Abstract

In this paper, I was able to analyse civil military relations and democratic consolidation in
Nigeria from 1999-2020. The paper focuses on the aspects which the civil-military relations
have taken to set up an example comparative or in change with the past administrations. The
fundamental contention here is that since 1999, the civil-military relations have an example
where the democratic government had been having a grasp on the military. The theoretical
framework was based on Better (1962) four kinds of civil-military relations. And the paper
also shows the accompanying rancid result that have been recorded in the engagement of
Military in civilian cases. Lastly, the paper reveals the issues and prospects of Civil –Military
Relations in Nigeria.
Introduction

The characteristic and dogmatic structure by and large chooses the substance and relationship
of the civil society and the military foundation. In most frameworks, the State inside the
perception of the essential helpful speculation considers and treats the military as a
connected, interrelated and interconnected piece of the whole structure. Military is thusly
considered an element of the stores of associations that helps the hardening of the vote-based
system. There is in this way an unassuming debate that the military is expectedly agreeable to
the civil power that held onto political power for the interest of the State. Regardless, some
evidently determined heavy slide of crises has perseveringly depicted the touch of
relationship between the Military and the civil power especially in emerging countries like
Nigeria.

The Civil-Military Relations in non-industrial nations to seem issue as well as has too
expected a dumbfounding aspect. While there is a disagreeable claim that the foundation of
the Military which is made to secure the commonwealth is burdened with abundant influence
(exuding from the employing of the barrel of firearm) to turn into a danger to the general
public, there is likewise a developing discontent with the disdain the establishment is treated
with. This is likely the explanation Feaver (1999) contended that the civil military relations
are so vexing on the grounds that it includes adjusting two essential and conceivably indicting
cultural cravings. From one viewpoint, the military should be sufficiently able to win in war.
This is one of the fundamental purposes behind setting up the military in any case which is
the need, or saw need, for military power, either to assault different gatherings or to avoid
assaults by others in light of a legitimate concern for the State. Then again, similarly as the
military should shield the country from adversaries, so should it additionally lead its own
undertakings so as not to obliterate or go after the general public it is planned to secure. Since
the military should confront adversaries, it should have coercive power, the capacity to

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compel its will on others. This insight about the institution's proclivity to utilize power has
made the civilian culture to consider the previous to be a pounding hazard which the general
public should dispose of. It is inside this agreement that this paper extends its practicality.

Paper Objective

The main objective of the study is to critically appraise Civil Military Relations and
democratic consolidation in Nigeria from 1999-2020.

Conceptual Framework

Civil–military relations allude to the job of the military in a general public. It isn't, maybe, a
cheerful expression. It infers that the relations between the military and the civilian populace
resemble work the board relations, official chief relations, or Soviet-American relations,
where two concrete, coordinated gatherings with genuine clashing interests battle and deal
with one another. It consequently proposes an essential division and resistance between the
civilian and the military perspectives. This is a bogus resistance. To begin with, in many
social orders' little solidarity of interest, expertise, or perspective exists among the military.
Second, even where there is a particular and recognizable military perspective, interest, and
establishment, in no general public is there ever tantamount solidarity among civilians.
"Civil" in the expression civil–military relations basically mean nonmilitary. Marketing
specialists and creators frequently talk about civil-military relations and, all the more
particularly, about civilian control as though there were a solitary civilian premium. By and
by, they essentially distinguish their own advantage and perspective as the civilian interest
and perspective contrary to an antagonistic military interest and view-point. Any general
public, notwithstanding, which is adequately all around created to have particular military
foundations likewise has a wide assortment of civilian interests, organizations, and
mentalities, the contrasts between any two of which might be a lot more prominent than the
distinction between any of them and the military In this way, civil–military relations include
a variety of relationships between military men, establishments, and interests, from one
viewpoint, and different and frequently clashing nonmilitary men, organizations, and
interests, on the other. It's anything but a balanced relationship yet a one-among-numerous
relationships.

