The Inca Empire, also known as the Incan Empire and the Inka Empire, and at the time

known as the Realm of the Four Parts,[a] was the largest empire in pre-Columbian
America.[4] The administrative, political and military center of the empire was in the city of
Cusco. The Inca civilization arose from the Peruvian highlands sometime in the early 13th
century. The Spanish began the conquest of the Inca Empire in 1532 and its last stronghold
was conquered in 1572.

From 1438 to 1533, the Incas incorporated a large portion of western South America,
centered on the Andean Mountains, using conquest and peaceful assimilation, among other
methods. At its largest, the empire joined Peru, western Ecuador, western and south central
Bolivia, northwest Argentina, a large portion of what is today Chile, and the
southwesternmost tip of Colombia into a state comparable to the historical empires of
Eurasia. Its official language was Quechua.[5] The Inca Empire was unique in that it lacked
many of the features associated with civilization in the Old World. Anthropologist Gordon
McEwan wrote that the Incas were able to construct "one of the greatest imperial states in
human history" without the use of the wheel, draft animals, knowledge of iron or steel, or
even a system of writing.[6] Notable features of the Inca Empire included its monumental
architecture, especially stonework, extensive road network reaching all corners of the
empire, finely-woven textiles, use of knotted strings (quipu) for record keeping and
communication, agricultural innovations and production in a difficult environment, and the
organization and management fostered or imposed on its people and their labor.

The Inca Empire functioned largely without money and without markets. Instead, exchange
of goods and services was based on reciprocity between individuals and among individuals,
groups, and Inca rulers. "Taxes" consisted of a labour obligation of a person to the Empire.
The Inca rulers (who theoretically owned all the means of production) reciprocated by
granting access to land and goods and providing food and drink in celebratory feasts for their
subjects.[7] Many local forms of worship persisted in the empire, most of them concerning
local sacred Huacas, but the Inca leadership encouraged the sun worship of Inti – their sun
god – and imposed its sovereignty above other cults such as that of Pachamama.[8] The
Incas considered their king, the Sapa Inca, to be the "son of the sun".[9]

The Incan economy has been described in contradictory ways by scholars; Darrell E. La
Lone, in his work The Inca as a Nonmarket Economy, noted that the Inca economy has been
described as "feudal, slave, [and] socialist", and added "here one may choose between
socialist paradise or socialist tyranny."[10]

Contents
1 Etymology
2 History
2.1 Antecedents
2.2 Origin
2.3 Kingdom of Cusco
2.4 Reorganization and formation
2.5 Expansion and consolidation
2.6 Inca Civil War and Spanish conquest
2.7 End of the Inca Empire
3 Society
3.1 Population
3.2 Languages
3.3 Age and defining gender
3.4 Marriage
3.5 Gender roles
4 Religion
4.1 Deities
5 Economy
6 Government
6.1 Beliefs
6.2 Organization of the empire
6.2.1 Suyu
6.3 Laws
6.4 Administration
7 Arts and technology
7.1 Monumental architecture
7.2 Measures, calendrics and mathematics
7.3 Tunics
7.3.1 Uncu
7.4 Ceramics, precious metals and textiles
7.5 Communication and medicine
7.6 Coca
7.7 Weapons, armor and warfare
7.8 Banner of the Inca
8 Adaptations to altitude
9 See also
9.1 Incan archeological sites
9.2 Incan-related
9.3 General
10 Notes
11 References
12 Bibliography
13 External links
Etymology
The Inca referred to their empire as Tawantinsuyu,[3] "the four suyu". In Quechua, tawa is
four and -ntin is a suffix naming a group, so that a tawantin is a quartet, a group of four
things taken together, in this case the four suyu ("regions" or "provinces") whose corners met
at the capital. The four suyu were: Chinchaysuyu (north), Antisuyu (east; the Amazon
jungle), Qullasuyu (south) and Kuntisuyu (west). The name Tawantinsuyu was, therefore, a
descriptive term indicating a union of provinces. The Spanish transliterated the name as
Tahuatinsuyo or Tahuatinsuyu.

The term Inka means "ruler" or "lord" in Quechua and was used to refer to the ruling class or
the ruling family.[11] The Incas were a very small percentage of the total population of the
empire, probably numbering only 15,000 to 40,000, but ruling a population of around 10
million people.[12] The Spanish adopted the term (transliterated as Inca in Spanish) as an
ethnic term referring to all subjects of the empire rather than simply the ruling class. As such,
the name Imperio inca ("Inca Empire") referred to the nation that they encountered and
subsequently conquered.

History
Antecedents
The Inca Empire was the last chapter of thousands of years of Andean civilizations. The
Andean civilization is one of five civilizations in the world deemed by scholars to be
"pristine", that is indigenous and not derivative from other civilizations.[13]

The Inca Empire was preceded by two large-scale empires in the Andes: the Tiwanaku (c.
300–1100 AD), based around Lake Titicaca, and the Wari or Huari (c. 600–1100 AD),
centered near the city of Ayacucho. The Wari occupied the Cuzco area for about 400 years.
Thus, many of the characteristics of the Inca Empire derived from earlier multi-ethnic and
expansive Andean cultures.[14] To those earlier civilizations may be owed some of the
accomplishments cited for the Inca Empire: "thousands of miles of roads and dozens of large
administrative centers with elaborate stone construction...terraced mountainsides and filled
in valleys", and the production of "vast quantities of goods".[15]

Carl Troll has argued that the development of the Inca state in the central Andes was aided
by conditions that allow for the elaboration of the staple food chuño. Chuño, which can be
stored for long periods, is made of potato dried at the freezing temperatures that are
common at nighttime in the southern Peruvian highlands. Such a link between the Inca state
and chuño may be questioned, as other crops such as maize can also be dried with only
sunlight.[16] Troll also argued that llamas, the Incas' pack animal, can be found in their
largest numbers in this very same region.[16] The maximum extent of the Inca Empire
roughly coincided with the distribution of llamas and alpacas, the only large domesticated
animals in Pre-Hispanic America.[17] As a third point Troll pointed out irrigation technology
as advantageous to Inca state-building.[18] While Troll theorized environmental influences
on the Inca Empire, he opposed environmental determinism, arguing that culture lay at the
core of the Inca civilization.[18]

