WCCD April Pojman

A Case Study in Communication for Social Change:
Strengthening Municipal Capacity in Water and Sanitation
I. Background & Context
Introduction
This paper describes the context and content of a project to improve municipal capacity
in water and sanitation in Peru from a communication for social change perspective.
Focusing on the non-governmental organization’s (NGO) social team, it draws on
qualitative data that was gathered using a visual action research methodology based on
Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Rapid Appraisal of Agricultural Knowledge
Systems (RAAKS) techniques. It documents the communication and collaboration that
have developed between the project’s teams, the water company in which they were
embedded, schools and the general public. Based on this case study, the paper suggests
how communication for social change principles could be applied in other capacity
development projects of this type.
Approximately 1.3 billion people in the developing world lack access to adequate
supplies of clean water, and nearly 3 billion people are without sanitary means of
disposing of their feces. Consequently, an estimated 10,000 people die every day from
water- and sanitation-related diseases, and thousands more suffer from associated
illnesses (Bosch et al. 2000). The United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals
highlight consistent access to water and sanitation as a basic human right, and while
progress has been made on this health and environmental issue, the Human Development
Report (2005: 42) warns, “the target of halving the number of people without sustainable
access to improved water sources will be missed by about 210 million people. Another 2
April Pojman, Institutional Strengthener

