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Personality change following religious

conversion: perceptions of converts
and their close acquaintances
a b
Peter Halama & Mária Lačná
a
Institute of Experimental Psychology, Slovak Academy of
Sciences , Bratislava, Slovakia
b
Faculty of Social Sciences, Masaryk University , Brno, Czech
Republic
Published online: 22 Mar 2011.

To cite this article: Peter Halama & Mária Lačná (2011) Personality change following religious
conversion: perceptions of converts and their close acquaintances, Mental Health, Religion &
Culture, 14:8, 757-768, DOI: 10.1080/13674676.2010.522564

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 Mental Health, Religion & Culture
Vol. 14, No. 8, October 2011, 757–768

Personality change following religious conversion: perceptions

of converts and their close acquaintances
Peter Halama*a and Mária Lačnáb
a
Institute of Experimental Psychology, Slovak Academy of Sciences,
Bratislava, Slovakia; bFaculty of Social Sciences, Masaryk University,
Downloaded by [University of Newcastle, Australia] at 02:31 01 January 2015

Brno, Czech Republic

(Received 26 May 2009; final version received 7 September 2010)

This study focuses on how converts and their close acquaintances perceive
changes in personality characteristics after religious conversion and possible
demographic influences of these perceptions. Sixty Slovakian respondents self-
defined as having experienced conversions rated themselves twice on measures of
Big Five personality traits, self-esteem, and meaningfulness in life. The first rating
provided retrospective information concerning pre-conversion conditions and the
second rating obtained data reflecting the convert’s present self-understanding.
In addition, every convert was rated on the same characteristics by someone who
knew the person well during both pre- and post-conversion times. The convert
and the rater both provided demographic information (age, education, religiosity,
relationship to conversions and converts etc.). Analyses showed that the converts
perceived several personality changes: neuroticism decreased while self-esteem,
agreeableness, conscientiousness, and extraversion increased. They also reported
a large increase in meaningfulness. Perceived changes were in part related to
education level and age for converts, and to religiosity in both converts and close
persons, suggesting a retrospective bias.
Keywords: religious conversion; personality; Big Five; meaning in life; self-
esteem; self-perception

Religious conversion has been one of the most fascinating phenomena in the psychology
of religion (Hood, Hill, & Spilka, 2009). Authors dealing with this phenomenon agree
that conversion brings some kind of change into the convert’s life. There is significant
discussion, however, concerning which psychological phenomena are changing as a result
of religious conversion and whether the changes described retrospectively by converts
reflect objective changes in psychological characteristics. Many papers and chapters
investigate the effect of conversion on personal life and how this effect is perceived by the
converts (e.g., Hood et al., 2009; Meadow & Kahoe, 1984; Paloutzian, Richardson, &
Rambo, 1999). Meadow and Kahoe (1984) reviewed publications on this topic and stated
that the converts perceive the dominant effect of conversion in the form of increased
positive emotions (e.g., happiness, calmness, relief) in the time shortly after conversion.
Converts also reported changes related to mental health such as increased self-esteem and
meaning in life, termination of drug abuse, decrease of neurotic distress, decrease of the

*Corresponding author. Email: peter.halama@savba.sk

ISSN 1367–4676 print/ISSN 1469–9737 online

ß 2011 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13674676.2010.522564
http://www.informaworld.com
 758 P. Halama and M. Lacˇná

depressive symptoms, increasing well-being, renewed vocational interests, and reductions