Origin

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Manco Cápac and Mama Ocllo, children of the Inti

The Inca people were a pastoral tribe in the Cusco area around the 12th century. Peruvian
oral history tells an origin story of three caves. The center cave at Tampu T'uqu (Tambo
Tocco) was named Qhapaq T'uqu ("principal niche", also spelled Capac Tocco). The other
caves were Maras T'uqu (Maras Tocco) and Sutiq T'uqu (Sutic Tocco).[19] Four brothers and
four sisters stepped out of the middle cave. They were: Ayar Manco, Ayar Cachi, Ayar Awqa
(Ayar Auca) and Ayar Uchu; and Mama Ocllo, Mama Raua, Mama Huaco and Mama Qura
(Mama Cora). Out of the side caves came the people who were to be the ancestors of all the
Inca clans.
Manco Cápac, First Inca, 1 of 14 Portraits of Inca Kings, Probably mid-18th century. Oil on
canvas. Brooklyn Museum
Ayar Manco carried a magic staff made of the finest gold. Where this staff landed, the people
would live. They traveled for a long time. On the way, Ayar Cachi boasted about his strength
and power. His siblings tricked him into returning to the cave to get a sacred llama. When he
went into the cave, they trapped him inside to get rid of him.

Ayar Uchu decided to stay on the top of the cave to look over the Inca people. The minute
he proclaimed that, he turned to stone. They built a shrine around the stone and it became a
sacred object. Ayar Auca grew tired of all this and decided to travel alone. Only Ayar Manco
and his four sisters remained.

Finally, they reached Cusco. The staff sank into the ground. Before they arrived, Mama Ocllo
had already borne Ayar Manco a child, Sinchi Roca. The people who were already living in
Cusco fought hard to keep their land, but Mama Huaca was a good fighter. When the enemy
attacked, she threw her bolas (several stones tied together that spun through the air when
thrown) at a soldier (gualla) and killed him instantly. The other people became afraid and ran
away.

After that, Ayar Manco became known as Manco Cápac, the founder of the Inca. It is said
that he and his sisters built the first Inca homes in the valley with their own hands. When the
time came, Manco Cápac turned to stone like his brothers before him. His son, Sinchi Roca,
became the second emperor of the Inca.[20]

Kingdom of Cusco
Main article: Kingdom of Cusco

Inca expansion (1438–1533)

Under the leadership of Manco Cápac, the Inca formed the small city-state Kingdom of
Cusco (Quechua Qusqu', Qosqo). In 1438, they began a far-reaching expansion under the
command of Sapa Inca (paramount leader) Pachacuti-Cusi Yupanqui, whose name meant
"earth-shaker". The name of Pachacuti was given to him after he conquered the Tribe of
Chancas (modern Apurímac). During his reign, he and his son Tupac Yupanqui brought
much of the modern-day territory of Peru under Inca control.[21]

Reorganization and formation

Pachacuti reorganized the kingdom of Cusco into the Tahuantinsuyu, which consisted of a
central government with the Inca at its head and four provincial governments with strong
leaders: Chinchasuyu (NW), Antisuyu (NE), Kuntisuyu (SW) and Qullasuyu (SE).[22]
Pachacuti is thought to have built Machu Picchu, either as a family home or summer retreat,
although it may have been an agricultural station.[23]

Pachacuti sent spies to regions he wanted in his empire and they brought to him reports on
political organization, military strength and wealth. He then sent messages to their leaders
extolling the benefits of joining his empire, offering them presents of luxury goods such as
high quality textiles and promising that they would be materially richer as his subjects.
Most accepted the rule of the Inca as a fait accompli and acquiesced peacefully. Refusal to
accept Inca rule resulted in military conquest. Following conquest the local rulers were
executed. The ruler's children were brought to Cusco to learn about Inca administration
systems, then return to rule their native lands. This allowed the Inca to indoctrinate them into
the Inca nobility and, with luck, marry their daughters into families at various corners of the
empire.

Expansion and consolidation

See also: Chimor–Inca War
Traditionally the son of the Inca ruler led the army. Pachacuti's son Túpac Inca Yupanqui
began conquests to the north in 1463 and continued them as Inca ruler after Pachacuti's
death in 1471. Túpac Inca's most important conquest was the Kingdom of Chimor, the Inca's
only serious rival for the Peruvian coast. Túpac Inca's empire then stretched north into
modern-day Ecuador and Colombia.

Túpac Inca's son Huayna Cápac added a small portion of land to the north in modern-day
Ecuador. At its height, the Inca Empire included Peru, western and south central Bolivia,
southwest Ecuador and a large portion of what is today Chile, north of the Maule River.
Traditional historiography claims the advance south halted after the Battle of the Maule
where they met determined resistance from the Mapuche.[24] This view is challenged by
historian Osvaldo Silva who argues instead that it was the social and political framework of
the Mapuche that posed the main difficulty in imposing imperial rule.[24] Silva does accept
that the battle of the Maule was a stalemate, but argues the Incas lacked incentives for
conquest they had had when fighting more complex societies such as the Chimú Empire.[24]
Silva also disputes the date given by traditional historiography for the battle: the late 15th
century during the reign of Topa Inca Yupanqui (1471–93).[24] Instead, he places it in 1532
during the Inca Civil War.[24] Nevertheless, Silva agrees on the claim that the bulk of the
Incan conquests were made during the late 15th century.[24] At the time of the Incan Civil
War an Inca army was, according to Diego de Rosales, subduing a revolt among the
Diaguitas of Copiapó and Coquimbo.[24]

The empire's push into the Amazon Basin near the Chinchipe River was stopped by the
Shuar in 1527.[25] The empire extended into corners of Argentina and Colombia. However,
most of the southern portion of the Inca empire, the portion denominated as Qullasuyu, was
located in the Altiplano.