UNAIS, La Paz, Bolivia
april@yapame.com, www.yapame.com
billion people will also lack access to an improved sanitation sources in 2015.”
In response to the inability of governments to provide clean water consistently or to
devise reliable systems for other agencies to do so, community water management was
identified during the UN’s International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade of
the 1980s, as one of six prerequisites for sustainable water and sanitation services for the
world’s population. The New Delhi Statement in 1990 drew together the lessons from the
previous decade and declared that communities should be involved not only in the
inception phase but also should assume responsibility and ownership for the entire
lifecycle of the system. The Dublin statement in 1992 called for the devolution of water
management to the most local level possible and at the same time declared water to be an
economic good, opening the way for large scale water privatizations (Schouten &
Moriarty 2003).
Water & Sanitation in Peru
According to the 2005 Human Development Report, 74 percent of the Peruvian
population had reliable access to improved water sources in 1990 while 81 percent did in
2002. Meanwhile the percentage of the population with access to improved sanitation
was 52 percent in 1990 and 62 percent in 2002. Public expenditure on health has
remained at 2.2 percent of the country’s GDP since 1990.
Until 1990 water and sanitation services in Peru were administered by the central
government through the regional offices of National Service of Potable Water and
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A Case Study in Communication for Social Change: Strengthening Municipal Capacity in Water and Sanitation
Sewage (SENAPA). Between 1990 and 1993, responsibility for water and sanitation
services were devolved to the level of municipal governments. The municipalities began
to administer the services indirectly through municipal water companies. However,
training was not provided to the municipalities or water users on how to effectively
manage these services (Bodero 2003).
Parallel to this devolution process, between 1991 and 1997, over 100 state owned
enterprises were sold to private investors (Manzetti 1999). Privatization of the water
sector was also scheduled and though bids were collected, plans for privatization were
postponed indefinitely in 1997. In 1992, 63 percent of the public polled were in favor of
privatization of the water sector but by 1997, 78 percent were opposed because of their
experience with other privatized industries and a lack of confidence in Peru’s Fujimori
government (Shirley 2000).
Since 2003, there has been a new wave of decentralization policies that seek to make
local service providers independent of municipalities through the renewed introduction of
the private sector. At the same time, the majority of municipal water companies are
facing severe economic crises that compromise their ability to guarantee adequate water
quality and service coverage. The National Registry of Municipalities has documented
the limited capacity of Peruvian municipalities to plan and manage local development
processes. In 2001, over 40 percent of municipalities surveyed did not gather basic data
on their populations nor did they have any type of municipal planning processes.
Additionally, the Registry showed that just 26 percent of municipal workers knew how to
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operate computers and that only 10 percent of municipal offices had Internet access
(INEI 2004).
Because the municipalities own the water companies, water is often managed as a
political good, with improved service promised to those neighborhoods that vote for the
winning party and jobs in the water company given to supporters. The water companies
are governed by a board of directors who are appointed by the mayors of the towns that
own the company. The only criteria are that they have experience running any type of
company and retain good standing with the mayor. These directors select the general
manager and many of the other employees of the water company as well. This situation
has led to the common perception that there is no such thing as municipal capacity.
Currently, the Peruvian water sector consists of a complex system involving the national
government, local municipalities, user groups, technical assistance providers, the private
sector, and national and international financial institutions. Unfortunately, there is poor
coordination and little information sharing between these actors. This means that it is
difficult for any one actor to know what is actually occurring in practice; there is a weak
political will to carry out government policies; little space for effective support from
technical experts; limited action protecting water quality and the environment; poor
accountability for the quality of services provided; and limited protection of users rights
(Agencia Canadiense Para el Desarrollo 2003).
The geography of Peru gives these management challenges an added urgency. The
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coastal region is one of the driest areas in the world with annual precipitation of less than
100 mm; it comprises one-third of the total land of Peru and is home to 50 percent of the
population (Sivertsen & Lundberg 1996). It is therefore highly dependant on water from
the highlands for both its surface and groundwater supplies and consequently, many parts
of the country have limited water and sanitation services.
Capacity Development & Communication
An emerging framework for linking capacity development and communication for social
change is outlined in narrative form below and in Figure 1. In the current context of
decentralization and shrinking aid budgets, more development initiatives are focusing on
building local capacity to design, manage and maintain development efforts, after
external agencies have pulled out (Horton et al. 2003). The overall purpose of capacity
development is to foster an internal process of growth and social change in order to
increase an individual, group and/or organization’s ability to perform, solve problems and
manage current challenges in order to achieve results in the future.
Hard capacities have been defined as physically tangible items such as financial
resources, infrastructure, technology, and staff. While soft capacities are less concrete
qualities such as management style, planning abilities, goal setting, allocation of
resources, transference of core values over time, strategic leadership, process
management, and motivation. (Morgan et al. 2005; Horton et al. 2003). Unfortunately,
the success of many capacity development efforts have been hampered by a continued
focus on resolving technical factors to the exclusion of facilitating social and political
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processes that affect the ability of people and organizations to achieved desired goals.
Capacity can been viewed as a collection of specific abilities distributed among various
levels of an organization from the competencies of individuals, to the overall capabilities
of the organization, to the connection of individual and organizational attributes with the
external operating environment (Morgan et al. 2005). Because capacity development is
all encompassing, it takes place on the individual micro-level through changing
knowledge, skills and attitudes; on the team level by embedding individual capacities in a
group of people; on the organizational level though a process of sharing and assimilating
individual and group capacities into the organizational culture; and on a broad macro or
societal level by helping with the transformation of society as a whole by enabling both
individuals and organizations to use their capacities to the fullest (Fukuda-Parr et al.
2002; Horton et al. 2003).
A mechanism for exploring how individual learning can be transferred into organization-
wide learning and long-term changes that can improve organizational performance is
situated learning theory. This theory holds that learning is located within everyday work
practices that coincide with processes of identity formation, both of which are embedded
in individual and group power dynamics. Within this framework, the acquisition of skills
is not what is most valued, but rather it is the ability to read the context and act in ways
that are recognized and valued by other organizational members (Contu & Willmott
2003; Lave & Wenger 1991).
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Power dynamics figure strongly in organizational learning processes and can affect not
only what is learned but how information is shared. Giddens looked at power dynamics