in abusive behaviour (Herrenkohl, 1978; Ng & Shek, 2001; Paloutzian et al., 1999;
Zinnbauer & Pargament, 1998). These findings have led to comparisons of conversion and
psychotherapy experiences (Kilbourne & Richardson, 1984). On the other hand, converts
noted negative results of conversion such as doubts and the struggles related to changing
former behaviours to align with their newly acquired belief system. These adjustments can
be sources of stress and cause periods of indifference. While less common, conversion to
some religious groups can promote even more intense psychological challenges such as
extreme rigidity in thinking, emotional dependency, or even drug abuse (Meadow &
Kahoe, 1984).
Paloutzian et al. (1999) focused on the question of changes in personality after
conversion. After reviewing several studies on participation in new religious movements
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(e.g., Richardson, 1995; Weiss & Mendoza, 1990) they concluded that there is no reason to
assume that basic personality traits (e.g., Big Five) change following conversion. They also
pointed out that while there is no systematic longitudinal research in this specific area,
longitudinal studies on stability of the big five personality traits reviewed by Costa and
McCrae (1994) showed strong stability of traits in adulthood. Paloutzian (2005) holds the
same opinion when he states that possible changes are only alterations in expression of the
traits in a way consistent with new religiosity.
On the other hand, Piedmont (2001) found a significant shift in all of the Big Five
dimensions, namely decreasing neuroticism, and increasing extraversion, openness,
agreeableness, and conscientiousness in persons undergoing psychotherapy in a drug
rehabilitation programme. That effect reportedly remained stable even after 15 months.
Since the treatment programme included a spiritual intervention component, Piedmont
suggested that similar changes can be enabled also by religious conversion.
To underline more frequent post-conversion changes, Paloutzian et al. (1999) use three-
level model of personality by McAdams (1994). Level One comprises basic traits and
temperament which operate regardless of the specific context. Level Two are characteristic
adaptations – personal goals, values, self-definition – all operating in the specific situation
– they are contextual. Finally, level Three is personal identity, narrative, meaning, and
global self-definition. While level One is not affected by conversion, there is plenty of
evidence for the fact that people are greatly changing at levels two and three due to
religious conversion. The research confirmed that converts perceived changes in self-
esteem and self-confidence (Ng, 2002; Zinnbauer & Pargament, 1998) as well as in the level
of meaning in life (Paloutzian, 1981, Ng & Shek, 2001).
It is important to note that most of the reported research is based on converts’ self-
ratings, providing cross-sectional or retrospective data. Retrospective data have been
questioned in personality research, where Costa and McCrae (1989, 1994) found that such
data are not reliable assessments of personality change and similar questions exist within
conversion studies. Snow and Machalek (1984) emphasise that converts tend to reinterpret
their conversion according to their newly acquired beliefs or to bring their reported
experience in line with the ‘‘typical’’ conversion process anticipated in the churches.
Adherence to these normative narratives includes displaying the appropriate behavioural
changes. This tendency of converts is a frequent reason for criticism of conversion studies
using retrospective methodology and self-reported conversion accounts analysis (e.g.
Beckford, 1978; Popp-Baier, 2003). Popp-Baier (2003) even suggests that the relation
between retrospective data and actual conversions can be so problematic, that although
retrospective accounts constitute interesting research material in and of themselves, they
should not be mistaken for accurate data about the true event. It is clear that attempting
 Mental Health, Religion & Culture 759

to recall details surrounding one’s own religious conversion could be influenced by

well-known psychological mechanisms such as self-distortion based on self-affirmation
need (Cooper & Fazio, 1984; Scher & Cooper, 1989) or self-presentation biases (Schlenker,
1975) that provide a defence against personal and public shame.
We located no longitudinal research of post-conversion changes that might help to
determine whether the self-reported effects of conversion reflect real changes or biased
perceptions. Robins, Noftle, Trzesniewski, and Roberts (2005), however, argue against
Costa and McCrae’s (1989) conclusion about the unreliability of retrospective data.
Among college students, they found a correlation between perception of change and actual
change measured longitudinally. From a different perspective, while Zinnbauer and
Pargament (1998) acknowledge possible biases in the retrospective research of converts,
they see similar problems in longitudinal designs. When testing the person at two different
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points in time, he or she might not be able to employ a common metric because it could
change due to contexts. Zinnbauer and Pargament use an example from leadership
training. Before training, a participant can feel like an average leader, but during training
his or her understanding of the definition a good leader is subject to change. After training,
a participant might rate his or her own leadership lower than the pre-training level, in spite
of now having acquired more skill at leading effectively. Conversion can similarly
influence a rating framework. For example, a person can have more strict demand in the
area of interpersonal behaviour, therefore, retrospective rating using the same metric could
sometimes reveal real change more precisely than can longitudinal research. In spite of the
debate regarding converts’ potential biases in self-reported post-conversion changes, the
nature and degree of these biases remains unclear.
In the present study, we examined retrospective perceptions of conversion changes in
two groups: converts and their close acquaintances. We focused on reported changes in
personality traits (level One of McAdams’ model), as well as self-esteem and meaningfulness
(levels Two and Three of McAdams’ model). We do not explore the extent to which this
perception reflects actual post-conversion changes, but we highlight possible areas of
agreement between the converts and their raters, controlling for demographic factors
that could be related to intensity of post-conversion change perceived by both groups.