Theoretical Framework: Civil-Military Relations

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The admittance to the instrument of brutality by the individuals from the military proposes
that the military is consistently pivotal and significant component in the majority rule
framework. This doesn't show that military are relied upon to straightforwardly intercede in
governmental issues, however play key part to play in the supportability of the majority rule
administration. Since the fifteenth of January 1966, when the military held onto power from
the justly chosen government in Nigeria, the nation had seen more military rule than the vote-
based state run administrations.

Civil-military relations can take up any structure in a state. Better (1962), portrays four kinds
of civil-military relations. The first is that the military officials can practice their real power
on the civilian government like each and every other strain gathering to accomplish specific
finishes, for example, expanded in the spending plan. Albeit, the military might have the
option to apply impressive approach impact as a vested party however, it is confined by the
acknowledgment of the way that it can't challenge the choice of the civilian government.
Also, the individuals from the military can utilize the treats of some approval or extortion to
accomplish a few objectives. This is for the most part in principle on the grounds that any
utilization of danger by the Nigerian military against the civilian government is viewed as
conspiracy and draws in capital punishment. Thirdly, as per Better, the military might uproot
a civilian government and supplant it with another civilian government. This might occur
assuming the previous civilian system has fizzled in its public obligation. The last civil-
military connection distinguished by Better is that the military officials might choose to oust
a civilian government and assume responsibility for the state undertakings.

As an association that can utilize compulsion and power to accomplish an objective of the
state in term of guard, has made a central issue. The worry is the means by which the civilian
command over the military can be supported given the brutal preparing of the military. The
components and techniques by which the civilian can handle the military have been arranged
into two by Huntington (1957) as 'unbiased' and 'abstract' instruments. The genuine
component portrays a type of connection where there is an unmistakable division between the
political and military jobs and obligations. The substance of this methodology is to keep the
military out of governmental issues to a more noteworthy length as it very well might be
conceivable. The abstract component then again, directs that the military is officially
subordinate to civilian pioneers and accordingly holds no up to challenge civil power. The
abstract and objective civilian control lays accentuation on the philosophical control which
will ultimately boost the civilian power. More or less, the emotional and objective system

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recommends that a philosophical military will consider themselves to be proficient military
rather than political military.

In looking at the effort of the civilian command over the military, Desch (1999) dug into the
underlying hypothesis of civil-military relations which predicts that the strength or
shortcoming of the civilian control depends on the level of inward and outer danger looked
by the state. For this situation, a country that faces solid outside foe will need to guarantee an
extremely impressive military and include it in the dynamic cycle, while a country with
almost no danger will need to lessen the limit of the military and give it restricted job. In any
case, the civil-military connection is impacted. In any case, it ought to be noticed that civilian
control of the military regardless of the limit of the military doesn't deliver the military
politically inert.

Feaver (2003) used the head specialist hypothesis to portray the civil-military relations. In his
examination, he expressed that the civilian recruited the military. Along these lines, it is
normal that the civilian being the chief ought to have the option to apply most extreme
command over the military which is the specialist. The relationship is hence that of a business
and representative. The representative is relied upon to do his allocated liability dependent on
the terms settled on. In such manner, a state's civil military relations will rely upon various
elements with respect to the sacred jobs of the military that set the military as expert in nature
and not political military.

Civil Military Relations and Democratic consolidation in Nigeria from 1999-2020

Civil Military Relations and Democratic consolidation in Nigeria have taken a positive
example. The interest in civil-military relations originated from the unconventional highlights
of the military. At the beginning of the fourth republic, the leader had situated itself to rule
the military. The explanation couldn't be unrealistic thinking about the military foundation of
the primary Leader of the fourth republic. In his discourse at the Public Conflict School in
Abuja on the 24th of July 1999, he spread out his arrangements to change the military by
setting up civilian matchless quality. The oddity that an organization set up to secure the state
can simultaneously pivot to abuse the civilians and defeat a genuine and fairly chose
government. Clearly, the military rule establishes a distortion in each state because of the way
that they are not prepared to run rather they are prepared to guard. After series of military
systems in Nigeria that crossed for nearly 30years since the nation acquired autonomy, the
progress to popularity-based rule gave another aspect into the relationships between the

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civilians and the military. The noticed examples or aspects of civil-military relations propose
a place of subjection.