from two perspectives one of domination and the other of transformative capacity. The
common view of power is as the ability to influence or control the actions of others. The
second type of power, known as “human agency,” is the capability of a person “to
intervene in a series of events so as to alter their course” (1976: 111).
Access to information and knowledge, which are relevant and timely, influences the
ability of each person to make informed choices about how to exercise their personal
agency. During learning processes, individual access to knowledge and skills can be
constrained or enabled by the organizational hierarchy and the political dimensions of
communication. As Stohl points out, “communication is simultaneously the source, the
process, and the outcome of hierarchical position” (1995: 114).
The reason behind any communication interaction is different from the actual content of
any single message. Several authors have explored these “functions” or intentions behind
communication flows (Calvelo Ríos 2003; Diaz Bordenave 1977; Ramírez & Quarry
2004; Rosengren 2000). For example, communication may be designed to persuade,
control or simply transmit information, which is quite different from communication
efforts that are intended to explore views, facilitate social bonds or raise consciousness.
Often one or two functions tend to dominate the thinking or overall motive behind a
communication flow. See Figure 2 for a composite list of communication functions.
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Often times the factors that influence communication and the quality of relationships are
unconscious even to individuals themselves. For example, discursive or explicit
knowledge is that which the individual is consciously aware of, has reflected upon and
can be easily conveyed as information in common language to other people or codified in
documents. On the other hand, tacit or implicit knowledge is often embedded in
contextual experience, specific social situations, memory, judgments, emotions,
perceptions and motives so that while this type of knowledge can be made explicit and
transferred to others, it takes considerable effort and self-reflection (Jarvis 1999, Leeuwis
2004).
Though both discursive and tacit knowledge serve as lenses through which each of us
interprets and assigns meaning to experiences, Leeuwis notes that, “explicit knowledge
can be seen as only the ‘tip of the iceberg’. In sociological terms, this ‘iceberg’ can be
called an actor’s life-world” (2004: 97). Each person possesses a life-world or mental
model of how and why the world works as it does. These mental models are composed of
past experiences and personal and shared understandings, as such they are not fixed but
rather are continually changing and being reshaped by new experiences. Access to
information then actually shapes how reality itself and any future information will be
interpreted. These mental models help us to make sense of the world but also constrain
what we see to what fits within our model.
Just as each person has their own mental model of how the world works, organizations
themselves can develop their own life-worlds based on collective memory and
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experience. “Individuals come and go, but organizations preserve knowledge, behaviors,
mental maps, norms and values over time” (Weick 2001: 243). This process of creating
and codifying organizational memory, leads to what O’Dell et al, describe as “the shared
history, expectations, unwritten rules and social mores that affects the behavior of
everyone… It’s the set of underlying beliefs that while never exactly articulated, are
always there to color the perceptions of action and communications” (1998: 71).
The “social network” model for visualizing the flow of communication between parties,
tries to capture the myriad of prior and simultaneous communication that is occurring for
both the sender and the receiver in a given interaction. Meaning is not just constructed
between the sender and the receiver but also in dialogue with past experience and the
broader social context (see Figure 3). The social network model takes power into account
by acknowledging how political interests, personal aspirations, social status, cultural
background and interpersonal relationships influence what is communicated about, how it
is communicated and the meaning that is constructed from the interaction (Keyton 2005;
Leeuwis 2004).
Through the individual, new ideas are brought into contact with organizational mental
models. The social position that the person with new capacity holds, determines to a large
extent their ability to add their voice to on-going dialogues and the degree to which they
can exercise their agency to influence others to consider or adopt new ideas. Overall
organizational capacity development depends on what the individual has learned, how
well they are able to express and share it with others, and the receptivity of the team or
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organizational culture to new ideas.
Waisbord (2005) indicates several key ideas that have emerged from communication
studies over the years. First, power relations play a central role in communication- from
who has information to who owns the means of accessing it to who initiates the
conversations. Communication interventions should help people to negotiate complex
power relations and increasingly make decisions for themselves. Second, communication
interventions should integrate both top-down and bottom-up approaches so that the
increasing focus on individual or community empowerment doesn’t lead to a
misunderstanding about the role of governments and other centralized institutions in
shaping an external context in which local empowerment can take place.
Third, there is a call for a “took-kit” approach that strategically combines different
communication approaches, from the interpersonal to the multimedia, from the local level
to the broader context, depending on the situation, the needs of the community, and the
priorities of the funder (Waisbord 2001; FAO 2002). McKee (1992) has argued that the
most successful communication strategies merge together various approaches by using
media to stimulate interpersonal communication around certain topics so that new
messages have the opportunity to enter everyday discourse.
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II. Case Study
Case Study Context
This case study took place in a town of about 110,000 inhabitants on the coast of Peru in
the province of Lima. In December of 2002, water was distributed by the municipal water
company to the general public through 18,084 water connections for an average of 8
hours a day. At this time about 57 percent of the water that pumped into the pipes for
distribution was unaccounted for. It was estimated that almost half was lost in distribution
because of the poor state of the water pipes. In other cases, end user simply did not pay
for their water service or water was unknowingly distributed through clandestine
connections that could not be billed (SUM Canadá 2005).
The income that the company received at this time only covered operating costs;
therefore there were no plans for investments in the system to repair leaks or to
encourage water conservation on the part of the general public. Additionally, demand for
water was rising as the population of the city continued to grow and new immigrants
from rural areas used an increasing amount of water as they became accustomed to
having it in their homes.
In order to help control water loss and non-payment, the municipal water company made
the decision to follow other water companies - including the state owned company in
Lima - by installing household and commercial water meters. These meters measure the
amount of water used in each location and charge people based on what they used rather
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than the flat fee that had been in place up to this point. Unfortunately, this effort was ill
fated, as people had heard that the water meters were faulty and that they measured air
going through the pipes. The media helped to fan the fear of increased rates and
neighborhoods began to organize themselves to meet the meter installation teams with
rocks and machetes.
At this time, the water company’s Institutional Image office was in charge of
communicating with the public. To do this, radio stations and newspapers were
monitored to see what was being said about the water company, and if a problem
appeared, each incident was responded to separately through the media or in person.
Unfortunately, overall there was little public trust in the mass media, especially
television, due to the scope and depth of media corruption under the Fujimori