Method
Research design
For the purpose of this study, self-definition of person as a convert was used as a criterion
for inclusion for the sample. Converts were recruited using a snowball methodology in
Christian religious groups and churches; all participating converts had converted to some
form of the Christian tradition. The converts were from all parts of Slovakia. All converts
were asked to complete the set of questionnaires concerning personality. They were asked
to rate their personality features twice, once with regard to their pre-conversion
personality and once with regard to their present personality. Converts were asked to
identify a specific person who had known them both before and after their conversion. The
identified person was asked to rate the convert’s pre- and post-conversion personality
characteristics.

Sample
Of the 120 questionnaires distributed, 75 were returned, but only 65 successfully included
data from both the convert and his or her rater. Five of the converts stated that their
 760 P. Halama and M. Lacˇná

conversion happened between eight and 12 years of age. This seemed to represent a form
of religious development, therefore we decided not to include them in our sample. The
sample subjected to analysis consisted of 120 persons: 60 pairs of converts and their raters.
Converts were 40 males and 20 females. Their ages ranged from 18 to 55 years
(M ¼ 27.3). The time elapsed between the conversion events and completing the
questionnaires ranged from six months to 13 years (M ¼ 4.98 years). The reported age
of conversion ranged from 17 to 47 years (M ¼ 22.3). Concerning pre-conversion church
membership, 42 converts were formally members of some church and 18 of them were not
members of any church. Post-conversion church membership was as follows: Catholic
church 50, Evangelical-protestant 1, Apostolic 8, 1 was not member of any church. We
also asked them about their pre-conversion beliefs in God. Ten of them did not believe in
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God before conversion, 18 believed in ‘‘something higher,’’ 22 believed in God, but their
faith was passive, and 9 believed in God and were actively searching for deeper knowledge
of God.
Among the people nominated to rate the converts, 23 were male and 37 female. About
half (30) of them were family members, 29 were close friends, and 1 was ‘‘other.’’ Their
ages ranged from 17 to 65 years (M ¼ 33.3). Many (46) were members of the Catholic
Church, 6 belonged to Evangelical-Protestant churches, 1 was affiliated with an Apostolic
church, and 7 were not members of any church. Most (39) of the raters defined themselves
as believers in a personal God, 18 as believers with passive faith, and 2 were non-believers.
We asked these persons about their relationship to conversion event of the convert they
rated. The majority of the raters had a positive attitude towards conversion: 18 of them
‘‘strongly’’ encouraged the process and 19 ‘‘somewhat’’ encouraged the process. An
addition 19 were neutral, 1 ‘‘somewhat’’ did not support the conversion and 1 ‘‘did not’’
approve of the conversion.

Measures
To measure personality traits, we used a questionnaire developed by McCrae and
Terracciano for the international National Character Survey (Terracciano et al., 2005).
This questionnaire was derived from the well-known Big Five questionnaire NEO-PI-R
and consists of 30 bipolar sets of adjectives measuring neuroticism, extraversion,
agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness to experience. We chose this questionnaire
because it contains only adjectives and did not have to be reformulated for peer ratings.
Psychometric analysis of the questionnaire based on the original international sample
including Slovak subjects showed high internal consistency (alphas from 0.77 to 0.93) and
adequate factor structure (Terracciano et al., 2005).
To measure self-esteem, the Original Self-esteem Scale (Lačná, 2004) was used. The
scale contains 10 bipolar adjectives, referring to overall self-esteem (e.g. self-accepting vs.
self-refusing; competent vs. non-competent). It was constructed for the purpose of this
project and no previous psychometric characteristics are available.
Meaningfulness was measured by the Life Meaningfulness Scale (Halama, 2002), with
18 items referring to three components of meaningfulness: cognitive, motivational, and
affective. A high score indicates a perception of life as meaningful, goal-directed, and
fulfilling while a low score reflects the absence of meaningfulness and goals in life. The
scale has shown high internal consistency ( ¼ 0.87) and high correlations with other
meaning measures (e.g. r ¼ 0.81 with Purpose in Life Test; Halama, 2002).
 Mental Health, Religion & Culture 761