An inquiry that asks for a response is that what were the devices utilized by the fourth
republic civilian legislatures to successfully control the military? The neo-institutional
hypothesis clarifies the significance of instruments decisions in civil-military relations. The
civilian government to successfully control the military can devise a method for oppressing
the military power. The authentic occasions of the past civil-military relations may have
arranged the fourth republic President who had military foundation and top to bottom
information on military procedures and tasks. This may have managed the cost of the fourth
republic director on the best way to adequately control and curb the force of the military
under civilian control. The principal fairly chose President in the fourth republic, President
Olusegun Obasanjo, in a quick move, mandatorily resigned some senior military officials
who had in without a doubt cooperated with the political class. He resigned 93 commanders
and officials of the military who had involved political workplaces. However, his
organization was stood up to with the need to support the fourth republic having being a
resigned official himself. The best danger to a majority rule government anyplace on the
planet is the military. Obligatory retirement of the highest level of the military is to guarantee
that their political aspirations are required to be postponed. It was expressed that the quick
move was to prevent any endeavor by the military to mediate in governmental issues. As
indicated by Obasanjo (2014), the necessary retirement was done to stop upset plotting.
President Obasanjo comprehended the usual way of doing things of the military and the
echelon of the military inclined to organize a rebellion, being a previous military general
himself. President Obasanjo during his residency designated the help bosses without plan of
action to the authoritative endorsement.

Hence, Civil Military Relations and Democratic consolidation under President Obasanjo
really changed the idea of civil-military relations since his organization ended up being in the
control of the military. This was made simpler by the way that the Nigerian Armed force was
halfway controlled and not the slightest bit exposed to local control. Indeed, even the military
court-military decisions have been exposed to High Court survey. Obasanjo's organization
anyway was noted for the mercilessness of the civilian populace in a manner that damaged
the civil-military connection according to the viewpoint of civilian people. In November
1999, there was slaughter of civilians by the military staff in Odi just as the October 2001

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assaults in Zaki Biam. All through his residency, Obasanjo applied his command over the
military and adequately ruled the military.

Civil Military Relations and Democratic consolidation under the late President Yar'Adua was
not exactly not quite the same as that under Obasanjo. Yar'Adua too proceeded with a similar
example of naming the help bosses without response to the Public Get together endorsement.
The wellbeing challenge of the late President Yar'Adua which in the end brought about his
demise didn't make it workable for him to make considerable commitment to the civil-
military relations. However, his demise didn't make any lacuna in the civil-military relations
and administration as his bad habit, Goodluck Jonathan, had the option to step in and keep up
with his grasp on the military.

President Jonathan as a replacement to the workplace of the President, to combine his

political accomplishment, immediately resigned a few individuals from the military top order.
Like his archetype, he saw the need to eliminate the military officials that are probably going
to plot overthrow against him. Notwithstanding, his own retirement didn't do without a test
from the military requesting that the court invalidate the obligatory retirement dispensed to
the top military pecking order. In a judgment conveyed by the Government High Court, the
obligatory retirement of the military officials was proclaimed unlawful and subsequently
invalid and void. The judgment depended on the way that the administrative endorsement
was not conceded before the retirement.

The President Buhari was confirmed as the new fairly chosen president on 29th of May 2015.
His administration acquired the Bokoharam emergency from the Goodluck Jonathan
organization. Buhari's administration has conveyed the military to the spaces under the fear
monger's influence. The civil-military connection under the Buhari has not taken any unique
aspect from the past organizations. The civilian actually held their command over the
military. However, there are not many conflicts between the civilians in the city and the
individuals from the military. There are instances of the military terrorizing of the civilians
on slight incitement.

The presence of the military in some designated spots with genuine dehumanization of any
civilian who erroneously disregard any of their self acclaimed rules has made numerous
civilians to fear the military work force.