administration and the well-known fact that stories are often published or withheld based
on a monthly blackmail payment system.
Water company managers indicated that the Commercial Manager made the decision to
install water meters and the general public was informed after the decision had already
been made. One group of managers said that the decision was made in this manner
“because there is no way to communicate with the clients to make decisions together.”
Within this context, in November 2000, the NGO World University Service of Canada
(WUSC) began to work to strengthen municipal capacity in water and sanitation in
partnership with the local water company.
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Studies have shown that sustainable community water management is dependent on a
mix of technical and social factors: an enabling policy framework, water resource
availability, finances, appropriate technology, and community management capacity
(Schouten & Moriarty 2003). Community management capacity not only encompasses a
public environment supportive of community management in general but also a number
of specialized hard and soft skills. Some of the specific skills required include planning,
management, research, engineering, and training and educational skills.
WUSC Peru’s annual work plan (2005: 1) states that the overall goal of the project is to
“improve the health and living conditions in selected urban and rural communities of
Peru by strengthening the technical, managerial and administrative capacity of municipal
providers of urban waster and sanitation services…” The project supports the
development of municipal capacity by embedding teams of professionals within
municipal water companies.
In this case, three teams were initially selected: engineering, management and social. One
of the conditions of the contract that was signed with the municipality was the provision
of water company employees as counterpart personnel to make up part of WUSC’s
teams. These counterpart team members underwent intensive learning-by-doing capacity
development through their daily work with WUSC professionals. See Figure 4 for a
visual depiction of how the WUSC teams interface with the other stakeholders both
internal and external to the water company. The management team members had been
transferred to other project locations prior to this research, so the relationships and
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communication that took place with that team will not be included in the discussion here.
Research Methodology
This research was conducted over three months in 2005 using PRA and RAAKS tools as
the basis for the methodology (Engel & Salomon 1997, Gubbels & Koss 2000).
According to Engel (1997: 9), “The knowledge and information systems perspective…
can be used to unearth the organization forms that enable and/or constrain knowledge
processes such as generation, transformation and use of knowledge and information. It
focuses on organizations and/or persons, and the links and interactions among them.”
Six action research workshops were held with different stakeholder groups in order to
involve the participants in a group exploration of their communication and relationships
both within the water company and with external stakeholders. During the workshops,
group members constructed collective social maps of the communication functions used
with other actors as well as the quality of the relationships that had developed. Semi-
structured interviews, participant observation and a review of project documentation
supplemented this data.
Two workshops were conducted with WUSC’s engineering and social teams and their
water company counterparts. In the first workshop participants were given a list of nine
communication functions (listed in Figure 2) and asked to map out the flows of
information between their teams and other stakeholders. Each flow was labeled with the
number of the communication function(s) that best corresponded to the reasons behind
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their typical communication. See Figure 5 for an example of a social map that was made
during this process.
In the second workshop, participants were asked to brainstorm the factors that made for
good working relationships and poor working relationships. They selected the top five
most important factors in each category and ranked them in order of importance. See
Figure 6 for the qualities selected during this process. The relationships that had been
identified in the previous workshop were then given between one and five points for each
factor (one indicated that very little of this quality was present and five indicated that a
lot of the quality was present). The numbers in the “poor working relationships”
categories were subtracted from the ones in the “good working relationships” categories
resulting in an overall score between +20 and -20 for each relationship.
Workshops were also done with two stakeholder groups. A neighborhood group was
asked to identify their main sources of information, describe what they liked and disliked
about each and rank them for the quality of their information. A group of teachers that
had received a series of educational talks by WUSC’s social team, was asked what they
had done with the information, how they had taught it, and if they thought that it had
affected the behavior of their students.
Additionally, managers in the water company participated in two workshops. The first
asked them to brainstorm important decisions that had been made over the past several
years, rank them in order of importance, classify the decisions into four categories based
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on how involved the people affected by the decision had been in the decision making
process and explain why it had been made the way it had. The WUSC teams and
counterparts were included in a final workshop with managers to discuss what had been
learned from their partnership together and how this learning could be applied in the
future.
Communication & Collaboration with Water Users & Schools
Initially the teams carried out a series of diagnostic studies to determine the state of the
water system and the attitude of the general public towards the water company. Based on
these studies, WUSC made the decision to divide the city into sectors and work
intensively in one sector at a time. In December 2002, the approval rating for the water
company in the first sector was only 11percent (SUM Canadá, 2005).
The engineering team started to work on improving the number of hours of service and
the water pressure in preparation for the continued installation of water meters in the first
sector. While the management team began to carry out an inventory to determine the
exact number of users and water connections that existed. They then began a campaign to
get users to pay old debts and to pay for legitimate connections.
The social team began to work with the general public through a broad educational
campaign focused on the schools, neighborhood groups, and individual water users. They
designed a communication campaign to reach water users based on the issues identified
in the diagnostics survey. A series of brochures were devised around two main themes:
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the rights and responsibilities of both the water users and the water company, and water
conservation. A communication specialist in Lima designed the brochures and water
users were not asked for their input or feedback in the design process.
These brochures were distributed at informational sessions with neighborhood groups,
door to door to individual users and attached to monthly water bills. The radio was also
used to announce progress on the work and promote educational messages about water
conservation. The project’s Annual Report (2004: 27) states, “The public education
program was an enormous undertaking. It involved many months of direct, on-going
contact between the staff of [the water company] and the population in the pilot sector,
however, it was precisely this kind of contact and collaboration that was required to
change the ingrained attitudes and customs of the population… with regard to water use.”
A member of the social team also accompanied any group that went into the field to have
contact with the users especially for work related to installing the water meters in order to
explain why it was being done and to answer any questions. Additionally, they went with
a plumber who checked household appliances and connections for any leaks that would
result in elevated meter readings. If leaks were found the user was told which parts to buy
and the repairs were done at no cost.
Feedback from a workshop with one neighborhood indicated that overall, the water users
