Clinical Decision Making
Clinical Decision Making
Clinical Decision Making
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CONTENTS
➔ Introduction ➔ The nature of decision analysis
➔ Defining clinical decision making ⎯ Stages in decision analysis
⎯ Rules of thumb, heuristics and ⎯ Defining the problem
bias ⎯ Rational models
⎯ Intuition ⎯ Certainty, uncertainty and
⎯ Assessment probability
⎯ Judgements ⎯ The decision tree
⎯ Social judgement theory ⎯ Clinical decision support
⎯ Cognitive continuum theory systems
➔ Summary
➔ Key points for practice
INTRODUCTION
Decision making is at the heart of clinical encounters or operational decisions (deci-
sions that generate action). It therefore follows that the better our decisions, the more
successful and effective our clinical practice will be. Sound decision making and
operational decisions depend upon fully informed assessments and astute, analytic
judgements. Clinicians should be concerned about their decision making as a means
of improving accuracy and agreement among health professionals, and of ensuring
professional accountability. There is also the need to be aware of and recognise the
types of heuristics and biases1–4 that can influence judgement choices and decision
making.2,4,5
Clinical decisions span at least three areas of practice as clinicians make decisions
about diagnosis, monitoring and interventions. Diagnoses are determined for the
purpose they are required, for example identification of a state or condition, its tra-
jectory, the pattern of distress and severity, its treatment or prognosis. Monitoring is
235
236 ● A FOUNDATION FOR NEONATAL CARE
largely concerned with detecting changes in the practice situation and tends to ask
the questions: Is the patient getting better or worse? Is an intervention working? Is
there cause for revision of particular therapy? Are further diagnostic investigations
appropriate? Decisions about interventions underpin care, treatment and referral
options.
The aim of this chapter is to encourage reflection on the underpinning theories
of clinical decision making so that you will be able to acknowledge the processes that
influence the ways in which decisions are made. The chapter starts with a discussion
about the important elements that underpin clinical decisions, highlighting the sig-
nificance of the assessment process, judgements, information processing, heuristics
and intuition. It moves to a discussion covering humanistic intuitive discourses,
Brunswik’s Lens Model,6,7 social judgement theory6,8,9 and the cognitive continuum.6,7
The final part of the chapter addresses decision analysis, rational theories of decision
making, risk, uncertainty, and probability and decision trees.
Reflection on decisions made in clinical practice is important if we are to learn
from the experience and look to improving the ways decisions are made. There is
a need for everyone to be able to provide a clear rationale for the decisions made
in terms of professional accountability and also to ensure that, whenever possible,
decisions are based on the best available evidence. To demonstrate application of
some of the more theoretical elements of clinical decision making, a decision from
clinical practice has been used.
It is thought that decisions made in clinical practice are made ‘on-the-spot’ often
without much time, and the case used here (see Box 12.1) is a good example of this.
However, retrospective reflection on the decision clearly demonstrates how quickly
the many elements (including personal experience, knowledge, assessment, cues)
underpinning the decision are subconsciously assimilated and synthesised before a
reasoned decision is made.
Edward was born in a district general hospital at 36 weeks’ gestation, weighing 2.6
kilograms. He was transferred to the regional neonatal surgical centre with a dia-
gnosis of oesophageal atresia and a tracheo-oesophageal fistula. Surgery to correct
these anomalies took place the following afternoon and Edward returned from theatre
ventilated via an endotracheal tube (ETT), and sedated with 20 µg/kg/h of morphine.
Operation notes indicated that the anastomosis was under some tension. Edward
was nursed on the neonatal unit in the intensive care room where four nurses were
caring for seven other babies.
The Senior Sister in charge on the night of Edward’s operation was made aware
of difficulties relating to his airway management, when asked to prepare drugs for
his reintubation. The unit was full, with 23 patients. Medical cover consisted of an
on-site Senior House Officer who was attending a delivery one floor below, a Neonatal
Registrar who had just finished a period of supervised practice because of concerns
relating to her competency, and an on-call Consultant who was a 15-minute drive
away. Edward’s allocated nurse, although experienced in caring for neonates, had
limited surgical experience.
Edward was bradycardic (heart rate of 60 beats per minute) and oxygen saturation
was 75% with no chest movement despite the Registrar giving ambubag ventilation
via his endotracheal tube. The Sister checked with the nurse caring for Edward that
she had checked his ETT for secretions and according to the nurse the tube was
patent. Rather than prepare reintubation drugs and remove the ETT, the Sister decided
to instil 0.5 mL of 0.9% sodium chloride into the ETT prior to performing ETT suction
again to clear any possible obstruction. She had major concerns relating to reintuba-
tion in terms of its effect on the anastomosis site and the ability of the Registrar to
perform the procedure.
