Machiavelli

MACHIAVELLI
MACHIAVELLI
THE CHIEF WORKS AND OTHERS
TRANSLATED BY ALLAN GILBERT
VOLUME THREE
Non in exercitu J nee in ToboTe ...
Duke University Press Durham and London 1989

© 1958, 1961, 1963, 1965, 1989 by Allan H. Gilbert
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME ONE
Pagt
PREFACE
The Translation vi;
The Werks Included vi;;
The Notes and Index ix
TEXTS USED IN TRANSLATING x·,
A PROVISION FOR INFANTRY ra selection) ,
THE PRINCE 5
A PASTORAL: THE IDEAL RULER 97
A DISCOURSE ON REMODELING THE GOVERNMENT OF
FLORENCE 1.01
ADVICE TO RAFFAELLO GIROLAMI WHEN HE WENT AS

AMBASSADOR TO THE EMPEROR 116
THE LECATI0 NS (parts of Jispat,hts tk/lUng with Cesare Borgia) 120
ON THE METHOD OF DEALING WITH THE REBELLIOUS

PEOPLES OF THE VALDICHIANA (a stlection)
A DESCRIPTION OF THE METHOD USED BY DUKE
VALENTINO IN KILLING VITELLOZZO VITELLI,
OLIVEROTTO DA FERMO, AND OTHERS
[AT SINIGAGLIA}
AN EXHORTATION TO PENITENCE
DISCOURSES ON THE FIRST DECADE OF TITUS LIVIUS
BOOK I
BOOK 2
BOOK 3
VOLUME TWO Pagt
THE LIFE OF CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANI OF LUCCA 533

THE ART OF WAR 561
vi Table of Contents
THE ACCOUNT OF A VISIT MADE TO FORTIFY FLORENCE:
A LETTER TO THE AMBASSADOR OF THE REPUBLIC IN
ROME ~7
TERCETS ON AMBITION 735
TERCETS ON INGRATITUDE OR ENVY 740
TERCETS ON FORTUNE 745
THE [GOLDEN] ASS 750
MACHIAVELLrS COMEDIES 773
MANDRAGOLA n6
CLIZIA 822
ARTICLES FOR A PLEASURE COMPANY 865

BELFAGOR, THE DEVILWHO MARRIED 869
CARNIVAL SONGS (five songs) 878
FAMILIAR LETTERS (all given are complete) 883
A SONNET TO MESSER BERNARDO HIS FATHER 1012
TWO SONNETS TO GIULIANO, SON OF LORENZO

DE'MEDICI 1013
A THIRD SONNET TO GIULIANO 101 5
SERENADE 1016
VOLUME THREE Page
THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE 1025
THE NATURES OF FLORENTINE MEN 1436

WORDS TO BE SPOKEN ON THE LAW FOR APPROPRIAT~
INC MONEY 1439
FIRST DECENNALE, ten years of Florentine historY·1494~1S04 1444
SECOND DECENNALE,five years of Florentine history. 1so4~1509· 1457
EPIGRAM, PIERO SODERINI 146J
EPIGRAM, ARGUS, on the release ofFrancis 1 1463
ILLUSTRA TIONS
front;sp;tCt
Ttrrd cotta bust of Machiavtlli by an unknown artist, in tht Socitta Columbaria,
Florenct. (Alinari photograph)
facing pagt 136

San Leo in 1957
facing page 546

Serravalle
following page 726

Plates illustrating the ART OF WAR
facing pagt 876

Tht expulsion of the devil from ont posstsstd
facing pagt 1114

Bags from which tht namts of Flortntints who wtre to hold public o]fict wtre drawn.
TEXTS USED IN TRANSLATING
TUTTE LE OPERE STORICHE E LETTERARIE DI NICCOLO

MACHIAVELLI, a cura di Guido Mazzoni e Mario Casella,
Firenze 1929.
TUTTE LE OPERE di Niccolo Machiavelli, a cura di Francesco Flora e
di Carlo Cordie, 1959, 1960 (to be completed).
LE OPERE DI NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, per cura di P. Fanfani e
di L. Passerini e di G. Milanesi, Firenze 1873~77 (incomplete).
OPERE DI NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, Italia 1813.
OPERE MINORI DI NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, con note di F. L.
Polidori, Firenze 1852.
IL PRINCIPE DI NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, Firenze (Giunta) 1532.
IL PRINCIPE DI NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, Rome (Blado) 1532.
DISCORSI DI NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, Firenze (Giunta) 1531.
LIBRO DELLA ARTE DELLA GUERRA DI NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI,
Firenze (Giunta) 1524.
COMEDIA DI CALLIMACO & DI LUCRETIA, [Firenze p] [1524 f].
MANDRAGOLA, a cura di S. Debenedetti, Strasburgo (Bibliotheca
Romanica).
NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI, ISTORIE FlORENTINE, per cura di
Plinio Carli, Firenze 1927.
Niccolo Machiavelli, LETTERE FAMILIARI pubblicate per cura di
Edoardo Lisio, Firenze 1883.
Niccolo Machiavelli, LETTERE FAMILIARI, a cura ai Gerolam 0
Lazzeri, Milano 1923.
Machiavelli, LETTERE, [a cura ai Giuseppe Lesca]" Firenze 1929.
Niccolo Machiavelli, LETTERE, a cura di Franco Gaeta, Milano 1961.
Oreste Tommasini, LA VITA E GLI SCRITTI DI NICCOLO MACHI~
AVELLI, "01. 2, parte 2, Apptndict, Roma 1911.
Pasquale Villari, NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI ••• illustrati con nuo"i
aocumenti, Milano 1912~1914.
VOLUME THREE
THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE
List of Books
[DEDICATION TO POPE CLEMENT VII] 1029
[PREFACE] 1030
I [FROM THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE TO 1434] 1034
2 [THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF FLORENCE} TO
1353] 1080
3 [FLORENCE FROM 1353 TO 1414] 1140
4 [FLORENTINE AFFAIRS FROM 141 4 TO 1434] 1187
s [THE GOVERNMENT OF COSIMO UNTIL THE BATTLE OF
ANGHIARI. 1434"1440.] 1232
6 [THE POWER OF COSIMO DE}MEDICI; FROM DUKE
FILIPPO'S EFFORTS FOR PEACE TO THE ABANDONMENT
OF NAPLES BY THE ANGEVINS. 144°"1463.] 1284
7 [LARGELY BUT NOT WHOLLY ON AFFAIRS IN FLORENTINE
TERRITORY DURING THE LATTER YEARS OF COSIMa
AND THE EARLY YEARS OF LORENZO. 1427"1478.] 1336
8 [FLORENCE FROM THE PAZZI CONSPIRACY TO THE
DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT. 1478"1492.] 1383
Bags from which the names of Florentines who were to hold public office were drawn,
preserved in the Florentine public records office. They would have appeared more
capacious when the leather was new andflexible. See bags in the index.
[Late in the year 1520 Machiavelli received from Pope Leo X (Gio tJI
vanni de'Medici) a commission to write the HISTORY OF FLORENCE.
Eight books were presented to Pope Clement VII in 1525; no others were
completed.
Machiavelli announces dissatisfaction with the historians ofFlorence accestJI
sible to him, in that they dealt inadequately with the internal affairs ofthe city,
though they were satisfactory for external matters, such as warfare. From
his own attempt to treat those interna'l affairs, however.. he allowed himself to
be turned aside.. partly through his interest in the Sforza wars in Lombardy,
partly because all Italian activities were of import for his city. Moreover,
Machiavelli did not spend his life in archives. But an archival attempt would
have demanded that he be ahead of his age.. and would have occupied time far
longer than the four years and a half he gave to the HISTORY. What could
,one man hope to do with the uncalendared records ofthe city ofFlorence? The
latter part ofhis work and the notesfor its continuation do indicate documentary
study. Yet part of the HISTORY is only a compilation, not to be used.. as
historians did until an astonishingly' recent time, as a source for facts. Still
J
there is in it truth enough to serve as a basisfor Machiavelli s observations on
man as a political animal.
One of the chief of these is that government exists for the common good.
To forgetfulness of this truism is to be charged the long list of Florentine
troubles, where political changes were made for the benefit of aparty, not for
that of the city as a whole. The city was continually torn by divisions.. not
united for the happiness of the citizens. On this internal strife Machiavelli
often remarks, handling his material to emphasize it. For example, the story
of Michele di Lando, notfor the most part unreliable in fact, is that of a man
who in his unselfish virtue thought ofthe city as awhole.. andfor his patriotism
suffered ingratitude inspired by party spirit.
Avowedly fictitious are the jrequen-t orations in the Thucydidean manner
of the Florentine historians -before Machiavelli. These are developed beyond
dramatic requirements into expositions of social and political truths suggested
by Florentine events. Incidentally, these orations enabled Machiavelli to deal
with the problem of the Medici. They were de facto rulers of Florence, and
her only possible rulers. For a wise patriot the clear path was to accept them,
hopingfor a betterfuture. So Machiavelli did. He writes of the family up to
the death of Lorenzo, where his history ends" with afrankness that shows his
1028 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE
courage or his knowledge of the good sense ofthe living Medici. Yet one ofhis
friends, Donato Giannotti, reports that Niccolo often said to him:
I cannot write this history from the time when Cosimo took over the
government up to the death of Lorenzo just as I would write it if I were
free from all reasons for caution. The actions will be true, and I shall
not omit anything; merely I shall leave out discussing the universal
causes of the events. For instance, I shall relate the events and the
circumstances that came about when Cosimo took over the government;
I shall leave untou'ched any discussion of the way and of the means and
tricks with which one attains such power; and if anyone nevertheless
wants to understand Cosimo, let him observe well what I shall have his
opponents say, because what I am not willing to say as coming from
myself, I shall have his opponents say.
Yet even in such speeches, Machiavelli sometimes substituted for his first
draft softer second thoughts. For example, aspeech by Rinaldo degli Albizzi
is changed from direct to indirect discourse, and the following is bolder than
the final form:
Union and prosperity are impossible while Cosimo de'Medici lives in

this city, because his way of living surpasses what is proper for a citi~
zen; his excessive wealth makes him bold; with it he has bribed all
the heads of the common people and many other citizens, in such a way
that in all the councils and magistracies of the city he can do what he wants
to; our soldiers are all his partisans, because he employs whom he likes,
whom he likes he gets rid of. . .. He lacks nothing of being prince but
the title. It is the duty therifore of agood citizen to find a remedy for this,
to call the people to the Public Square, and to take over the government,
in order to restore to the republic her liberty- [Cf bk. 4, chap. 28.]
That even a weakenedform of this stood in the manuscript put in the hands of
Giulio de'Medici, Pope Clement VII, is astonishing enough, a tribute to
Machiavelli's desire to write a history that would inspire all lovers of the
common good of man in whatever age or nation.]
THE HISTOR.Y OF FLOR.ENCE
TO THE MOST HOLY AND BLESSED FATHER

OUR RULER CLEMENT VII, HIS HUMBLE
SERVANT NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
Since Your Holiness, Most Blessed and Most Holy Father, when
you were still occupying a lower position, charged me to write out
what has been done by the Florentine people, I have used all the
industry and skill given me by nature and bestowed on me by ex"
perience to satisfy you. And since, in writing, I have come to those
times which, through the death of the Magnificent Lorenzo de'
Medici, changed Italy's condition, and since the events occurring
afterward have been loftier and greater, and must be set forth with a
loftier and greater spirit, I have thought it well that all I have written
up to those times should be assembled in one volume and presented
to Your Most Blessed Holiness, in order that in some measure you
may now enjoy the fruits of your seeds and my toils.
As you read then, Your Holiness will first see, beginning with
the time when the Roman Empire lost her power in the West, with
how many disasters and under how many princes Italy for centuries
suffered change in her governments; you will see that the Papacy, the
Venetians, the Kingdom of Naples, and the Duchy of Milan took
the first places and the chief authority in the land; you will see that
your native city, withdrawing as a result ofinternal division from her
allegiance to the Emperors, continued to be divided until her govern;
ment came under the protection of your house. And because Your
Blessed Holiness especially charged and required me to write in such
a way of the things done by your ancestors that I should be far from
all Hattery (because however much it pleases you to hear men's true
praises, to the same extent fictitious praises and those described with
special favor displease you), I greatly fear lest, as I describe the probity
of Giovanni, the wisdom of Cosima, the kindness of Piero, and the
high;mindedness and prudence of Lorenzo, I may seem to Your
Holiness to be disobeying your orders. Of that transgression I clear
myself before you and before anybody whom such descriptions dis;
please as inaccurate, because finding how full of their praises were
1030 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Preface
the accounts of those who at various times have written of them, I
was obliged either to write ofthem just what I found or, as hostile, to
be silent about them. And if underneath their excellent works was
concealed any ambition- which, as some say, was opposed to the
common good, I who do not recognize it in them am not obliged to
write of it; indeed in all my narratives I have never permitted a
dishonorable deed to be defended with an honorable reason nor a
praiseworthy deed, as though done for an opposite purpose, to be
blackened.
But how far I am from flattery can be observed in all the parts of
my history, and especially in the public speeches and private can"
versations, both quoted and reported, which in their ideas and
arrangement preserve what is fitting to the temperament of the person
who speaks without any reservation. Yet I avoid, in all places,
offensive terms, as unnecessary to the dignity and truth of history.
So nobody who rightly examines my writings can rebuke me as a
flatterer, especially when he sees that I have said little on the achieve"
ment afYour Holiness' father. The cause of this was his short life,
in which he had no opportunity to make himself known, nor have
I with my writings been able to make him glorious. Nevertheless
great and splendid enough were his deeds, since he begot Your
Holiness-an act that far outweighs all those ofhis ancestors and will
give him more ages of fame than the malice of Fortune took from
him years oflife. I have then striven, Most Holy and Blessed Father,
in these writings of mine, without defacing the truth, to satisfy every"
body; and perhaps I have not satisfied anybody, and ifthis should be
so, I shall not be astonished by it, because I judge it impossible,
without angering many, to write on the affairs of their own times.
Nevertheless, I come cheerfully into the field, hoping that, as by the
kindness of Your Holiness I am honored and supported, so by the
armed legions of your most sacred judgment I shall be aided and
protected; and with the same spirit and confidence in which I have
written up to now, I am going to continue my undertaking, if life
does not desert me and Your Holiness does not forsake me.
PREFACE
It was my purpose, when I first decided to write of the things
done at home and abroad by the Florentine people, to begin my
History Teaches 1031
narrative with the year of the Christian era 1434, the date when the
Medici family, through the abilities and laudable deeds of Cosima
and Giovanni his father gained more power than any other in
Florence, because I considered that Messer Lionardo d'Arezzo and
Messer Poggio, two very good historians, had told in detail all the
things that happened before that time. But later carefully reading
their works, in order to see with what ruling ideas and methods they
carryon their writing, so that, by imitating them, I might make my
history more acceptable to readers, I found that in description of the
wars fought by the Florentines with foreign princes and peoples they
are very careful, but as to civil strife and internal hostilities, and the
effects these have produced, about one part of them they are wholly
silent, and the other part they describe so brieRy that their readers can
get no profit or pleasure. The cause of their doing so is either that
they considered these affairs so paltry as to be unworthy of preserva,-
tion in writing, or that they feared to offend the descendants ofthose
whom, in such narratives, they would have to calumniate. These I
two causes (with all respect to them) appear to me wholly unworthy

of great men, because if anything in history delights or teaches, it is
what is presented in full detail. If any reading is useful to citizens
who govern republics, it is that which shows the causes ofthe hatreds
and factional struggles within the city, in order that such citizens
having grown wise through the sufferings of others, can keep them,-
selves united.
If the experiences of any republic are moving, those of a man's
own city, when he reads about them, are much more moving and
more useful; and if in any republic internal dissensions were ever
worth noting, in that of Florence they are especially noteworthy,
because most ofthe other republics ofwhich there is any record have
been content with one sort offactional struggle, with which, according
as it has happened, they have sometimes expanded, sometimes ruined
their cities. But Florence, not content with one sort of factional
quarrel, has had many. In Rome, as everybody knows, after the
kings were driven out, there was disunion between the nobles and
the people, which continued in the city until her fall. So it did in
Athens, and in all the other republics that flourished in those days.
But in Florence first there were factions among the nobles, then
1. To descendants) the truthful historian seems to calumniate ancestors when he relates their
evil deeds.
1032 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Preface
factional struggles between the nobles and the middle class, finally
between the middle class and the masses. Many times it happened
that one of these parties, having conquered the others, was itself
divided into two factions. From these dissensions resulted as many
deaths, as many exiles, as many ruined families as ever were known
in any city of which we have record.
Certainly, according to my judgment, nothing shows so well the
vigor of our city as does the quality of these dissensions, which had
might enough to destroy the greatest and most powerful of cities.
Nevertheless ours seemed always to grow stronger. Such was the
ability of those citizens and the power oftheir intelligence and spirit
to make themselves and their native city great, that as many as re"
mained superior to so many ills could do more to exalt her with their
ability than the evil influence of those events that might have weak"
ened her could do to depress her. And beyond doubt ifFlorence had
had the good fortune, when she freed herself from the Empire, to
take a form ofgovernment that would have kept her united, I do not
know what republic, modern or ancient, would have been superior
to her-with such ability in arms and in peaceful arts she would
have abounded. She expelled such numbers ofthe Ghibellines that
they filled Tuscany and Lombardy. Yet the Guelfs and those who
remained within her walls, when they fought against Arezzo, a year
earlier than the battle of Campaldino, raised among the citizens ot
their party twelve hundred men,at,arms and twelve thousand infan"
try. Later, in the war fought against Filippo Visconti Duke of
Milan, when she had to put to the test her economic ability and not
her own arms (which by then had disappeared), we see that in the
five years while that war lasted the Florentines spent three million
five hundred thousand florins. When that was ended, being dis"
contented with peace, in order to show further the power of their
city, they besieged Lucca.
I cannot, therefore, see any reason why these divisions do not
deserve to be fully described. And if those very noble writers held
back in order not to injure the memory of those whom they were
going to discuss, they deceived themselves and showed that they did
not understand the ambition of men and the desire they have to
perpetuate the names oftheir ancestors and themselves; these historians
did not remember that many who have not had opportunity to gain
fame with praiseworthy deeds have striven to gain it with blame"
Machiavelli's Plan 1033
worthy actions, nor did they consider that conspicuous actions such
as those of government and state, however they are carried on or
whatever outcome they have, are always looked upon as bringing
their doers honor rather than censure.
These things, when I had considered them, made me change my
plan, and I determined to begin my history with the origin of our
city. And because it is not my intention to fill the places of others,
I shall describe in detail, up to 1434, only the things that happened
inside the city, and ofthose outside I shall say nothing else than what
is necessary for understanding of those inside. Then, when I have
passed the year 1434, I shall write in detail of both sorts. Besides this,
in order that this History may at all times be better understood, before
I deal with Florence I shall describe by what means Italy came under
those powers which at that time ruled her. All these things, both
Italian and Florentine, will be completed in four books. The first
will tell in briefall the events that happened in Italy from the decline
of the Roman Empire to 1434; the second will carry its narrative
from the origin of the city of Florence to the war that, after the ex"
pulsion of the Duke of Athens, was fought against the Pope; the
third will end in the year 1414, with the death of King Ladislas of
Naples; and with the fourth I shall come to the year 1434. From that
time on, I shall present, with many details, the things that happened
in Florence and outside, up to our present times.
BOOK ONE
[FROM THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE TO 1434]

CHAPTER I
[Barbarian invasions. 375-439]

The peoples who live in the northern countries beyond the Rhine
and the Danube, being born in a prolific and healthful region, often
have increased to such a multitude that part of them were forced to
leave their native places and seek new lands to dwell in. The method
they used when one of those districts wished to get rid of some of its
inhabitants was to divide its people into three parts, assigning every
man in such a way that every part was equally provided with nobles
and commoners, rich and poor. Then the part on which the lot fell
went to seek its fortune, and the other two parts, freed from the
burden of the third, remained behind to enjoy their ancestral goods.
The groups which left home were the multitudes that destroyed the
Roman Empire. Opportunity to do so was given them by the Eml'
perors who, by abandoning Rome, the ancient seat of the Empire,
and living in Constantinople, made the western part of the Empire
weaker, since by watching it less carefully, they left it exposed to
plunder by their officials and their enemies. And certainly for the
overthrow of so great an empire, founded on the blood of so many
able men, the fitness ofthings demanded that the rulers should not be
less sluggish than they were, or the officials less disloyal, or the
attackers weaker and less persistent. Actually, not one multitude but
many joined forces for her destruction.
The first who came against the Empire from these northern reI'
gions after the Cimbri (whom Marius, a Roman citizen, defeated)
were the Visigoths, whose name in their language means nothing
more than Western Goths in ours. After some combats on the
borders of the Empire, for a long time, by grant of the Emperors,
they occupied territory on the Danube River. Although for various
reasons and at various times they frequently assailed the Roman
provinces, nonetheless the Emperors' power always kept them in
check. The last who gloriously defeated them was Theodosius.
Being brought under his authority, they never again established a
Barbarian Invaders 1035
king over themselves but, contented with the pay granted them,
lived and fought under the Emperor's control and under his ensigns.
But after Theodosius died and his sons Arcadius and Honorius
were left heirs ofhis Empire, but not of his ability and Fortune, with
their rule conditions changed. Theodosius had appointed over the
three parts of his empire three deputies: Rufinus over the East; over
the West, Stilicho; and Gilda over Africa. All of these, after the
death of the monarch, determined not to act as deputies in their
provinces but to occupy them as princes. Gildo and Rufinus were
crushed very early, but Stilicho, knowing better how to conceal his
purpose, sought to gain the confidence of the new Emperors and
nevertheless so to shake their power that it would then be easier for
him to seize it. In order to make the Visigoths hostile, he advised
the Emperors no longer to give those barbarians their accustomed
subsidies. Besides this, since he believed that to shake the Empire
these enemies would not be enough, he arranged that the Burgun"
dians, Franks, Vandals and Alans, they too northern peoples and
already beginning to seek new lands, should attack the Roman
provinces. Thereupon the Visigoths, deprived of their subsidies, in
order to be better organized to revenge that injury, made Alaric their
king and, attacking the Empire, at last plundered Italy and took and
sacked Rome. After that victory Alaric died and was succeeded by
Ataulfus, who took as his wife Placidia, sister of the Emperors.
Because of that marriage he agreed to go to the rescue of Gaul and
Spain, provinces that the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans and Franks,
for the reasons given above, had attacked. The result was that the
Vandals, who had taken that part of Spain called Baetica, being
hard pressed by the Visigoths and unable to resist, were invited by
Boniface, who was ruling Africa for the Empire, to invade his
province because, having rebelled, he feared that the Emperor would
punish his transgression. For the reasons given, the Vandals gladly
undertook that expedition and under their king Genseric made them,
selves masters of Africa. Meanwhile the Empire had descended to
Theodosius the son of Arcadius; since he paid little attention to
things in the West, the Vandals believed they could keep what they
had gained.
1036 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book 1
CHAPTER 2
[Barbarian conquests. 440-600]