Results
Table 1 presents measure reliabilities (Cronbach alphas) for convert and rater evaluations
of retrospective and present-day perceptions; most demonstrate sufficient levels near 0.70
or higher. Less internal consistency can be seen for openness scale both in converts and
raters especially in the contemporary condition. Extraversion (rater: contemporary) and
agreeableness (convert: retrospective) each have one particularly low reliability and their
interpretations are considered tentative. Internal consistency is generally higher for
retrospective rating than for present-day rating both in converts and close persons,
especially in agreeableness.
Table 2 presents convert – rater correlations pre- and post-conversion. As seen, higher
agreement is apparent for neuroticism, extraversion and conscientiousness, and smaller for
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self-esteem, openness, meaningfulness and agreeableness. This pattern could be related

to the inherent observability of the traits (John & Robins, 1993). Extraversion,
conscientiousness and neuroticism are more easily observable, because they are more
explicitly expressed in behaviour than self-esteem or meaningfulness. Similar to lower
inconsistency of the scales, lower self-other agreement is lower for the present-day rating
and for the trait agreeableness.
In order to examine differences in the retrospective and actual perception of
personality characteristics, we performed t-tests for dependent samples separately for
converts and for close persons. T-tests were preferred to MANOVA because personality
traits of big five were conceptualised as independent factors. Cohen’s d was computed for

Table 1. Cronbach alpha of study measures.

Converts Raters

Measure Pre-conversion Now Pre-conversion Now

Neuroticism 0.75 0.78 0.73 0.67

Extraversion 0.71 0.69 0.72 0.51
Openness 0.62 0.44 0.53 0.41
Agreeableness 0.72 0.34 0.70 0.64
Conscientiousness 0.83 0.64 0.86 0.71
Self-esteem 0.87 0.85 0.92 0.91
Meaningfulness 0.89 0.83 0.92 0.79

Table 2. Correlations between converts and their raters.

Pre-conversion Post-conversion

Neuroticism 0.56** 0.47**

Extraversion 0.52** 0.48**
Openness 0.39** 0.24
Agreeableness 0.32* 0.19
Conscientiousness 0.51** 0.47**
Self-esteem 0.33* 0.23
Meaningfulness 0.31* 0.34**

*p  0.05, **p  0.01.

 762 P. Halama and M. Lacˇná

every variable to express the size of perceived change (see Dunlap, Cortina, Vaslow, &
Burke, 1996, for the formula used). Tables 3 and 4, respectively, present t-tests and
Cohen’s d for convert and rater evaluations.
As seen in Table 3, there are significant differences in almost all variables, which mean
that converts perceive distinct changes after conversion. Cohen’s d coefficients show that
strongest perceived changes are in meaningfulness (increasing) and neuroticism
(decreasing), with lesser changes in self-esteem, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and
extraversion. No significant change is observed for openness.
Similar findings can be found in the observations of the raters. They also report the
biggest changes in meaningfulness and neuroticism, with lesser changes in agreeableness,
conscientiousness, self-esteem, and extraversion, and the smallest change in openness.
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Comparing the d columns across Tables 3 and 4, although there are small differences in
change perception of converts and their raters (i.e. smaller change in openness and bigger
change in neuroticism and self-esteem perceived by converts) the profile of the changes for
the two groups is quite comparable. This suggests that both groups perceive the changes
after conversion in measured variables in a similar way, corroborating the findings in
Table 2 that the two groups of people share similar perceptions of the convert’s
characteristics.
In the next step, we focused on variables that could be related to the amount of change
perceived by the converts and their raters. We computed 14 variables to show the
differences between pre- and post-conversion scores for each convert and rater (Pre-score
minus Post-score). This showed the amount of perceived change. These difference scores

Table 3. Convert perceptions of personality characteristics pre- and post-conversion.