Intuition
In clinical decision making some health professionals have repeatedly stated reliance
on intuitive judgement.14 However, there appears to be endless debate about what
intuition is and whether it deserves recognition and legitimacy in praxis. Harbison15
describes a logic underlying intuitive judgement but it has been explained by others
as an inability to articulate the decision-making process. Hams14 explains that a
deeply grounded knowledge base, developed through critical thought, helps experi-
enced practitioners to practise intuitively. Therefore each clinical experience becomes
a lesson, which informs the next one. Buckingham and Adams16 discuss how cues
can stimulate recall and describe the term ‘pattern recognition’ as the linking of cues
with diagnostic categories. Intuition is seen by some as the skill of pattern recogni-
tion involving the rapid, unconscious processing of cues; giving rise to an inability
to articulate the decision-making process. Gobet and Chassy17 describe the work
done by Benner18 in the 1980s as being ‘too simple’ to account for the complexities of
expert intuition. They explain how intuitive decision making is linked to individual
perception and analytic and conscious problem solving at the expert level aided by
chunks of related information19 and complex data structures or templates20 that are
associated with long-term memory information.
McKinnon,21 on the other hand, argues that stored emotional interpretation of
clinical phenomena and its interface with reasoning, via neural pathways, creates
intuitive responses by the expert practitioner. He stresses the importance of the
link between cognition and emotion to explain intuitive thought and response.
McKinnon21 claims that: ‘Emotion stands at the helm of memory guidance, con-
solidation, storage and retrieval. Cognition is emotion gated’ (p. 42). Emotion is
therefore suggested to be the precursor to thought and response; that is, we feel before
CLINICAL DECISION MAKING ● 239
we think.22 It would appear, therefore, that intuition is much more than a ‘gut feeling’.
It appears to have a deeply grounded knowledge base but because of its often very
rapid and unconscious nature, this becomes difficult to articulate. Later we will see
how intuition is used in practice.
Assessment
Assessment is the first stage of the decision-making process and it is used to ‘build a
picture’ of the patient’s situation and it is fundamental and crucial to accurate clini-
cal judgements and reliable operational decisions. Key data-gathering strategies of
the assessment process are: listening, asking, observing, doing, filtering and finally
synthesising and interpreting. More specifically, data gathering will include exploring
the history of the clinical event, which may involve asking questions, both general and
focused, of individuals who are able to give an accurate account of events. This may
be the patient or, in the case of the neonate, the parent or relevant health professional.
A thorough examination of the patient through observation, using look, feel and
move strategies, and both visual and non-visual cues (see Box 12.2) and investigations
to help confirm or refute suspicions will complete the data-gathering process.
Awareness of the need for assessment in Edward’s case was brought about by the
request from clinical staff for the Sister to prepare medication for reintubation. One
of the medications, a muscle relaxant, would require the use of bag-and-mask ventila-
tion and replacing Edward’s endotracheal tube would require extension of his neck.
Visual cues
Non-visual cues
Both of these actions were perceived by the Sister as having a detrimental effect on
the anastomosis site. The first step in the Sister’s decision making and a fundamental
part of the assessment process was that of cue acquisition. In a very brief period of
time, both visual and non-visual cues (Box 12.2) led the Sister to an assessment of
Edward’s situation and the need for a course of action or an operational decision.
Building a picture of the patient situation is the cognitive processing element of
assessment. It involves matching past experience with the present case, which could
be flawed.9 The literature suggests that there are significant inadequacies in the
assessment process caused by inadequate data search and early closure of the consul-
tation.2 Assessment is not only about data gathering. Knowledge is fundamental to
the ability to accurately interpret and synthesise data. Table 12.1 identifies six broad
types of knowledge that impact on the assessment process and consequent decision
making.23–25 The table also demonstrates how these types of knowledge were appli-
cable to the Sister’s decision making in Edward’s case.
the Sister’s decision was Edward’s right to life and her professional responsibility to
exert beneficence; to take action that would potentially have the safest positive out-
come for Edward, i.e. ensuring patency of the endotracheal tube, whilst upholding
the principle of non-maleficence ‘to do no harm’ through not causing a potential
rupture of the anastomosis and further post-operative complications through the
act of reintubation.
Two other important domains that impact on the assessment and decision-making
process are domain-specific knowledge and prior knowledge of the patient and their
circumstances.26 Clearly a neonatal practitioner will have specific domain know-
ledge that will assist them in making appropriate decisions about their tiny clients.
Clinical staff will also develop a familiarity with the particular baby and their indi-
vidual responses so they are better able to make judgements about clinical signs and
the illness trajectory. Specific knowledge and expectations about a neonate’s family
situation that might affect decisions about support issues such as discharge planning,
are also very important.