Consequences of Military Relations in Civil Cases

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The accompanying rancid result have been recorded in the engagement of Military in civilian
cases

1. Over the top utilization of power

The utilization of extreme power is against the statutes of common liberties. Unnecessary
power is a power for the most part past that which a sensible and reasonable police officer
would use in light of the current situation. Article 51(5)(b) of the 1977 Extra Convention I to
the Geneva Shows disallows assault which might be relied upon to cause coincidental loss of
civilian life, injury to civilians, harm to civilian items, or a mix thereof, which would be
inordinate comparable to the substantial and direct military benefit expected.

The military occupied with inner tasks has been accounted for on a few events as utilizing
extreme power. The case prominently known as the Odi Slaughter gives a representation of
this. An assault completed on November 20, 1999 by the Nigeria military on the
transcendently Ijaw town of Odi in Bayelsa State. The assault came with regards to the
conict in the Niger Delta over the native privileges to oil assets and natural insurance.
Before the Slaughter, twelve (12) individuals from the Nigerian police were killed by a posse
of fretful adolescents close to the town of Odi. In a clear vengeance, the military following up
on the order of the National government, attacked the town and assaulted it. This assault was
portrayed by serious and exorbitant utilization of power. Essentially scores of unarmed
civilians, including ladies and youngsters, numbering 21 were killed. Every one of the
structures in the town, aside from the bank, the Anglican Church and the Local area
Wellbeing Center, were obliterated, leaving the town in a sad condition of destruction (Okoli
and Orinya, 2013)

2. Extra legal killings

Military in inner security tasks have additionally been described with extra legal killings. The
Borno State Lead representative, Kashim Shettima, said in April 2013 that north of 100
individuals were killed in Baga during a conflict between officers of the Joint Team and
agitators over the course of the end of the week. Occupants of the town said they covered 185
individuals after the fight, while the Red Cross has said 187 individuals were killed
(Common liberty Watch, 2015). The basic liberties Watch additionally revealed that during a
military activity which started on October 22, 2001, troopers from the 23rd Amored Unit of
the third Amored Division gathered together residents at Gbeji (in ZakiBiam space of Benue
State) in what ended up being a ‘ployed’ meeting. The warriors made the townspeople to sit

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on the ground, isolating consequently men from the rest and opening are on the men
aimlessly. There have additionally been a few reports on extra legal killings by the military in
Nigeria.

3. Corrupting treatment of residents – assault, torment

Under typical conditions, troopers shouldn't be seen out of control yet there is a take-off from
this in circumstances where military perform inward security tasks as they are sent to
impacted regions. Fighters purportedly blackmail residents subsequent to threatening them. It
is currently a standard for officers to ask defaulting vehicle drivers on the high method for
doing \'frog jumps' as a type of discipline. According to CKN Nigeria, (2013), ladies and
young ladies are assaulted on various events whether or not during a convict. A few young
ladies were allegedly assaulted in Abuja by officers under the appearance that the young
ladies were whores

4. Self-assertive Capture

In a study by Okoli & Orinya, (2013), warriors associated with inside security activities
likewise impact capture self-assertively. For example, at Odi and ZakiBiam, numerous
youngsters were captured and erroneously blamed for being geniuses of the killing of safety
work force. At Onitsha, various young people were captured and erroneously blamed for
being individuals from MASSOB.

Issues and Prospects of Civil –Military Relations in Nigeria

In a review led by Wakawa (2018) regardless of how prepared, skilful, hounded and
imposing our security powers are, they can't work and give compelling and proficient
insurance of lives and properties without data from the Civilian People group. The Military
might have subject matter experts, prepared in insight and data assembling however without
the collaboration of individuals there is a breaking point to what exactly type and measure of
data they can got to. The Review uncovered that there is a mental distance between the
cordial powers and individuals of the Upper east.

However, near one another, yet a long way from one another. This mental distance or hole is
one of the elements blocking the accomplishment of the theatre. Data is exceptionally key to
the achievement of any Military activity. Since the Military have effectively broken the
psychological oppressors, bunch putting them on the run and are stirring up with individuals,
there ought to be a coordinated exertion by the networks to show them out. The radicals work

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with data to strike, release attack and execute their casualties. To counter them, the Military
requirements better data than secure triumphs. Such unrivaled data can't emerge out of
Military knowledge and observation however from Civil People group as well. The
requirement for valuable data can't be overemphasized, data is development and absence of it
is disfigurement. Assuming that you are educated, you are shaped, on the off chance that you
are not educated, you are distorted.