The Inca Empire was an amalgamation of languages, cultures and peoples. The
components of the empire were not all uniformly loyal, nor were the local cultures all fully
integrated. The Inca empire as a whole had an economy based on exchange and taxation of
luxury goods and labour. The following quote describes a method of taxation:

For as is well known to all, not a single village of the highlands or the plains failed to pay the
tribute levied on it by those who were in charge of these matters. There were even provinces
where, when the natives alleged that they were unable to pay their tribute, the Inca ordered
that each inhabitant should be obliged to turn in every four months a large quill full of live
lice, which was the Inca's way of teaching and accustoming them to pay tribute.[26]

Inca Civil War and Spanish conquest

Main articles: Inca Civil War and Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire

The first image of the Inca in Europe, Pedro Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú, 1553
Spanish conquistadors led by Francisco Pizarro and his brothers explored south from what
is today Panama, reaching Inca territory by 1526.[27] It was clear that they had reached a
wealthy land with prospects of great treasure, and after another expedition in 1529 Pizarro
traveled to Spain and received royal approval to conquer the region and be its viceroy. This
approval was received as detailed in the following quote: "In July 1529 the Queen of Spain
signed a charter allowing Pizarro to conquer the Incas. Pizarro was named governor and
captain of all conquests in Peru, or New Castile, as the Spanish now called the land".[28]

When the conquistadors returned to Peru in 1532, a war of succession between the sons of
Sapa Inca Huayna Capac, Huáscar and Atahualpa, and unrest among newly conquered
territories weakened the empire. Perhaps more importantly, smallpox, influenza, typhus and
measles had spread from Central America. The first epidemic of European disease in the
Inca Empire was probably in the 1520s, killing Huayna Capac, his designated heir, and an
unknown, probably large, number of other Incan subjects.[29]

The forces led by Pizarro consisted of 168 men, one cannon, and 27 horses. Conquistadors
ported lances, arquebuses, steel armor and long swords. In contrast, the Inca used weapons
made out of wood, stone, copper and bronze, while using an Alpaca fiber based armor,
putting them at significant technological disadvantage—none of their weapons could pierce
the Spanish steel armor. In addition, due to the absence of horses in Peru, the Inca did not
develop tactics to fight cavalry. However, the Inca were still effective warriors, being able to
successfully fight the Mapuche, which later would strategically defeat the Spanish as they
expanded further south.

The first engagement between the Inca and the Spanish was the Battle of Puná, near
present-day Guayaquil, Ecuador, on the Pacific Coast; Pizarro then founded the city of Piura
in July 1532. Hernando de Soto was sent inland to explore the interior and returned with an
invitation to meet the Inca, Atahualpa, who had defeated his brother in the civil war and was
resting at Cajamarca with his army of 80,000 troops, that were at the moment armed only
with hunting tools (knives and lassos for hunting llamas).

Pizarro and some of his men, most notably a friar named Vincente de Valverde, met with the
Inca, who had brought only a small retinue. The Inca offered them ceremonial chicha in a
golden cup, which the Spanish rejected. The Spanish interpreter, Friar Vincente, read the
"Requerimiento" that demanded that he and his empire accept the rule of King Charles I of
Spain and convert to Christianity. Atahualpa dismissed the message and asked them to
leave. After this, the Spanish began their attack against the mostly unarmed Inca, captured
Atahualpa as hostage, and forced the Inca to collaborate.

Atahualpa offered the Spaniards enough gold to fill the room he was imprisoned in and twice
that amount of silver. The Inca fulfilled this ransom, but Pizarro deceived them, refusing to
release the Inca afterwards. During Atahualpa's imprisonment Huáscar was assassinated
elsewhere. The Spaniards maintained that this was at Atahualpa's orders; this was used as
one of the charges against Atahualpa when the Spaniards finally executed him, in August
1533.[30]
Although "defeat" often implies an unwanted loss in battle, many of the diverse ethnic groups
ruled by the Inca "welcomed the Spanish invaders as liberators and willingly settled down
with them to share rule of Andean farmers and miners".[31] Many regional leaders, called
Kurakas, continued to serve the Spanish overlords, called encomenderos, as they had
served the Inca overlords. Other than efforts to spread the religion of Christianity, the
Spanish benefited from and made little effort to change the society and culture of the former
Inca Empire until the rule of Francisco de Toledo as viceroy from 1569 to 1581.[32]

End of the Inca Empire

Main article: Neo-Inca State
See also: Society in the Spanish Colonial Americas

Atahualpa, the last Sapa Inca of the empire, was executed by the Spanish on 29 August
1533

View of Machu Picchu

Sacsayhuamán, the Inca stronghold of Cusco

The Spanish installed Atahualpa's brother Manco Inca Yupanqui in power; for some time
Manco cooperated with the Spanish while they fought to put down resistance in the north.
Meanwhile, an associate of Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, attempted to claim Cusco. Manco
tried to use this intra-Spanish feud to his advantage, recapturing Cusco in 1536, but the
Spanish retook the city afterwards. Manco Inca then retreated to the mountains of
Vilcabamba and established the small Neo-Inca State, where he and his successors ruled
for another 36 years, sometimes raiding the Spanish or inciting revolts against them. In 1572
the last Inca stronghold was conquered and the last ruler, Túpac Amaru, Manco's son, was
captured and executed.[33] This ended resistance to the Spanish conquest under the
political authority of the Inca state.

After the fall of the Inca Empire many aspects of Inca culture were systematically destroyed,
including their sophisticated farming system, known as the vertical archipelago model of
agriculture.[34] Spanish colonial officials used the Inca mita corvée labor system for colonial
aims, sometimes brutally. One member of each family was forced to work in the gold and
silver mines, the foremost of which was the titanic silver mine at Potosí. When a family
member died, which would usually happen within a year or two, the family was required to
send a replacement.[citation needed]

The effects of smallpox on the Inca empire were even more devastating. Beginning in
Colombia, smallpox spread rapidly before the Spanish invaders first arrived in the empire.
The spread was probably aided by the efficient Inca road system. Smallpox was only the first
epidemic.[35] Other diseases, including a probable typhus outbreak in 1546, influenza and
smallpox together in 1558, smallpox again in 1589, diphtheria in 1614, and measles in 1618,
all ravaged the Inca people.