To access this knowledge from memory, we must apply heuristics, pattern recogni-
tion or rules. A combination of cues may bring hypotheses to mind and they can be
easily retrieved from memory. Therefore, to make sense of cue gathering to inform
the reasoning process, hypotheses generation and consequent judgements, cues need
to be sorted and ‘chunked’ or coalesced.19 Box 12.3 shows the sorting and coalescing
of Edward’s assessment cues.
Judgements
It could be argued that, in making the decision not to remove Edward’s ETT, the Sister
used both anchoring and representative heuristics. The cognitive reference points of
low heart rate, cyanosis and no chest movement immediately led the Sister to the
judgement that the endotracheal tube was blocked, whilst there was recognition of a
similarity between Edward’s situation and previous experience of caring for babies
with oesophageal atresia. Whilst heuristics are perceived as an aid to reducing uncer-
tainty, they can also be the cause of poor decision making and bias.1–4,9 Biases such as
ignoring base rates (prevalence), hindsight or stereotyping may occur for numerous
reasons including over-confidence, time pressures or one’s own values and beliefs.2
On reflection, the Sister’s bias in relation to the ability of the Registrar to reintubate
Edward carried some weight in the decision.
The information processing theory is perhaps the most influential theory which
describes how decisions are made. Bohinc and Gradisar27 state that its basis is in
studies on human problem solving, but in healthcare it is defined as a process of
hypothetical-deductive reasoning. Thompson and Dowding9 cite Elstein et al.’s28
hypothetico-deductive model, listing the four-stage process as: cue acquisition,
hypothesis generation, cue interpretation and hypothesis evaluation. Thompson
and Dowding9 discuss the generation of between four and six initial and tentative
hypotheses as a norm. They argue, however, that these may be flawed, as human rea-
soning is ‘bounded’ by the capacity of the human memory. There is also the danger
of being too focused and missing potential outcomes. Table 12.2 shows the tentative
hypotheses generated by the Sister from the coalescence of cues.
CLINICAL DECISION MAKING ● 243
Clinical history
Current status
Clinical observations
Staffing context
Judgement Process
• Preterm baby 36/40 wks Risk will not breathe if Instill normal saline
• Recent anaesthetic ETT removed and suction
• Morphine infusion
• Ventilated
our decision making. Social judgement theory considers the relationship between
judgement and the selection of information. Judgements are analysed, after they have
been made, for their accuracy and the relative importance given to each cue. Both
the patient and the clinical context need to be considered equally.
The theoretical foundation for this judgement analysis is the Brunswik’s Lens
Model.6,8 In 19436 Brunswik, an Austrian psychologist, proposed the Len’s Model
that functions like a convex lens. The model applied to the clinical situation assumes
the actual state of the patient offers a clinician tangible surface cues, i.e. signs and
symptoms of their intangible states. The outcome of the assessment, judgement and
decision, in this example, not to remove the ETT but to instil 0.5 mL 0.9% sodium
chloride and apply suction, depended on the qualities of the judge, in this case the
Sister; the qualities of the patient, Edward; and the quality of the interaction. Because
tangible cues do not indicate the depth of conditions with certainty (inferred states
such as severity or a blocked endotracheal tube), they are fallible.
Thompson and Dowding9 explain that the outcome of a judgement is a func-
tion of how the cues are used and interpreted. During shared decision making, the
Brunswik’s Lens Model may be useful in that it enables clinicians to explain their
rationale in terms of making a judgement by assigning different ‘weights’ to the
presenting cues. In this context it is possible that two clinicians faced with the same
patient, the same history and the same cues could make quite different judgements
depending on their assessment of the patient, which might have been influenced by
a number of factors including their level of knowledge, previous experience, personal
biases and values.
Tasks that tend to induce intuitive judgements, as in the Sister’s case, tend to be
complex; lack clarity; are unstructured; present many simultaneous cues; have a
variety of solutions; and require a rapid response. On the other hand, tasks to which
analytical judgements best respond are clear, highly structured, have few cues that
present sequentially, have definitive or few solutions and allow for time to plan a
considered response.6
246 ● A FOUNDATION FOR NEONATAL CARE
Well structured
1
High
Scientific
experiment
2
Controlled
trial
Possibility of manipulation
3
Quasi
Task structured
experiment
4
System aided
judgement
5
Peer aided
judgement
Ill structured
6
Intuitive
Low
judgement
The cognitive continuum theory provides a framework for clinicians to aim for
accuracy in their decision making. Not adhering to its basic premise is likely to lead
to judgement inaccuracies.29 Using cognitive continuum theory we can answer the
question: How did the healthcare professional get it (i.e. the judgement) right? The
cognition mode to use should depend on the task structure, number of cues and time
available to complete the task.9 In the neonatal environment, mode 6 represents the
position at which the articulation of evidence and Sister’s cognition occurred.15,29
Because of the large number of cues, very limited time and poorly structured task,
the Sister’s decision sits at mode 6 on the continuum (see Figure 12.2).