most liked interpersonal communication and that they preferred to have someone from
the water company come speak with them personally than to have things communicated
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by radio, newspaper or TV. They didn’t have any criticisms or suggestions for the content
or presentation of the materials given to them by the social team and saw the educational
brochures as being relatively free of some of the problems that other forms of
communication suffer from, namely sensationalism, corruption and inaccurate
information. When water users make contact with the water company of their own accord
it is mainly to present their complaints about the service or to dispute the amount of a
water bill.
The social team worked with the 1,185 students of the four schools in the first sector. The
sciences and environment teachers attended educational presentations about the state of
fresh water globally and were given coloring books and other educational materials they
could integrate into their curriculum. The schools were also invited to participate in a
series of events and contests leading up to a parade for InterAmerican Water Day,
celebrated in October. Additionally, some teachers arranged fieldtrips for their students to
visit the water company and see it in operation.
Feedback from three schools indicated that the teachers who had participated in the
educational presentations given by the social team had liked that concrete facts and
figures were presented, had found the materials useful and were positive about the overall
experience. While the secondary school teachers had looked over the materials slightly
more than the other teachers, the primary school teachers had made more of an effort to
educate the students’ families by sending materials home. The primary school teachers
believed that the content had had more impact on changing their students’ water
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conservation habits than the secondary school teacher.
Because of a chronic shortage of funds in the schools, teachers often pay for classroom
educational materials themselves. While the events around InterAmerican Water Day
increased the need for personal spending, WUSC also donated many materials and prizes
for the contests that would not have otherwise been available. One teacher from the first
sector that participated with WUSC indicated that her school would celebrate the event
again this year even though external support was no longer available.
By the end of 2004, following the implementation of these activities, 76 percent of the
users in the first sector stated they were satisfied with the water service. They received
increased water pressure and number of hours of service, to 20 hours per day. The
percentage of connections with water meters has gone from 40 to 85 percent and 200
clandestine connections were eliminated. Prior to WUSC’s intervention in the sector, 64
percent of water wasn’t paid for before, while by in December 2004 that had decreased to
54 percent. In the city as a whole, 29 percent of the connections had water meters in late
2002 and by December 2004, 35 percent had water meters. The overall amount of
unaccounted for water in the city decreased slightly from 57 to 56 percent (SUM Canadá
2005).
Communication & Collaboration within the Municipal Water Company
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While the WUSC teams engaged with the public and the schools as well as the rest of the
water company, the changes in capacity and behavior that occurred among the public and
the schools in the targeted sector are more pronounced than those within the water
company. The communication and collaboration that took place between the WUSC
teams and water company employees occurred naturally, in the course of working
together. The transfer of knowledge from the teams appeared to be more effective when
the training was explicit rather than tacit.
When asked in individual interviews what they had learned from working with WUSC,
most of the managers indicated that it was “the way they worked” or “their teamwork,”
although they said they had not implemented it in their own departments. When asked to
describe what teamwork meant, they said things like “it guarantees the expected results”
or “it means that there is no leadership or bosses” or “identification with the water
company.” Since the managers had only observed the behavior without receiving specific
training on teamwork, they didn’t have a very clear idea of what it meant or how to
implement it.
In general, based on the workshops that explored the function of the information flows
that take place and the quality of the relationships between the two WUSC teams (and
their counterparts) and other stakeholders, a couple of observations can be made. First,
the communication flows that involved few functions generally tended to include only
sharing information, transmitting time-sensitive information, and sometimes exchanging
ideas. However, overall the more functions of communication that were used, the more
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points the relationship was given (indicating a “better quality” relationship) in the second
workshop. Additionally, relationships that had a more equal flow of communication
functions from both parties received more points than those where one party used many
more functions than the other.
In general, there was more information flow and use of more functions between the
engineering team and the other actors than between the social team and the other actors.
The engineering team was physically embedded in the same space as the water
company’s Projects Team. Based on the workshops, the relationships with the most
points for WUSC’s engineering team and their counterparts, beginning with the highest,
were with the construction workers, the main WUSC office in Lima, schools and
institutions, and the General Manager. Starting with the lowest, the relationships with the
fewest points were with the Projects Manager, the Operations Manager, and the
Commercial Manager (see Figure 7).
The social team on the other hand, while also officially under the Projects Manager in the
water company’s organizational hierarchy, and unofficially under the engineering team in
WUSC’s hierarchy, were located in a different building several blocks away with the
water company’s Commercial department. Several water company managers indicated
that they felt that the social team was distant and detached from the rest of the company,
in part because of their physical location and in part because they did not include other
water company staff in their activities either as participants or educational resources. This
impression of distance led the Projects Manager to require counterpart members of the
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social team to have his signed permission to leave their office, resulting in much time
spent coordinating their movements with his in order to get all the paperwork in order.
For WUSC’s social team and their counterparts, the relationships with the highest
number of points were with WUSC headquarters in Lima, the schools and institutions,
and the Operations Manager. The relationships with the fewest points were with the
General Manager, the Projects Manager, and the Commercial Manager (see Figure 7).
It seems that physical proximity and face-to-face contact encourage the use of additional
communication functions as the distance between the social team and water company is
reflected both in the communication flows and in the quality of the relationships they
have formed with others in the company. One of the water company managers expressed
that “we talk almost daily [with the engineering team] and explore why things are done
the way they are. It’s easy to come to agreements because we know what is happening.
But with the social team things always come as a surprise.”
The root of this distance was found in changes in the staff of the social team. A WUSC
team member headed the team in 2002, and later she was reassigned to a different WUSC
project in another location. At this time, the municipal water company counterpart was
hired to fill the role of the WUSC staff person and he was given two new water company
counterparts. However, the political activities and affiliations of two members of the new
social team were at odds with the mayor of the town as well as the General Manager of
the water company. Because of the political nature of the municipal water companies,
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WUSC had a policy of not involving themselves in politics, which meant that this issue
was not directly talked about or managed by anyone. At the time of the research, it had