Pre-conversion M (SD) Post-conversion M (SD) t Cohen’s d

Neuroticism 21.16 (4.54) 13.14 (3.71) 11.10** 1.87

Extraversion 19.69 (4.55) 23.09 (3.45) 5.56** 0.79
Openness 21.93 (4.16) 22.81 (2.69) 1.95 0.23
Agreeableness 19.29 (4.44) 23.64 (1.93) 7.41** 1.21
Conscientiousness 17.76 (5.32) 23.02 (3.01) 7.37** 1.17
Self-esteem 44.05 (10.80) 58.67 (7.69) 8.72** 1.51
Meaningfulness 55.63 (12.48) 80.13 (9.08) 11.36** 2.00

*p  0.05, **p  0.01.

Table 4. Rater perceptions of personality characteristics pre- and post-conversion.

Pre-conversion M (SD) Post-conversion M (SD) t Cohen’s d

Neuroticism 18.23 (4.68) 11.52 (3.21) 10.22** 1.59

Extraversion 20.37 (4.56) 24.09 (2.84) 6.87** 0.88
Openness 20.84 (3.62) 22.52 (2.61) 3.82** 0.50
Agreeableness 21.24 (4.06) 25.51 (2.45) 7.57** 1.19
Conscientiousness 19.23 (5.49) 24.79 (3.10) 8.25** 1.14
Self-esteem 45.09 (11.89) 57.74 (9.02) 8.17** 1.15
Meaningfulness 56.70 (13.66) 79.54 (6.30) 12.36** 2.00

*p  0.05, **p  0.01.

 Mental Health, Religion & Culture 763

next were correlated with the demographic and religious characteristics of converts and
raters.
Table 5 displays the correlations between difference scores and various demographic
variables as described above. For dichotomous variables (sex: 1 ¼ male, 2 ¼ female; pre-
conversion membership: 1 ¼ yes, 2 ¼ no; post-conversion membership: 1 ¼ traditional
congregation, 2 ¼ non-traditional), point-biserial correlations were computed. Among the
variables expressing the amount of change, agreeableness has the most significant
correlations with the characteristics of the converts. It correlates negatively with age (older
converts perceive smaller changes in agreeableness), education (more educated converts see
smaller change), time since conversion (more time passed since conversion means smaller
change in agreeableness), and personal religiosity before conversion (higher religiosity
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before conversion means smaller change in agreeableness). In addition, converts who were
currently active members of a non-traditional congregation reported larger increases in
conscientiousness and self-esteem.
Differences perceived in converts by raters were correlated with the rater’s
demographic characteristics in the same manner (see Table 6). Most of the correlations
are very low and non-significant. Meaningfulness, however, correlates with religiosity
variables. Raters who are more religious, belonged to a church, or strongly supported the
conversion perceive converts as having found more meaning. Raters with higher levels of
personal religiosity also reported higher levels of self-esteem for converts in the period
following conversion.

Discussion
The results of our study based on the perceived differences between pre- and post-
conversion personality characteristics showed that both converts and their raters perceive
robust changes in the converts. The strongest changes are reported in meaningfulness. The
effect of conversion on meaningfulness was observed also in previous studies (Ng & Shek,
2001; Paloutzian, 1981). This finding also concurs with studies emphasising the meaning-
making role of religion (Park, 2005).
Our research further showed strong effect related to perceived post-conversion
increases in self-esteem for converts, again as rated by both groups. Zinnbauer and
Pargament (1998), who also found increases in self-esteem after religious conversion,
attributed these changes to the identification of person with a spiritual force in response to
elevated stress. We can hypothesise that there could be other sources as this positive effect
of conversion such as the support and encouragement receive from participation in a
religious community.
Both converts and raters perceived changes in self-esteem and meaningfulness align
with levels two and three of McAdams’ (1994) personality model. Both groups also report
pre- to post-conversion shifts in Big Five personality traits for converts. Contradictory
with most psychologists’ view on the possibility of change in personality (Paloutzian et al.,
1999), converts see Big Five traits, especially neuroticism, conscientiousness, and
agreeableness as malleable. This perception is shared by the raters of the converts, as
the profiles of observed change size in individual variables are very similar for both
groups.
Generally, these changes are in positive direction; both converts and their raters hold
positive views of conversion outcomes for the lives of those converting. Both self-esteem
and meaningfulness are considered important elements of positive mental functioning and
 Downloaded by [University of Newcastle, Australia] at 02:31 01 January 2015