There would be periodic attempts by indigenous leaders to expel the Spanish colonists and
re-create the Inca Empire until the late 18th century. See Juan Santos Atahualpa and Túpac
Amaru II.
Society
Main articles: Inca society and Inca education
Population
The number of people inhabiting Tawantinsuyu at its peak is uncertain, with estimates
ranging from 4–37 million. Most population estimates are in the range of 6 to 14 million. In
spite of the fact that the Inca kept excellent census records using their quipus, knowledge of
how to read them was lost as almost all fell into disuse and disintegrated over time or were
destroyed by the Spaniards.[36]

Languages
Main article: Quechua languages
The empire was extremely linguistically diverse. Some of the most important languages were
Quechua, Aymara, Puquina and Mochica, respectively mainly spoken in the Central Andes,
the Altiplano or (Qullasuyu), the south Peruvian coast (Kuntisuyu), and the area of the north
Peruvian coast (Chinchaysuyu) around Chan Chan, today Trujillo. Other languages included
Quignam, Jaqaru, Leco, Uru-Chipaya languages, Kunza, Humahuaca, Cacán, Mapudungun,
Culle, Chachapoya, Catacao languages, Manta, and Barbacoan languages, as well as
numerous Amazonian languages on the frontier regions. The exact linguistic topography of
the pre-Columbian and early colonial Andes remains incompletely understood, owing to the
extinction of several languages and the loss of historical records.

In order to manage this diversity, the Inca lords promoted the usage of Quechua, especially
the variety of what is now Lima[37] as the Qhapaq Runasimi ("great language of the
people"), or the official language/lingua franca. Defined by mutual intelligibility, Quechua is
actually a family of languages rather than one single language, parallel to the Romance or
Slavic languages in Europe. Most communities within the empire, even those resistant to
Inca rule, learned to speak a variety of Quechua (forming new regional varieties with distinct
phonetics) in order to communicate with the Inca lords and mitma colonists, as well as the
wider integrating society, but largely retained their native languages as well. The Incas also
had their own ethnic language, referred to as Qhapaq simi ("royal language"), which is
thought to have been closely related to or a dialect of Puquina. The split between Qhapaq
simi and Qhapaq Runasimi exemplifies the larger split between hatun and hunin (high and
low) society in general.

There are several common misconceptions about the history of Quechua, as it is frequently
identified as the "Inca language". Quechua did not originate with the Incas, had been a
lingua franca in multiple areas before the Inca expansions, was diverse before the rise of the
Incas, and it was not the native or original language of the Incas. However, the Incas left an
impressive linguistic legacy, in that they introduced Quechua to many areas where it is still
widely spoken today, including Ecuador, southern Bolivia, southern Colombia, and parts of
the Amazon basin. The Spanish conquerors continued the official usage of Quechua during
the early colonial period, and transformed it into a literary language.[38]

The Incas were not known to develop a written form of language; however, they visually
recorded narratives through paintings on vases and cups (qirus).[39] These paintings are
usually accompanied by geometric patterns known as toqapu, which are also found in
textiles. Researchers have speculated that toqapu patterns could have served as a form of
written communication (e.g.: heraldry, or glyphs), however this remains unclear.[40] The
Incas also kept records by using quipus.

Age and defining gender

"The Maiden", one of the Llullaillaco mummies. Inca human sacrifice, Salta province
(Argentina).
The high infant mortality rates that plagued the Inca Empire caused all newborn infants to be
given the term 'wawa' when they were born. Most families did not invest very much into their
child until they reached the age of two or three years old. Once the child reached the age of
three, a "coming of age" ceremony occurred, called the rutuchikuy. For the Incas, this
ceremony indicated that the child had entered the stage of "ignorance". During this
ceremony, the family would invite all relatives to their house for food and dance, and then
each member of the family would receive a lock of hair from the child. After each family
member had received a lock, the father would shave the child's head. This stage of life was
categorized by a stage of "ignorance, inexperience, and lack of reason, a condition that the
child would overcome with time".[41] For Incan society, in order to advance from the stage of
ignorance to development the child must learn the roles associated with their gender.

The next important ritual was to celebrate the maturity of a child. Unlike the coming of age
ceremony, the celebration of maturity signified the child's sexual potency. This celebration of
puberty was called warachikuy for boys and qikuchikuy for girls. The warachikuy ceremony
included dancing, fasting, tasks to display strength, and family ceremonies. The boy would
also be given new clothes and taught how to act as an unmarried man. The qikuchikuy
signified the onset of menstruation, upon which the girl would go into the forest alone and
return only once the bleeding had ended. In the forest she would fast, and, once returned,
the girl would be given a new name, adult clothing, and advice. This "folly" stage of life was
the time young adults were allowed to have sex without being a parent.[41]

Between the ages of 20 and 30, people were considered young adults, "ripe for serious
thought and labor".[41] Young adults were able to retain their youthful status by living at
home and assisting in their home community. Young adults only reached full maturity and
independence once they had married.

At the end of life, the terms for men and women denote loss of sexual vitality and humanity.
Specifically, the "decrepitude" stage signifies the loss of mental well-being and further
physical decline.

