinate
functionary, probably a bania under Bhimadeva-11. constructed an irrigation-well
and a watering trough attbched to it, and for their upkeep he granted certain plots of
land to a man of Pragvatl clan. probably a merchant. The evidence for the I
prevalence of sub-infeudation in the Paramara kingdom does not seem to be clear.
Thus, in course of time the samanta system encompassed a proliferating range of
 designations and assumed the characteristics of a hierarchical political formation
repraented'by the ranks such as ranaka, rauta, thakkura, samanta, mahasamanta,
etc.
?he incidence of grants to state officials vary from one region to another. To
I illustrate, while we hear about half a dozen Paramara official ranks. only a few of
them are known to have received land grants - none at least in.the eleventh
' century. But very large terrritories were granted to vassals and high officers under
; the Chaulukyas of Gujarat. Chaulukya copperplates of 12th-13th centuries and their
' comparison with the data of the Lekhapaddhati help us in stressing that vassals and
high officers gradually merged into one another. In the I I th to 12th centuries key
' off~cialswere also being paid through regular and exclusive taxes. Thus, the
pattakilm and dushtasadhym of the Kalacuri kingdom and baladhipas of the
Chahamanas received such sustenance. Indeed some Chandella inscriptions of the
late twelfth and early thirteenth century specifically enjoin the feudatories, royal
officials, forest officials. constables, etc. to give up-their perquisites in the villages
transferred as gifts. There are also references to resumption of such rights.

The feudatories owed fiscal and military obligations to the overlord. Generally the
authority of the feudatories was derivative, dependent on the fulfilment of certain
conditions of which supplying the overlord with certain quotas of soldiers in time of
need was one. The paramar& of Vagada fought in the cause of the imperial
Paramaras of Malwa for more than once. The Paramaras of Abu, Kiradu and Jalor
being the feudatory chiefs of the Chaulukyas of Gujarat, laid down their lives in the
cause of their masters many a times. However, the feudatory chiefs were eager to
free themselves whenever there was an opportunity. In this case the relation between
the suzerain and vassal rested absolutely on, the force one could use. For example.
the Guhilas of Mewar accepted the Paramara overlordship when they were defeated
6y Vakapati-11 but tried to re-establish their lost position during the period of
confusion which followed the death of Bhoja-I. Similarly, Chahamana Katudeva
tried to assert his independence during the last years of his overlord Chaulukya
Siddharaja so that Chaulukya Kumara'pala deprived him of his principality a n d
brought Naddula under direct administration pjacing a dandanayaka in charge of the
area. Kumarapalaalso removed from Abu its febellious prince Vikramasimha and
installed the latter's nephew Yasodhavala, on the throne. Yasodhavala's son and
successor Dharavarsha rendered distinguished~serviceto three genergtions of
Chaulukys overlords. But even he turned agajnst Bhima-11 and was either won over
or forced to submission to the Chaulukya ovtrlordship.
The most important duty of a feudatory prince was to help his suzerain against the
enemy. Sometimes the feudatories conquered new territories for the suzerain or
brought another prince under the later's vassalage. An inscription seems to imply
that at tbe accession of a new King the feudatories swore loyalty to their new
overlord who confirmed them in their possession. Feudatories are also said to have
paid tribute to their overlord both in cash and kind. However, there was no hard
and fast rule regarding the obligations of the feudatory chiefs of different categories.
The general relations between the overlord and the feudatory depended upon the
circumstances and relative strength of the feudatory vis-a-vis his suzerain. The
feudatories under Chaulukyas of Gujarat such as the Paramaras of Abu or the
Chahamanas of Nadol ruled over, quite extensive territories and had their own
systems of administration.
Instability of the political conditions was partly the result of the samanta-feudatory
system. Often the strength of the feudatory bonds depended upon the personality of
the overlord. Overlbrds who went on expeditions t o distant lands had to entrust
some of their capable generals with the administration of certain territories as
feudatory chiefs. The personal relations between the King and the subordinate, which
might have been strong enough to keep the territories together for a generation or
two, faded out in the course of time and the feudatory chiefs tended to assert their
independence. Often samanfas had no permanent bonds and were prepared to
transfer their allegiance to a powerful invader in return for greater privileges.
 r-
Indm Potkf In Ib R w Ch k Your Progress 3
Vulatlom :8th To 13th Century pe
I). In column A some terms from Lekhapaddhati are given and in B the
I
. degiagnnts with which they were connected. Match A and B. .
-
A? B
-i) Yyayohrana a) Chief Secretariat
ii) Vyapara-kardna b) Accounts Department
iii) Shri-karma C) Dept. in charge of supervision of trade
iv) Mmdapka-khrana d) Dept. in charge of collection of taxes
2) Discuss in about 10 l i n e the powers and functions of the feudatory thiefs.
. . . . . . . . . .
, ...........................................................................................
.I

or wrong ( x )?
3) Which of the followjng statements are right ( v )
i) Samanta system was not a uniform category and included a wide range of
status.
i
ii) Centralization is an essential characteristic of the state structure.
iii) Feudatories were permanently bonded to their overlords and could no@
transfer their allggiance to others.
-
10.7 LET US SUM UP
From about the beginnink of the eighth century there emerged a political set up in ,
Western lndia and Central lndia in which new' social groups acquired political power
by various means such as settlement of new areas. The pattern of the emergence of
the Rajputs, which was partly clan based organization of political authority, show$
some deviations from developments outside Western lndia. However, the mobility of
new powers towards kshatriya status for legitimation was not specific to Western
lndia as a similar process was in operation el~ewhere~in early medieval India. After
seeking legitimacy for theit new kshatriya role the ruling clans of Western and
Central lndia formulated detailed geneologies in the period of their transition from
feudatory to independent itatus. They consolidated their political position by means
of specific patterns of land1 distribution and territorial system. ode other prominent
features of the polity in the region are :
1 *
organisation of bureaucracy which could'connect different modes in their political
structures marked by different foci or levels of power,
dominance of overlord-wbordinate relations,
C

landholding as an imporcant component of the somanta status,

integration of local polities into larger state polities,
certain amount of land based ranking associated with politico-administrative roles ,
and services, and
wielding of vast-administrative and financial powers by vassals and offlcen to the,
extent of sub-infeudation,
 \
10.8 KEY WORDS

Baladhipa : Military officer put in charge of customs house.

Chaurasia : '~oldersof grant of 84 villages.
I
Duahtmadhyas k Police officials in charge of criminal administration.
Cotrocchua. : Announcing of gotra.
Legitimation : Seeking lawful acceptance or justification.
" Lineage : A line of descent, kula or vamsha.
Mleccha : Name applied to the Arabs, Turks and other foreigners.
\
pa&imony : Lands or villages granted to dependents for maintenance jagirs.

1 1
EXERCISES
Check Your Prowess 1
I) The Apikula myth was created by the bards to find a fine pedigree for their
patrons and splendidly explain their origin. See Sec. 10.3.
2) See Sec. 10.1.
3) i) x ii) iii) x iv) x
Check Your Progess 2
1) The colonization and annexation of new areaslterritories led to the spread of
clans etc. See Sub-sec. 10.4.2. I
2) See Sec. 10.5.
3) i) ii) x iii) 4 iv) )(

Check Your Progess 3

I ) i) b ii) c iii) a iv) d
.
2) Your answer should be based on the powers and functions mentioned in
. ,Sub-sec. 10.6..3.
3) i) i) iii) x