And so the Vandals ruled Africa, the Alans and the Visigoths
Spain; and not merely did the Franks and the Burgundians conquer
Gaul, but the regions they inhabited were called by their name, so
that one region is called France and the other Burgundy. Their
success roused new multitudes to the destruction of the Empire, and
another people, called Huns, conquered Pannonia, a province on
the other shore of the Danube, which today, having taken the name
of those Huns, is called Hungary. To these troubles others were
added because the Emperor, seeing himself attacked from so
many sides, in order to have fewer enemies, made truces, now with
the Vandals, now with the Franks. These things increased the au",
thority and the might of the barbarians but diminished that of
the Empire.
Nor was the island ofBritain, which today is called England, safe
from such great destruction, because the Britons, fearing those people
who had seized France and not seeing how the Emperor could
protect them, called to their aid the Angles, people of Germany.
Under V ortiger their king, they undertook the expedition; at first
they protected the Britons, but later drove them from the island and
remained there themselves to live, and from their own name called it
England. But the earlier inhabitants, being deprived of their native
land, of necessity became courageous and decided that though they
had not been able to defend their own country, they were able to
conquer that of others. They therefore with their families crossed the
sea and conquered the region nearest to the shore, and after their own
name called that land Brittany.
CHAPTER 3
[Italy invaded. 452-476]
The Huns, who, as we said above, had taken Pannonia, uniting
with other peoples called Zepidi, Heruli, Thuringi, and Ostrogoths
(for so in that language the eastern Goths are called), set out to seek
new lands. And since they could not enter France, which was de~
Huns and Vandals 1 037
fended against the barbarian forces, they came into Italy under Attila,
their king, who a little earlier, in order to be sale ruler in the king"
dam, had killed Bieda, his brother. Since he had thereby become
very powerful, Andaricus King of the Zepidi, and Velamir King
of the Ostrogoths were subject to him. Coming into Italy, then,
Attila invested Aquileia, where he remained without any hindrance
for two years; and in besieging it, he laid waste all the region round
about and dispersed all its inhabitants. This, as we shall tell in its
place, brought about the founding of the city of Venice. After the
capture and destruction of Aquileia and of many other cities, he
turned toward Rome; from her destruction he refrained on the request
of the Pope, for whom Attila had so much respect that he left Italy
and retired to Austria, where he died. After his death, Velamir,
King of the Ostrogoths, and the leaders of the other nations took up
arms against Eric and Uric, his sons; they killed one and forced the
other, with the Huns, to recross the Danube and return into their
own country. The Ostrogoths and the Zepidi then settled in Pan"
nonia, and the Heruli and the Thuringi remained near the Danube
on the other side ofthe river. After Attila had left Italy, Valentini"
anus, the Western Emperor, determined to bring back prosperity; to
be better situated for defending Italy against the barbarians, he left
Rome and made Ravenna his capital.
These troubles in the Western Empire were the reason why the
Emperor, who lived in Constantinople, many times granted its
possession to others, as a matter of great danger and expense. And
many times also the Romans without his permission, seeing that
they were abandoned, set up for themselves an emperor who would
defend them, or someone on his own authority usurped the Empire,
as happened in those times when the Roman Maximus seized it after
Valentinianus' death; he forced Eudoxia, who had been the latter's
wife, to take him as her husband. Eager to revenge such an)njury
since, being sprung from imperial blood, she could not endure mar~
riage with a private citizen, Eudoxia secretely encouraged Genseric,
king ofthe Vandals and master ofAfrica, to come into Italy, showing
him the ease and the value of conquering it. Allured by the hope of
booty, that king came at once and, finding Rome abandoned, plun"
dered the city, remaining there fourteen days. He also took and
plundered many other cities in Italy, and having loaded himself and
his army with booty, returned to Africa. When the Romans were
back in Rome, since Maximus was dead, they made A vitus, a

Roman, Emperor.
Then, after many events in Italy and outside her, and after the
deaths of many emperors, the control of Constantinople came to
Zeno and that of Rome to Orestes and Augustulus his son, who
seized the Empire by trickery. And while they planned to hold it by
force, the Heruli and the Thuringi, who after the death of Attila
placed themselves, as I said, on the other side ofthe Danube near the
river, made a league and under Odoacer, their general, came into
Italy. And into the regions they left vacant, the Longobards entered,
led by their king, Godogus-they too a northern people who, as we
shall tell in its place, were the final plague ofItaly. So, having come
into Italy, Odoacer defeated and killed Orestes near Pavia, and
Augustulus fled. After that victory, in order that Rome might
change her title with her power, Odoacer, abandoning the name of
the Empire, had himself called King of Rome. He was the first,
among the leaders of peoples who then were overrunning the world,
who settled down to live in Italy, because the others, either through
fear that they could not hold her because she could easily be as"
sisted by the Eastern emperor, or for some other hidden reason, had
plundered her and then sought other countries in which to make
their abode.
CHAPTER 4
[Theodoric in Italy. 476-526]
So in those days the ancient Roman Empire was under these
leaders: Zeno, reigning in Constantinople, controlled all the Eastern
Empire; the Ostrogoths ruled Moesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths,
Suevi, and Alani held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals, Africa; the
Franks and the Burgundians, France; the Heruli and the Thuringi,
Italy. The Kingdom of the Ostrogoths had come to Theodoric, the
grandson of Velamir, who, being friendly with Zeno, the Eastern
Emperor, wrote to him that his Ostrogoths believed it unjust, since
they were superior in vigor to all the other peoples, that they should
be inferior in dominion, and that it was impossible to keep them
confined within the boundaries of Pannonia. Hence, since he was
forced to let them take arms and seek new lands, he wished first to
inform the Emperor of his intention, in order to enable him to
Theodoric)s Good Government 1039
provide for it, by granting them some country where with his favor
they could live more honorably and in greater ease. Hence Zeno,
partly through fear, partly' that he hoped to drive Odoacer out of
Italy, gave Theodoric permission to march against him and take
possession ofthe land. Theodoric at once departed from Pannonia,
where he left the Zepidi, people friendly to him; having come into
Italy, he killed Odoacer and his son and after his example took the
title of King of Italy. He established his capital in Ravenna, moved
by the same reasons that once made the Emperor Valentinianus dwell
there.
Now Theodoric was a man very able in war and in peace, so
that in the first he was always conqueror, in the second he. greatly
benefited his cities and his people. He scattered the Ostrogoths and
their leaders through his lands, so that in war he could control them
and in peace could govern them. He enlarged Ravenna, he rebuilt
Rome, and, except for military discipline, he restored to the Romans
every other dignity. He kept within their boundaries, without any
of the disturbance of war, by his authority alone, all the barbarian
kings who were occupying the Empire. He built towns and for"
tresses between the head ofthe Adriatic Sea and the Alps, to hinder
more easily the passage of new barbarians who might attempt to
attack Italy. And if near the end of his life so many virtues had not
been defaced by cruelties ca.used by various suspicions about his
kingdom, such as the deaths of Simmacus and of Boethius, very
holy men, his memory would have been altogether worthy of every
sort of honor; because, by means of his ability and his goodness, not
merely Rome and Italy but all the other parts ofthe Western Empire,
freed from the continual attacks by so many floods of barbarians that
for many years they had been enduring, showed new life, and at~
tained good order and a very happy condition.
CHAPTER S
[Changes in Italy in barbarian times. 395-493]
And truly, if any times ever were miserable in Italy and in these
provinces overrun by the barbarians, they were those extending from
Arcadius and Honorius up to Theodoric. For if one will consider
what a damage it may be to a republic or to a kingdom to change its
prince or government, not through any external force but merely

because of internal discords (by which we see that through little
changes all republics and all kingdoms, even though very powerful,
are overthrown), one can then easily imagine how much in those
times Italy and the other Roman provinces suffered, for they not
merely changed their government and their prince, but their laws,
their customs, their way of living, their religion, their speech, their
dress, their names. Individually and still more in total these things
when merely thought about and not seen or suffered, are enough to
terrify the firmest and steadiest mind. From this came the destruction,
the origin, and the expansion ofmany cities. Among those destroyed
were Aquileia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole and many others.
Among those for the first time built were Venice, Siena, Ferrara,
Aquila and many other cities and fortified towns that for brevity are
omitted. Small towns that became big were Florence, Genoa, Pisa,
Milan, Naples and Bologna. To all these are to be added the destruc,
tion and the reb~ilding of Rome and of many others that were
variously torn down and rebuilt.
Among these ruins and these new peoples originated new tongues,
as appears in the languages now used in France, in Spain, and in
Italy; these are mixtures of the native languages of these new peoples
and of the ancient Roman, that make a new sort of speech. Besides
this, not merely have the provinces changed their names, but so have
the lakes, the rivers, the seas, and the men, for France, Italy, and
Spain are full of names that are new and wholly unlike the ancient
ones; for example, omitting many others, the Po, Garda, the Archi"
pelago are known by names unlike the ancient. The men, too,
instead of Caesars and Pompeys, are now Pieri, Giovanni, and
Mattei.
But among all these changes, of not less importance was that in
religion because, in fighting the established habits of the ancient
faith with the miracles of the new, there sprang up very serious
troubles and enmities between men. And if indeed the Christian
religion had been united, it would have caused sligllter disturbances,
but since the Greek, the Roman, and the Ravenna churches were
fighting among themselves, and in addition the heretical beliefs were
fighting with the catholic ones, in many ways they affiicted the world.
Of this a witness is Africa, since she endured many more distresses
because of the Arian sect, believed in by the Vandals, than because
Belisarius in Italy 1041
of their avarice or natural cruelty. Living, then, in the midst of so

many persecutions, men bore written in their eyes the terror of their
spirits, because in addition to the countless ills they suffered, a good
part ofthem lacked the power to flee for aid to God, in which all the
wretched are wont to hope, because the greater part of them, uncer;
tain to what god they ought to turn, destitute ofall aid and all hope,
died wretchedly.
CHAPTER 6
[Italy in Justinian's time. 493-555]
No little praise therefore is due to Theodoric as the first who
allayed so many evils. During the thirty"eight years of his reign he
brought Italy to such greatness that the ancient affiictions were no
more to be seen in the land. But when he died and left on the throne
Atalaric, the son of his daughter Amalasiunta, Italy in a short time,
since Fortune was not yet satisfied, returned to her ancient distresses.
Soon after his grandfather's death, Atalaric died, and the kingdom
was left to his mother; she was betrayed by Theodatus, whom she
had summoned to aid her in ruling the kingdom. By killing her and
making himself king, he incurred the hatred of the Ostrogoths.
This encouraged the Emperor Justinian to believe that he could drive
Theodatus from Italy, so he appointed Belisarius leader of an ex"
pedition for the purpose; this man had already conquered Africa,
driven out the Vandals and restored that province to the Empire.
Belisarius conquered Sicily, passed thence into Italy and took Naples
and Rome. After this defeat the Goths killed Theodatus their king
as its cause and in his stead chose Vitigetes; after some combats
Belisarius besieged and captured him in Ravenna. But before Beli"
sarius had completed his conquest, Justinian recalled him and put in
his place Joannes and Vitales, completely unlike him in ability and
conduct, so that the Goths regained their courage and chose as their
king Ildovrado, governor in Verona.
After he was killed, the kingdom came to T otila, who defeated
the Emperor's soldiers, regained Tuscany and Naples, and pushed
the imperial generals almost out of the provinces Belisarius had re~
gained. Justinian therefore decided to send Belisarius back to Italy.
Returning with weak forces, he lost the reputation gained from his
earlier deeds instead of gaining more. For when he was with his
1 °42 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book 1
soldiers at Ostia, TotiIa captured Rome before his eyes, but since
Totila could neither abandon nor hold her, for the most part he
destroyed her, drove away the people, and took the Senators off with
him. Making little account of BeIisarius, he led his army into Cala"
bria to meet soldiers who had come from Greece to aid that general.
So Belisarius, seeing Rome abandoned, undertook a noble enterprise:
entering the Roman ruins with the utmost speed, he rebuilt the city
walls and called back the inhabitants. But Fortune opposed this
praiseworthy enterprise because Justinian, at that time attacked by
the Parthians, recalled Belisarius. In obedience to his master, he
abandoned Italy, and the province remained in the power of Totila,
who again took Rome. But he did not treat the city with the same
cruelty as before, because at the request of St. Benedict. who in those
days had a lofty reputation for holiness, he chose rather to rebuild her.
Justinian meanwhile, having made a truce with the Parthians
and planned to send new soldiers for the relief of Italy, was hindered
by the Slavs, a new northern people who had crossed the Danube
and attacked Il1yria and Thrace; hence Tatila conquered almost all
Italy. But as soon as Justinian had overcome the Slavs, he sent his
armies into Italy under Narses the eunuch, a man most excellent in
war, who, arrivin,g in Italy, defeated and killed T otila. The Goths
who survived that defeat gathered in Pavia, where they made Teia
their king. Narses, on the other hand, after his victory took Rome,
and at last fought with Teia near Nocera and killed and defeated
him. Through this victory he wholly destroyed the name of the
Goths in Italy, where, from King Theodoric to Teia, they had ruled
seventy years.
CHAPTER 7
[The exarchate of Ravenna. 565-568]
But as soon as Italy was free from the Goths, Justinian died, and
there was left as his successor Justin his son, who, on the advice of
his wife Sofia, recalled Narses from Italy and sent there Longinus as
his successor. Longinus followed the plan of the others, by living
in Ravenna. And besides this he gave Italy a new form, because he
did not set up governors of provinces, as the Goths had done, but
established in all the cities and regions of importance leaders whom
he called Dukes. In this arrangement he did not honor Rome more
Alboin ana Rosmunaa 1 043
than other cities because, taking away the Consuls and the Senate,
names until that day preserved there, he put her under a Duke who
was sent annually from Ravenna, and she was called the Roman
Dukedom. And to the official stationed at Ravenna who ruled all
Italy for the Emperor, Longinus gave the name of Exarch. This
division made easier the destruction of Italy and more quickly gave
opportunity for the Longobards to conquer her.
CHAPTER 8
[The Longobards. 568-756]
Narses was very angry with the Emperor for taking away from
him the government of that province which he had gained with his
ability and his blood, since it was not enough for Sofia to injure him
by recalling him but she added words full of insult, saying that she
wished to have him return to spin· with the other eunuchs. Hence
Narses, bursting with anger, persuaded Alboin king of the Longo"
bards, ~,.ho then ruled in Pannonia, to invade Italy. As I showed
above, the Longobards had entered those regions near the Danube
which the Heruli and Thuringi abandoned when their king Odoacer
led them into Italy. After the Longobards had been there some time
and their kingship had come to Alboin, a bold and savage man,
they.crossed the Danube and fought with Commundus king of the
Zepidi, who was ruling Pannonia, and defeated him. Finding
among the spoil Rosmunda, Commundus' daughter, Alboin took
her as his wife and made himself master of Pannonia. In harmony
with his savage nature, he made from Commundus' skull a cup
from which he drank in memory of that victory. When he was
summoned into Italy by Narses, with whom he had been allied in
the war with the Goths, leaving Pannonia to the Huns, who re"
turned to their country after Attila's death, as we have said, Alboin
came into Italy. Finding that province divided into many parts, he
at once seized Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, all Tuscany, and the
larger part of Flaminia, today called Romagna.
In the beliefthat through so many sudden conquests he now was
victorious in Italy, Alboin held in Verona a splendid banquet, and
being made rash by much drinking and Commundus' skull being
full of wine, he had it presented to Queen Rosmunda, who was at
table opposite him, saying in a loud voice, which she heard, that in
such prosperity he wished her to drink with her father. Those words
were like a stab in that lady's breast. Deciding on revenge and
knowing that Almachild, a noble and fiery Longobard youth, loved
her handmaid, she planned with her a secret arrangement for Alma;
child to sleep with the queen instead ofthe maid. Almachild, coming
into a dark place according to her plan and believing he was with
the maid, lay with Rosmunda. She then revealed herself, showing
him that it was in his choice either to kill Alboin and always enjoy
her and the kingdom, or to be killed by Alboin as the violator of his
wife. Almachild decided to kill Alboin. But when they had killed
him, since they had not succeeded in seizing the kingdom but on the
contrary feared that the Longobards who loved Alboin would kill
them, they fled with all the royal treasure to Ravenna, where Longi;
nus honorably received them.
In the midst of these disturbances, the Emperor Justin died;
Tiberius was crowned in his place. Occupied with wars against
the Parthians, he could give Italy no attention. Hence Longinus
thought he had a good opportunity to become king of the Longo;
bards and of all Italy by means of Rosmunda and her treasure. He
discussed this plan with her, and urged her to kill Almachild and to
take himself as her husband. She accepted this and prepared a cup
of poisoned wine which with her own hand she gave to Almachild
when, thirsty, he had come out of the bath. When he had drunk
half of it, feeling his vitals disturbed and realizing the cause, he
compelled Rosmunda to drink the rest. So in a few hours both of
them died, and Longinus was deprived of his hope of becoming
king.
The Longobards, meanwhile, gathering in Pavia, which they
had made the chief seat of their kingdom, chose Clefi as their king.
He rebuilt Imola, which had been destroyed by Narses, and took
Rimini and almost every city as far as Rome, but in the course ofhis
victories he died. This Clefi was so cruel not merely to foreigners but
also to his own Longobards that, frightened by the royal power, they
no longer wished to set up kings, but chose among themselves thirty
dukes to govern the rest. This plan was the reason why the Longo;
bards never could conquer all Italy, and why their kingdom did not
go beyond Benevento, and why Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua,
Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Forli, Cesena partly
The Pope's Power Grows 1045
protected themselves for a time, partly were never conquered. Not
to have a king made them less ready for war, and when they did
again establish one, after having been free for a time, they were less
obedient and more prone to dissensions among themselves. This
state ofthings first impeded their victory, then at last drove them from
Italy. When the Longobards were in this condition, the Romans
and Longinus made an agreement with them that everyone should
lay down his arms and enjoy what he was occupying.
CHAPTER 9
[The Popes. 4th-16th Centuries]
In these times the popes attained greater authority than ever before.
The first after St Peter, because oftheir holy lives and their miracles,
were respected by the people. Their examples so strengthened the
Christian religion that the princes were obliged, to get rid of the
great disorder then existing in the world, to adopt that religion.
When the Emperor became a Christian and left Rome for Con"
stantinople, the Roman Empire fell more quickly, as we said in the
beginning, and the Roman church grew more rapidly. Nevertheless
up to the coming of the Longobards, since all Italy was subject
either to emperors or kings, the pontiffs of those times obtained no
other power than was given them through respect for their habits and
their teaching. In secular things they obeyed the emperors and the
kings, and sometimes were killed by them or employed as their
servants in their administration. But Theodoric king of the Goths
brought the popes greater importance in the affairs of Italy when he
established his seat in Ravenna; since Rome was without a prince,
the Romans for their protection began to render more submission to
the pope. Yet this did not much increase the popes' strength; it only
caused the Church of Rome to be put over that of Ravenna. But
when the Longobards came and Italy was divided into several parts,
the pope had reason for making himself more active; since he was
almost ruler in Rome, the Emperor of Constantinople and the Lon"
gobards respected him; by means of the pope, the Romans entered
into an alliance-not as subjects but as equals-with the Longobards
and with Longinus. And so the popes, continuing to be friends now
with the Longobards, now with the Greeks, increased their dignity.
But later, after the ruin ofthe Eastern Empire (which came about
in these times under the Emperor Heracleus, because the Slavic
people, whom we mentioned above, again assailed Illyria, and when
that was conquered called it, after their own name, Slavonia; and the
other parts of the Empire were attacked first by the Persians, then by
the Saracens, who under Mahomet came out of Arabia, and lastly
by the Turks, and Syria, Africa, and Egypt were taken from it) the
pope because of the Empire's weakness had no further possibilities
for taking refuge with it in his difficulties. And on the other side,
since the forces of the Longobards were growing, he decided that he
must seek new help, and had recourse to France, to the kings there.
Hence the many wars that were carried on by the barbarians in Italy
after these times were for the most part caused by the popes, and the
many barbarians that flooded her were usually summoned by them.
This sort of thing has lasted even to our times; it has kept and now
keeps Italy disunited and weak. So, in describing events from those
times to ours, the fall of the Empire will no longer be shown-since
it has struck bottom-but the growth of the pontiffs and those other
princedoms which have ruled Italy from that time to the coming of
Charles VIII. It will be evident that the popes, first with censures,
and then with censures and arms at the same time, mixed with
indulgences, excited fear and awe, and that through bad use of
censures and arms they have wholly lost awe, and as to fear, they
are in the power of others.
CHAPTER 10
1
[Pope Gregory 111. 731-741]
But getting back to our subject, I say that Gregory III had now
come to the papacy, and Astolfo to the kingdom ofthe Longobards;
the latter, in violation ofthe treaties that had been made, took Raven"
na and began war against the Pope. Because ofthat, Gregory, who,
for the reasons given above, no longer relied on the Emperor of
Constantinople, because he was weak, and did not wish to rely on
2
the faith of the Lombards, who many times had broken it, betook
himself to France to Pepin II. The latter, at first Lord only of
1. Misled by his source} the DECADES of Flavius Blondus~ Machiavtlli has attributed to
Gregory 111 the actions of Stephen 11.
2. The Longobards. Machiavelli changes to the modern form.
Pepin King of France in Italy 1047
Austrasia and Brabant, had become King of France, not so much
through his own ability as through that of Charles Martel his father
and Pepin his grandfather. Charles Martel, being ruler of the king"
dom, inflicted a memorable defeat on the Saracens near Tours, on
the River Loire, where more than two hundred thousand were killed.
As a result, Pepin his son, through his father's reputation and ability,
later became king of that kingdom. To him Pope Gregory, as has
been said, sent for aid against the Longobards. Pepin promised to
send it, yet wished first to see him and to do him honor in his presence.
So Gregory went to France, passing through the lands of the
Lombards, his enemies, without hindrance-so great was their rever"
ence for religion. Having come into France, Gregory was honored
by that King and sent back with his armies into Italy; these besieged
the Longobards in Pavia. Hence A stolfo, forced by necessity, en"
tered into a treaty with the French; they made the treaty on account of
requests by the Pope, who did not wish the death of his enemy but
that he should be converted and live. In this treaty Astolfo promised
to restore to the Church all the cities he had taken from her. But
when Pepin's soldiers had returned to France, Astolfo did not keep
the agreement. So the Pope again had recourse to Pepin, who sent
a second army into Italy, conquered the Longobards and took Ra"
venna. Against the wish of the Greek Emperor he gave that city to
the Pope, with all the other cities in the Exarchate, and added to
them the districts of U rbino and the March. But Astolfo died
while still restoring those cities, and Desiderio, a Lombard who was
duke of Tuscany, took up arms to seize the kingdom. He asked aid
from the Pope, promising his friendship; since the Pope granted aid,
the other princes gave up. Desiderio at first kept his promise and
continued to restore the cities to the Pontiff, according to the agree"
ment made with Pepin; moreover no longer did an exarch come
from Constantinople to Ravenna, but the city was ruled according
to the Pope's will.
CHAPTER II
[Charlemagne; the Pope's ttmporal power. 768-844]