Table 7.1 from R. Alan Covey's Article[41]

Age Social Value of Life Stage Female Term Male Term
<3 Conception Wawa Wawa
3–7 Ignorance (not speaking) Warma Warma
7–14 Development Thaski (or P'asña) Maqt'a
14–20 Folly (sexually active) Sipas (unmarried) Wayna (unmarried)
20+ Maturity (body and mind) Warmi Qhari
70 Infirmity Paya Machu
90 Decrepitude Ruku Ruku
Marriage
In the Incan Empire, the age of marriage differed for men and women: men typically married
at the age of 20, while women usually got married about four years earlier at the age of
16.[42] Men who were highly ranked in society could have multiple wives, but those lower in
the ranks could only take a single wife.[43] Marriages were typically within classes and
resembled a more business-like agreement. Once married, the women were expected to
cook, collect food and watch over the children and livestock.[42] Girls and mothers would
also work around the house to keep it orderly to please the public inspectors.[44] These
duties remained the same even after wives became pregnant and with the added
responsibility of praying and making offerings to Kanopa, who was the god of pregnancy.[42]
It was typical for marriages to begin on a trial basis with both men and women having a say
in the longevity of the marriage. If the man felt that it wouldn't work out or if the woman
wanted to return to her parents' home the marriage would end. Once the marriage was final,
the only way the two could be divorced was if they did not have a child together.[42]
Marriage within the Empire was crucial for survival. A family was considered disadvantaged
if there was not a married couple at the center because everyday life centered around the
balance of male and female tasks.[45]

Gender roles
According to some historians, such as Terence N. D'Altroy, male and female roles were
considered equal in Inca society. The "indigenous cultures saw the two genders as
complementary parts of a whole".[45] In other words, there was not a hierarchical structure
in the domestic sphere for the Incas. Within the domestic sphere, women came to be known
as weavers, although there is significant evidence to suggest that this gender role did not
appear until colonizing Spaniards realized women's productive talents in this sphere and
used it to their economic advantage. There is evidence to suggest that both men and women
contributed equally to the weaving tasks in pre-Hispanic Andean culture.[46] Women's
everyday tasks included: spinning, watching the children, weaving cloth, cooking, brewing
chichi, preparing fields for cultivation, planting seeds, bearing children, harvesting, weeding,
hoeing, herding, and carrying water.[47] Men on the other hand, "weeded, plowed,
participated in combat, helped in the harvest, carried firewood, built houses, herded llama
and alpaca, and spun and wove when necessary".[47] This relationship between the
genders may have been complementary. Unsurprisingly, onlooking Spaniards believed
women were treated like slaves, because women did not work in Spanish society to the
same extent, and certainly did not work in fields.[48] Women were sometimes allowed to
own land and herds because inheritance was passed down from both the mother's and
father's side of the family.[49] Kinship within the Inca society followed a parallel line of
descent. In other words, women ascended from women and men ascended from men. Due
to the parallel descent, a woman had access to land and other necessities through her
mother.[47]

Religion
See also: Religion in the Inca Empire and Inca mythology

Diorite Inca sculpture from Amarucancha

Inca myths were transmitted orally until early Spanish colonists recorded them; however,
some scholars claim that they were recorded on quipus, Andean knotted string records.[50]
The Inca believed in reincarnation.[51] After death, the passage to the next world was
fraught with difficulties. The spirit of the dead, camaquen, would need to follow a long road
and during the trip the assistance of a black dog that could see in the dark was required.
Most Incas imagined the after world to be like an earthly paradise with flower-covered fields
and snow-capped mountains.

It was important to the Inca that they not die as a result of burning or that the body of the
deceased not be incinerated. Burning would cause their vital force to disappear and threaten
their passage to the after world. The Inca nobility practiced cranial deformation.[52] They
wrapped tight cloth straps around the heads of newborns to shape their soft skulls into a
more conical form, thus distinguishing the nobility from other social classes.

The Incas made human sacrifices. As many as 4,000 servants, court officials, favorites and
concubines were killed upon the death of the Inca Huayna Capac in 1527.[53] The Incas
performed child sacrifices around important events, such as the death of the Sapa Inca or
during a famine. These sacrifices were known as qhapaq hucha.[54]

Deities
The Incas were polytheists who worshipped many gods. These included:

Viracocha (also Pachacamac) – Created all living things

Apu Illapu – Rain God, prayed to when they need rain
Ayar Cachi – Hot-tempered God, causes earthquakes
Illapa – Goddess of lightning and thunder (also Yakumama water goddess)
Inti – sun god and patron deity of the holy city of Cusco (home of the sun)
Kuychi – Rainbow God, connected with fertility
Mama Killa – Wife of Inti, called Moon Mother
Mama Occlo – Wisdom to civilize the people, taught women to weave cloth and build houses
Manco Cápac – known for his courage and sent to earth to become first king of the Incas.
Taught people how to grow plants, make weapons, work together, share resources and
worship the Gods
Pachamama – The Goddess of earth and wife of Viracocha. People give her offerings of
coca leaves and beer and pray to her for major agricultural occasions
Quchamama – Goddess of the sea
Sachamama – Means Mother Tree, goddess in the shape of a snake with two heads
Yakumama – Means mother Water. Represented as a snake. When she came to earth she
transformed into a great river (also Illapa).
Economy
Main article: Economy of the Inca Empire
Further information: Incan agriculture, Vertical archipelago, Mit'a, and Qullqa

Illustration of Inca farmers using a chakitaqlla (Andean foot plough)

The Inca Empire employed central planning. The Inca Empire traded with outside regions,
although they did not operate a substantial internal market economy. While axe-monies were
used along the northern coast, presumably by the provincial mindaláe trading class,[55]
most households in the empire lived in a traditional economy in which households were
required to pay taxes, usually in the form of the mit'a corvée labor, and military
obligations,[56] though barter (or trueque) was present in some areas.[57] In return, the state
provided security, food in times of hardship through the supply of emergency resources,
agricultural projects (e.g. aqueducts and terraces) to increase productivity, and occasional
feasts hosted by Inca officials for their subjects. While mit'a was used by the state to obtain
labor, individual villages had a pre-inca system of communal work, known as mink'a. This
system survives to the modern day, known as mink'a or faena. The economy rested on the
material foundations of the vertical archipelago, a system of ecological complementarity in
accessing resources[58] and the cultural foundation of ayni, or reciprocal exchange.[59][60]