764

Table 5. Correlations between convert’s perceived personality changes and demographics.

Age of Time since Religiosity Pre-conversion Post-conversion

Difference scores Sex Age Education conversion conversion pre-conversion membership membership

Neuroticism-diff 0.03 0.09 0.05 0.10 0.00 0.03 0.13 0.21

Extraversion-diff 0.16 0.25 0.16 0.10 0.34* 0.03 0.01 0.05
Openness-diff 0.12 0.05 0.13 0.06 0.00 0.18 0.05 0.07
Agreeableness-diff 0.18 0.31* 0.29* 0.14 0.37** 0.38** 0.04 0.09
Conscientiousness-diff 0.13 0.23 0.18 0.18 0.10 0.05 0.24 0.36**
Self-esteem-diff 0.24 0.06 0.04 0.05 0.02 0.10 0.06 0.30*
P. Halama and M. Lacˇná

Meaningfulness-diff 0.12 0.01 0.06 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.08 0.18

*p  0.05, **p  0.01.

 Mental Health, Religion & Culture 765

Table 6. Correlations between rater’s perceived personality change of converts and rater’s
demographics.

Attitude
Relationship Church Personal toward
Difference Scores Sex Age Education to convert membership religiosity conversion

Neuroticism-diff 0.04 0.12 0.03 0.07 0.02 0.13 0.13

Extraversion-diff 0.12 0.02 0.12 0.11 0.02 0.03 0.14
Openness-diff 0.16 0.14 0.02 0.17 0.06 0.01 0.08
Agreeableness-diff 0.06 0.17 0.14 0.13 0.25 0.21 0.17
Conscientiousness-diff 0.09 0.23 0.00 0.14 0.14 0.22 0.21
Self-esteem-diff 0.10 0.15 0.17 0.14 0.09 0.30* 0.23
Meaningfulness-diff 0.07 0.21 0.08 0.17 0.26* 0.35** 0.39**
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*p  0.05, **p  0.01.

protective factors of health (Mann, Hosman, Schaalma, & de Vries, 2004; Zika &
Chamberlain, 1992). Big five personality traits were originally established as neutral, but
the research shows that these traits are related to many positive and negative aspects
of life. For instance, optimal functioning is characterised by low neuroticism, high
extraversion, conscientiousness, agreeableness, and openness. This is sometimes referred to
as a resilient personality profile (John & Srivastava, 1999). The overall concept of
conversion reported by converts and their raters fundamentally matched this profile,
suggesting that they see conversion as event leading to better adaptation and functioning.
In the next step, we employed correlational analyses to explore demographic variables
as possible sources of the perceptions of personality change. For converts, the amount of
change in agreeableness had negative relations with education, age, time since conversion,
and religiosity prior to conversion. This means that more educated persons as well as
persons further away from their conversion experience see less change in agreeableness.
The negative correlations of age and time since conversion with perceived changes in
agreeableness could be related to longer participation in a religious group. Paloutzian
(1981) found in different groups of converts that perceived meaningfulness was highest
immediately after conversion and then it decreased. This decrease could be an effect of
unusually high levels of initial involvement. This effect could be hypothesised here for
agreeableness, which, together with conscientiousness, is the personality trait most
intensively related to religiosity (Ladd et al., 2007; Saroglou, 2002); longer participation
can weaken initial radical involvement that demanded exceptionally agreeable behaviour.
The notion of religious norms could provide an interpretation for the correlation
between agreeableness and lack of personal religiosity before conversion. Persons with at
least minimal religious awareness before conversion could artificially adjust their social
behaviours and perceptions to meet religious demands, so they might not perceive large
changes in agreeableness post-conversion. People with no pre-contact with religiosity,
however, might view the post-conversion state as much more dramatic.
Although the reason for the negative correlation of change in agreeableness with
education is less clear, one possible explanation relates to the factors involved in cognitive
processes of self-distortion assumed to be involved in change perception bias. As known
from the self-assessment of body image (Palta, Prineas, Berman, & Hannan, 1982),
education level can influence the accuracy of self-perception. In case of conversion
changes, education could provide a kind of resistance to social norms or demands to
engage in agreeable behaviour.
 766 P. Halama and M. Lacˇná