The mental distance between individuals of the Upper east and the Theatre Powers has been
twisting the work of the Military to thoroughly overcome the extremists. To comprehensively
nipped and address the guerillas, the mental holes should be taken out and the instrument of
Civil-Military Relations is a genuine device.

Besides, in conventional sense, when a trooper is dressed and very much kitted the person
turns into a beast and alarming to the normal civilian not even to say when such a warrior is
attacking Individuals. Obviously, civilians generally consider troops to be beasts rather as
guardian angels and therefore they stay clear. To deal with this, the Military Power need to
imparted civility in work force to have the civilians change their discernment on the Military
from Beasts to Restorers.

Ensuing upon this, individuals finished in fleeing when they are generally required and
expected to turn in helpful data to the theatre powers subsequently expanding the
achievement opportunities for the extremists. The apparatus for tending to the present
circumstance is Civil-Military Relations. Moreover, Civil-Military Relations has the nexus to
make Officials and Men of the theater Powers comprehend the elements of releasing their
jobs with Civility and act in habits that don't depict them as beasts before individuals of the
Upper east. Civil-Military Connection will establish an empowering climate whereupon
Individuals from the Military and the Civilians can undoubtedly meet occasionally to
examine issues relating to security in courses, studios and official Q&A events. Such
gatherings as indicated by Wakawa (2018) can be held between the:

a. The Military Power (Administrators) and strict pioneers to examine and stress the
requirements for Civil-Military relationship, design out ways and channels of
arriving at the Military Authority with helpful data in certainty. The Churches
will take such significant messages to their supporters who will acknowledge and
act fittingly.

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 b. The Military Power and School Heads to talk about and underline the
requirements for Civil-Military relationship, design out ways and channels of
arriving at the Military Authority with valuable data in certainty. The School
Heads will pass on such significant messages to their Understudies/Students who
have a lot of respects for their Administrators, Head of Offices, Head of
Resources and Ministers/Executives/Bad habit Chancellors. This is basic on the
grounds that helpful data can be gotten from school understudies and
understudies. Normally, giving the dynamism of life along the mechanical
progression, this fragment of the populace see and heard what grown-ups don\'t
see and hear. They are not normal for grown-ups who have the intellectual
abilities to cook and uncooked data for such reasons. School Understudies
specifically don\'t lie; they are limited essentially to express what they heard and
clarify what they encountered. For that reason, their significance as far as insight
can be enormous.
c. The Military and Head of Services, Offices and Organizations to talk about and
underscore the requirements for Civil-Military relationship, style out ways and
channels of arriving at the Military Authority with valuable data in certainty.
After such gatherings, they will impart these messages to their
laborers/subordinates who will by goodness of administration acknowledge and
act with regard.
d. The Military and Conventional Rulers (Pioneers) to talk about and accentuate the
requirements for Civil-Military relationship, style out ways and channels of
arriving at the Military Authority with helpful data in certainty. After such
gatherings, the pioneers will take such classified messages to their networks and
subjects excitedly.

Conclusion

Emerging from the above work, there is the dire requirement for African states to set out on a
monstrous reorientation of the military. The need to redo their jobs in the appropriate venture
of country working in the 21st century, close by their customary obligations of assurance and
protection of regional trustworthiness of their country state, can't be overemphasized as of
now. There ought to be functional preparing for officers who will be engaged with inside
security activities. Preparing in revolt control drill is absolutely critical. There ought to be a
re-direction of the warriors engaged with inner tasks and the general population too. The

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military has been labelled with the mark of dread and a normal Nigerian experiencing fighters
out and about is probably going to be exposed to superfluous and inappropriate dread. The
way that troopers don't blend with the everyday existence of individuals not at all like the
police is liable for the dread. These will at last guide a vigorous relationship between the
civilian people and the military organization.

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Wakawa, M. H. (2018). Civil-Military relations: Concept and Prospect on Operation Lasya
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