Government
Main article: Government of the Inca Empire
Beliefs

Inti, as represented by José Bernardo de Tagle of Peru

The Sapa Inca was conceptualized as divine and was effectively head of the state religion.
The Willaq Umu (or Chief Priest) was second to the emperor. Local religious traditions
continued and in some cases such as the Oracle at Pachacamac on the Peruvian coast,
were officially venerated. Following Pachacuti, the Sapa Inca claimed descent from Inti, who
placed a high value on imperial blood; by the end of the empire, it was common to
incestuously wed brother and sister. He was "son of the sun", and his people the intip churin,
or "children of the sun", and both his right to rule and mission to conquer derived from his
holy ancestor. The Sapa Inca also presided over ideologically important festivals, notably
during the Inti Raymi, or "Sunfest" attended by soldiers, mummified rulers, nobles, clerics
and the general population of Cusco beginning on the June solstice and culminating nine
days later with the ritual breaking of the earth using a foot plow by the Inca. Moreover, Cusco
was considered cosmologically central, loaded as it was with huacas and radiating ceque
lines as the geographic center of the Four-Quarters; Inca Garcilaso de la Vega called it "the
navel of the universe".[61][62][63][64]

Organization of the empire

The Inca Empire was a federalist system consisting of a central government with the Inca at
its head and four-quarters, or suyu: Chinchay Suyu (NW), Anti Suyu (NE), Kunti Suyu (SW)
and Qulla Suyu (SE). The four corners of these quarters met at the center, Cusco. These
suyu were likely created around 1460 during the reign of Pachacuti before the empire
reached its largest territorial extent. At the time the suyu were established they were roughly
of equal size and only later changed their proportions as the empire expanded north and
south along the Andes.[65]

Cusco was likely not organized as a wamani, or province. Rather, it was probably somewhat
akin to a modern federal district, like Washington, DC or Mexico City. The city sat at the
center of the four suyu and served as the preeminent center of politics and religion. While
Cusco was essentially governed by the Sapa Inca, his relatives and the royal panaqa
lineages, each suyu was governed by an Apu, a term of esteem used for men of high status
and for venerated mountains. Both Cusco as a district and the four suyu as administrative
regions were grouped into upper hanan and lower hurin divisions. As the Inca did not have
written records, it is impossible to exhaustively list the constituent wamani. However, colonial
records allow us to reconstruct a partial list. There were likely more than 86 wamani, with
more than 48 in the highlands and more than 38 on the coast.[66][67][68]
Suyu

The four suyus or quarters of the empire.

The most populous suyu was Chinchaysuyu, which encompassed the former Chimu empire
and much of the northern Andes. At its largest extent, it extended through much of modern
Ecuador and into modern Colombia.

The largest suyu by area was Qullasuyu, named after the Aymara-speaking Qulla people. It
encompassed the Bolivian Altiplano and much of the southern Andes, reaching Argentina
and as far south as the Maipo or Maule river in Central Chile.[69] Historian José Bengoa
singled out Quillota as likely being the foremost Inca settlement in Chile.[70]

The second smallest suyu, Antisuyu, was northwest of Cusco in the high Andes. Its name is
the root of the word "Andes".[71]

Kuntisuyu was the smallest suyu, located along the southern coast of modern Peru,
extending into the highlands towards Cusco.[72]

Laws
The Inca state had no separate judiciary or codified laws. Customs, expectations and
traditional local power holders governed behavior. The state had legal force, such as through
tokoyrikoq (lit. "he who sees all"), or inspectors. The highest such inspector, typically a blood
relative to the Sapa Inca, acted independently of the conventional hierarchy, providing a
point of view for the Sapa Inca free of bureaucratic influence.[73]

The Inca had three moral precepts that governed their behavior:

Ama sua: Do not steal

Ama llulla: Do not lie
Ama quella: Do not be lazy
Administration
Colonial sources are not entirely clear or in agreement about Inca government structure,
such as exact duties and functions of government positions. But the basic structure can be
broadly described. The top was the Sapa Inca. Below that may have been the Willaq Umu,
literally the "priest who recounts", the High Priest of the Sun.[74] However, beneath the Sapa
Inca also sat the Inkap rantin, who was a confidant and assistant to the Sapa Inca, perhaps
similar to a Prime Minister.[75] Starting with Topa Inca Yupanqui, a "Council of the Realm"
was composed of 16 nobles: 2 from hanan Cusco; 2 from hurin Cusco; 4 from
Chinchaysuyu; 2 from Cuntisuyu; 4 from Collasuyu; and 2 from Antisuyu. This weighting of
representation balanced the hanan and hurin divisions of the empire, both within Cusco and
within the Quarters (hanan suyukuna and hurin suyukuna).[76]

While provincial bureaucracy and government varied greatly, the basic organization was
decimal. Taxpayers – male heads of household of a certain age range – were organized into
corvée labor units (often doubling as military units) that formed the state's muscle as part of
mit'a service. Each unit of more than 100 tax-payers were headed by a kuraka, while smaller
units were headed by a kamayuq, a lower, non-hereditary status. However, while kuraka
status was hereditary and typically served for life, the position of a kuraka in the hierarchy
was subject to change based on the privileges of superiors in the hierarchy; a pachaka
kuraka could be appointed to the position by a waranqa kuraka. Furthermore, one kuraka in
each decimal level could serve as the head of one of the nine groups at a lower level, so that
a pachaka kuraka might also be a waranqa kuraka, in effect directly responsible for one unit
of 100 tax-payers and less directly responsible for nine other such units.[77][78][79]

Kuraka in Charge[80][81] Number of Taxpayers

Hunu kuraka 10,000
Pichkawaranqa kuraka 5,000
Waranqa kuraka 1,000
Pichkapachaka kuraka 500
Pachaka kuraka 100
Pichkachunka kamayuq 50
Chunka kamayuq 10
Arts and technology
Monumental architecture
We can assure your majesty that it is so beautiful and has such fine buildings that it would
even be remarkable in Spain.

Francisco Pizarro
Architecture was the most important of the Incan arts, with textiles reflecting architectural
motifs. The most notable example is Machu Picchu, which was constructed by Inca
engineers. The prime Inca structures were made of stone blocks that fit together so well that
a knife could not be fitted through the stonework. These constructs have survived for
centuries, with no use of mortar to sustain them.

This process was first used on a large scale by the Pucara (c. 300 BC–AD 300) peoples to
the south in Lake Titicaca and later in the city of Tiwanaku (c. AD 400–1100) in present-day
Bolivia. The rocks were sculpted to fit together exactly by repeatedly lowering a rock onto
another and carving away any sections on the lower rock where the dust was compressed.
The tight fit and the concavity on the lower rocks made them extraordinarily stable, despite
the ongoing challenge of earthquakes and volcanic activity.