Pepin then died and was succeeded as king by his son Charles
who, through the magnitude of the things he did, was called the
Great. The papacy meanwhile had come to Theodore I. He got
into strife with Desiderio and was beseiged by him in Rome. So the
Pope applied for aid to Charles, who, having crossed the Alps,
besieged Desiderio in Pavia, and captured him and his sons and sent
them as prisoners into France. Then Charles visited the Pope in
Rome, where he decreed that as Vicar of God, the Pope could not be
judged by men. And the Pope and the Roman people made him
Emperor. And so Rome again had its Emperor in the West; and
whereas the Pope had according to custom been confirmed by the
Emperors, the Emperor, for his election, now had need of the Pope;
and the Empire kept on losing its offices and the Church gaining
them. By these means continually there was an increase in her author,-
ity over the temporal princes. By that time the Longobards, having
been two hundred and thirty,two years in Italy, no longer retained
anything of the foreigner except the name. So when Charles set
about reorganizing Italy, which he did in the time of Pope Leo III,
he permitted them to live in those places where they had been brought
up, and after their name that province was called Lombardy. And
that they might hold the Roman name in respect, he decided that all
that part of Italy near them, which was subject to the Exarchate of
Ravenna, should be called Romagna. Besides this, he made his son
Pepin King of Italy, with jurisdiction that extended as far as Bene",
vento; and all the rest was in the power of the Greek Emperor~ with
whom Charles had made an agreement.
In those times Paschal I came to the pontificate, and the parish
priests of the Roman churches, being nearer the Pope and having a
share in his election, began calling themselves cardinals, in order to
adorn their power with a splendid title. And they arrogated so much
authority, especially after they excluded the people of Rome from
choosing the Pope, that seldom did the choice of him go outside
their number. Thus, when Paschal died, Eugenius II was set up,
from the titular church of Santa Sabina.
And Italy, when she was in the hands of the French, changed in
part her form and organization, because in temporal matters the
Pope had taken more authority, and they had brought into her the
names of count and marquis, as earlier Longinus, exarch of Raven.,.
na, had established there the name of duke. At last, after several
pontiffs, Osporco, a Roman, came to the papacy, who, because of
the ugliness of his name, called himself Sergius. This was the be"
ginning of the change of name that the popes make on their election.
Huns and Saracens 1049
CHAPTER 12
[Berengar. 814-951]
Meanwhile Charles the Emperor died, and was succeeded by
Louis his son. After Louis' death so many differences came up
among his sons that, in the time of his grandsons, the house of
France lost the Empire, which was moved to Germany, and the first
German emperor was called Arnolfo. Not merely did Charles'
family, through its dissensions, lose the Empire but also the King;
dam of Italy, for the Lombards regained their power and attacked
the Pope and the Romans. Hence the Pope, seeing nobody to
whom he could turn, of necessity chose as King of Italy Berengar
Duke of the Friuli. These happenings gave courage to the Huns,
who were in Pannonia, to attack Italy, and coming to conflict with
Berengar, they were forced to return to Pannonia, or rather to Hun;
gary, for so that province, after them, had come to be called.
Romanus was in those days the Emperor in Greece, for he had
taken the Empire from Constantine, being prefect ofhis army. And
because early in his reign Apulia and Calabria had rebelled (which,
as we said above, were subject to his empire), angered by that re;
bellion, he permitted the Saracens to cross over into those places.
When they had come and taken those provinces, they tried to capture
Rome. But the Romans, because Berengar was busy defending him,.
selffrom the Huns, chose as their general Alberico Duke ofTuscany,
and by means ofhis valor saved Rome from the Saracens. The latter,
leaving that siege, made a fortress on Mount Gargano, and from
there ruled Apulia and Calabria, and continually raided the rest of
Italy. And so Italy in those times came to be wonderfully distressed,
being attacked on the side of the Alps by the Huns and on the side
of Naples by the Saracens.
Thus Italy suffered these affiictions many years and under three
Berengars, who succeeded one another. In that time the Pope and
the Church were troubled every hour, having no place where they
could turn, because of the disunion of the Western princes and the
weakness of the Eastern ones. The city of Genoa and all its coastal
territories in those times the Saracens laid waste. From that came
the greatness of the city of Pisa, in which many people who were
driven from their native cities found refuge. These things happened
in the year of the Christian religion 93 I. But when the Empire

came to Henry and Matilda's son, Otto Duke of Saxony, a prudent
man and of high reputation, Agabitus the Pope decided to beg him
to come into Italy and take it from under the tyranny ofthe Berengars.
CHAPTER 13
[Affairs in the states of Italy. 951-1046]
The states of Italy in these times were organized as follows: Lorn."
bardy was under Berengar III and his son Albert. Tuscany and
Romagna were governed by an official of the Western emperor.
Apulia and Calabria were partly under the Greek emperor, partly
under the Saracens. In Rome there were set up each year two consuls
from the nobility, who ruled it according to the ancient custom; there
was added to this a prefect who administered justice to the people;
they had a council of twelve men, who assigned the rulers each year
to the cities subject to them. The Pope had more or less power in
Rome and in all Italy according to the assistance of the emperors or
of those who were most powerful in the land.
Otto the Emperor then came into Italy and took the kingdom
away from the Berengars, who had reigned there fifty."five years, and
restored his powers to the Pope. He had a son and a grandson each
also named Otto, who, one after the other, succeeded him in the
Empire. And in the time of Otto III, Pope Gregory V was driven
out by the Romans; hence Otto came into Italy and put him back in
Rome. And the Pope, to avenge himselfon the Romans, took away
from them authority to choose the Emperor and gave it to six princes
of Germany: three bishops, Mayence, Treves and Cologne, and three
princes, Brandenburg, Palatine and Saxony; this happened in 1002.
After the death of Otto III, the Electors chose as Emperor Henry
Duke of Bavaria, who, after twelve years, was crowned by Stephen
VIII. The lives of Henry and Simeonda his wife were very holy, as
is shown by the many churches endowed and built by them, among
which was the church of San Miniato, near the city of Florence.
Henry died in 1024. Conrad of Suevia succeeded him, and then
Henry II. He came to Rome, and because three popes were causing
schism in the Church, he deposed them all and caused the choice of
Clement II, who crowned him Emperor.
The Pope Chosen by Cardinals 1051
CHAPTER 14
[The government of Italy. The Popes and the Roman people.
1046-1061]
Italy was then ruled partly by the people, partly by the princes,
partly by the appointees of the Emperor; the chief of these, to whom
all the others were subordinate, was called chancellor. Among the
princes the most powerful were Gottfried and the Countess Matilda
his wife, the daughter of Beatrice, sister of Henry II. She and her
husband held Lucca, Parma, Reggio and Mantua, with all that
today is called the Patrimony.
The popes at this time were strongly opposed by the ambition of
the Roman people, who earlier had made use of papal influence to
gain freedom from the Emperors. After the people had seized the
rule of the city and reformed her as they thought best, they immedi/
ately became hostile to the popes, who from that people received
many more injuries than from any Christian prince. And in the
times when the popes with their censures made all the West tremble,
the Roman people were in rebellion against them, and neither of the
two had any other intention than to take away the reputation and the
authority of the other. On the assumption, then, of the papacy by
Nicholas II, just as Gregory V took from the Romans the power to
choose the emperor, so Nicholas took from them the power to share
in choosing the pope, and assigned that choice to the cardinals only.
Nor was he satisfied with this, because, having made an agreement
with those princes who ruled Calabria and Apulia, for reasons that
we shall soon report, he forced all the officials sent by the Romans,
throughout the territory controlled by them, to render obedience to
the Pope, and some of them he deprived of their offices.
CHAPTER IS
[Henry IVat Canossa; Robert Guiscard. 1061-1084]
After the death of Nicholas, there was a schism in the Church,
because the clergy of Lombardy were not willing to obey Alexander
II, chosen at Rome; so they made Cadolo of Parma antipope.
Henry, who hated the power of the pontiffs, informed Pope Alex"
ander that he must renounce the pontificate, and the cardinals that
they must go into Germany to elect a new pontiff. As a result ofthis,
he was the first pri~ce to learn the great importance of spiritual
wounds, because the Pope held a council at Rome and deprived
Henry of the empire and of the kingdom. Some Italian states fol"
lowed the Pope, and some Henry. This was the seed of the division
into Guelfs and Ghibellines, so that Italy, when without the bar,.
barian floods, might be torn in pieces with intestine wars. Henry
then, being excommunicated, was obliged by his subjects to come to
Italy, and barefoot, to kneel before the Pope and ask pardon. This
happened in the year 1080. Nevertheless, a little later a new discord
came up between the Pope and Henry, so that the Pope again ex,-
communicated him; the Emperor sent an army to Rome with his
son, also named Henry, and with the help ofthe Romans, who hated
the Pope, besieged him in his fortress. So Robert Cuiscard came
from Apulia to rescue him, and Henry did not wait for him but
returned into Germany. The Romans alone remained obstinate, so
that Robert sacked Rome and put her again into the ancient ruins
from which various pontiffs had earlier restored her. And because
this Robert first organized the Kingdom of Naples, I think it not
superfluous to tell in detail his actions and his origin.
CHAPTER 16
[The Normans in Italy. 845-1520]
When discord rose between the heirs ofCharlemagne, as we have
shown above, opportunity was given for new northern people, called
Normans, to attack France, and they conquered the district that
today is called Normandy. Of these people, one portion came into
Italy in the times when that land was overrun by the Berengars, the
Saracens, and the Huns, and took some cities in Romagna, where
in the midst of those wars they vigorously sustained themselves. To
Tancred, one of those Norman princes, several sons were born,
among whom was William, called Iron,-armed, and Robert, called
Guiscard. The sovereignty had come to William, and the disturb,.
ances in Italy to some extent had stopped. Nevertheless the Saracens
held Sicily and every day were raiding the shores of Italy. Because
of this, William made an agreement with the princes of Capua and
of Salerno and with Malochus, the Greek, who for the Emperor of
The Norman King of Apulia and Sicily 1053
Greece was ruling Apulia and Calabria, to attack Sicily, and ifthey
should gain the victory, they agreed among themselves that, of the
booty and of the territory, each of them should have a fourth part as
his share. The expedition was successful, and driving out the Sara"
cens, they took possession ofSicily. After this victory, Malochus had
soldiers come secretly from Greece and took possession of the island
for the Emperor, and divided merely the spoil. At thisWilliam was
discontented, but he waited until a more fitting time to show it, and
departed from Sicily with the princes of Salerno and of Capua.
When they had left him to return home,William did not go back
to Romagna, but led his army toward Apulia, and quickly took
Melfi, and then in a short time, in spite of the forces of the Greek
Emperor, he made himselfmaster ofalmost all Apulia and Calabria.
These provinces were ruled until the time of Nicholas II by Robert
Guiscard his brother. And because he had many differences with
his nephews about the inheritance of those states, he used the power
ofthe Pope to settle them. This the Pope did gladly, for he was eager
to gain Robert's support, so that the latter would protect him against
the German emperors and against the arrogance ofthe Roman people;
and so it turned out, according to what we have explained above, for
on the urging of Gregory VII he drove Henry from Rome and sub"
dued the people. Robert was succeeded by Roger andWilliam, his
sons, to whose possessions were added Naples and all the territory
extending from Naples to Rome, and then Sicily, all of which were
controlled by Roger. But whenWilliam went to Constantinople to
receive the Emperor's daughter as his wife, his territory was attacked
by Roger and taken from him. Made proud by such an acquisition,
Roger first called himself King of Italy; later, satisfied with the title of
King of Apulia and of Sicily, he was the first who gave name and
organization to that kingdom, which even to this day keeps its
ancient boundaries, though it has many times changed not merely
family but nation, because when the stock ofthe Normans died out,
that kingdom went to the Germans, from them to the French, from
them to the Aragonese, and today is held by the Flemings.
CHAPTER 17
[The Crusades. 1088-1192]
By this time the papacy had come to Urban II, who was hated
in Rome. And because he feared that on account of the discords in
Italy he could not be secure, he turned to a noble undertaking, and
went into France with all the clergy and brought together in Au;,
vergne many people, to whom he made a speech against the infidels.
By this he so much inflamed their spirits that they determined to
make an expedition to Asia against the Saracens. This expedition
and all the other similar ones were later called Crusades, because all
those who went on them were marked on their arms and on their
clothing with a red cross. The leaders of this expedition were God,
frey, Eustace and Baldwin of Bouillon-counts ofBoulogne-and a
Peter the Hermit, widely renowned for holiness and prudence. Many
kings and many states joined in contributing money for it, and
many individuals without any pay served as soldiers-so powerful
then in the minds of men was religion, when they were moved by
the examples of her leaders.
This expedition at the beginning was glorious, for all of Asia
Minor, Syria, and part ofEgypt came into the power ofthe Christians.
By its means was founded the order of the Knights of Jerusalem,
which even today rules and holds the island ofRhodes, now the sole
obstacle to Mohammedan power. It caused the founding also ofthe
order ofthe Templars, which as a result oftheir wicked conduct soon
disappeared. There happened at various times various events, in
which many nations and particular men were renowned. In support
of that expedition, the King of France and the King of England
crossed the sea; and the Pisans, Venetians and Genoese gained very
great reputations; with varied fortune they carried on the war as late
as the time of Saladin the Saracen. His ability and the dissensions
among the Christians finally took from them all the renown that in
the beginning they had gained, and after ninety years they were driven
from the place that with such honor and good fortune they had
regained.
The Emperor in Lombardy 1055
CHAPTER 18
[Frederick Barbarossa and the Antipope. 1088-1174]
After the death ofUrban, the next Pope installed was Paschal II,
and Henry IV succeeded to the Empire. He came to Rome, pre"
tending to be friendly with the Pope; then he put the Pope and all
the clergy in prison and did not liberate them until they granted him
power to manage the churches in Germany as he wished. In those
days the Countess Matilda died and left the Church heir to all
her territory.
After the death of Paschal and of Henry IV, there were many
popes and emperors, until the papacy came to Alexander III, and
the Empire to Frederick of Suevia, called Barbarossa. In those days
the pontiffs had many troubles with the Roman people and with the
emperors, which in the time of Barbarossa greatly increased. Fred"
erick was a man of high ability in war, but of so much pride that he
could not endure having to yield to the Pontiff. Nonetheless, on his
election he came to Rome for the crown and peacefully returned into
Germany. But for only a little while did he continue this policy,
because he returned into Italy to master some cities in Lombardy
that were not obeying him.
In that time it happened that the Cardinal of San Clemente, of
Roman birth, separated himselffrom Pope Alexander, and by some
of the cardinals was made pope. Frederick the Emperor was at this
time besieging Crema. When Alexander complained to him about
the antipope, he replied that both of them should visit him, and
then he would decide which of them should be pope. Disliking
this reply, Alexander excommunicated him, because he saw him
inclined to favor the antipope, a11d fled to Philip King of France.
Frederick, meanwhile, continuing the war in Lombardy, took and
destroyed Milan. For this reason Verona, Padua and Vicenza united
against him for their common defense. Meanwhile came the death
of the antipope, so that Frederick set up in his place Guido of
Cremona. The Romans, at this time, through the absence of the
Pope and through the hindrances the Emperor found in Lombardy,
had regained some authority in Rome, and continued to acknowledge
the submission of those cities that had before been their subjects.
And because the Tusculans did not wish to yield to their authority,
the whole population of Rome marched against them. The Tuscu;,

lans were aided by Frederick, and defeated the army of the Romans
with such great slaughter that never afterward was Rome either
populous or rich. Meanwhile Pope Alexander had returned to
Rome, since he believed he would be secure, because of the hostility
ofthe Romans to Frederick, and because ofthe enemies the latter had
in Lombardy. But Frederick, putting aside all hesitation, marched
on Rome, where Alexander did not wait for him, but fled toWilliam
King of Apulia, who was heir to that kingdom after the death of
Roger. But Frederick, driven away by the plague, gave up the siege
of Rome and went back to Germany. And the cities of Lombardy
that were united against him, in order to be able to attack Pavia and
Tortona, which adhered to the imperial party, built a city to be their
headquarters in that war, which they named Alessandria, in honor of
Pope Alexander and in mockery of Frederick. Then Guido the
antipope died, and in his place was set up Giovanni da Fermo,
who with the help ofthe Emperor's party remained in Montefiasconi.
CHAPTER 19
[St. Thomas of Canterbury. Death of Barbarossa. 1170-1190]
Pope Alexander meanwhile had gone to Tusculum, summoned

by that people so that with his authority he would defend them from
the Romans. There ambassadors came to him from Henry King of
England to make plain to him that the King was without guilt in the
death of the blessed Thomas, bishop of Canterbury, though he had
been publicly censured for it. The Pope therefore sent two cardinals
to England to learn the truth of the matter. Although they did not
find the King plainly guilty, yet because he was generally reputed to
have sinned and because he had not honored Thomas according to
his deserts, they assigned to the King as penance that, summoning
all the barons of his realm, he should in their presence make apology
with an oath; and in addition that he should at once send two hun;,
dred soldiers to Jerusalem, paid for a year, and that he himselfshould
be under bond to go there in person, with the largest army he could
assemble, before three years had passed, and that he should annul
everything done in his kingdom in opposition ofthe Church's liber;,
ty, and that he should agree that any of his subjects could at will
Barbarossa's Death 1057
appeal to Rome. All these things Henry agreed to. Thus so great a
king subjected himselfto that judgment which today a private citizen
would be ashamed to submit to. Nonetheless, while the Pope had
such great authority over distant princes, he could not make himself
obeyed by the Romans, from whom he could not secure permission
to stay in Rome, though he promised that he would not concern
himself with other than churchly matters. So much more at a dis~
tance than nearby the things that make a show are feared.
At this time Frederick had returned into Italy, and when he
prepared to wage another war against the Pope, all his prelates and
barons gave him to understand that they would desert him if he
were not reconciled with the Church, so he was forced to submit to
the Pope at Venice, where they laid aside their hostility; in the agree~
ment the Pope deprived the Emperor ofall authority over Rome, and
named William, King of Sicily and Apulia, as his ally. And
Frederick, discontented when not making war, went off on an ex~
pedition into Asia, in order to vent on Mahomet the ambition that
he had not been able to vent on the representatives of Christ. But
having come to the River ... ,I attracted by the clearness of the
water, he bathed in it. As a result of that mistake, he died. And so
the waters gave more aid to the Mahometans than did the excom~
munications to the Christians, because the latter bridled his pride
and the former destroyed it.
1. Left blank by MachiaveIIi.
CHAPTER 20
[Frederick II) Emperor and King of Naples. 1190-1218]

On the death of Frederick, nothing was left for the Pope to do
except to control the insolence of the Romans, and after many dis~
putes over the election of the consuls, the two parties agreed that the
Romans according to their custom should choose them, but that the
consuls should not assume the magistracy unless they first took oath
to keep their faith with the Church. This agreement caused
Giovanni the antipope to flee to Mount Albano, where he soon
after died. In these times, William King of Naples also died, and
the Pope planned to take over that Kingdom, since the King left no
other sons than T ancred his natural son; but the barons did not yield
to the Pope, but decided that Tancred should be king. The Pope at
that time was Celestine III, who, eager to get that Kingdom out of
Tancred's hands, contrived that Henry, son of Frederick, should be
made emperor, and promised him the Kingdom of Naples on con.l
dition that he should restore to the Church the cities that belonged
to her. To make the thing easy he took Constance, the daughter of
King William, from a cloister, and gave her to Henry as wife,
though she was already old. Thus the Kingdom of Naples passed
from the Normans, who had been the founders ofit, to the Germans.
Henry the Emperor, as soon as he had settled the affairs of Germany,
came to Italy with his wife Constance and with a son four years old,
named Frederick, and without much difficulty seized the Kingdom,
because by that time T ancred was dead, and as his heir had left a
little son named Roger.
After some time Henry died in Sicily and was succeeded in the
Kingdom by Frederick, and in the Empire by Otto Duke ofSaxony,
chosen as a result ofsupport by Pope Innocent III. But as soon as he
had received the crown, against all expectations Otto became an
enemy to the Pontiff; he occupied the Romagna and made arrange.l
ments for attacking the Kingdom. For that reason the Pope excomol'
municated him, so that he was abandoned by everybody, and the
electors chose as emperor Frederick King of Naples. Frederick came
to Rome for the crown, and the Pope did not wish to crown him,
because he feared his power, and sought to get him out of Italy, as he
had got rid of Otto. So Frederick in anger went to Germany and,
making various wars against Otto, overcame him. Meanwhile Inol'
nocent died, who, as the greatest of his excellent works, built the
hospital of Santo Spirito in Rome. His successor was Honorius III,
in whose time originated the orders of Saint Dominic and of Saint
Francis, in 1218. This Pontiffcrowned Frederick. Then Giovanni,
who was descended from Baldwin King ofJerusalem, and who was
with the remnants of the Christians in Asia and still held that title,
gave Frederick one of his daughters in marriage, and with the dower
granted him the title of that kingdom; from this it comes that any
king of Naples is called King of Jerusalem.
Guelfs and Ghibellines 59
10
CHAPTER 21
[Frederick II as Emperor; Guelfs and Ghibellines. 1212-1243]
In Italy things were then going as follows. The Romans elected

no more consuls, and in place of these, and with the same power,
they set up sometimes one, sometimes more senators. The league
made against Frederick Barbarossa by the cities of Lombardy was
still in force; these were Milan, Brescia, Mantua, with the greater part
of the cities ofRomagna, and in addition, Verona, Vicenza, Padua
and Treviso. On the side ofthe Emperor were Cremona, Bergamo,
Parma, Reggio, Modena and Trent. The other cities and towns of
Lombardy, of Romagna and of the March of Treviso favored, ac;,
cording to necessity, now this party, now that one. In the time of
Otto III, a certain Ezzolino came into Italy and remained there; he
had a son to whom was born another Ezzolino. The last, being rich
and powerful, allied himself with Frederick II, who, as has been
said, had become an enemy to the Pope. And coming into Italy, by
means of the effort and aid of Ezzolino, Frederick took Verona and
Mantua, destroyed Vicenza, seized Padua and defeated the army of
the allied cities; then he went on toward Tuscany. Ezzolino mean;,
while had subjugated all the March of Treviso. He was not able to
capture Ferrara, because it was defended by Azzo da Este and by the
soldiers the Pope had in Lombardy. Hence, when the besieging
army had gone, the Pope gave that city in fief to Azzo da Este, from
whom are descended those who today are its rulers.
Frederick fixed his seat at Pisa, in his eagerness to make himself
master of Tuscany; and in paying off his friends and his enemies in
that province, he sowed so much discord that it caused the ruin ofall
Italy, because the Guelf and Ghibelline parties increased, since those
were called Guelfs who followed the Church, and those who fol;,
lowed the Emperor, Ghibellines; this name was first heard at Pistoia.
After Frederick left: Pisa, in many ways he attacked and laid waste
the cities of the Church, so that the Pope, having no other resource,
proclaimed a crusade against him, as his predecessors had done
against the Saracens. And Frederick, in order that his soldiers might
not suddenly desert him, as did those of Frederick Barbarossa and
others ofhis ancestors, hired many Saracens; to attach them to himself
and to make a barrier in Italy that would be solid against the Church,
SO that he need not fear papal curses, he gave them Nocera in the
Kingdom, in order that, having a refuge of their own, they could
with greater security serve him.
CHAPTER 22
[Manfred King ofNaples; Ezzolino)' Charles ofAnjou. 1243-1268]

The papacy had now come to Innocent IV, who, fearing Fred",
erick, went off to Genoa and thence to France, where he summoned
a council at Lyons, to which Frederick determined to go. But he
was kept away by the rebellion of Parma. Being repulsed in his
expedition against her, he went offinto Tuscany and from there into
Sicily, where he died. And in Suevia he left his son Conrad, and in
Apulia, Manfred, born of a concubine, whom he had made Duke
ofBenevento. Conrad came to take possession ofthe Kingdom, and
when he reached Naples he died; he was survived by Conradin, a
child, who was in Germany. Meanwhile Manfred, first as guardian
of Conradin, took possession of all that state. Then, reporting that
Conradin was dead, he made himself king, against the wish of the
Pope and the Neapolitans, whom he forced to consent.
While these troubles were going on in the Kingdom, there were
in Lombardy many disturbances between the Guelf and Ghibelline
parties. On the Guelf side was a legate of the Pope; on the Ghibel",
line was Ezzolino, who possessed almost all Lombardy on the other
side of the Po. And because, in the course of the war, Padua re",
belled against him, he put to death twelve thousand Paduans; he
himself, before the war ended, was killed, at the age of eighty years.
After his death all the cities he possessed became free.
Manfred King of Naples continued hostilities against the Church
in the manner of his ancestors, and kept the Pope, who was named
Urban IV, in unceasing anxieties. Hence the Pontiff, in order to
overcome him, proclaimed a crusade against him and went to Peru",
gia to wait for soldiers. And when he realized that soldiers were
coming in small numbers and were weak and behind time, he
decided that in order to defeat Manfred he needed surer aid; so he
turned for assistance to France, and appointed, as King of Sicily and
Naples, Charles of Anjou, brother of Louis King of France, and
summoned him into Italy to take that kingdom. But before Charles
The Pontiffs Cause Dissensions 1061
came to Rome, the Pope died, and in his place Clement IV was
chosen. In this Pope's time, Charles came to Ostia with thirty
galleys, and arranged that his other people should come by land.
And during the visit he made to Rome, the Romans, to get his
favor, made him senator. The Pope invested him with the King~
dom, with the pledge that he would every year pay to the Church
fifty thousand Rorins, and decreed that in the future neither Charles
nor anybody else holding that Kingdom could be Emperor. And
when Charles moved against Manfred, he defeated and killed him
near Benevento, and became master of Sicily and of the Kingdom.
But Conradin, to whom by the will ofhis father that state belonged,
having gathered many soldiers in Germany, came into Italy against
Charles, with whom he fought at Tagliacozzo. And he was first
defeated and then, fleeing in disguise, was taken and killed.
CHAPTER 23
[The beginning of papal nepotism. 1276-1281 ]
Italy remained quiet until the papacy was assumed by Adrian V.