Another significant variable was the nature of the convert’s church. Converts who are
members of Apostolic churches (with non-traditional religiosity) perceived higher changes
in conscientiousness and self-esteem than did members of traditional churches (Catholic
and Evangelical). This may be an example of the retrospective bias described earlier
(Beckford, 1978; Popp-Baier, 2003). Conversion in Apostolic churches may place more
emphasis on increasing self-esteem and conscientiousness; deeper analysis of the
spirituality in these churches should be done to confirm or reject this idea.
Concerning raters, similar patterns of perceived change were identified. In our
research, we did not consider raters as neutral individuals, rather as involved persons with
possible biases coming from their own religiosity or their personal relationship to a
convert. Correlation analysis showed that religiosity of the rater is a major factor related
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to the perception of changes in converts. More religious raters and those with more
positive attitudes toward conversion reported observing more change in the mean-
ingfulness and self-esteem of the convert. This suggests that the process of interpreting
change in converts according to standards of religious community (Beckford, 1978; Snow
& Machalek, 1984) appears to hold true for raters as well as converts.
Although the retrospective methodology employed does not allow the equating of
perceived changes to actual changes, it also does not preclude that possibility. As
mentioned above, retrospective data have previously been considered evidence for real
change (Zinnbauer & Pargament, 1998). Although changes in personality traits after
conversion are suggested by Piedmont (2001), he does not specify why these changes could
happen. The present work suggests two possible mechanisms.
The first is based on the shift in reported well-being after conversion. Increasing well-
being and positive emotions as an effect of conversion is widely accepted (Paloutzian et al.,
1999). From the Big Five traits, neuroticism (defined as negative emotionality) and
extraversion (defined as positive emotionality) are dimensions closely related to happiness
and well-being (Hayes & Joseph, 2003). Change of well-being in the sense of enhancing
positive emotions after conversion could lead to experiencing lower neuroticism (less
negative emotions) and higher extraversion (more positive emotions).
Another possible mechanism is related to religiosity itself. Sarouglou’s (2002) meta-
analysis of the relationship between Big Five traits and religiosity showed that religiosity
is systematically (independent of religious type) related to agreeableness and conscien-
tiousness. He underlines that these traits are typical for intrinsic religiosity. Increases of
intrinsic religiosity after conversion can influence changes in self-perception of
agreeableness and conscientiousness. As these traits are generally considered character-
related, they could be shaped by religious norms and demands. In both cases, situational-
dispositional interaction could be an explanation for experiencing change (Murtha,
Kanfer, & Ackerman, 1996) because new situations relating to religiosity and religious
states are stimulating new behaviours and emotional experiences.

Conclusion
The results of our research suggest that converts and their raters perceive robust changes
in personality including basic traits defined by Big Five theory. These changes are in an
adaptive direction, potentially leading to better functioning. The self-reported religiosity of
both converts and their raters is a particularly strong factor influencing the magnitude of
perceived change. This suggests that retrospective bias based on religious standards and
norms can colour the recollections of both the actual convert and the people who are
 Mental Health, Religion & Culture 767

closely acquainted with that convert. Further research using different methodologies could
provide more information on how this bias operates at discrete levels of psychological
functioning and how it interacts with the perception of real (objective) changes following
conversion experiences.

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