Measures, calendrics and mathematics

Inca tunic

Tokapu. Textiles worn by the Inca elite consisting of geometric figures enclosed by
rectangles or squares. There is evidence that the designs were an ideographic
language[citation needed]

Quipu, 15th century. Brooklyn Museum

Physical measures used by the Inca were based on human body parts. Units included
fingers, the distance from thumb to forefinger, palms, cubits and wingspans. The most basic
distance unit was thatkiy or thatki, or one pace. The next largest unit was reported by Cobo
to be the topo or tupu, measuring 6,000 thatkiys, or about 7.7 km (4.8 mi); careful study has
shown that a range of 4.0 to 6.3 km (2.5 to 3.9 mi) is likely. Next was the wamani, composed
of 30 topos (roughly 232 km or 144 mi). To measure area, 25 by 50 wingspans were used,
reckoned in topos (roughly 3,280 km2 or 1,270 sq mi). It seems likely that distance was often
interpreted as one day's walk; the distance between tambo way-stations varies widely in
terms of distance, but far less in terms of time to walk that distance.[82][83]

Inca calendars were strongly tied to astronomy. Inca astronomers understood equinoxes,
solstices and zenith passages, along with the Venus cycle. They could not, however, predict
eclipses. The Inca calendar was essentially lunisolar, as two calendars were maintained in
parallel, one solar and one lunar. As 12 lunar months fall 11 days short of a full 365-day solar
year, those in charge of the calendar had to adjust every winter solstice. Each lunar month
was marked with festivals and rituals.[84] Apparently, the days of the week were not named
and days were not grouped into weeks. Similarly, months were not grouped into seasons.
Time during a day was not measured in hours or minutes, but in terms of how far the sun
had travelled or in how long it had taken to perform a task.[85]

The sophistication of Inca administration, calendrics and engineering required facility with
numbers. Numerical information was stored in the knots of quipu strings, allowing for
compact storage of large numbers.[86][87] These numbers were stored in base-10 digits, the
same base used by the Quechua language[88] and in administrative and military units.[78]
These numbers, stored in quipu, could be calculated on yupanas, grids with squares of
positionally varying mathematical values, perhaps functioning as an abacus.[89] Calculation
was facilitated by moving piles of tokens, seeds or pebbles between compartments of the
yupana. It is likely that Inca mathematics at least allowed division of integers into integers or
fractions and multiplication of integers and fractions.[90]

According to mid-17th-century Jesuit chronicler Bernabé Cobo,[91] the Inca designated

officials to perform accounting-related tasks. These officials were called quipo camayos.
Study of khipu sample VA 42527 (Museum für Völkerkunde, Berlin)[92] revealed that the
numbers arranged in calendrically significant patterns were used for agricultural purposes in
the "farm account books" kept by the khipukamayuq (accountant or warehouse keeper) to
facilitate the closing of accounting books.[93]

Tunics

Inca Tunic, 15th-16th Century

Tunics were created by skilled Incan textile-makers as a piece of warm clothing, but they
also symbolized cultural and political status and power. Cumbi was the fine, tapestry-woven
woolen cloth that was produced and necessary for the creation of tunics. Cumbi was
produced by specially-appointed women and men. Generally, textile-making was practiced
by both men and women. As emphasized by certain historians, only with European conquest
was it deemed that women would become the primary weavers in society, as opposed to
Incan society where specialty textiles were produced by men and women equally.[46]

Complex patterns and designs were meant to convey information about order in Andean
society as well as the Universe. Tunics could also symbolize one's relationship to ancient
rulers or important ancestors. These textiles were frequently designed to represent the
physical order of a society, for example, the flow of tribute within an empire. Many tunics
have a "checkerboard effect" which is known as the collcapata. According to historians
Kenneth Mills, William B. Taylor, and Sandra Lauderdale Graham, the collcapata patterns
"seem to have expressed concepts of commonality, and, ultimately, unity of all ranks of
people, representing a careful kind of foundation upon which the structure of Inkaic
universalism was built." Rulers wore various tunics throughout the year, switching them out
for different occasions and feasts.

The symbols present within the tunics suggest the importance of "pictographic expression"
within Inkan and other Andean societies far before the iconographies of the Spanish
Christians.[94]

Uncu
Uncu was a men's garment similar to a tunic. It was an upper-body garment of knee-length;
Royals wore it with a mantle cloth called ''yacolla.''[95][96]

Ceramics, precious metals and textiles

Camelid Conopa, 1470–1532, Brooklyn Museum, Small stone figurines, or conopas, of

llamas and alpacas were the most common ritual effigies used in the highlands of Peru and
Bolivia. These devotional objects were often buried in the animals' corrals to bring protection
and prosperity to their owners and fertility to the herds. The cylindrical cavities in their backs
were filled with offerings to the gods in the form of a mixture including animal fat, coca
leaves, maize kernels and seashells.
Ceramics were painted using the polychrome technique portraying numerous motifs
including animals, birds, waves, felines (popular in the Chavin culture) and geometric
patterns found in the Nazca style of ceramics. In a culture without a written language,
ceramics portrayed the basic scenes of everyday life, including the smelting of metals,
relationships and scenes of tribal warfare. The most distinctive Inca ceramic objects are the
Cusco bottles or "aryballos".[97] Many of these pieces are on display in Lima in the Larco
Archaeological Museum and the National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology and
History.

Almost all of the gold and silver work of the Incan empire was melted down by the
conquistadors, and shipped back to Spain.[98]

Communication and medicine

The Inca recorded information on assemblages of knotted strings, known as Quipu, although
they can no longer be decoded. Originally it was thought that Quipu were used only as
mnemonic devices or to record numerical data. Quipus are also believed to record history
and literature.[99]

The Inca made many discoveries in medicine.[100] They performed successful skull surgery,
by cutting holes in the skull to alleviate fluid buildup and inflammation caused by head
wounds. Many skull surgeries performed by Inca surgeons were successful. Survival rates
were 80–90%, compared to about 30% before Inca times.[101]

Coca

Coca leaves
The Incas revered the coca plant as sacred/magical. Its leaves were used in moderate
amounts to lessen hunger and pain during work, but were mostly used for religious and
health purposes.[102] The Spaniards took advantage of the effects of chewing coca
leaves.[102] The Chasqui, messengers who ran throughout the empire to deliver messages,
chewed coca leaves for extra energy. Coca leaves were also used as an anaesthetic during
surgeries.