Since Charles was at Rome and ruled it through the office ofsenator
that he held, the Pope, unable to endure his power, went off to live
at Viterbo, and urged Rudolph, the Emperor, to come into Italy
against Charles. Thus the pontiffs, now through love for religion,
now through their personal ambition, did not cease to provoke new
dissensions in Italy and to stir up new wars, and when they had made
a prince powerful, they repented of it and sought his ruin; thus that
country which through their own weakness they could not hold, they
did not permit any other to hold. Yet the princes were afraid ofthem,
because they always won, either fighting or running away, ifthrough
some deception they were not defeated, as Boniface VIII and some
others, who under the pretense of friendship were captured by the
emperors. Rudolph never came into Italy, since he was kept away
by his war with the King of Bohemia.
Meanwhile Adrian died, and the new pontiffchosen was Nicho~
las III ofthe house of Orsini, a man bold and ambitious, who strove
in every way to lessen the power of Charles. So he arranged that
Rudolph the Emperor should complain because Charles was keeping
a governor in Tuscany to support the Guelf party, which he had
restored to that province after the death ofManfred. Charles yielded

to the Emperor and took away his governor, and the Pope sent there
a cardinal, his nephew, ~s governor for the Empire. Hence the
Emperor, because of this honor shown him, restored to the Church
the Romagna, which his predecessors had taken away from her, and
the Pope appointed Bertoldo Orsini as Duke of Romagna. And
since he believed he had become so strong that he could show a bold
face to Charles, he deprived him of his office as senator and made a
decree that nobody of royal blood should thereafter be a senator in
Rome. He also formed the purpose of taking Sicily from Charles,
and to this end carried on secret negotiations with Peter King of
Aragon, which later, in the time of his successor, were put into
effect. He planned also to set up two of his own house as kings, one
in Lombardy, the other in Tuscany; their power was to defend the
Church from Germans who might attempt to come into Italy and
from the French who were in the Kingdom.
But in the midst of these plans he died. He was the first of the
popes who openly revealed his personal ambition, and who at"
tempted, under the pretext ofaggrandizing the Church, to honor and
assist his own relatives. As before this time no mention had ever
been made of any pontiff's nephews or relatives, so in the future they
will fill history; and at last we shall come to sons; and there is nothing
left for the pontiffs to try except that, as up to our times they have
planned to leave their sons as princes, in the future they may strive to
leave them the popedom as hereditary. It is indeed true that up to
now the princedoms they have established have had short lives,
because most of the time the pontiffs, since they lived but a short
while, either did not finish setting out their plants, or if they did set
them out, left them with so few and so weak roots that, since the
strength sustaining them was gone, at the first wind they withered
away.
CHAPTER 24
[Pope Martin IV: the Sicilian vespers. 1281-1285]
This man's successor was Martin IV who, being French by
nationality, favored Charles' party. To aid him, Charles sent his
soldiers into the Romagna, which had revolted against the Pope.
When they were besieging Forli, Guido Bonatto, an astrologer,
A Crusade Against Christians 1063
directed that the people should attack the French at a time"he set;
thus all the beseigers were captured or killed. At this time the plan
made by Pope Nicholas with Peter King of Aragon was put into
effect. As its result, the Sicilians killed all the French in that island,
and Peter made himself lord of it, saying that it belonged to him
because Manfred's daughter Constance was his wife. But Charles
died while preparing for a further war by which to recover the island,
leaving as his heir Charles II, who during the first war had been
captured in Sicily. In order to gain his freedom, he promised to
become a prisoner again if within three years he did not get the Pope
to invest the royal family of Aragon with the Kingdom of Sicily.
CHAPTER 25
[Boniface VIII and the Colonna family. 1286-13°3]
Rudolph the Emperor, instead of coming into Italy to restore the
Empire's reputation there, sent an ambassador with authority to set
free all those cities that would buy themselves off. Hence many cities
did buy themselves offand with liberty changed their form of govern~
mente Adolph of Saxony succeeded to the Empire, and Peter of
Morrone, as Pope Celestine, to the papacy. Being a hermit and
altogether holy, after six months he renounced the papacy. The next
elected was Boniface VIII.
The Heavens (knowing a time would have to come when the
French and the Germans would abandon Italy and that land would
remain entirely in the hands of the Italians) in order that the Pope,
when he lacked opposition from beyond the Alps, might not make
his power solid or enjoy it, raised up in Rome two very powerful
families, the Colonna and the Orsini; with their power and their
proximity these two were to keep the papacy weak. Hence Pope
Boniface, who kn~w this, undertook to get rid of the Colonna;
besides excommunicating them, he proclaimed a crusade against
them. This, though it somewhat injured them, injured the Church
still more, because that weapon which through love of the Faith he
might have used effectively, when through personal ambition it was
turned against Christians, began to stop cutting. Thus too great a
desire to satisfy their own greed caused the popes, little by little, to
disarm themselves.
Besides this, Boniface deprived two Colonna cardinals of their

cardinalates. When Sciarra, the head of that house, fled in disguise,
he was captured by Catalan pirates and put at the oar. But being
recognized at Marseilles, he was sent to King Philip of France,
whom Boniface had excommunicated and deprived ofhis kingdom.
And Philip, thinking that in an open war against the popes he
would either be the loser or would run many risks, turned to decep~
tions, and pretending that he wanted to make a truce with the Pope,
he sent Sciarra into Italy secretly. This man, having come to Alagna,
where the Pope was, brought his friends together at night and cap~
tured him. And though the people ofAlagna soon set the Pope free,
in his grief over that insult he died insane.
CHAPTER 26
[Italy disturbed; Guelfs and Ghibellines. 1300-1322]
Boniface founded the Jubilee in 1300 and planned that it should

be celebrated every hundred years. In these times there were many
troubles between the Guelf and the Ghibelline parties, and because
Italy had been abandoned by the emperors, many cities became free
and many were seized by tyrants. Pope Benedict restored their hats
to the Colonna cardinals, and gave his blessing to Philip King of
France. He was succeeded by Clement V, who, because he was
French, took the papal court to France in the year 1305.
Meanwhile Charles II of Naples died, and was succeeded by
Robert his son; and the empire was attained by Henry of Luxem~
burg, who came to Rome to be crowned, notwithstanding that the
Pope was not there. As a result of his coming, there were various
disturbances in Lombardy, because he put back into their cities all
the exiles, whether they were Guelfs or Ghibellines. From this it
followed that, since they fought each other, there was war throughout
that region, which the Emperor with all his power could not prevent.
Having left Lombardy, by way of Genoa, he came to Pisa. There he
made efforts to take Tuscany from King Robert, but not having any
success, he went on to Rome. There he remained only a few days,
because he was driven out by the Orsini, with the aid of King
Robert, and he returned to Pisa. In order more safely to make war
on Tuscany, and to get her out of King Robert's control, he had
The Emperor Henry VII in Italy 1065
him attacked by Frederick, King of Sicily. But while he hoped at
the same time to conquer Tuscany and to take King Robert's terri"
tory, he died. He was succeeded in the Empire by Ludwig of
Bavaria.
Meanwhile the papacy came to John XXII. In his time, the
Emperor did not cease to harass the Guelfs and the Church, which
for the most part was defended by King Robert and by the Floren"
tines. Because of this, many wars were fought in Lombardy by the
Visconti against the Guelfs, and in Tuscany by Castruccio of Lucca
against the Florentines.
But because the family of the Visconti founded the dukedom of
Milan, one of the five principalities that after that time ruled Italy, I
shall begin at an earlier point an account of their situation.
CHAPTER 27
[The Visconti. 1167-145°]
After the Lombard cities mentioned above had formed a league
to defend themselves from Frederick Barbarossa, Milan, as soon as
her ruins were rebuilt, in the hope of revenging her injuries joined
the league. It checked Barbarossa and for a time kept alive in Lorn"
bardy the Church party. During the disorders of the wars then
waged, great power in Milan was gained by the Della Torre family,
which always kept growing in influence, whereas in Lombardy the
emperors had little power. But when Frederick II came into Italy
and the Ghibelline party became powerful through the activity of
Ezzolino, in every city a Ghibelline faction appeared. In Milan
among those siding with the Ghibellines were the Visconti family,
who drove the Della Torre family from the city. But not long had
they remained outside when, through truces made between the Em"
peror and the Pope, they were brought back into their native place.
When the Pope with his court went into France, Henry of
Luxemburg came into Italy to obtain the crown ofRome. In Milan
he was received by Maffeo Visconti and Guido della Torre, who
then were the heads of those families. Maffeo planned to make use
of the Emperor in driving out Guido, judging the enterprise easy
because the latter belonged to the party opposed to ,the Empire.
He found his opportunity in the people's complaints about the in"
suIting behavior of the Germans, and cautiously kept encouraging

everybody, and persuading them to take arms and get rid of slavery
under such barbarians. And when he saw he had arranged the
affair to his advantage, he had one of his faithful followers stir up a
riot, in which all the people took arms against the German race.
No sooner was the rebellion begun, than Maffeo with his sons
and all his partisans were under arms. They ran to Henry, telling
him that the uproar was caused by the Della Torre family who, not
satisfied to remain in private life, had taken an opportunity to try to
plunder him, in order to please the Guelfs ofItaly and become princes
of Milan. But they urged him to keep up his courage, for if he
wished to be defended, they with their party were ready to rescue him
in any circumstances. Henry believed everything Maffeo said was
true, united his forces with those of the Visconti and attacked the
Della Torre family, who had hurried into various parts of the city to
end the riots; such ofthe Della Torre family as they could catch they
killed, and the others, deprived oftheir property, they sent into exile.
So then Maffeo Visconti was like a prince in Milan; his heirs
were Galeazzo and Azzo, and theirs were Luchino and Giovanni.
Giovanni became archbishop in that city, and Luchino, who died
before him, left as heirs Bernabo and Galeazzo. But when Galeazzo
also died soon afterward, his heir was Giovan Galeazzo, called
Count of Virtu. After the archbishop's death, he by trickery killed
his uncle Bernabo and became sole prince of Milan. He was the
first who had the title of Duke. His heirs were Filippo and Gio~
vanmariagnolo. When the latter was killed by the people of Milan,
the state was left to Filippo, who did not leave any male children.
So that state was transferred from the house ofthe Visconti to that of
the Sforza, in the way and for the reasons that in their place will
be set forth.
CHAPTER 28
[The Emperor Ludwig; John, King of Bohemia. 132 7- 1334]
But going back to where I left off, Ludwig, the Emperor, in
order to give reputation to his party and to take the crown, came into
Italy. Being in Milan, in order to have a reason for getting money
from the Milanese, he pretended to leave them free and put the
Visconti in prison. Then, on the request ofCastruccio of Lucca, he
Self'"Interest above Party 1067
released them. Going on to Rome in order more easily to stir up
Italy, he made Peter of Corvara antipope, since through his reputa~
tion and through the power of the Visconti he planned to keep the
opposing parties feeble in Tuscany and Lombardy. But when Cas~
truccio died, his death at once caused Ludwig's ruin, for Pisa and
Lucca rebelled against him, and the Pisans sent the antipope as a
prisoner to the Pope in France; thereupon the Emperor, hopeless
about affairs in Italy, returned to Germany.
No sooner was he gone than John King of Bohemia came into
Italy, called by the Ghibellines of Brescia, and made himself master
of that place and of Bergamo. Because he came with the Pope's
permission, though he pretended the opposite, the papal legate in
Bologna aided him, thinking this a good device for providing against
the Emperor's return into Italy. As a result of this policy, Italy
changed her situation, because the Florentines and King Robert,
seeing that the Legate was aiding the undertakings of the Ghibel~
lines, became enemies of all those to whom the Legate and the King
of Bohemia were friends. And without paying any attention to
Guelf or Ghibelline parties, many princes joined with them, among
whom were the Visconti, the Della Scala, Filippo Gonzaga of
Mantua, the Carrara, and the Este. Hence the Pope excommuni~
cated them all. In fear of this league, the King went home in order
to collect more forces, and though later he returned into Italy with
more soldiers, nevertheless the enterprise proved too hard for him, so
that, frightened, to the Legate's displeasure he returned into Bohe~
mia. He left only Reggio and Modena garrisoned, and to Marsilio
and Piero de' Rossi he committed Parma, since they were very
powerful in that city. When he had gone, Bologna joined with the
league, and the allies divided among themselves four cities that re~
mained on the side ofthe Church; they agreed that Parma should go
to the Della Scala family, Reggio to the Gonzaga, Modena to the
Este, and Lucca to the Florentines. In the course of their attempts
against these cities, many wars were started which for the most part
the Venetians later settled.
Perhaps some will object because in the course ofso many events
that have happened in Italy, we have put off so long speaking of the
Venetians, since theirs is a republic which for organization and
power deserves above every other princedom in Italy to have her
praises sounded. But that such bewilderment may be removed by
showing its cause, I shall go far back in time, in order that everybody
may learn what their origin was and why for so long a time they put
off intruding themselves into Italian affairs.
CHAPTER 29
[Venice. 452-1520]
When Attila King of the Huns was besieging Aquileia, the
inhabitants of the city, after they had defended themselves a long
time, in despair for their safety sought refuge as well as they could,
with their portable property, on many islands that lay uninhabited
at the end of the Adriatic. The Paduans also, seeing the fire near
them and fearing that when Aquileia was conquered Attila would
attack them, took their portable goods of most value into the same
sea at a place called Rivo Alto, to which they sent also their women,
their children, and their aged; their young men they kept in Padua
to defend her. Besides these, the people of Monselice, with the in.l
habitants of the hills round about, driven by the same fear, went to
the islands in the same sea. But after Aquileia was taken, and Attila
had destroyed Padua, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona, the people
of Padua and the most powerful of the others continued to dwell in
the swamps around Rivo Alto. In the same way all the people
throughout that province anciently called Vinezia, driven by the
same events, retired into those swamps. So, forced by necessity, they
left pleasant and fertile places and took up their abode in those that
were barren, ugly, and lacking in every convenience.
And because many people were of a sudden brought together, in
a very short time they made those places not merely habitable but
delightful, and having established among themselves laws and CUS.l
toms, in the midst of such great catastrophes in Italy they were safe
and happy. In a short time they grew in reputation and power
because, in addition to the aforesaid dwellers, many from the cities
of Lombardy took refuge there, being driven out especially by the
cruelty of Clefi King of the Longobards. This brought no little
increase to that city, so that in the times of Pepin, King of France-
when through the request of the Pope he came to drive the Longo.l
bards out ofItaly-it was stated in the agreements then made between
him and the emperor ofthe Greeks that the Duke of Benevento and
Venetian Power 1069
the Venetians were not to acknowledge subjection to either of them
but, between them, were to enjoy their liberty. Besides this, since
necessity had brought the Venetians to live in the midst ofthe waters,
it also compelled them to consider-since they had no power on
land-how they could live there honorably; and going with their
ships through all the world, they filled their city with various sorts of
merchandise; since these were needed by other men, large numbers
necessarily visited that place. They did not consider for many years
any other dominion than that which would facilitate their com~
merce; therefore they gained possession of many ports in Greece and
in Syria; and as a result ofthe voyages that the French made to Asia,
because much use was made oftheir ships, they received as payment
the island of Candia.
While they lived in this manner, their name on the sea was
formidable and on the Italian mainland highly honored. Hence, in
all the disputes that arose they were most of the time the arbiters, as
they were in the differences that rose among the allies over the cities
they were to divide among themselves. Ofthese, when the case was
referred to the Venetians, Bergamo and Brescia were left to the
Visconti. But in time the Venetians, led on by their desire to rule,
gained possession ofPadua, Vicenza and Treviso, and later ofVero~
na, Bergamo and Brescia, and many cities in the Kingdom and in
Romagna. Thus they attained such a reputation for power that not
merely to the Italian princes but to the kings beyond the Alps they
gave cause for dread. Hence when these foreign rulers made a league
against them, in one day the Venetians were deprived ofthe territory
which in the course of many years they had gained with boundless
expense. And though in very recent times they have regained part
I
ofit, yet they have not regained either their reputation or their military
strength. Hence like all Italian princes they now live in the power
of others.
1. At the battle of Vaila (Agnadello Geradadda Ghiaradadda). Cf
J J PRINCE 12.
CHAPTER 30
[Petty tyrants; Joanna of Naples. 1334-1348]
The papacy was now occupied by Benedict XII. Seeing that he
had wholly lost power over Italy and fearing that Ludwig, the Em~
peror, would become her master, he decided to gain the friendship of

all those who had usurped Italian cities that earlier had obeyed the
Emperor; since they had reason to fear the Empire, they would join
with himself in the defense of Italy. Hence he decreed that all the
tyrants of Lombardy should retain the cities they had usurped, with
legal titles. Soon after this grant Benedict died and Clement VI
was made pope. The Emperor, seeing how liberally the Pontiffhad
given away the cities of the Empire and determining to be not less
liberal than the Pope with other rulers' property, gave the cities they
were ruling to all the tyrants who were in possession ofcities belonging
to the Church, so that these tyrants could retain them with imperial
authorization.
In this way Galeotto Malatesti and his brother became lords of
Rimini, Pesaro and Fano; Antonio da Montefeltro ofthe March and
of Urbino; Gentile da Varano of Camerino; Guido da Polenta of
Ravenna; Sinibaldo Ordelaffi ofForli and Cesena; Giovanni Man~
fredi ofFaenza; Lodovico Alidosi oflmola; and in addition various
others in many other cities, so that few of the numerous cities of the
Church were left without a prince. This situation kept the Church
weak until Alexander VI's time, but by ruining the successors of
those tyrants, he restored her power. When the Emperor made this
grant, he was at Trent, and he spread the report that he was going to
cross into Italy. As a result, there were many wars in Lombardy,
through which the Visconti made themselves masters of Parma.
At this time Robert King of Naples died. He was survived only
by his two granddaughters, children of his son Charles who, dying
some time before, left the elder, named Joanna, heir to the Kingdom,
with directions that she should take for her husband Andrea, son of
the King ofHungary, Charles' grandson. Andrea did not live with
her long before she brought about his death. She then married
another cousin of hers, the Prince of Taranto, named Lodovico.
But Ludwig King of Hungary, Andrea's brother, led soldiers into
Italy to revenge his death, and drove Queen Joanna and her husband
out of the Kingdom.
The Weight of Power
CHAPTER 3 I
[Tribunes at Rome. 1347-1354]
At this time there happened in Rome a thing worthy of note:
namely that a certain Niccolo di Lorenzo, chancellor in the Capitol,
drove the senators from Rome and made himselfhead ofthe Roman
republic, with the title of Tribune, and brought her back to her
ancient form, with such fame for justice and vigor that not merely
the neighboring cities but all Italy sent him ambassadors. Hence the
ancient provinces, seeing how Rome was reborn, raised their heads
and honored him, some of them moved by fear, some by hope. But
Niccolo, in spite ofhis great reputation, lost his courage when he had
hardly begun. Growing timid under so great a weight, without
being pursued by anybody, he secretly fled to the court of Charles
King of Bohemia, who had been elected Emperor by order of the
Pope, in contempt of Ludwig of Bavaria. In order to please the
Pope, Charles sent Niccolo to him as prisoner. It happened next,
after some time, that in imitation of him a certain Francesco Baron"
cegli seized the Tribunate in Rome and drove away the senators, so
that the Pope, as the quickest means for checking him, took Niccolo
out of prison and sent him to Rome and gave him the office of
Tribune. So Niccolo again assumed the government and put Fran"
cesco to death. But since the Colonna became his enemies, he also
not long after was put to death, and power restored to the senators.
CHAPTER 32
[Queen Joanna; the Visconti; the Pope returns from Avignon; war
between Genoa and Venice. 1342-1381]
Meanwhile the King of Hungary, having driven out Queen
Joanna, returned to his kingdom. But the Pope, who preferred to
have the Queen near Rome rather than the King, handled affairs in
such a way that the King consented to return her kingdom to her if
only her husband Lodovico, content with the title ofTaranto, should
not be called King.
When the year 1350 came, the Pope decided that the Jubilee,
planned by Pope Boniface VIII for every hundred years, could be
celebrated every fifty years. After he had so decreed, the Romans as