become entrenched with distrust on both sides.
One manager said, “The social team we have now is different from the one we started
with… [they] are a bit divorced from us for political reasons… we don’t want to move or
change them because of the respect we have for the contract [with WUSC], they are
already working so we just let them. But sometimes we can’t reach understandings with
them. We support them, but with sadness that they are not the same team we started
with.” On the part of the social team, they often complained that they were told not to put
items in the budget to WUSC because the water company would support them, and then
later when they needed resources to carry out activities, they were denied them.
Consequently, the social team didn’t have the budget to carry out many of the activities
they had done in previous years.
The previous head of the social team had trained her counterpart in both tacit and explicit
knowledge for both hard and soft capacities. When serving as a counterpart, the new head
of the social team did learn to successfully work with the schools and water users though
face to face contact and ongoing coordination. However, he did not pick up the tacit
knowledge of how to act in ways that were socially recognized within the water company
and to successfully navigate power relations.
This will have implications for the future work of the water company with the general
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public. The general consensus among both managers and social team members is that
without funding and staff from WUSC, the work of the social team will revert to the
office of Institutional Image. While the head of that department acknowledged that the
users education program had played a very important role in helping the public to accept
the water meters, he said that he would do the work his way in the future by monitoring
what people say in the press.
Implications for Planning & Monitoring Capacity Development Interventions
Many excellent participatory monitoring and evaluation questions are outlined in Who
Measures Change (Parks et al. 2005), however one cannot help feeling that we need to
take a step back during the project planning process and consider the social network
model of communication. The person who is charged with enabling change will establish
information flows and use specific communication functions that will reflect their
personal agency and relationships with others in that context. However because both
agency and relationships are socially constructed in negotiation with others, they are
constantly in flux. In order to be useful to a change intervention, the status of the change
agent and their relationship with others will need to be assessed and monitored over the
life of the project. This could be done using variations of the tools that were employed in
this research or by adapting other social action-research techniques for that purpose.
Several “communication for capacity development” processes could be put into place
during project planning to enable more effective transfer of knowledge: identification of
the social change or capacity development objectives, exploration of options for how to
24
foster that change, and recognition of key people who can influence the depth or rate of
change. Based on these preliminary steps, the people who are in the best positions to
serve as agents of change can be identified. This is an important point as the learning that
permits both organizational and community wide capacity development takes place at the
level of the individual, the agent of that learning and change will need a sufficient amount
of agency to insert new ideas into public and private dialogues. If it is found that the
selected change agent doesn’t have the quality of relationships or agency required to
influence others to consider new ideas, the project will have to determine if their social
position can be fortified or if a new change agent will need to be selected.
In the case of WUSC, the project goals and indicators of progress did not explicitly
recognize the role of their teams and especially the water company counterparts as being
agents of change; particularly within the water company itself. The team’s role of
institutionalizing capacity development was underestimated perhaps due to the
engineering origins of the project and the lack of a common language to visualize and
gauge social processes. While the personnel selected were capable, and the
communication strategies effectively combined media with interpersonal contact, the
project did not take into account the agency or relationships of the people it selected to
work with. The counterparts were viewed as a token contribution on the part of the water
company, when in fact; they had the implicit role of transferring their new capacity on to
others in the company.
This technical focus is reflected in the indicators that the project used to monitor the work
25
of the social team, which include the average amount billed per connection, the number
of months of late payments, monthly profit of the water company, the number of schools
participating in the training programs, the number of teachers trained, the number of
students trained, and percentage of water users satisfied with the service. Now, new
indicators to assess the social processes in the project, such as the quality of relationship
factors in Figure 6, could be developed.
Future projects of this type might include a stated project objective of establishing and
maintaining relationships that will facilitate the overall goals of the project. Additionally,
placing staff, perhaps in the form of a fourth team in WUSC’s case, who would be
explicitly responsible for establishing indicators and tools to diagnose, monitor, evaluate
and help restore relationships, would enable the capacity development efforts to become
embedded in organizational mental models. These staff should develop processes and
indicators to assist in their work of promoting the communication flows and quality of
relationships that are needed to successfully imbed learning and capacity development.
They should also work in tandem with the other teams (as the social team does to some
extent) and within the community to encourage ownership of the communication
processes by the stakeholders involved and to help decision makers to share ownership of
communication processes.
Communication is the basis for all processes of change and development, whether it
involves creating awareness, consensus building, making informed decisions, resolving
conflicts, or generating participation. When addressing any development context-
26
including health issues or proper use or conservation of natural resources- it is large-scale
change in the way people live and work with each other that will make a difference
(Fraser & Restrepo-Estrada, 1998). However, development interventions cannot ignore
that the success of any project depends on the type of communication and the quality of
relationships that people develop with each other in each context, as Manuel Calvelo Ríos
(2003: 1) states, “Communication and knowledge… are indispensable, yet not sufficient
to foster development.”
27
Figure 1- Conceptual Framework
Different
communication
functions serve Made up of both
different purposes. internal and external
Integrate top-down Communicatio resources and skills.
and bottom-up
Capacity There are tangible
n for
approaches to Development hard capacities and
Development less tangible soft
address both local
level and broader capacities.
contexts. The knowledge that
A “toolkit” approach comprises capacity
using several can be explicit or
methodologies from Organizational Takes placetacit.
within a specific
interpersonal to mass Learning social context and community of
media is more practice.
effective than using Is embedded within individual
one single medium. and collective mental models.
Social and technical components
are interrelated
All three processes generally take place at the individual level and then ideas
move up to broader levels.
The more ownership a person feels in the process, the more it is likely to affect
their long term thinking and behavior.
Personal agency is necessary for a person to insert new ideas into organizational or
public dialogue.
Social hierarchies and the political dimensions of sharing information constrain and
enable individual access to knowledge and skills.
Learning objectives can make learning and social change more concrete and easier
to evaluate.
28
Figure 2- Communication Functions
Calvelo Ríos Diaz Bordenave Ramírez & Quarry Rosengren Functions used
(2003) (1977) (2004) (2000) in this research
Communication function
Manipulation Persuasion Policy communication Control function Establish rules, norms,