Weapons, armor and warfare

Main article: Inca army

The Battle of the Maule between the Incas (right) and the Mapuches (left)
The Inca army was the most powerful at that time, because any ordinary villager or farmer
could be recruited as a soldier as part of the mit'a system of mandatory public service. Every
able bodied male Inca of fighting age had to take part in war in some capacity at least once
and to prepare for warfare again when needed. By the time the empire reached its largest
size, every section of the empire contributed in setting up an army for war.

The Incas had no iron or steel and their weapons were not much more effective than those
of their opponents so they often defeated opponents by sheer force of numbers, or else by
persuading them to surrender beforehand by offering generous terms.[103] Inca weaponry
included "hardwood spears launched using throwers, arrows, javelins, slings, the bolas,
clubs, and maces with star-shaped heads made of copper or bronze".[103][104] Rolling
rocks downhill onto the enemy was a common strategy, taking advantage of the hilly
terrain.[105] Fighting was sometimes accompanied by drums and trumpets made of wood,
shell or bone.[106][107] Armor included:[103][108]

Helmets made of wood, cane, or animal skin, often lined with copper or bronze; some were
adorned with feathers
Round or square shields made from wood or hide
Cloth tunics padded with cotton and small wooden planks to protect the spine
Ceremonial metal breastplates, of copper, silver, and gold, have been found in burial sites,
some of which may have also been used in battle.[109][110]
Roads allowed quick movement (on foot) for the Inca army and shelters called tambo and
storage silos called qullqas were built one day's travelling distance from each other, so that
an army on campaign could always be fed and rested. This can be seen in names of ruins
such as Ollantay Tambo, or My Lord's Storehouse. These were set up so the Inca and his
entourage would always have supplies (and possibly shelter) ready as they traveled.

Banner of the Inca

See also: Wiphala and Rainbow flag § Andean indigenism
Chronicles and references from the 16th and 17th centuries support the idea of a banner.
However, it represented the Inca (emperor), not the empire.

Francisco López de Jerez[111] wrote in 1534:

... todos venían repartidos en sus escuadras con sus banderas y capitanes que los mandan,
con tanto concierto como turcos.
(... all of them came distributed into squads, with their flags and captains commanding them,
as well-ordered as Turks.)

Chronicler Bernabé Cobo wrote:

The royal standard or banner was a small square flag, ten or twelve spans around, made of
cotton or wool cloth, placed on the end of a long staff, stretched and stiff such that it did not
wave in the air and on it each king painted his arms and emblems, for each one chose
different ones, though the sign of the Incas was the rainbow and two parallel snakes along
the width with the tassel as a crown, which each king used to add for a badge or blazon
those preferred, like a lion, an eagle and other figures.
(... el guión o estandarte real era una banderilla cuadrada y pequeña, de diez o doce palmos
de ruedo, hecha de lienzo de algodón o de lana, iba puesta en el remate de una asta larga,
tendida y tiesa, sin que ondease al aire, y en ella pintaba cada rey sus armas y divisas,
porque cada uno las escogía diferentes, aunque las generales de los Incas eran el arco
celeste y dos culebras tendidas a lo largo paralelas con la borda que le servía de corona, a
las cuales solía añadir por divisa y blasón cada rey las que le parecía, como un león, un
águila y otras figuras.)
-Bernabé Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo (1653)

Guaman Poma's 1615 book, El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno, shows numerous
line drawings of Inca flags.[112] In his 1847 book A History of the Conquest of Peru, "William
H. Prescott ... says that in the Inca army each company had its particular banner and that
the imperial standard, high above all, displayed the glittering device of the rainbow, the
armorial ensign of the Incas."[113] A 1917 world flags book says the Inca "heir-apparent ...
was entitled to display the royal standard of the rainbow in his military campaigns."[114]

In modern times the rainbow flag has been wrongly associated with the Tawantinsuyu and
displayed as a symbol of Inca heritage by some groups in Peru and Bolivia. The city of
Cusco also flies the Rainbow Flag, but as an official flag of the city. The Peruvian president
Alejandro Toledo (2001–2006) flew the Rainbow Flag in Lima's presidential palace.
However, according to Peruvian historiography, the Inca Empire never had a flag. Peruvian
historian María Rostworowski said, "I bet my life, the Inca never had that flag, it never
existed, no chronicler mentioned it".[115] Also, to the Peruvian newspaper El Comercio, the
flag dates to the first decades of the 20th century,[116] and even the Congress of the
Republic of Peru has determined that flag is a fake by citing the conclusion of National
Academy of Peruvian History:

"The official use of the wrongly called 'Tawantinsuyu flag' is a mistake. In the Pre-Hispanic
Andean World there did not exist the concept of a flag, it did not belong to their historic
context".[116]
National Academy of Peruvian History

Adaptations to altitude
The people of the Andes, including the Incas, were able to adapt to high-altitude living
through successful acclimatization, which is characterized by increasing oxygen supply to
the blood tissues. For the native living in the Andean highlands, this was achieved through
the development of a larger lung capacity, and an increase in red blood cell counts,
hemoglobin concentration, and capillary beds.[117]

Compared to other humans, the Andeans had slower heart rates, almost one-third larger
lung capacity, about 2 L (4 pints) more blood volume and double the amount of hemoglobin,
which transfers oxygen from the lungs to the rest of the body. While the Conquistadors may
have been taller, the Inca had the advantage of coping with the extraordinary altitude.[118]
The Tibetans in Asia living in the Himalayas are also adapted to living in high-altitudes,
although the adaptation is different from that of the Andeans.[119]