the result of the favor consented to let him send to Rome four
cardinals to reform the government ofthe city and to let him appoint
senators as he wished. The Pope also declared Lodovico of Taranto
King of Naples. To repay this favor, Queen Joanna gave Avignon,
part of her inheritance, to the Church.
In those times Luchino Visconti died, so that Giovanni, Arch",
bishop of Milan, became sole lord of the city. He carried on many
wars with Tuscany and with his neighbors, so that he became very
powerful. On his death Bernabo and Galeazzo his nephews were
left as his heirs; soon afterward Galeazzo died, leaving as his heir
Giovan Galeazzo, who shared the duchy of Milan with Bernabo.
In these times the Emperor Charles was King of Bohemia, and
the Pope was Innocent VI. The latter sent into Italy the Cardinal
Egidio, a Spaniard by birth who, through his ability, not merely in
Romagna and in Rome but in all Italy restored her reputation to the
Church; he recovered Bologna, which the Archbishop ofMilan had
seized; he forced the Romans to accept a foreign senator, who every
year was to be sent them by the Pope; he made an honorable peace
with the Visconti; he defeated and captured John Hawkwood, the
Englishman, who with four thousand English was campaigning for
the Ghibellines in Tuscany. As a result, Urban V on assuming the
papacy heard of so many victories that he determined to visit Italy
and Rome; Charles the Emperor also came there; yet after a few
months Charles returned to his kingdom, and the Pope to A vignon.
After Urban's death, the next chosen was Gregory XI. Since Car",
dinal Egidio also was dead, Italy returned to her ancient dissensions,
caused by those who were allied against the Visconti. So the Pope
first sent a legate into Italy with six thousand Bretons, and then, in
I 376, came in person and brought his court back to Rome after it
had been in France for seventy",one years. Since he soon died, Urban
VI was installed. Then a little later ten cardinals, who said Urban
had not been properly elected, invested Clement VII at Fondi.
In these times the Genoese, who for many years had lived under
Visconti rule, rebelled. Then they fought with the Venetians a very
important war, which divided all Italy, over the island of Tenedos.
In that war cannon, new instruments devised by the Germans, were
first seen. Though the Genoese were for a time superior, for many
months besieging Venice, nevertheless at the end of the war the
Quarrels in Southern Italy 1°73
Venetians were winners; through the papacy peace was made in
t he year 138 I.
CHAPTER 33
[The Antipope; Giovan Galeazzo Visconti. 1381-14°2]
As we have said, there was schism in the Church, in which
Queen Joanna favored the schismatic Pope. Hence Urban brought
about an expedition into the Kingdom against her by Charles of
Durazzo, a descendant ofthe kings of Naples. On arriving, he took
away her power and made himself master of the Kingdom, and she
fled to France. The King of France, angered by this, sent Louis of
Anjou into Italy to gain back the Kingdom for the Queen, and to
drive Urban from Rome and subject the city to the antipope. But
Louis died in the middle of this enterprise, and his soldiers returned
defeated to France. The Pope meanwhile went to Naples, where he
put nine cardinals in prison because they had belonged to the party of
France and of· the Antipope. Then he got angry with the King
because he refused to make one ofhis nephews Prince of Capua, but
pretending not to care, he asked that Nocera be granted him for his
dwelling; there he fortified himself and prepared to deprive the King
of the Kingdom. The King therefore marched to besiege him, but
the Pope fled to Genoa, where he put to death those cardinals he
held as prisoners. From there he went to Rome, and in order to give
himself reputation, appointed twenty-,nine cardinals. At this time
Charles, King of Naples, went to Hungary, where he was made
King and a little later put to death; at Naples he left his wife, along
with Ladislas and Joanna, his children.
At this time also Giovan Galeazzo Visconti killed Bernabo his
uncle and seized all the territory of Milan; and since it was not
enough for him to have become Duke of all Lombardy, he wished
also to conquer Tuscany. But when he thought he was about to get
control and then to be crowned King of Italy, he died. Urban VI's
successor was Boniface IX. The antipope Clement VII also died
in A vignon, and after him came Benedict XIII.
CHAPTER 34
[Mercenary soldiers; the Jubilee; the Visconti lose control of
Lombardy. 1393-14°5]
Many soldiers, English, German and Breton, were in Italy at this
time, brought partly by princes who at various times came into Italy,
partly sent by the popes when they were in A vignon. By means of
these, all the Italian princes for a long time carried on their wars,
until Lodovico da Conio appeared, a Romagnole, who gathered a
company of Italian soldiers named after St. George. Its efficiency
and discipline in a short time took away the reputation ofthe foreign
soldiers and brought it back to the Italians, of whom afterward the
princes of Italy, in their wars against each other, availed themselves.
The Pope on account of his quarrels with the Romans went to
Assisi, where he lived until the Jubilee of 1400. At that time the
Romans, so that he would return to Rome for the profit of that city,
were willing again to receive from him a foreign senator and to let
him fortify the Castle of St. Angelo. After he had returned under
these conditions, he decreed, in order to make the Church richer,
that when a benefice became vacant the appointee should pay a
year's income to the Camera.
After the death of Giovan Galeazzo Duke of Milan, though he
left two sons, Giovanmariagnolo and Filippo, that state was divided
into many parts; in the troubles that followed, Giovanmaria was
killed and Filippo remained for a time shut up in the castle of Pavia,
where through the fidelity and vigor of the castelan he was safe.
Among others who seized cities occupied by their fathers was
Guglielmo della Scala, who, having been exiled, was in the hands
ofFrancesco da Carrara the lord ofPadua. Through him Guglielmo
regained the state of Verona, where he remained but a short time,
because, by the command of Francesco, he was poisoned and the
city taken from him. Thereupon the people of Vicenza, who had
lived in security under the banners ofthe Visconti, fearing the great~
ness of the lord of Padua, gave themselves over to the Venetians; for
their sake the Venetians undertook war against Francesco and took
from him first Verona and then Padua.
Warlike Popes and Cardinals 1075
CHAPTER 35
[Ladislas of Naples; Antipopes. 14 0 4-1413]
Meanwhile Pope Boniface died and Innocent VII was chosen.
The people of Rome petitioned him to give back their fortresses and
restore to them their liberty. To this the Pope did not consent.
Hence the people called to their aid Ladislas, King of Naples. After
that, having made an agreement with the King, the Pope returned
to Rome, for in fear of the people he had fled to Viterbo, where he
had made Lodovico his nephew Count of the March.
He died soon, and was followed by Gregory XII, who promised
that he would renounce the papacy whenever the antipope also
would renounce it. With the encouragement of the cardinals, in
order to test whether the Church could reunite, Benedict the anti"
pope came to Porto Venere, and Gregory to Lucca, where they
discussed many things and did not decide any of them. Hence the
cardinals of both Popes abandoned them, and as to the Popes,
Benedict went into Spain and Gregory to Rimini. On the other
hand the cardinals, with the aid ofBaldassarre Cossa, Cardinal and
legate of Bologna, held a council at Pisa, where they elected Alex"
ander V. He at once excommunicated King Ladislas and invested
Louis of Anjou with that kingdom. Uniting with the Florentines,
the Genoese, the Venetians and Baldassarre Cossa the legate, the
cardinals attacked Ladislas and took Rome away from him. But
in the excitement ofthis war Alexander died, and the next pope was
Baldassarre Cossa, who took the name of John XXIII. Leaving
Bologna, where he was elected, and going to Rome, he found there
Louis ofAnjou, who had come with the army ofProvence. Fighting
a battle with Ladislas, they defeated him. But through the failure of
their mercenary generals, they did not follow up the victory. Hence
the King after a short time regained his strength and regained Rome;
the Pope fled to Bologna and Louis to Provence. Then planning
how he could diminish the power of Ladislas, the Pope managed to
have Sigismund, King of Hungary, chosen Emperor; he then en"
couraged him to come to Italy and consulted with him at Mantua.
They agreed to call a General Council in which the Church would
be reunited, for ifunited she could easily resist the forces ofher enemies.
CHAPTER 36
[Three popes. 1414-1417]
There were at that time three popes, Gregory, Benedict and John,
who kept the Church weak and without reputation. The place
chosen for the council was Constance, a city in Germany, against
Pope John's intention. The death ofKing Ladislas had removed the
Pope's reason for pushing the idea of a council; nonetheless, being
pledged, he could not refuse to go. After a few months in Constance,
realizing his error too late, he attempted to escape, but was put in
prison and obliged to resign the papacy. Through an agent, Gregory
one of the antipopes also resigned; and Benedict the other antipope,
not consenting to resign, was condemned as a heretic. At the end,
abandoned by his cardinals he too was forced to resign, and the
council elected as pontiff Otto, of the house of Colonna, called
Martin V. And so the Church was united, after forty years during
which she had been divided among several popes.
CHAPTER 37
[Filippo Visconti. 1412-1418]
All through these times, as we have said, Filippo Visconti was
in the castle of Pavia. But then Fazino Cane died, who in the
confusion in Lombardy had made himself master of V ercelli, Ales~
sandria, Novara and Tortona, and had got together great wealth.
Having no children, he left as heir of his states Beatrice his wife, and
arranged with his friends that they should have her marry Filippo.
Becoming powerful through this marriage, Filippo regained Milan
and all the state of Lombardy. Then, being thankful for great bene~
fits, as princes almost always are, he accused Beatrice his wife of
adultery and put her to death. Having meanwhile become very
powerful, he was planning wars in Tuscany, in order to carry out
the projects of Giovan Galeazzo his father.
CHAPTER 38
[Queen Joanna of Naples; Sforza and Braccio. 1415-1425]
When Ladislas, King of Naples, died, he left to Joanna his
sister, in addition to the Kingdom, a great army led by the principal
Queen Joanna's Scapes 1°77
mercenary generals of Italy; among the chief of these was Sforza da
Cotignuolo, who by the standards of such armies was considered
very able. The Queen, to get rid ofthe disgrace of keeping a certain
Pandolfello, whom she had brought up, took as her husband Jacopo
della Marcia, a Frenchman of royal blood, with this condition:
namely, he should be satisfied to be called Prince of Taranto and
should leave to her the title of Queen and the control of the King,.
dome But the soldiers, as soon as Jacopo arrived in Naples, called
him King. Hence between the husband and the wife there were
severe contests, in which many times one conquered the other. Yet
at last the Queen remained in her position.
She later became an enemy to the Pontiff. Hence Sforza, in
order to reduce her to necessity, so that she would have to throw her,.
self into his arms, gave up his contract, contrary to her expectation.
Thus suddenly finding herself unarmed and having no other remedy,
she went for help to Alfonso, King ofAragon and of Sicily, whom
she adopted as her son. She also hired Braccio da Montone, who in
military affairs had quite as high a reputation as Sforza; he was an
enemy of the Pope through his seizure of Perugia and other cities of
the Church. Then there followed peace between Queen Joanna and
the Pope. But King Alfonso, who feared she would treat him as she
had treated her husband, cautiously strove to make himself master of
the fortresses; she, being astute, forestalled him and fortified her,.
self in the castle of Naples. The suspicions between the two then
increased until they came to arms. With the aid of Sforza, who had
returned to her service, the Queen defeated Alfonso, drove him from
Naples, and deprived him ofhis adoption. She then adopted Louis
of Anjou. This brought on a new war between Braccio, who had
taken Alfonso's part, and Sforza, who aided the Queen. In the
course of that war, Sforza was drowned when crossing the Pescara
River. Hence the Queen was again unarmed and would have been
driven from the Kingdom if Filippo Visconti, Duke of Milan, had
not assisted her. He forced King Alfonso to return to Aragon.
Braccio, however, not frightened because Alfonso had given up,
continued the campaign against the Queen. When he beseiged L'A,.
quila, the Pope, who thought Braccio's greatness not to the advantage
of the Church, hired the military services of Francesco, the son of
Sforza. Attacking Braccio at L'Aquila, Francesco defeated and killed
him. Of Braccio's followers, Oddo his son remained alive. The
Pope deprived him ofPerugia but left him the state of Montone. A
little later he was killed while fighting in Romagna in the Florentine
service. So ofthose who had fought under Braccio, Niccolo Piccino
now had the highest reputation.
CHAPTER 39
[A view of the Italian states. 1434]
Because we have now come in our narrative close to the times
that I had in mind, and because what is left: to deal with concerns fOI
the most part only the wars ofthe Florentines and the Venetians with
Filippo Duke of Milan, which will be presented when we deal
especially with Florence, I do not wish to go farther. I shall only
bring briefly to memory the situation of Italy, both as to rulers and as
to military power, in the times we have reached in our writing.
As to the chief states, Queen Joanna II held the Kingdom of
Naples. In the March, the Patrimony and Romagna, part of the
cities were subject to the Church, part controlled by their vicars or
tyrants, for example, Ferrara, Modena and Reggio by the Este family;
Faenza by the Manfredi; Imola by the Alidosi; Forli by the Ordelaffi;
Rimini and Pesaro by the Malatesti; and Camerino by the Varano
family. As to Lombardy, part was subject to Duke Filippo, part to
the Venetians, because all those who held individual states there had
disappeared, except the house of Gonzaga, which ruled in Mantua.
As to Tuscany, for the most part her rulers were the Florentines; only
Lucca and Siena lived according to their own laws, Lucca under
the Guinigi, Siena free. The Genoese, being sometimes free, some"
times subjects ofthe kings ofFrance or ofthe Visconti, lived without
honor and were to be counted among the lesser powers.
All these principal powers were, as to weapons of their own,
unarmed. Duke Filippo, remaining shut up in his chamber and not
letting himself be seen, directed his wars through his commissioners.
The Venetians, when they turned to the land, laid aside those weap"
ons that on the sea had made them famous and, following the habit
of the other Italians, managed their armies with some outsider as
general. The Pope, since weapons were unsuitable to him as an
ecclesiastic, and Queen Joanna of Naples, since she was a woman,
did of necessity what the others did by unwise choice. The Floren"
Abject Mercenary War 1079
tines also were subject to the same necessity, because by frequent
dissensions that republic had destroyed her nobility and was in the
hands ofmen brought up in trade; they therefore followed the methods
and the Fortune of the others.
So the weapons of Italy were in the hands either of the lesser
princes or of men without any territory. The lesser princes took up
arms not induced by any love for renown, but in order to live more
richly or more securely; the others, brought up to arms from infancy
and not knowing how to carryon any other occupation, sought by
means of military service to make themselves honored either through
possessions or through power. Among the latter, the most renowned
were Carmignuola, Francesco Sforza, Niccoli> Piccino (Braccio's
pupil), Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzo and Micheletto Attenduli,
Tartaglia, Jacopaccio, Ceccolino da Perugia, Niccoli> da Tolentino,
Guido Torello, Antonio dal Ponte ad Era and many others like
them. With them were those rulers of whom I have spoken above,
to whom are to be added the barons ofRome, the Orsini and Colon"
na, with other lords and gentlemen of the Kingdom and of Lorn"
bardy. Depending on war, these men made among themselves a
compact and understanding, as it were, by which they turned war
into a technique for so wasting time that when two states made war
both ofthem generally lost. In the end these soldiers rendered war so
abject that any average general in whom had been reborn some
shadow of ancient efficiency would have put them to shame-to the
astonishment of all Italy, who in her dearth of wisdom respected
these mercenary generals. Of these slothful rulers and of these das"
tardly armies my history will be full.
But before I go to this matter, as I promised at the beginning I
must deal with the origins ofFlorence, and let everybody fully under"
stand the condition ofthe city in the times I have dealt with and how,
in the midst of all the troubles that for a thousand years affiicted
Italy, Florence reached it.
BOOK TWO
[THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF FLOR~
ENCE, TO 1353]
CHAPTER I
[The effects of cultivation on unhealthy regions]

One of the great and wonderful provisions of ancient republics
and principalities which in these present times has vanished, was
that for building at all times numbers ofnew cities and towns. N oth"
ing is so worthy ofan excellent prince or ofa well"organized republic
or so useful to a province as to build new towns where men can
gather for convenient defense and farming. This the ancients could
easily bring about through their habit of sending into conquered or
empty countries new inhabitants whom they called colonies. Not
only was this practice the cause for building new cities but it made a
conquered province more secure for the conqueror, filled empty
places with inhabitants, and kept men well distributed within the
provinces. As a result of this process, since men lived more com"
fortably in such a province, they increased in number there and in
attack were speedier and in defense more secure.
Since this custom, through the bad practice of republics and
princes, has now vanished, its disuse causes the ruin and weakness of
provinces, for only this method makes empires more secure and, as I
have said, keeps countries thickly inhabited. Security results be"
cause a colony that a prince places in a newly conquered land is like
a castle and a garrison to hold the others in loyalty. Without this, he
cannot keep a province fully inhabited or make sure that the popula"
tion is well distributed, because all the places in it are not productive
or healthful. For this reason, there are in some places plenty of men
but in others they are scarce; and if there is no way for taking them
from where they are plentiful and putting them where they are scarce,
a province in a short time is ruined, for one part of it, through its
small number of inhabitants, becomes desert, and another, through
their excess, becomes poor. And because nature cannot provide for
this defect, diligence must provide for it. Countries that are un"
healthful become healthful when a multitude of men all at once
The Market beside Arno 1081
takes possession; for with cultivation they give health to the ground
and with fires they cleanse the air-something Nature could never
provide for. This is demonstrated by the City of V enice; though she
is placed in a swampy and unhealthful site, yet the many inhabitants
that at one time gathered there made it healthful. Pisa, too, because
ofthe noxious air, was never full ofinhabitants until Genoa and her
shores were laid waste by the Saracens. This caused those people,
driven from their native places, at one time to gather there in large
numbers, which made her populous and powerful.
With the dIsappearance, however, of this method of~ sending
colonies, conquered lands are harder to hold, empty lands do not
fill up, and those that are too full are not relieved. Hence many parts
of the world, and especially of Italy, have become, in comparison
with ancient times, uninhabited. And all this has happened and is
happening because princes have no desire for true glory, and republics
no government that deserves to be praised. In ancient times, then,
by virtue ofthese colonies, cities were often newly founded and- those
already begun flourished. Among these was the city of Florence,
which had her origin from Fiesole and her growth from colonies.
CHAPTER 2
[Florence to 1215]
It is very true, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the

City of Fiesole, being situated on the summit of the mountain, in
order that her markets might be more visited and merchants might
more conveniently come there with their wares, arranged a place for
them not on the height, but in the plain between the foot of the
mountain and the Arno River. These markets I judge were the
reason for the first buildings put up in those places, since the mer"
chants were influenced by their wish to have convenient storehouses
in which to put their goods, and these in time became solid buildings.
Later, after the Romans, having conquered the Carthaginians, had
made Italy secure from foreign wars, the number of these buildings
was greatly multiplied. For men never continue in difficult condi"
tions unless some necessity keeps them there. Hence, though fear of
war makes them glad to live in strong and difficult places, yet when
that has ceased, at the call of convenience they are more glad to live
in comfortable and easily accessible spots. The security, then, that

the reputation of the Roman Republic brought about in Italy was
such that the dwellings near the Arno, already begun in the way I
have mentioned, increased to such a number that they took the form
of a town, which at first was called Villa Arnina.
Then there were civil wars in Rome, first between Marius and
Sulla, then between Caesar and Pompey, and after that between the
slayers of Caesar and those who attempted to revenge his death. So
first by Sulla and later by those three Roman citizens, who, after
taking vengeance for Caesar, divided the Empire, colonies were sent
to Fiesole. Of these, either all or part made their dwellings in the
plain, near the city already begun. Hence, because of this growth,
that place became so full of buildings and of men and of everything
else for well~ordered life that it could be counted among the cities
of Italy.
About the derivation of the name of Florence there are various
opinions. Some think she was named after Florinus, one of the
leaders of the colony; some think that at first not Florentia but
Fluentia was her name, because she was situated near the flowing
[fluente] of the Arno; and they bring up as witness Pliny, who says:
"The Fluentines are near the flowing Arno." This may be false,
because Pliny in that passage explains where the Florentines were
located, not what they were called, and that reading Fluentini must be
corrupt, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote close
to the time of Pliny, give the names of Florence and the Florentines.
Already in Tiberius' time they were ruled in the manner ofthe other
Italian cities, and Cornelius says that Florentine ambassadors came
to the Emperor to ask that the water from the swamps of Chiana
should not empty upon their land. Nor is it reasonable that this city
at the same time should have two names. I believe, then, that she
was always called Florence, whatever the reason for that name. And
so, whatever the cause of her origin, she began under the Roman
Empire, and writers spoke of her in the days of the early Emperors.
And when that Empire was harassed by the barbarians, Florence
also was laid waste by T otila, King of the Ostro~oths, and two
hundred and fifty years later Charlemagne rebuilt her. From that
time until the year 1215 A.D. she was subject to the same Fortune
as the rulers of Italy. In those times, the first to rule there were
Charlemagne's descendants, then the Berengari, and finally the Ger."
Flmntmt Feuds 1 083
man emperors, as in our general treatment we have shown. In those

times the Florentines could not expand or do anything worth re~
cording because of the power of those in authority over them.
Nonetheless, in 1010, on St. Romulus' day, a holiday at Fiesole, they
took and ruined Fiesole; they did this either with the Emperors'
permission, or in that time between the death of one and the election
of another when everybody was freer than usual. But when the
pontiffs got more power in Italy and the German emperors grew
weak, all the cities of that region ruled themselves with less respect
for the prince, until in 1080, in Henry Ill's time, Italy was openly
divided between him and the Church. Notwithstanding this, the
Florentines until 1215 kept themselves united, obeying the con~
querors and seeking no other dominion than to live safely.
But as in our bodies, in proportion as illnesses are later they are
the more dangerous and deadly, so in proportion as Florence was
later in joining the parties of Italy, she was then more tortured by
them. The cause of the first division is well known, because Dante
and many other authors have related it, yet I shall brieRy narrate it.
CHAPTER 3
[The Buondelmonti and Donati begin their feud with the Amidei and
Uberti. 1215]
In Florence the most powerful families were the Buondelmonti
and the Uberti; next to them were the Amidei and Donati. A rich
widow of the Donati family had a very beautiful daughter. In her
own mi~d she had planned to give her as wife to Messer Buondel~
monte, a young aristocrat and head of the Buondelmonti family.
Her plan, either through neglect or through believing she always had
plenty of time, she had not yet revealed to anybody when Chance
decreed that a daughter ofthe Amidei should be betrothed to Messer
Buondelmonte. Though greatly displeased by the news, the widow
yet hoped by means of her daughter's beauty to break the match off
before the marriage was celebrated. So when she saw Messer Buon~
delmonte coming alone toward her house, she went downstairs,
asking her daughter to follow. Then as the man was passing, she
said to him: "Truly I am very glad you have taken a wife, though I
had reserved for you this daughter of mine." Opening the door, she
had him look at her. Seeing the girl's unusual beauty and knowing
her blood and her dower not inferior to those of the woman he had
taken, the knight burned with desire to have her. Not considering
the agreement he had made or the injury he did in breaking it or the
ills that his broken faith might bring, he said: "After you have
reserved her for me, and since I am not too late, I should be an
ingrate to refuse her." And without delay he solemnized the marriage.
When this action became known, the Amidei and the Uberti,
their relatives by marriage, were exceedingly angry. And having met
with many oftheir other relatives, they decided that this injury could
not without disgrace be borne, nor revenged with any other revenge
than Messer Buondelmonte's death. And though some presented
the ills that could result from this, Mosca Lamberti said that he who
kept thinking of many things never would finish any of them, utter"
ing that common and well"known adage: What's done is ended.
Therefore they gave the responsibility for this homicide to Mosca,
Stiatta Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti. On
Easter morning these men were concealed in the Amidei palace,
between the Ponte Vecchio and Santo Stephano. When Messer
Buondelmonte crossed the river on a white horse, thinking it as easy
to forget an injury as to renounce a marriage, they attacked and killed
him at the end of the bridge near a statue of Mars. This homicide
divided the whole city; one party adhered to the Buondelmonti, the
other to the Uberti. And because these families were strong in houses
and towers and men, they fought together many years without one
driving the other out. Their hostilities, though they did not end with
peace, were calmed by truces, so according to the course of events,
they now would lie quiet and now would flame up.
CHAPTER 4
[Guelfs and Ghibellines Frederick II.
J• 1220-1250]
Florence was in these turmoils until the time of Frederick II.

Being King of Naples, he decided that he could strengthen his forces
against the Church. In order to make his power more solid in
Tuscany, he favored the Uberti and their followers; and they with
his aid drove out the Buondelmonti. So just as all Italy for a long
time was divided into Guelfs and Ghibellines, our city also was
divided.
Partisan Families 1085
I think it not useless to record the families that belonged to the
two parties. Those then who belonged to the Guelf party were the
Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci,
Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri,
Lucardesi, Chiramontesi, Campiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati,
Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci,
Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari, Visdomini,
Donati, Pazzi, Della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi.
Of the Ghibelline party were the Uberti, Mannegli, Ubriachi,
Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cap~
piardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini,
Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Cap~
onsacchi, Elisei, Abaci, Tedaldini, Giuochi, Galigai. In addition,
both parties ofthese noble families were joined by many ofthe com~
mon people, so that by this division almost all the city was tainted.
The Guelfs, then, being driven out, found refuge in the cities of
the upper Arno Valley, where they had most of their fortresses; and
in that way, they could better defend themselves against the forces of
their enemies. But when Frederick died, some in Florence who
were neutral and had great influence with the people, thought it
would be better to unite the city, rather than by keeping it divided to
ruin it. They therefore worked in such a way that the Guelfs, laying
aside their injuries, returned, and the Ghibel1ines, laying aside their
fear, received them. And since they were united, they believed it
time to form a free state and make arrangements for defending them~
selves, before the new Emperor gained power.
CHAPTER S
[The government of Florence in the thirteenth century]
They divided the city, therefore, into sixths, and chose twelve
citizens, two for each sixth, to govern them. These were called
Anziani, and every year were changed. To take away the reasons
for enmity produced by legal decisions, they provided for two foreign
judges, one called the Captain of the People and the other the
Podesta, to decide cases both civil and criminal that came up among
the people. And because no government is stable without providing
itself with a protector, they set up in the city twenty standards, and
seventy"six in the country, under which they enrolled all the youth,
and they ordered each one to be ready and armed under his standard
at whatever time either the Captain or the Anziani should summon
him. And the devices on these standards varied according to the
arms the men carried, for the crossbowmen had one ensign and the
pavisers another. And each year, on the day of Pentecost, with great
pomp they gave the ensigns to new men and assigned new heads to
all the organization. And to give majesty to their armies, and a place
where anyone driven back in battle could take refuge and having
taken refuge could again resist the enemy, they provided a great car
drawn by two oxen covered with red and on it a white and red
ensign. And when they decided to lead out their army, they drew
this car into the New Marketplace, and with pomp and ceremony
the leaders of the people took it in charge. They also had, for splen"
dor in their expeditions, a bell called Martinella, which kept ringing
steadily for a mon~ before they took their armies out of the city, so
that the enemy would have time for defense. So much vigor there
was then in those men and with such great nobility of mind they
conducted themselves that, whereas today to attack the enemy unex"
pectedly is considered a noble action and prudent, then it was
considered disgraceful and treacherous. This bell they also took out
with their armies, and by means of it the guards were placed and
other military actions directed.
CHAPTER 6
[King Manfred assists the Ghibellines; battle of Montaperti.
1250-1260]
With these institutions, military and civil, the Florentines laid a
foundation for their liberty. It is not possible to imagine how much
authority and power Florence in a short time gained. Not merely
did she become head of Tuscany but took her place among the first
cities of Italy, and she would have risen to almost any greatness if
frequent and new internal dissensions had not tormented her. The
Florentines lived under this government for ten years, and in that
time they compelled the Pistolese, the Aretines, and the Sienese to
make alliances with them; and returning from Siena with their army,
they took Volterra; they also destroyed some towns and brought the
Florence Preserved 1 087
inhabitants to Florence. These expeditions were all made on the

advice ofthe Guelfs, who were much stronger than the Ghibellines,
both because the latter were hated by the people on account of their
proud conduct when they ruled in Frederick's time and because the
Church party was better loved than the imperial party. With the
aid of the Church they hoped to keep their liberty, and under the
Emperor they feared to lose it.
The Ghibellines, meanwhile, seeing that they were losing their
influence, could not be content, and were waiting only for a good
opportunity to regain control. They believed this had come when
they saw that Manfred, Frederick's son, had become ruler of the
Kingdom of Naples and had greatly lessened the Church's power.
Secretly, then, they negotiated with him about getting back their
influence, but they did not conduct themselves in such a way that
the negotiations they carried on were not revealed to the Anziani.
Hence the latter cited the Uberti, who not merely did not obey but,
taking arms, fortified themselves in their houses. Angered by this,
the people armed themselves, and with the aid of the Guelfs com,.
pelled the Uberti to abandon Florence and, with all the Ghibelline
party, to go to Siena. From there they asked aid from Manfred,
King of Naples. And through the effort of Messer Farinata degli
Uberti, at the River Arbia the Guelfs were defeated with such great
slaughter by the soldiers of the King that those who escaped from
the defeat fled for refuge not to Florence, since they believed their
city was lost, but to Lucca.
CHAPTER 7
[Farinata degli Uberti protests against the destruction ofFlorence. 1260]
Manfred had sent to the Ghibellines, as head of his soldiers,
Count Giordano, who in those days had a high reputation in war.
This man, after the victory, went with the Ghibel1ines to Florence,
and brought that city entirely under Manfred's control, abolishing
the magistrates and every custom that showed any image of her
liberty. This injury, imprudently inflicted, the populace in general
received with much hatred; already hostile to the Ghibellines, it now
became exceedingly hostile. In time this caused their utter ruin.
When on account of the needs of the Kingdom, Count Giordano
had to return to Naples, he left in Florence as the King's vicar Count