policies (2)*
Information Transmission of Time-sensitive Informative function Transmit time-sensitive
information communication information (9)
Self-expression Personal expression, Social or facilitative Expressive function Exchange ideas, explore
social interaction and communication: diversity (7)
relationships participation and debate
Communication Instrument of social and Educational Social function Share information,
political change communication: making knowledge (3)
associated with things known, sharing
authentic development knowledge
Education Communication for Get feedback, learn (4)
learning: feedback
Training Reinforce group identity (1)
Recreation Share talents, enjoy life (8)
Gain advantages over others,
compete (6)
Influence others or control
self (5)
*The numbers is parentheses indicate the code used for each communication function in Figure 5.
29
Figure 3- Social Network Model of Communication
Person or Group A Person or Group B

communication
Figure 4- Interfaces and Implied Flow of Capacity Development Between Project Teams
and Other Stakeholders
O B
t o
h a
e Managers r
r d
WUSC social
Schools / team counterparts D o
e f
Institutions External context / National Government /
p
Regional Government
WUSC / Local Government a D
engineering Projects r i
Water users / counterparts Department r
team t
General Public m e
construction e c
workers n t
t o
s r
s
30
Figure 5- Social Map of Communication Flows and Functions
Figure 6- Factors that Most Influence the Quality of Working Relationships
Factors that make for Factors that make for