Kahneman et al.10 cautioned that over-reliance on intuition to the exclusion of
analysis can severely limit the use of knowledge and evidence. This can have det-
rimental effects for clinicians not producing an informed rationale to justify their
decisions. The cognitive continuum highlights this need to underpin practice deci-
sions with a sound evidence base. So we turn now to the options that allow us to
calculate and provide a rational basis for clinical decisions.
misconception, since decision analysis should use all types of information, some of
which may be subjective. The nature of decision analysis can be summarised as:
◗ being systematic and structured
◗ integrating intuitive and subjective judgements
◗ involving qualitative and quantitative components
◗ requiring rational analysis.
decision maker but can influence ● tube patent but Edward’s condition fails to
how successfully the objectives improve
are achieved ● failure to reintubate
Payoffs The value (e.g. monetary, utility E.g. a minimum score of zero if Edward’s
or other score according to the condition fails to improve, reintubation
decision maker(s)’ view) of each fails and help does not arrive immediately;
strategy under each state of the alternatively, a maximum score of 100 if
world Edward’s condition improves and there are no
other side effects.
248 ● A FOUNDATION FOR NEONATAL CARE
At the end of the problem-definition stage, the objective(s), strategies and context
of the problem should be clear. This will allow the decision maker(s) to choose the
most appropriate model to analyse the value of each strategy.31
Rational models
Rational decision models are normative but they can also be prescriptive. A very good
exposition of the normative-prescriptive distinction can be found in Koehler and
Harvey.32 The aim of rational models is to maximise the ‘payoff ’; i.e. to choose the
best strategy. To do this the decision maker must be perfectly rational and be able to
perfectly calculate the ‘payoff ’ of each strategy given. ‘Perfectly rational’ and ‘perfect
information’ are two very big phrases and they point to the difficulties in applying
rational models, which we will revisit below.
Probability that a baby will need neonatal care = Number of babies admitted to
neonatal units/Total number of babies born in England = 62 471/63 5748 = 0.1 or
10%
Again, this is an objective quantity. It is, however, not exact; it is only an estimate
because it is based on survey data.
Subjective probability
However, it may not be possible to collect survey data. For example, we know in
Edward’s case that the Sister decided not to remove the ETT because the risk of failure
to reintubate was ‘high’. But what exactly was the probability of risk of failure? Box
12.4 below shows the number of factors that could have contributed to risk of failure
to reintubate.
● Inexperienced Registrar
● Senior House Officer elsewhere
● On-call Consultant off site
● Night-time – fewer staff to manage an emergency
● Success rate of reintubation in previous cases
Whilst it is unrealistic in this case (the Sister reports that the decision was made
‘in a matter of seconds’), perhaps in another context it would have been possible to
go back to previous records involving cases of reintubation of babies and calculate
the proportion of cases in which reintubation failed. But is this the best estimate of
the chance of failure for Edward? The answer is ‘No’, because it is almost impossible
that all the babies in previous cases were in exactly the same situation and reacted to
the treatment in exactly the same way as Edward did. So what to do?
In this situation, there were a number of factors all of which could have been
significantly influential. It was necessary for the Sister to use her judgement and
expertise to estimate as accurately as possible the probability of failure to reintubate
based on Edward’s unique circumstances and taking into account all the factors. She
judged the probability to be ‘substantial’. Given more time, it would have been worth-
while assigning a specific number to this ‘high’ judgement (e.g. 10% probability),
since precisely stated quantities, even when based on subjective judgement, allow for
much more effective rational analysis. Now, unlike the probabilities calculated above,
this quantity is neither objective nor exact. It is a subjective estimate.
possible decision options for a given choice. For each of the possible decision options,
the consequences of taking that decision are quantified and expressed in terms of
likelihoods and utilities. In specific clinical contexts where difficult shared decision
making is important, a decision tree could offer the potential for all those involved
to choose the option that best maximises benefit for the patient whilst minimising
risk.
SUMMARY
This chapter used a clinical example, Edward’s case, to illustrate some of the key
considerations in making judgements and decisions in the practice environment and
some of the many ways in which decision making can be approached. This retrospec-
tive review of acute decisions may help either to validate such actions for the future
or to influence changes in practice.
Many of the issues crucial to effective decision making have been discussed,
including the importance of a sound assessment process and the ability to keep it
as wide as possible and not to narrow the judgement focus too soon; the potential
impact that heuristics and biases can have on creating decision errors; and the use
of social judgement and the cognitive continuum as tools to both understand and
analyse decisions, as a means of improving decision making. There remains much
work to be done in the field, accruing evidence in the science of decision making
in healthcare generally and in neonatal practice particularly. It is hoped this chap-
ter might act as a springboard not only to improving your decision making but to
deliberations with regard to contributing to further research and evidence gathering
in this most important of skills.
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