Guido Novello, lord of the Casentino. This man held a council of
Ghibellines at Empoli, where everybody decided that if they were to
keep up the Ghibel1ine party in Tuscany, they must destroy Florence,
which alone-since her people were Guelf-was in a position to
reinvigorate the party supporting the Church. To so cruel a decis'-
ion as this, given against so noble a city, no citizen or friend except
Messer Farinata degli Uberti made opposition. He openly and
without any hesitation defended her, saying that he had not with
such hardship undergone so many dangers for any reason except his
desire to live in his native city, and that he was not then ready to stop
striving for what he always had sought or to refuse what Fortune had
given him. On the contrary, he would not be less hostile to those
who intended otherwise than he had been to the Guelfs; and anyone
among them who was afraid of his native city would try in vain to
ruin her/ because he himself, with vigor such as he had shown in
driving out the Guelfs expected to defend her. This Messer Farinata
was a man of great courage, excellent in war, head of the Ghibel",
lines, and highly esteemed by Manfred. His prestige put an end to
that debate, and they considered other methods for maintaining
their party.
1. This;s perhaps the meaning of the clause. Leonardo Bruni (Aretina) makes Farinata
say: ((1 do not now make this complaint because Ifear the ruin of my native citr,/or in whatevtr
way things go, while 1 live she will not be destroyed . ... Nothing could be more cowardly than
to destroy your city for fear that she will be a refuge for your enemies . . .. I say that if of tht
number of the Florentines I only were left, I would not allow my native city to be destroyed; if I
needed to die for this a thousand times, a thousand times I am prepared for death." (ISTORIA
FIORENTINA, Bk. 2, year 1261).
CHAPTER 8
[Manfred defeated by Charles of Anjou; Florence divided into
gilds. 1260-1266]
The Cuelfs who took refuge in Lucca, being dismissed by the
Lucchese after threats by the Count, went on to Bologna. Soon the
Guelfs of Parma summoned them against the Ghibellines. To re,-
ward the valor with which they conquered, they received as a gift: all
their opponents' property. Being thus increased in riches and honor,
when they knew that Pope Clement had summoned Charles of
Anjou to take the Kingdom away from Manfred, they sent ambas,
Twenty~one Gilds 1 089
sadors to the Pontiff to offer him their forces. The Pope not merely
received them as allies but gave them his ensign, which ever after
was carried in war by the Guelfs and still is used in Florence. Charles
then deprived Manfred of the Kingdom and killed him. Since the
Florentine Guelfs assisted Charles, their party grew stronger and that
ofthe Ghibellines weaker. Hence the Ghibellines who with Count
Guido Novello were ruling Florence judged it wise by means of
favors to win the support of the people, whom before they had op'"
pressed with every sort of injury; so those remedies which if applied
before necessity arose would have been effective, when applied late
and ungraciously not merely were not effective but hastened their ruin.
Th; Ghibellines thought, however, that they would get the
friendship and partisan support of the people if they gave back to
them part of the offices and influence they had taken away; so they
chose thirty;,six citizens from among the people, who, together with
two aristocrats brought from Bologna, were to reform the govern"
ment of the city. As soon as they met, these divided all the city into
gilds, and over each gild they set a magistrate who would ad"
minister justice to those included in it. Besides this, they bestowed
on each one a banner, in order that under it every man should present
himself armed when the city had need of him. In the beginning
these gilds numbered twelve, seven major and five minor; then the
minor were increased to fourteen, so that in all there were twenty"one,
as now. And the thirty"six reformers also adopted other measures
for the common good.
CHAPTER 9
[Count Guido and the Ghibellines abandon Florence. 1267]
Count Guido, to support the soldiers, ordered a tax to be levied
on the citizens, but met so many difficulties in this that he dared not
use force to collect it. Seeing that he had lost control of the city, he
consulted with the leaders ofthe Ghibellines; they determined to take
from the populace by force what they had imprudently granted.
When they decided that their arms were ready, at a time when the
thirty"six were assembled, they raised their war"cry; thereupon the
thirty"six in terror withdrew to their houses, and at once the banners
of the gilds were out of doors with many armed men behind them.
10go THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book 2
Since they had learned that Count Guido and his party were at San
Giovanni, they assembled at Santa Trinita and chose as their com,
mander Giovanni Soldanieri. The Count, on the other hand,
learning where the populace was, started to attack it. The populace
also did not avoid conRict. As it moved against its enemy, it met
him at the place where today the Tornaquinci Loggia stands. There
the Count was forced back, with the loss and death of many of his
men. Hence, being unnerved, he feared that his enemies would
attack him in the night and, finding his men defeated and without
courage, would kill him. So strong was this fancy of his that, with,
out thinking of any other remedy, he determined to save himself by
Right rather than by combat; so, against the advice of the rectors and
of the Party, with all his men he went off to Prato. But on finding
himself in a place of safety, he at once got over his fear, realized his
mistake, and decided to correct it. So in the morning at daybreak
he returned with his men to Florence, in order to re,enter by force the
city he abandoned in cowardice. But his plan did not succeed,
because that populace which could hardly have driven him out
could easily keep him out. So in grief and shame he went off to the
Casentino, and the Ghibellines retired to their country places.
Thereupon the victorious populace, to encourage those who loved
the well,being of the republic, determined to reunite the city and to
call back all the citizens, both Ghibellines and Guelfs, who were
outside. Thus the Guelfs returned, six years after they had been
driven out, and the Ghibellines as well had pardon for their recent
injury and were put back in their native city. Nevertheless, by the
populace and by the Guelfs they were greatly hated, because the latter
could not blot their exile from their memories, and the populace
remembered too clearly the Ghibellines' tyranny while it had lived
under their government. As a result, neither party felt peace of mind.
While Florence was in this condition, a report was spread that
Conradin, Manfred's grandson, was coming with soldiers from Ger,
many to conquer Naples, so that the Ghibellines were filled with the
hope that they could get back their authority, and the Guelfs were
considering how they could make themselves secure against their
enemies. Hence they asked aid from King Charles so that, if Con"
radin entered the land, they could defend themselves. When, as a
result, the soldiers of Charles approached, the Guelfs became so
Florence without Ghibellines 1 091
haughty and the Ghibellines were so frightened that, two days before
the soldiers arrived, without being driven out, they took to flight.
CHAPTER 10
[The Guelfs again rule Florence; Gregory X; Nicholas III.
1267-1278]
When the Ghibellines had gone, the Florentines, in reorganizing
the city government, elected twelve leaders, who were to occupy the
magistracy two months; these were called not Anziani but Good
Men. In addition to these there was a council of eighty citizens,
called the Credenza. Next there were a hundred and eighty from
the populace, thirty for each ward, who, with the Credenza and the
twelve Good Men, were called the General Council. They organ"
ized also another council ofa hundred and twenty citizens, common
people and nobles, through which they executed all the things deter,.
mined in the other councils; and by means of it they distributed the
offices of the state. Having established this government, they made
the Guelf party strong with magistracies and other arrangements, so
that with greater power they could defend themselves from the Ghib,.
ellines. They divided the property of the latter into three parts; of
these they turned over one to the public treasury, assigned the second
to the magistracy of the Guelf Party, called the captains, and gave
the third to the Guelfs, as recompense for the damage they had
received.
The Pope also, to keep Tuscany Cue1£, made King Charles
imperial vicar of Tuscany. When the Florentines, then, by virtue
of this new government, were keeping up their reputation inside the
city through laws and outside it through arms, the Pope died. After
long debate, at the end of two years Pope Gregory X was chosen.
Having been a long time in Syria and still being there at the time of
his election, far from the hatreds ofthe parties, he did not regard them
as his predecessors had done. Therefore, reaching Florence on his
journey to France, he believed it a good shepherd's function to
reunite the city. He achieved so much that the Florentines were
willing to receive the Ghibelline syndics into Florence to discuss the
manner of their return, but though an agreement was reached, the
Ghibel1ines were so afraid that they were not willing to return. The
1 °92 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book 2
Pope blamed the city for this and in anger excommunicated her.
Under that ban she remained during the Pontiff's lifetime but after
his death she was reblessed by Pope Innocent V.
The papacy had come to Nicholas III, one ofthe Orsini family.
Because the pontiffs always feared any man whose power in Italy had
become great, even though it had grown up as a result ofthe Church's
support, and because they tried to reduce it, their policy caused the
frequent disturbances and the frequent changes that took place in the
country. The pontiffs' fear of a powerful man caused a weak one to
grow, and when he had grown strong, made them fear him, and
since they feared him, made them try to bring him low. This policy
led them to take the Kingdom from Manfred's hands and give it to
Charles; this in turn made them dread the latter and attempt his
ruin. Nicholas III, then, moved by these causes, accomplished so
much that by means of the Emperor he wrested from Charles the
control of Tuscany, and in the name of the Emperor sent into that
province as his legate Messer Latino.
CHAPTER I I
[Priors set up in Florence; battle of Campaldino; new city walls.
127,9-1289]
Florence was then in a very bad condition, because the Guelt
nobility had become arrogant and did not fear the magistrates.
Hence every day there were many homicides and other violent acts,
without any punishment of those who committed them, since some
noble or other aided them. It was decided, therefore, by the leaders
of the people that, in order to restrain this arrogance, it would be
well to bring back the exiles. This gave the Legate a chance to
reunite the city, and the Ghibellines returned. Instead of the twelve
governors the popular leaders set up fourteen, seven from each party,
who were to govern a year and would be chosen by the Pope.
Florence continued this government two years, until there came to the
papal throne Pope Martin, of French birth, who restored to King
Charles all the power Nicholas had taken from him. As a result,
new life at once was given to the parties in Tuscany, because the
Florentines took arms against the Emperor's governor and, to wrest
the government from the Ghibellines and to hold the powerful in
check, arranged a new form of administration.
Quarreling Nobles Ruined 1°93
It was the year 1282, and the gilds, since they had received the
magistrates and the banners, had a high reputation. Hence they
decreed on their own authority that instead of the fourteen, three
citizens should be chosen, to be called Priors, who should remain
two months in the government of the republic; they could be of the
middle classes or of the nobles, so long as they were merchants or
carried on professions. They changed them, after the first magistracy,
to six, in order that from each ward there might be one. This num"
ber was kept until 1342, when they changed the city into quarters
and the Priors to eight, though in the course of that period they
sometimes, for some special case, appointed twelve.
This magistracy, as in time appeared, caused the ruin of the
nobles, who for various reasons were excluded from it by the people,
and later without any consideration were crushed. In the beginning
the nobles, not being united, consented to this exclusion, because
they desired too much to take the government from one another;
hence as a body they lost it. To this magistracy was assigned a palace
where it could have permanent quarters, for the earlier custom was
that the magistrates and the councils met in the churches; and they
also honored it with beadles and other necessary officers. And though
in the beginning they were called only Priors, nonetheless later, for
more grandeur, they received the name of Signors.
The Florentines were quiet within the city for some time, during
which they carried on a war with the Aretines, because the latter had
driven out the Guelfs; at Campaldino the Florentines totally de~
feated them.
And since the city grew in men and in wealth, they decided also
to expand her walls; so they enlarged their circuit in the manner now
to be seen, since earlier their diameter was only the distance between
the Ponte Vecchio and San Lorenzo.
CHAPTER 12
[Strife between the nobles and the people. 1290-1295]
The wars without and the peace within had almost destroyed in
Florence the Guelf and the Ghibel1ine parties. There remained
active only those disagreements that naturally exist in all cities be"
tween the powerful and the people, because, since the people wish
to live according to the laws and the powerful to control the laws, it
is not possible for them to agree. Such disagreement was not re,
vealed as long as both feared the Ghibellines, but as soon as they
were conquered, it showed its power; every day someone of the
people was injured, and the laws and the magistrates were not strong
enough to avenge him, because relatives and friends protected every
noble against the power of the Priors and the Captain. The heads of
the gilds, therefore, eager to remedy this abuse, provided that every
Signoria, at the beginning ofits term, should choose a Gonfalonier of
Justice, one of the people, to whom they gave a thousand men,
enrolled under twenty standards. He with his standard and his
armed men, was to be ready to aid justice whenever he was sum,
moned by the Signors or by the Captain. The first chosen was
Ubaldo Ruffoli. He brought out his standard and destroyed the
Galletti mansion because in France one of that family had killed a
man of the people.
It was easy for the gilds to make this law, since serious enmities
were rife among the nobles, who paid no attention to the provision
made against them until they saw the harshness ofthat act ofenforce,
ment. This at first excited in them great terror; nevertheless they soon
after returned to their arrogance, because, since there were always
some of them among the Signors, they had means for keeping the
Gonfalonier from carrying out his duties. Besides this, since the
accuser needed a witness when he suffered any offense, nobody was
willing to act as witness against the nobles, so that in a short time
Florence returned to the same lawlessness, and the people received
from the rich the same injuries, because the judges were slow and the
sentences failed of execution.
CHAPTER 13
[Giano della Bella attempts to enforce justice. 1293-1295]
And when the people did not know what measures to take,
Giano della Bella, of the noblest descent, but a lover of the city's
freedom, gave to the heads of the gilds courage for reorganizing the
city; on his advice it was decreed that the Gonfalonier should live
with the Priors and should have four thousand men under his orders.
In addition, all the nobles were deprived of the power to sit as
The Unstable Populace 1°95
Signors; the accomplices of a criminal were subjected to the same
penalties as the criminal himself; public report was made a basis for
legal judgment. Through these laws, which were called the Ordi.;
nances of Justice, the people gained much reputation and Giano
della Bella much hate, because he was very badly regarded by the
powerful as the destroyer of their power, and the rich among the
people envied him because they thought his influence too great.
This, as soon as opportunity permitted, became evident.
It chanced that a man ofthe people was killed in a fight in which
several nobles took part, among whom was Messer Corso Donati.
On him, as bolder than the others, the blame was laid, and therefore
the Captain of the People arrested him. And however the thing
should have gone, whether Messer Corso was not at fault or whether
the Captain feared to condemn him, he was acquitted. This acquit.;
tal so offended the people that they took arms and ran to Giano della
Bella's house to ask him to work for the observance of those laws
which he had originated. Giano, who wished Messer Corso to be
punished, did not make them lay down their arms, as many thought
he should have done, but encouraged them to go to the Signors to
complain ofthe happening and ask them to attend to it. The people,
therefore, very angry, because they believed they had been wronged
by the Captain and abandoned by Giano, went not to the Signors
but to the Captain's palace, which they seized and sacked. This
action offended all the citizens, and those who wanted the ruin of
Giano accused him, attributing to him all the blame. Hence, since
some ofthe Signors then serving were his enemies, they accused him
to the Captain as one who had stirred up the people. While they
were debating his case, the people took arms and ran to his mansion,
offering him their protection against the Signors and his enemies.
Giano was unwilling to test this popular aid or to commit his life to
the magistrates, because he feared the malice of the second and the
instability of the first. Hence, to take from his enemies any chance
for injuring him, and from his friends any chance for doing harm to
his native city, he determined to go away, to yield to envy, to free the
citizens from their fear of him, and to leave that city which with toil
and danger to himself he had freed from servitude to the powerful.
So he chose for himself voluntary exile.
CHAPTER 14
[Revolt by the nobles; compromise. 1295]
After his departure, the nobles had higher hopes of regaining
influence; and concluding that their trouble came from their clivi"
sions, they united and sent two men to the Signoria, which they
thought favorable to them, to beg it to consent to moderate in some
measure the sharpness of the laws against them. This request, when
it was made known, disturbed the spirits of the people because they
feared that the Signors would grant it. And so, between the wish of
the nobles and the suspicion of the people, they took up arms. The
nobles assembled in three places: at San Giovanni, in the New
Marketplace, and on the Piazza de' Mozzi; and under three leaders:
Messer Forese Adimari, Messer Vanni de' Mozzi, and Messer Geri
Spini. The people in very great numbers assembled under their
banners at the palace of the Signors, who then lived near San Pro"
colo. And because the people were suspicious of that Signoria, they
deputed six citizens to govern with them.
While both parties prepared for a fight, some, both of the people
and of the nobles, and with them certain clergy of good reputation,
became go"betweens to pacify them, reminding the nobles that their
deprivation of the right to hold office, and the laws made against
them, had been caused by their arrogance and their wicked conduct;
and that now to take arms and try to get back by force what, through
their disunion and their bad methods, they had allowed to be taken
from them, was nothing other than to try to ruin their city and make
their own condition worse. They should remember that the people
greatly surpassed them in numbers, wealth, and hatred, and that
high birth, which they thought made themselves superior to the
others, would not fight, but when they came to cold steel would turn
out an empty word, not strong enough to defend them against so
many. On the other hand, they reminded the people that it was not
prudent always to strive for complete victory and that it was never
wise to make men despair, because he who does not hope for good
does not fear ill. They ought also to keep in mind that in the city's
wars the nobles had done her honor. Therefore it was not good or
just to persecute them with so much hate, for the nobles could easily
endure not to take pan in the supreme magistracy, but they could by
The Building of the cc Old Palace" 1 °97
no means endure that anybody should have power through the laws
to drive them out of their native city. Therefore it would be well to
soften those laws, and through that benefit to get them to lay down
their arms. The people should not so trust in their numbers as to
wish to tempt the fortune of combat, because often it has happened
that by the few the many have been defeated.
The people held varying opinions. Many wished for combat.
Since it must come some day, they had better have it then than wait
until the enemy was stronger. Ifit were likely that the nobles would
be satisfied with a softening ofthe laws, the laws should be softened,
hut the nobles' pride was such that they would never give up, unless
they were forced to. Many others, wiser and ofcalmer spirit, believed
that moderating the laws would not mean much and that coming to
combat would mean a great deal. Their opinion at last prevailed,
and they provided that for charges against nobles it would be neces"
sary to find witnesses.
CHAPTER IS
[The prosperity of Florence about 12g8]
Though they had put aside their arms, both parties remained very
suspicious, so that each strengthened itselfwith towers and weapons.
The people, influenced by the support those Signors had given to the
nobility, reorganized the government, limiting it to a smaller number.
The chiefin authority were the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruz"
zi, and Cerretam. When the government had been settled, for the
Signors' greater magnificence and greater security, in the year 1298
they laid the foundations of their Palace, making a piazza for it
where the houses ofthe Uherti once stood. Almost at the same time
they began the public prisons, which were completed in a few years.
Nor was our city ever in a higher and more prosperous state than at
that time, for she abounded in men, in riches, and in reputation. The
citizens fit for arms amounted to thirty thousand, and the inhabitants
I
fit for arms in the surrounding district to seventy thousand. All
Tuscany, partly as subject, partly as ally, obeyed her. And though
among the nobles and the people there were some ill feeling and
suspicion, they did not produce any bad effect, but everybody was
passing his life in harmony and peace.
1. Villani, HISTORY 8.38.
If this peace was not disturbed by new enemies inside, it did not
need to fear those outside, because the city was in such a condition
that she no longer dreaded either the Empire or her own exiles. With
her own forces she could resist all the Italian states. That harm, then,
which forces from without could not do to her, those within brought
upon her.
CHAPTER 16
[Cerch; and Donati; Blacks and Whites in Pistoia. 1300]
There were in Florence two families, the Cerchi and the Donati,
very powerful in riches, position and men. Between them, since
they were neighbors in Florence and in the country, there had been
some disagreements, but not so serious that they had come to arms;
perhaps they would not have produced serious results if a new cause
had not increased these evil tendencies.
Among the chief families of Pistoia was that of the Cancellieri.
It happened that when Lore son of Messer Guglielmo and Geri son
of Messer Bertacca, both of that family, were playing cards, they
came to words and Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. The affair
troubled Messer Guglielmo, and thinking by kindness to get rid of
the quarrel, he made it worse, for he ordered his son to go to the house
ofthe father of the wounded man and ask for pardon. Lore obeyed
his father; nevertheless this gracious action did not in any way soften
Messer Bertacca's harsh spirit, for having Lore seized by his servants,
as a greater insult he had them cut offhis hand on a manger. saying
to him: "Go back to your father and tell him that with steel, and not
with words, wounds are cured." The cruelty of this act so enraged
Messer Guglielmo that he had his men take arms to avenge it, and
Messer Bertacca also armed to defend himself; so not merely that.
family but all the city of Pistoia was divided. The Cancellieri were
descended from Messer Cancelliere, who had had two wives, one of
whom was named Bianca; one of the parties, after her descendants,
was called Bianca [White]; the other, in order to take a name op'"
posite to that, was called Nera [Black]. There were between them,
as time went on, many fights. in which numbers of men were killed
and houses destroyed. Unable to unite among themselves, worn out
by the evil. and wishing either to put an end to their discords or by
spreading dissension among others to increase them, they came to
Festivities and Bloodshed 1099
Florence. The Blacks, because they were related to the Donati, were
assisted by Messer Corso, the head of that family. As a result, the
Whites, in order to have a powerful support that would hold them
up against the Donati, had recourse to Messer Veri de' Cerchi, a
man in every way not at all Messer Corso's inferior.
CHAPTER 17
(Whiter tV:td BLzdfs itt Florence; the Pl1pe ittteffefer~ 1311111
This party strife coming from Pistoia increased the ancient hatred
between the Cerchi and the Donati, which was already so evident
that the Priors and the other good citizens feared every hour that the
two families would take arms, and that afterward all the city would
be divided. Therefore they resorted to the Pontiff, asking that, against
these contentions which had been started, he with his authority
would apply such measures as they could not apply. The Pope sent
for Messer Veri and required him to make peace with the Donati.
Messer Veri acted astonished, saying that he had no quarrel with
them. And because peace presupposes war, he did not know, since
there was no war between them, why peace should be needed. Since
Messer Veri, then, returned from Rome without any settlement, there
was such an increase in hostile feelings that the slightest accident,
however it h~p__pened, would be enou~h to make them burst out.
It was the month of May, a time, especially on holidays, when
there are public festivities in Florence. So some Donati youths with
their friends, on horseback, halted near Santa Trinita to watch some
women dancing. In the same place next arrived some ofthe Cerchi,
also accompanied by many nobles; not recognizing the Donati, who
were ahead, and desirous also to see, they urged their horses among
them and pushed them. Then the Donati, thinking themselves in,,-
suIted, seized their weapons; the Cerchi valiantly opposed them; after
many wounds given and received by each side, they separated. This
tumult was the beginning of much evil, for all the city was divided,
the men ofthe people as well as the rich. The parties took the names
of the Whites and Blacks.
The leaders of the White party were the Cerchi, and with them
sided the Adimari, the Abati, part of the Tosinghi, the Bardi, the
Rossi, the Frescobaldi, the Nelli, and the Mannelli, all ofthe Mozzi,
the Scali, the Gherardini, the Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostichi, Gian.-'

donati, Vecchietti, and Arrigucci. These were joined by many
families from the people, together with all the Ghibellines then in
Florence. Hence, because of the great number that followed them,
they had almost entire control of the city. The Donati, on the other
hand, were heads of the Black party, and with them were all those
portions of the families named above that did not side with the
Whites, and in addition all the Pazzi, the Bisdomini, the Manieri,
Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfigliazzi, and
Brunelleschi. This partisan spirit not merely infected the city but
divided also the whole surrounding district.
Hence the Party Captains and all who loved the Guelfs and the
republic, greatly feared that-to the ruin of the city-this new dis.-'
sension would revive the Ghibelline forces. So they again informed
Pope Boniface that he would have to devise a remedy if he did not
want that city, which had always been the shield of the Church,
either to be destroyed or to become Ghibelline. So the Pope sent to
Florence his legate, Matteo d'Acquasparta, a Portuguese cardinal.
And since he had trouble with the White party which, because it
thought itself more powerful, was less afraid, he left Florence in
anger and pronounced an interdict; thus she remained in greater
confusion than before his coming.
CHAPTER 18
[Further quarrels; both parties banished. 1300]
When the minds ofall men were thus disturbed, it happened that
at a funeral attended by many of the Cerchi and the Donati, they
came to words and then to blows, from which at the time nothing
other than uproar resulted. But after both parties had returned to
their houses, the Cerchi determined to attack the Donati, and with a
great number of men assailed them. But through Messer Corso's
vigor the Cerchi were repulsed and many of them wounded. The
whole city was under arms; the Signors and the laws were overcome
by the vehemence of these powerful men. The wisest and the best
citizens lived in continual fear. The Donati and their party were
more afraid because they were less strong. Hence, to provide for
their affairs, Messer Corso met with the other leaders of the Blacks
Dante in Politics 1101
and the Party Captains. They agreed to ask from the Pope a man of
royal blood, who would come to reform Florence, thinking that by
this means they might overcome the Whites. This assembly and
decision were made known to the Priors, and by the opposite party
were denounced as a conspiracy against the freedom of the city.
Since both parties were under arms, the Signors, through the
advice and prudence of Dante-at that time one of them-took
courage and called the people to arms; many from the sur~
rounding district joined them. Then they forced the heads of the
parties to lay down their arms, and banished Messer Corso Donati
and many of the Black party. Yet to show that they were neutral in
this decision, they banished also some of the White party, who soon
after, with the excuse of proper reasons, returned.
CHAPTER 19
[Charles of Valois in Florence; the Blacks return andgainpower. 1301]
Messer Corso and his partisans, because they thought the Pope
favorable to their party, went to Rome, and what they had already
written to the Pope, they convinced him of in an interview. At the
Pontiff's court was Charles of Valois, brother of the French king,
who had been called into Italy by the King of Naples in order to
cross into Sicily. So the Pope, since he was excessively urged by the
Florentine exiles, decided to send Charles to Florence until the proper
season for his voyage. So come he did. And though the Whites,
who were ruling, were suspicious of him, nevertheless, since he was
head ofthe Guelfs and sent by the Pope, they did not dare hinder his
coming; on the contrary, to make him their friend, they gave him
authority to regulate the city according to his judgment. Having
received this authority, Charles had all his friends and partisans arm
themselves. This caused the people to suspect so strongly that he
was going to take away their liberty that every man made ready his
weapons and remained in his house, to be prepared if Charles should
make any move.
At this time the Cerchi and the heads of the White party, be~
cause they had for some time been heads of the state and conducted
themselves haughtily, had come to be universally hated. This gave
courage to Messer Corso and the other Black exiles to come to
Florence, especially since they knew that Charles and the Party Cap~
tains were going to support them. So when the city, for fear of
Charles, was in arms, Messer Corso with all the exiles and many
others who followed him, without being hindered by anybody,
entered Florence. Though Messer Veri de' Cerchi was encouraged
to oppose him, he was not willing to do so, saying that he wanted
the people of Florence, against whom Messer Corso was coming, to
punish him. But what happened was the reverse: he was received,
not punished, by the people, and Messer Veri had to flee to save
himself, because Messer Corso, when he had forced the Pinti gate,
assembled a force at San Piero Maggiore, a place near his mansion.
Having gathered many supporters and people eager for change who
assembled there, he first took from the prisons all held in them for
either public or private reasons; then he forced the Signors to return
as private citizens to their houses, and chose new ones from the people
and the Black party; for five days he engaged in plundering the
leaders of the White party.
The Cerchi and the other heads of their faction had gone out of
the city and retired to their fortresses, seeing that Charles was opposed
to them, and the greater part of the people hostile. And whereas
before they had never been willing to follow the Pope's advice, they
were forced to turn to him for help, showing him that Charles had
come to disunite, not to unite Florence. So the Pope for the second
time sent there his legate, Messer Matteo d'Aquasparta. He had the
Cerchi and Donati make peace and strengthened the treaty with
marriage contracts and new weddings. And though he wished that
the Whites also should share in the offices, the Blacks who held the
government would not agree to it. Hence the Legate did not go away
with more satisfaction or less anger than he did the other time, but
departed leaving the city, as disobedient, under an interdict.
CHAPTER 20
[The Whites, including Dante) exiled. 1302]
So in Florence both parties continued, and each was discontented:

the Blacks, since the hostile party was on the spot, feared that, to their
ruin, it would regain its lost influence; the Whites were without their
former influence and honors. Their angry feelings and natural sus~
Dante Exiled with the C erchi 11 03
picions were increased by new injuries. Messer Niccola de' Cerchi,

when going with many ofhis supporters to his country properties, at
the bridge over Affrico was attacked by Simone, Messer Corso
Donati's son. The fight was severe, with a sad end for both sides, for
Messer Niccola was killed and Simone so badly wounded that he
died the next night. This event again upset the whole city. The
Black party, though more to blame, was defended by those in power.
Then, before any sentence had been pronounced in the case, a con.,
spiracy was discovered between the Whites and Messer Piero Fer.,
rante, one of Charles' barons, with whom they were negotiating
about being put back in control. This came to light through letters
the Cerchi wrote him, though some believed that the letters were
forged and devised by the Donati to conceal the infamy brought on
them by Messer Niccola's death.
The result was the banishment of all the Cerchi and their fol.,
lowers ofthe White party, among whom was Dante the poet. Their
goods were confiscated and their houses destroyed. Along with
many Ghibellines who had sided with them, they were scattered
through many places, seeking new fortunes with new labors. Charles,
having done what he visited Florence for, lefi and returned to the
Pope to continue his Sicilian expedition. In this he was not wiser
or better than he had been in Florence; in disgrace, with the loss of
many of his men, he returned to France.
CHAPTER 21
[Further strife)' Niccolao da Prato fails to make peace; the great fire
of 13 0 4.]
Affairs in Florence afier Charles' departure were very quiet.
Only Messer Corso was restless, because he believed he did not hold
in the city the rank he deserved; on the contrary, since the government
was controlled by the people, he saw the republic administered by
many of his inferiors. Moved therefore by these feelings, he planned
to give honor to his dishonorable purpose by means of an honorable
cause; so he slandered many citizens who had administered public
funds, as having used them for their private advantage, and said it
would be well to find them out and punish them. This view of his
was accepted by many who had the same desire as he did; and it was
reinforced by the ignorance ofmany others, who believed that Messer
Corso was acting through love for the city. On the other side, the
citizens who were slandered, since they had the support ofthe people,
defended themselves; this dispute went so far that, after legal methods,
it came to weapons. On one side were Messer Corso and Messer
Lottieri, the bishop of Florence, with many of the nobles and some
ofthe people; on the other were the Signors and the larger part ofthe
people, so that there was fighting in many parts of the city. The
Signors, seeing the great danger they were in, sent for aid to the
Lucchese; immediately there appeared in Florence all the populace of
Lucca. Through their strength things were quieted for the time and
the disorders repressed; yet the people retained the government and
their own freedom without at all punishing the inciters ofthe conflict.
Meanwhile the Pope heard of the troubles in Florence; to put
them down he sent Messer Niccolao da Prato, his legate. Being a
man who by rank, learning, and habits was of high reputation, he
gained at once such confidence that authority was given him for
establishing a government according to his own ideas. Because he
was from a Ghibelline town, he had in mind the repatriation of the
exiles, but first he wished to win the people's favor; and for the sake
of this he renewed the ancient Companies of the People. This ar~
rangement greatly increased their power and lessened that of the
nobles. Since, then, it appeared to the Legate that he had gained the
support of the masses, he planned to secure the return of the exiles;
but as he tried various ways, not merely did he not succeed in any of
them but he came to be so suspected by those who ruled that he was
obliged to leave. So in great anger he returned to the Pontiff, and
left Florence greatly disturbed, and interdicted. The city indeed was
upset not merely by one quarrel but by many, namely, the hostilities
between the people and the nobles, the Ghibellines and the Guelfs,
the Whites and the Blacks. The whole city, then, was in arms and
there was fighting everywhere, because by the departure ofthe Legate
many were disappointed, since they were hoping the exiles would
return. The leaders in starting the trouble were the Medici and the
Giugni, whose support of the rebels, like that of the Legate, was
evident. There was fighting, therefore, in many parts of Florence.
To these ills a fire was added, which broke out first near Orto San
Michele in the houses of the Abaci; from there it leaped into those of
the Caponsacchi, and burned them, with the houses of the Macchi,
Fire and Sword 11°5
Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, and Cavalcanti, and all the
New Marketplace. From there it went into Porta Santa Maria, and
burned it all; and circling from the Ponte Vecchio, it burned the
houses ofthe Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi, and many
others with them, so that their number reached seventeen hundred or
more. As to this fire, many believed that it was started by chance, in
the ardor ofcombat. Some others insisted that it was started by Neri
Abati, prior of San Piero Scheraggio, a dissolute man and fond of
evil, who, seeing the citizens busy fighting, decided to do a wicked
deed that the people, because they were busy, could not protect
themselves against; and that he might succeed better, he set fire to the
house of his relatives, where it was easier for him to do it. It was the
year 13°4 and the month ofJuly when by fire and by sword Florence
was thrown into confusion. Messer Corso Donati alone, in the
midst of so many disturbances, did not arm himself, because he
judged he would more easily become arbiter between the two parties
when, worn out by the fight, they turned to agreements. They laid
down their arms, however, more through satiety with evil than
through any union between them. The only result was that the
rebels did not return, and the party supporting them continued to
be weaker.
CHAPTER 22
[Unsuccessful attempt of the Ghibellines to return; Corso Donati.

13°4-13°7]
The Legate, returning to Rome and hearing of the new broils
which had broken out in Florence, persuaded the Pope that to
reunite her he needed to make twelve leading citizens of Florence
come before him. Then, having thus taken away what nourished
the disease, he could .probably count on wiping it out. This advice
the Pontiff took, and the citizens who were summoned obeyed,
among them Corso Donati. After their departure, the Legate in~
dicated to the exiles that then was the time, when Florence was
without leaders, for them to return. So, getting together a force, they
came to Florence, entered the city through the still unfinished walls,
and pushed on to the Piazza di San Giovanni.
It was noteworthy that citizens who a little before had fought for
the exiles' return when, unarmed, they prayed to be restored to their
native city, on seeing those exiles armed and trying by force to get
control ofher, took arms against them (so much higher those citizens
esteemed the common good than they did private friendship) and,
uniting with the people, drove the invaders back with force to the
place whence they had come. The exiles failed in this undertaking
because they left part of their men at Lastra and did not wait for
Messer T olosetto Uberti, who was to come from Pistoia with three
hundred horsemen; for they thought that speed rather than force was
going to give them the victory. Often in such undertakings sluggish.l
ness takes away one's opportunity and speed one's strength.
On the rebels' departure, Florence returned to her old dissensions.
And to take away the power of the Cavalcanti family, the people
took from them by force Ie Stinche, a walled town in the valley of
the Greve, which had from early times belonged to that family. And
because those who were captured there were the first to be put in the
prisons just built, those prisons, after the town whence the prisoners
came, were then called and still are called Ie Stinche.
The chief men in the republic restored the Companies of the
People, and gave them banners, because earlier they had assembled
under those of the gilds. Their heads were called Gonfaloniers of
the Companies and Colleagues of the Signors, and it was decreed
that in troubles they should aid the Signors with arms, and in peace
with advice. They added to the two long.lestablished Rectors an
Executor, who was to act with the Gonfaloniers against the lawless.l
ness of the nobility.
Meanwhile the Pope died and Messer Corso and the other citi.l
zens returned from Rome, and things would have been quiet it
Messer Corso's restless spirit had not again upset the city. That man,
in order to get himselfreputation, always held a view contrary to that
of the most powerful, and wherever he saw the people inclining, in
that direction he turned his influence, to make them better disposed
toward himsel£ Hence he was the leader in all quarrels and revolts,
and to him resorted all those who wished to gain something unlaw.l
ful, so that many respected citizens hated him. This hate increased
so continuously that the party of the Blacks came to an open split,
because Messer Corso relied on his forces and his private influence,
and his adversaries on the government; but so impressive was his
bearing that everybody feared him. Nonetheless, in order to take
away from him the people's support-which by such means could
Corso Donati's Last Fight 1107
easily be destroyed-his enemies spread a rumor that he wished to
seize absolute power. For this rumor it was easy to get credit, be~
cause his way of living exceeded all private bounds. This belief
grew much stronger after he took as his wife a daughter ofDguccione
della Faggiuola, head of the Ghibelline and White party, and very
powerful in Tuscany.
CHAPTER 23
[The last fight and the death of Corso Donati. 1308]
This marriage, when it became known, gave his adversaries
courage, and they took up arms against him; for the same reasons
the people did not defend him; on the contrary, the greater part of
them joined with his enemies. The leaders of his adversaries were
Messer Rosso della Tosa, Messer Pazzino de' Pazzi, Messer Geri
Spini, and Messer Berto Brunelleschi. These, with their followers
and the greater part of the people having gathered armed in front of
the Palace, by means ofthe Signors laid before Messer Piero Branca,
Captain of the People, the accusation that with Uguccione's aid
Messer Corso was planning to make himself tyrant. After this he
was cited, and next pronounced a rebel for contempt of the author~
ities; between the accusation and the sentence there was no more
time than two hours. When the sentence had been pronounced, the
Signors, with the Companies of the People under their banners, set
out to attack him.
Messer Corso, on the other hand, not frightened by seeing many
of his followers abandon him, not by the sentence that had been
pronounced, not by the authority of the Signors, and not by the
numbers of his enemies, fortified himself in his mansion, hoping to
defend himself there until U guccione, for whom he had sent, came
to rescue him. He barred off his mansion and the streets around it
and then garrisoned them with his partisans. These so defended
them that the people, though in great numbers, could not take them.
So the fight was severe, with death and wounds on both sides. Since
the people saw that from the open places they could not overcome
him, they took possession ofthe houses next to his and, by breaking
their walls, through unexpected places entered into his house. Mes~
ser Corso, therefore, seeing himself surrounded by enemies and
1108 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book z
trusting no further in Uguccione's aid and despairing of victory,
resolved to see ifhe could find a means ofsafety. So he and Gherardo
Bordoni, forming a body with many of their strongest and most
trusted friends, made a rush on the enemy, and the latter opened
enough to let Corso's party, by dint of fighting, pass through; they
went out of the city by Porta alIa Croce. They were nevertheless
pursued by many, so that near the Affrico, Gherardo was killed by
Boccaccio Cavicciuli. Messer Corso also was overtaken and cap~
tured at Rovezzano by some Catalan cavalry in the pay of the
Signors. But in coming to Florence, in order not to look upon the
faces ofhis victorious enemies and be tortured by them, he let himself
fall from his horse; and as he lay on the ground, his throat was cut by
one of those who were conducting him. His body was taken up by
the monks of San Salvi and without any honor buried. Such was
the end of Messer Corso, to whom his city and the Black party
should acknowledge obligation for many good things and many bad
ones. And ifhe bad had a quieter spirit, he would be more gratefully
remembered. Nevertheless, he deserves to be named among our able
citizens. True it is that his restlessness kept his city and his party
from remembering the debts they owed him, and at last he brought
death on himself and many ills on both of the others.
Uguccione, coming to his son~in~law's rescue, when he reached
Remoli heard that the people had overcome Messer Corso. Think~
ing therefore that he could not do him any good, he turned back, in
order not to harm himself without benefiting him.
CHAPTER 24
[Quiet after Corso's death; the Emperor Henry VII attacks Florence
in vain. 13°8-1313]
After Messer Corso's death, in the year 1308, there was a pause
in Florentine dissensions; and the citizens lived quietly until they
heard that Henry the Emperor with all the Florentine rebels was
coming into Italy; he had promised to restore them to their native
city. So the heads ofthe city, in order to have fewer enemies, decided
to diminish the number of exiles; therefore they decreed that all of
them should be restored except those to whom by name the law
forbade return. As a result, there remained outside the larger pan of
Florence Impregnable 1109
the Ghibellines and a few of the White party, among whom were
Dante Alighieri and the sons of Messer Veri de' Cerchi and of
Giano della Bella.
In addition, the Florentine rulers sent for aid to Robert King of
Naples; and being unable to get help as allies, they gave the city to him
for five years, in order that he might defend them as his vassals. The
Emperor in his passage followed the Pisan road and went through
the Maremma to Rome, where he was crowned in the year 1312.
Then, determined to master the Florentines, he came by way of
Perugia and Arezzo to Florence. He placed himself with his army
at the monastery of San Salvi, a mile from the city, where for fifty
days he remained without a.ny advantage. Hence, despairing of his
power to overthrow the government of that city, he went off to Pisa,
where he agreed with Frederick King of Sicily to make an expedi;
tion to the Kingdom. And having set out with his soldiers, when he
was hoping for victory and King Robert was in fear of ruin, on
reaching Buonconvento he died.
CHAPTER 2S
[The Florentines defeated by Uguccione at Montecatini; Lando di
Gubbio in Florence. 1314-1316]
A little later it happened that Uguccione della Faggiuola became
Lord of Pisa, and soon afierward of Lucca, where he was placed by
the Ghibelline party, and with the aid of those cities he did their
neighbors very great damage. In order to free themselves from it, the
Florentines asked King Robert to send his brother Piero to lead their
armies. U guccione on the other side kept increasing his power, and
by force and by trickery took many towns in V al d'Arno and in Val
di Nievole. When he then besieged Montecatini, the Florentines
decided that it was necessary to relieve the town, ifthey did not wish
that fire to burn all their country. So having gathered a large army,
they went into Val di Nievole, where they met Uguccione in battle
and after a great struggle were defeated. There died Piero the King's
brother, whose body was never found; with him more than two
thousand men were slain. Nor on Uguccione's side was the victory
happy, for in that battle one of his sons was killed, with many other
leaders of his army.
The Florentines, after this defeat, strengthened their towns round

about, and King Robert sent as their general the Count of Andria,
called Count Novello. Because of his conduct, or even because it is
natural to the Florentines that every government displeases them and
every happening divides them, the city, in spite of its war with
Uguccione, divided itself between the King's friends and his ene"
mies. The leaders of the enemies were Messer Simone della T osa,
the Magalotti, and certain men from the people who were more
influential in the government than others of their class. They at"
tempted sending to France and then to Germany for commanders
and soldiers, so that when these arrived they could drive out the
Count, who was governor for the King; but Fortune prevented them
from obtaining any. Nonetheless, they did not abandon their under"
taking. And as they sought for someone to revere, and could not
find him in France or in Germany, they found him in Gubbio.
Having first driven out the Count, they had Lando di Gubbio come
as executor or police officer; to him they gave complete power over
the citizens. This fellow was grasping and cruel, and going with
many armed men through the city, he took the life now of one man,
now of another, according to the decision of those who had chosen
him. And so overbearing did he become that he coined a false coin
with the Florentine stamp. without anybody's daring to oppose him.
To such greatness the discords of Florence had brought him! A
great, indeed, and a miserable city! for neither the memory of past
dissensions nor fear ofUguccione nor a king's influence could hold
her firm, so that she was in a most wretched state, being on the out"
side pillaged by Uguccione, and on the inside plundered by Lando
di Gubbio.
The King's friends and those opposed to Lando and his fol"
lowers were noble families, powerful men of the people and all the
Guelfs. Nevertheless, because their adversaries had the government
in their hands, they could not make themselves known without
serious danger. Yet, determined to free themselves from so dishonora"
ble a tyranny, they wrote secretly to King Robert that he should
appoint as his vicar in Florence Count Guido da Battifol1e. The
King at once decreed this, and though the Signors were opposed to
the King, the hostile party, because of the Count's good qualities,
dared not oppose him. Nevertheless he did not have much authori"
Fear Unites the City 1111
ty, because the Signors and the gonfaloniers of the Companies
supported Lando and his party.
While Florence was occupied with these difficulties, she was
visited by the daughter of King Albert of Germany, who was going
to meet Carl, King Robert's son, her husband. She was much
honored by the King's friends, who complained to her about condi"
tions in the city and about the tyranny of Lando and his partisans.
So before she went away, by means of her help and some from the
King, the citizens united, and Lando was stripped of his authority
and, rich in booty and reeking with blood, sent back to Gubbio.
In reforming the government, the King's control had been extended
for three years; and because already seven Signors had been chosen
from Lando's party, six were chosen from the King's party. After"
ward there were some magistracies with thirteen Signors, but later,
quite in accord with the ancient custom, the seven were resumed.
CHAPTER 26
[Prato deliveredfrom Castruccio Castracani. 1316-1323]
In these days the lordship of Lucca and of Pisa was taken from
Uguccione; Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, then became
their ruler. Because he was a young man, fiery and vigorous, and
fortunate in his undertakings, in a short time he became chief of the
Tuscan Ghibellines. In this matter the Florentines, having quieted
their civil discords, for some years thought, first, that Castruccio's
forces would not increase, and later, when against their expectation
they did increase, considered how they were going to defend them"
selves against him. And in order that the Signors should make
decisions on better advice, and carry them out with greater authority,
they chose twelve citizens, whom they named Good Men, without
whose advice and agreement the Signors were to do nothing im"
portant. Meanwhile the end of King Robert's rule had come, and
the city, now lord of herself, with the usual Rectors and magistrates
resumed her government. The great fear she had of Castruccio kept
her united.
After many attacks on the lords of Lunigiana, he attacked Prato.
Hence the Florentines, determined to rescue that town, locked their
shops and in a popular movement went there; near Prato they as"
sembled twenty thousand on foot and fifteen hundred on horseback.

And to take forces from Castruccio and add them to themselves, the
Signors through a proclamation made known that whatever Guelf
rebel came to the rescue of Prato would, after the campaign, be
restored to his native city; hence more than four thousand rebels
gathered there. This army of such size, with such speed brought to
Prato, so frightened Castruccio that, without trying the fortune of
battle, he retired toward Lucca. As a result, the nobles and the
people in the Florentine army held different opinions. The people
wished to pursue and attack Castruccio in order to destroy him; the
nobles wished to turn back, saying it was enough to have imperiled
Florence for the sake of freeing Prato. That had been proper, since
they had been forced by necessity, but now that the need had van;,
ished, and they might gain little and lose much, they should not
tempt Fortune. Not being able to agree, the army turned over the
decision to the Signors, who found in the councils the same differ;,
ences of opinion as between the people and the nobility. This
condition, when it became known in the city, brought into the
public squares many men who spoke very threatening words against
the nobility, so that the latter yielded in fear. This decision, made
late and by many unwillingly, gave the enemy time to retire in
safety to Lucca.
CHAPTER 27
[The city breaks her promise to the exiles. 1323]
This miscarriage made the people so angry with the nobles that
the Signors resolved not to observe the pledge given, on their order
and with their support, to the exiles. With a premonition ofthis, the
exiles determined to anticipate it; so at the head ofthe army, in order
to be the first to enter Florence, they presented themselves before the
city gates. This attempt having been foreseen was not successful;
those who had remained in Florence drove them back. Yet to see if
they could get by agreement what they had not obtained by force, the
exiles sent eight men as ambassadors to remind the Signors of the
pledge that had been given, and of the dangers they had undergone
in reliance on it, hoping for the promised reward. The nobles, be;,
lieving they were committed to the obligation, since they had promised
individually what the Signors had pledged, labored hard in the
A Conspiracy Revealed 1113
exiles' behal£ Yet the anger felt by the people generally-who were
not in the same temper as ifthey had been victorious in the campaign
against Castruccio-kept the nobles from succeeding. This brought
blame and dishonor upon the city.
As a result ofthe affair, since many ofthe nobles were angry, they
tried to gain by force what, when they requested it, was refused.
They made an arrangement with the exiles by which these were to
come armed to the city, and the nobles, who were inside the walls,
were to take arms in their behal£ Before the appointed day, this
plan was revealed. Hence the exiles found the city in arms and so
prepared for restraining those outside and frightening those inside
that nobody dared take up arms; hence without getting any results
the exiles gave up the attempt. After their departure there was a
desire to punish those believed most blameworthy for encouraging the
exiles. And though everybody knew who the offenders were, yet
nobody dared name them, much less give testimony against them.
Therefore, to learn the truth without reservation, it was decreed that
in the Councils everybody should write down the names of the
offenders and secretly give what he had written to the Captain. In
this way, accusation was brought against Messer Amigo Donati,
Messer Teghiaio Frescobaldi and Messer Lotteringho Gherardini.
These, since their judge was more sympathetic than their crimes
perhaps deserved, were punished with fines.
CHAPTER 28
[The method of choosing magistrates in Florence. 13 23]
The disturbances caused in Florence by the appearance of the
exiles at the gates showed that for the Companies of the People one
head alone was not enough. Therefore it was decreed that for the
future each Company should have three or four heads; hence to each
gonfalonier they added two or three officers whom they called pen"
non",bearers, so that in emergencies in which all the Company did
not need to come together, a part of it could act under a head. It
happens in all republics that after a striking event some old laws are
always annulled and others are renewed. So on this occasion, though
earlier the Signoria had been chosen at the time when it was to serve,
the Signors and the members of the College then in office, because
they had great power, took authority to choose the Signors who were
to sit for the next forty months. The names ofthese they put in a bag
and every two months drew them out for the coming term. But before
the end of the forty months came, because many citizens suspected
that their names had not been put in the bag, there was a new
bagging. From this beginning came the method of putting in a bag
for a long time the names of all who were to be magistrates, both in
the city and outside. Before this the councils elected successors at the
end of each term. These baggings were later called squittini. Because
they occurred every three years, or at the most every five, it was sup"
posed that they would save the city bother and remove the cause of
the disturbances that always arose at the choosing of every group of
magistrates, since there were many competitors. Since the Floren"
tines did not know how otherwise to get rid of such troubles, they
took this way, not realizing the harm concealed under this slight
convenience.
CHAPTER 29
[Castruccio defeats the Florentines at Altopascio. 1325]
It was the year 1325. Castruccio, having taken Pistoia, had
become so powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, deter"
mined to attack him and get Pistoia out of his control before he fully
mastered her. For that purpose they raised among their citizens and
allies twenty thousand infantry and three thousand horsemen. With
this army they besieged Altopascio, in order by occupying the town
to deprive Castruccio of power to aid Pistoia. Having succeeded in
capturing that place, the Florentines then went on toward Lucca,
laying the country waste; but by reason of their general's slight pru"
dence and less fidelity, they did not make much progress.
Their general was Messer Ramondo di Cardona. This man,
seeing that the Florentines in the past had been liberal with their
liberty, and had yielded it now to the King, now to the Legates, now
to other men of lower rank, inferred that if he brought them into
some necessity, it might easily happen that they would make him
prince. He did not fail to mention it often, and asked to have the
same authority in the city that they had given him in the armies; he
showed that otherwise he could not get the obedience necessary to a
general; and because the Florentines did not allow it to him, he kept
Tht Duke of Athens' Modesty 1115
on losing time and Castruccio gaining it, for to the latter came the
assistance that the Visconti and the other tyrants of Lombardy had
promised him. But after Messer Ramondo's army had been strength.l
ened, just as at first he could not win through his slight fidelity, so
afterward through his slight prudence he could not save himself; for
moving on slowly with his army, he was attacked by Castruccio
near Altopascio and in a great battle was defeated. Many citizens
were captured and killed, and with them Messer Ramondo, who for
his slight faith and his bad advice received from Fortune such
punishment as he deserved from the Florentines.
The damage that Castruccio after his victory did the Florentines
in plunder, prisoners, destruction and fire cannot be told; without
having any army opposed to him, for months he rode and plundered
as he chose. After so great a defeat, the Florentines thought it enough
to save their city.
CHAPTER 30
[Charles Duke of Calabria becomes ruler of Florence; Castruccio
takes Pistoia. 1326]
The Florentines were not, however, too frightened to provide
great supplies of money, hire soldiers and send to their allies for aid.
Nevertheless no provision was enough to restrain so powerful an
enemy. They were obliged to accept as their ruler Charles Duke of
Calabria, King Robert's son, ifthey wished him to defend them, for
since he was accustomed to being lord of Florence he preferred their
obedience to their alliance. But because Charles was tied up in the
Sicilian wars and therefore unable to come to take the lordship, he
sent to Florence as his vicar Walter, a Frenchman by birth and Duke
of Athens. Walter took possession of the city for Charles and ar.l
ranged the magistrates as he wished. Nevertheless his conduct was
l
so modest and so contrary to his nature that everybody loved him.
Charles, after settling the wars in Sicily, came to Florence with a
thousand horsemen. He made his entrance there in July in the year
1326. His coming deprived Castruccio offreedom to lay Florentine
territory waste without restraint. Nevertheless, such reputation as
was gained outside was lost inside: those damages not inflicted by
1. His nature as later revealed. See chap. 36, below.
enemies were suffered from friends, because without the Duke's