good working relationships poor working relationships
Trust Authoritarianism
Responsibility False information and gossip
Communication Lack of trust
Honesty Egotism
Respect Irresponsibility
Figure 7- Perceived Quality of Working Relationships 2005
Social Team Engineering Team

Construction Workers n/a 20
Projects Manager -14 4
Operational Manager 13 9
General Manager -16 14
Administrative Manager -1 10
Commercial Manager -11 10
WUSC Lima 20 18
Water Users -3 12
Schools & other institutions 15 15
31
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34

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A Case Study in Communication for Social Change:

Strengthening Municipal Capacity in Water and Sanitation

I. Background & Context

Focusing on the non-governmental organization’s (NGO) social team, it draws on

Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Rapid Appraisal of Agricultural Knowledge

Systems (RAAKS) techniques. It documents the communication and collaboration that

development projects of this type.

April Pojman, Institutional Strengthener

In response to the inability of governments to provide clean water consistently or to

Water & Sanitation in Peru

According to the 2005 Human Development Report, 74 percent of the Peruvian

remained at 2.2 percent of the country’s GDP since 1990.

to administer the services indirectly through municipal water companies. However,

manage these services (Bodero 2003).

government (Shirley 2000).

local service providers independent of municipalities through the renewed introduction of

(Agencia Canadiense Para el Desarrollo 2003).

of the country have limited water and sanitation services.

Capacity Development & Communication

development is to foster an internal process of growth and social change in order to

manage current challenges in order to achieve results in the future.

qualities such as management style, planning abilities, goal setting, allocation of

resources, transference of core values over time, strategic leadership, process

levels of an organization from the competencies of individuals, to the overall capabilities

external operating environment (Morgan et al. 2005). Because capacity development is

all encompassing, it takes place on the individual micro-level through changing

2002; Horton et al. 2003).

2003; Lave & Wenger 1991).

intervene in a series of events so as to alter their course” (1976: 111).

constrained or enabled by the organizational hierarchy and the political dimensions of

communication. As Stohl points out, “communication is simultaneously the source, the

process, and the outcome of hierarchical position” (1995: 114).

2004; Rosengren 2000). For example, communication may be designed to persuade,

control or simply transmit information, which is quite different from communication

communication flow. See Figure 2 for a composite list of communication functions.

unconscious even to individuals themselves. For example, discursive or explicit

can be easily conveyed as information in common language to other people or codified in

documents. On the other hand, tacit or implicit knowledge is often embedded in

contextual experience, specific social situations, memory, judgments, emotions,

what we see to what fits within our model.

by acknowledging how political interests, personal aspirations, social status, cultural

background and interpersonal relationships influence what is communicated about, how it

conversations. Communication interventions should help people to negotiate complex

increasing focus on individual or community empowerment doesn’t lead to a

misunderstanding about the role of governments and other centralized institutions in

shaping an external context in which local empowerment can take place.

most successful communication strategies merge together various approaches by using

media to stimulate interpersonal communication around certain topics so that new

messages have the opportunity to enter everyday discourse.

Case Study Context

connections that could not be billed (SUM Canadá 2005).

having it in their homes.

rocks and machetes.

on a monthly blackmail payment system.

(WUSC) began to work to strengthen municipal capacity in water and sanitation in

partnership with the local water company.

availability, finances, appropriate technology, and community management capacity

public environment supportive of community management in general but also a number

management, research, engineering, and training and educational skills.

Peru by strengthening the technical, managerial and administrative capacity of municipal