consent the Signors could not do anything, and in the period of one
year he got from the city four hundred thousand florins, notwith~
standing that according to their agreement with him the sum was not
to exceed two hundred thousand-so many were the burdens with
which every day he or his father weighed the city down.
To these damages were joined new fears and new enemies, for
the Ghibellines of Lombardy, on the appearance of Charles in
Tuscany, became so apprehensive that Galeazzo Visconti and the
other Lombard tyrants, with money and promises, got Ludwig of
Bavaria to cross into Italy, for against the Pope's will he had been
chosen Emperor. He came into Lombardy and thence into Tus~
cany, and with Castruccio's help made himself master of Pisa; from
there, freshly supplied with money, he went on to Rome. This
caused Charles to depart from Florence in his fear for the Kingdom;
as his vicar he left Messer Filippo da Saggineto. Castruccio, after
the departure of the Emperor, made himself master of Pisa, but the
Florentines by a conspiracy got Pistoia away from him. Castruccio
besieged her, and remained there with such great efficiency and
stubbornness that, although the Florentines many times made efforts
to relieve her and attacked now Castruccio's army, now his territory,
never with either force or ingenuity could they detach him from that
enterprise-such desire he had to punish the Pistolese and to over~
come the Florentines! Hence the Pistolese were forced to accept him
as lord. This affair, though it brought him so much glory, brought
upon him also so much toil that on returning to Lucca he died.
And because it is unusual for Fortune not to match a good or an
ill with another good or another ill, Charles, Duke of Calabria and
lord of Florence, also died in Naples, so that in a short time and
contrary to every expectation the Florentines were set free from the
rule of the one and the fear of the other. Since they were free, they
then reorganized their city and annulled the entire system of the old
councils; and they set up two ofthem, one ofthree hundred from the
people, the other of two hundred and fifty from the nobles and the
people. The first of these they called the Council of the People, the
second that of the Community.
Men Want What They Cannot Get 1117
CRAlJTER 3 I
I The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca)· Florence quiet from 1328
to 134 0; theflood of 1333]
The Emperor, when he arrived at Rome, set up an antipope and
arranged many things opposed to the Church; many others he tried
without result, so that at last he departed in disgrace and came to
Pisa. There, either because they took offense or because they were
not paid, about eight hundred German cavalry rebelled against him
l
and fortified themselves at Montechiaro above the Ceruglio. These,
after the Emperor had gone from Pisa into Lombardy, took Lucca
and drove out Francesco Castracani, who had been left there by the
Emperor. Thinking to get some profit from their spoil, they offered
that city to the Florentines for eighty thousand florins; on Messer
Simone della T osa's advice, Florence refused. This decision would
have been very useful to our city ifthe Florentines had always held to
that policy; because a little later they changed their minds, their
decision was very harmful. If then, for so low a price, they could
have had Lucca peacefully and did not want her, later, when they
did want her, they did not get ~her, though they would have paid a
much higher price-which was the reason why Florence many times,
with great damage to herself, changed her government. Lucca, then,
refused by the Florentines, was bought by Messer Gherardino Spi;
noli, a Genoese, for thirty thousand florins. And because men are
slower to take what they can have than they are to want what they
cannot get, as soon as they discovered Messer Gherardino's purchase,
and the low price for which he had got Lucca, the Florentines
burned with an extreme longing to have her, reproaching themselves
and him who had discouraged them. In order to get her by force,
since they had chosen not to buy her, they sent their soldiers to spoil
and plunder the Lucchese.
Meanwhile the Emperor had left Italy; and the Antipope as the
result of an arrangement by the Pisans had gone as a prisoner to
France. After the death of Castruccio in 1328, the Florentines were
quiet within their city until 1340, giving attention only to the external
affairs oftheir state; in Lombardy, on account ofthe coming ofKing
J. Now Montecarlo.
John ofBohemia, and in Tuscany, for the sake of Lucca, they made
many wars.
They also ennobled the city with new buildings, because, with
Giotto's advice, a painter very famous in those days, they then con~
structed the tower of Santa Reparata. In I 33 3, as the result of a
deluge, the waters ofArno in some places in Florence rose more than
twenty,four feet, destroying part of the bridges and many buildings.
With great care and expense the Florentines rebuilt what had been
destroyed.
CHAPTER 32
[Rebellion of the Bardi and Frescobaldi. 1340-1341]
But on the coming of the year 1340, new causes for change
appeared. At that time the powerful citizens had two ways for in~
creasing and keeping their power: first, they restricted the baggings
ofthe magistrates to make the offices always come to them or to their
friends; second, they were leaders in the choice ofthe rectors, in order
afterward to obtain favorable judgments from them. And on this
second method they put so high a value that, since the ordinary
rectors were not enough for them, they sometimes set up a third one.
So in these times they had in an extralegal manner employed, with
the title ofCaptain ofthe Guard, Messer Iacopo Gabriegli di Gubbio,
and given him full authority over the citizens. This man every day,
for the advantage of those who ruled, inflicted many injuries, and
among those injured were Messer Piero de' Bardi and Messer Bardo
Frescobaldi. They, being noble and naturally proud, could not bear
that a foreigner, wrongfully and for the advantage of a few powerful
men, should insult them. To get revenge they formed a conspiracy
against him and those in power. In this conspiracy were many noble
families, with some of the people to whom the tyranny of those in
power was hateful.
The arrangement among the conspirators was that each one
should assemble many armed men in his house, and the morning
after the holiday of All Saints, when everybody was in the churches
to pray for his dead relatives, they were to take arms, kill the Captain
and the leaders of those in office, and then, with new Signors and a
new constitution, reform the government. But because when resolu~
tions are dangerous, the more they are considered, the less willingly
To Conquer with Glory or to Die without Shame 1119
they are put in practice, conspiracies always are discovered whenever

there is an interval of time before their execution. One of the con~
spirators was Andrea de' Bardi, in whom, as he meditated on the
thing, fear of punishment became stronger than hope of revenge; he
revealed the whole to Jacopo Alberti, his brother~in~law. Jacopo
made it known to the Priors, and the Priors to those managing the
government. So because the affair was close to its danger point,
AII~Saints' Day being near, many citizens held a meeting in the
Palace; judging postponement dangerous, they urged the Signors to
ring the bell and call the people to arms. Taldo Valori was Gonfa~
lonier and Francesco Salviati one of the Signors. Being relatives of
the Bardi, these two did not favor the bell~ringing, asserting that it
was unwise to have the people take arms for every·trivial thing, be~
cause authority given to a multitude not restrained by any bridle
never does any good, and that to start strife is easy but to check it is
hard. Therefore they believed a better plan would be first to learn
the truth ofthe matter and then to inflict Lawful punishment rather
than to ruin Florence on the basis of a mere statement by attempting
to suppress the conspiracy with an uprising. Nowhere were these
words listened to, but with insulting acts and abusive words the
Signors were obliged to ring the bell. When it was rung, all the
people ran armed to the Piazza. I
On the other hand, the Bardi and Frescobaldi, seeing that they
were discovered, seized arms in order to conquer with glory or to die
without shame, hoping to defend the part of the city on the south
side of the river, where they had their houses. They fortified the
bridges, trusting in the aid they were expecting from the nobles of
the surrounding district and others of their friends. This plan was
thwarted by the people inhabiting that part of the city, who took
arms to aid the Signors. Hence, finding themselves surrounded, the
two families abandoned the bridges and withdrew into the street
where the Bardi lived, as stronger than any other; this they defended
bravely. Messer Jacopo di Gubbio, knowing that against him all
this conspiracy was directed, in fear of death and altogether be~
wildered and terrified, placed himself near the Palace of the Signors,
in the midst of his armed soldiers. But the other rulers, who were
less blameworthy, had more courage, especially the Podesta, Messer
1. The Piazza Signoria, in front of the present Palazzo Vecchio, the palace andfortress of
the Signors. See 2. 1S, above.
Maffeo da Carradi. He appeared where the fighting was going on

and, without being afraid ofanything, passed the Rubaconte bridge,
put himself among the swords of the Bardi, and made a sign that he
wished to speak with them. Whereupon their respect for the man,
his character, and his other great qualities made them at once lay
down their arms and quietly listen to him. With modest and serious
words, he blamed their conspiracy, showed the peril in which they
would be if they did not yield to this popular movement, gave them
hope that then they would be heard and judged with mercy, and
promised that for their reasonable complaints he would secure con"
sideration. Then returning to the Signors, he persuaded them not to
insist on conquering with the blood of their citizens and on judging
them unheard. And so much did he achieve that, with the Signors'
consent, the Bardi and the Frescobaldi with their friends left the city,
and without being impeded retired to their strongholds in the country.
When they had gone and the people had laid down their weap"
ons, the Signors began legal action only against those of the Bardi
and Frescobaldi families who had taken arms; to deprive them of
power, the Signors bought from the Bardi the walled towns of
Mangone and Vernia, and by law provided that no citizen should
possess a walled town within twenty miles of Florence. A few
months after this, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded and many others
of that family proclaimed rebels. It was not enough for those who
were governing that they had beaten and mastered the Bardi and
Frescobaldi, but-as men almost always do, who, the more authority
they have, the worse they use it and the more overbearing they
become-whereas earlier they set up a Captain of the Guard who
distressed Florence, now they added one for the surrounding district
and gave him very great power; hence men they suspected could not
live either in Florence or outside her. Thus those who were govern"
ing the city so angered all the nobles that they were prepared to sell
the city and themselves, in order to get revenge; while the nobles
were waiting for their chance, it came well and they used it better.
Steel against Gold 1121
CHAPTER 33
[Lucca lost to the Pisans)· the Duke of Athens. 1341-1342]
As a result of the many troubles in Tuscany and Lombardy, the
city of Lucca had come under the rule ofMastino della Scala lord of
Verona. This man, though according to agreement he was to hand
Lucca over to the Florentines, had not done so, because, being lord
of Parma, he thought he could hold her; for the pledge he had given
he cared nothing. So the Florentines, to avenge themselves, joined
with the Venetians and carried on such a war against him that he
was on the point of losing his whole territory. Nevertheless, the
Florentines gained no other profit than a little satisfaction of mind in
defeating Mastino, because the Venetians, as do all those with whom
the less powerful ally themselves, when they had gained Treviso and
Vicenza, made peace, without any regard for the Florentines.
But since a little later the Visconti, rulers of Milan, took Parma
from Mastino, and he judged that therefore he could no longer hold
Lucca, he decided to sell her. The competitors were the Florentines
and the Pisans; as the bargaining approached its end, the Pisans saw
that the Florentines, as the richer, were going to get her. So they
turned to force, and with the aid of the Visconti went to besiege
Lucca. The Florentines did not for that back out of the purchase
but, concluding their agreement with Mastino, paid part of the
money and for another part gave hostages. Then they sent Naddo
Rucellai, Giovanni di Bernardino de'Medici, and Rosso di Ric~
ciardo de' Ricci to take possession. These went into Lucca by force,
and Mastino's soldiers turned the city over to them. The Pisans
nonetheless continued their enterprise and with every effort sought to
get her by force, and the Florentines tried to free her from the siege.
After a long war, the Florentines, with loss in money and gain in
disgrace, were driven away, and the Pisans became masters ofLucca.
The loss of this city, as in such instances always happens, made the
people ofFlorence angry with their rulers, and in all places and in all
the public squares they openly denounced them, blaming their ava~
rice and their bad policies.
At the beginning of this war, twenty citizens were appointed to
manage it; they chose Messer Malatesta da Rimini as general of the
expedition. He carried it on with little courage and less prudence.
And because they sent to Robert King of Naples for aid, the King
sent them Walter duke of Athens. That man, by will of the Heav~
ens, which were preparing conditions for future evils, arrived in
Florence exactly at the time when the Lucchese expedition entirely
failed. Hence those Twenty, seeing that the people were angry,
thought by choosing a new general to fill them with new hope, and
by such a choice either to check or to remove the causes for slandering
themselves. So in order that the people also should have reason to
fear, and that the Duke of Athens could defend them with more
power, they put him in office first as Conservator, and then as general
of their men~at"arms.
The nobles, who for the reasons given above were discontented,
and many of whom had been acquainted with Walter when at
other times, in the name of Charles Duke of Calabria, he had ruled
Florence, thought the time had come when by ruining the city they
could put out the fire that was burning themselves. In their judg~
ment there was no other way to master the populace that had
persecuted them than to put themselves under a prince who, realizing
the merits of one party and the haughtiness of the other, would re~
strain the people and favor the nobles. To this belief they joined the
hope of the benefits their deserts would bring them if through their
efforts Walter became prince. They were, therefore, many times with
him in secret, urging him to take complete control and offering him
their aid to the utmost. To their influence and encouragement was
joined that of some families from the people: the Peruzzi, Ac~
ciaiuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi. These, burdened by debts they
could not pay from their own property, wished to pay them from that
of others, and with the slavery of their city to free themselves from
slavery to their creditors. All these persuasions fired the Duke's
ambitious spirit with greater greed for ruling. In order, then, to
give himself a reputation for being severe and just and in that way to
increase his favor among the lowest classes, he laid charges against
those who had directed the war over Lucca; he took the lives of
Messer Giovanni de'Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Alto~
viti, and punished many with exile, many with fines.
The Duke's Feigned Religon 1123
CHAPTER 34
[The Duke moves toward tyranny; some of the Signors reason with
him. 1342]
These executions greatly frightened the middle,.class citizens.
They pleased only the nobles and the lower class; the latter because
their nature is to take pleasure in evil, the former because they saw
themselves revenged for the many injuries they had received from the
people. As the Duke passed through the streets, loud voices praised
his gallant spirit, and everybody gave him open encouragement to
find out the frauds ofthe citizens and punish them. The function of
the Twenty was diminished, the Duke's reputation great, and fear of
him very great. Hence everybody, to show that he was his friend,
had the Duke's insignia painted on his house; the Duke lacked
nothing of being prince except the title. And since he thought he
could securely attempt anything, he informed the Signors that he
judged it necessary for the good ofthe city that he be granted author,-
ity without limit. He wished, therefore, since all the city agreed to it,
that they also should agree. All the Signors, though they had much
earlier foreseen their city's ruin, were alarmed by this request. Never,-
theless, though they knew their danger, in order not to fail their city,
courageously they refused.
Before that, in order to give himself a greater appearance of
religion and of kindness, the Duke had chosen for his dwelling the
convent ofthe Minor Friars ofSanta Croce; so in his eagerness to put
his wicked plan into practice, he had it announced by criers that on
the following morning all the people should assemble in the piazza
of Santa Croce, in his presence. By this proclamation, the Signors
were more frightened than earlier they had been by his words, and
they consulted with those citizens whom they judged to be lovers of
their country and of liberty. Nor did they imagine, knowing the
Duke's power, that they could use any other remedy than to beg him
and, in this condition where their force was not enough, to see
whether their prayers would suffice to divert him from the under,-
taking or to make his rule less harsh. Hence part ofthe Signors went
to talk with him, and one of them spoke to this effect:
"We come to you, My Lord, moved by your earlier requests and
now by the commands you have given for assembling the people, for
it seems to us certain that you intend to get unlawfully what we have

not granted you by law. It is not our intention to oppose your
designs with force, but only to show you how heavy will be the
weight that you are taking upon yourself, and how dangerous the
decision you are making, in order that always you may remember our
advice and that of men who, not for your profit but to vent their own
madness, advise you differently.
"You seek to make a slave of a city that has always lived free,
because the lordship we once granted to the royal house of Naples
was alliance and not servitude. Have you considered how important
and how strong in a city like this is the name of liberty, which no
force crushes, no time wears away, and no gain counterbalances ~
Consider, My Lord, what great forces are needed to hold as a slave
so great a city. Those whom-foreigners-you can always get are
not enough. Those inside you cannot trust, because they who are
now your supporters and who encourage you to make this decision,
first through your authority will overcome their enemies, and then
will try to find a way for destroying you and making themselves
rulers. The common people, in whom you trust, are whirled about
by any accident, however slight. Hence, in a short time you must
fear that all this city will be hostile. This will give cause for her ruin
and yours. Against this evil you cannot find defense; because those
rulers only can make their rule secure who have few enemies, such as
by death or exile they can easily destroy. But in the midst of uni"
versal hatred no security is ever to be found, because you do not know
from where the evil is going to come; and he who fears all men can"
not secure himself against anybody, and if you do try to do so, you
augment your dangers, because those who are left are more fiery in
their hate and more prepared for vengeance. That there is not time
enough for destroying our desire for liberty is most certain, because in
a city one often sees it taken up again by men who never have ex"
perienced it, but merely because of the tradition that their fathers
have left them they continue to love it; therefore, when it has been
regained, with the utmost stubbornness and peril they preserve it.
And even if their fathers have not recalled it, the public buildings,
the offices of the magistrates, the insignia of the free organizations
recall it. Of a certainty the citizens will perceive t he meaning 0
these things with the utmost longing.
"What actions do you intend yours shall be that can counterpoise
Only Freely Given Power Is Durable 1125
the sweetness of free government or can cause men to lack all desire
for their present state~ Not if you should join to this state all of
Tuscany, and ifevery day you should return into this city triumphant
over your enemies; because all that glory would be not hers but
yours, and the citizens would gain not subjects but fellow slaves,
who would assist in laying on the Florentines a heavier burden of
servitude. And though your conduct be holy, your manners benig"
nant, your judgments just, they will not be enough to make you
loved. If you think they will be enough, you deceive yourself, be"
cause to one wonted to living unbound, every chain has weight and
every bond pinches. So to find a violent government joined with a
good prince is impossible, because of necessity either they become
alike or one by the other is quickly destroyed. You must then be"
Iieve either that you can hold this city with the utmost violence
(something for which citadels, garrisons, friends from outside are
many times not enough) or must be content with what authority we
have given you. To this we encourage you by reminding you that
only authority freely given is durable; so do not decide, blinded by a
little ambition, to get yourselfinto a place whence, since you cannot
remain there or climb higher, by sheer necessity you will fall, with
the greatest injury to yourself and to us."
CHAPTER 3S
[The Duke of Athens seizes supreme power. 1342 ]
No effect ofany sort did these words have on the Duke's hardened
mind. He said it was not his purpose to take away the city's liberty,
but to give it back again, because only disunited cities were slaves
and united ones free. And if Florence, through his government,
was rid of factions, ambitions, and enmities, he would give back-
not take away-her liberty, and not his own ambition but the prayers
of many citizens led him on to undertake this duty. Therefore the
Signors addressing him would do well to be pleased with what
pleased the others. As to the dangers into which he might enter as
a result ofthis, he did not regard them, because it is the part ofa man
who is not good to abandon what is right through fear of ill, and of
a cowardly one not to carry on a glorious undertaking, because its
outcome is uncertain. He believed his conduct would be such as to
make them soon recognize that they had trusted him too little and
feared him too much. Thereupon the Signors, seeing they could not
do anything useful, agreed that on the next morning the people
should meet on their Public Square, and that with popular sanction
the Duke should receive the sovereignty for a year, under the same
conditions as Charles Duke of Calabria earlier accepted.
It was the eighth day of September in the year 1342 when the
Duke, accompanied by Messer Giovanni della Tosa and all his
companions and by many other citizens, came to the Public Square.
Together with the Signoria he mounted the ringhiera, for so the Floren~
tines called the steps in front of the Signors' Palace. There the
agreements made between the Signoria and him were read to the
people. And when they came, in the course of reading, to that part
where for one year he obtained sovereignty, there was a shout among
the people: "For life!" On the rising ofMesser Francesco Rustichegli,
one of the Signors, to speak and calm the disturbance, his words
were interrupted with shouts. Hence, with the people's consent, not
for one year but for life he was chosen ruler, and taken up and
carried among the multitude which was shouting his name through~
out the Square. It is the custom that he who is in charge of the
Palace guard should, in the Signors' absence, be locked inside; that
office Rinieri di Giotto was then holding. Bribed by the Duke's
friends, without awaiting any violence, he put the Duke inside, and
the Signors, bewildered and dishonored, returned to their houses.
By the Duke's retinue the Palace was sacked, the people's banner
torn up, and his ensigns placed above the Palace. This took place
to the incredible sorrow and affliction of good men, and to the great
pleasure ofthose who through either ignorance or malice agreed to it.
CHAPTER 36
[The bad government of the Duke; a conspiracy against him. 1343]
The Duke, when he had gained dominion, in order to deprive of
influence those who were accustomed to act as liberty's defenders,
forbade the Signors to hold their meetings in the Palace, and a~
signed them a private house. He took away the ensigns from the
gonfaloniers ofthe Companies ofthe People; he abolished the Ordi~
nances ofJustice made against the nobles; he freed the prisoners from
The Tyrant Caters to the Populace 1127
the jails; he had the Bardi and Frescobaldi return from exile. He
forbade everybody to carry arms. And to be better able to defend
himself from those inside Florence, he made friends of those outside.
He showed great favor, therefore, to the Aretines and all the other
Florentine subjects; he made peace with the Pisans, though he had
been made prince so that he would carryon that war; he confiscated
the treasury bills of merchants who had lent money to the republic
for the Lucchese war; he increased the old imposts and established
new ones; he deprived the Signors of all authority. His rectors
were Messer Baglione of Perugia and Messer Guglielmo of Assisi,
with Whom, and with Messer Cerrettieri Bisdomini, he took
council. The taxes he levied on the citizens were heavy and his
judgments unjust; the severity and kindness he had pretended were
transformed into pride and cruelty, so that many citizens who were
nobles or highly esteemed men of lower rank were fined or put to
death or tortured in strange ways. And in order not to conduct
himself better outside the city than inside, he established six rectors
for the surrounding district, who oppressed and plundered the coun;
try people.
He was suspicious ofthe nobility, though they had benefited him
and he had restored many of them to their native city, because he
could not believe that lofty spirits, such as are likely to be found
among the aristocracy, could under his sway feel contented. There;
fore he turned to benefiting the lower class, thinking that with their
aid and that of foreign arms his tyranny could be preserved. So on
the coming of the month of May, a time in which the people are
wont to have festivals, he established for the lower class and the
humble people more companies, to which, honoring them with
splendid titles, he gave banners and money, so that one part of them
went through the city in festive array and the other with great pomp
received those who were celebrating. When the report was spread of
the new authority of this man, many of the French people came to
visit him, and to all of them, as to trusted friends, he gave high
position, so that in a short time Florence became subject not merely
to the French but to their manners and clothing, because men and
women, without any respect for orderly life or any shame, imitated
them. But above everything else, that which caused indignation
was the violence that he and his followers rashly used upon women.
So the citizens were filled with indignation when they saw the
majesty of their state ruined, her customs destroyed, her statutes

annulled, all honorable living corrupted, all public modesty ex~
tinguished. Those accustomed not to see any regal splendor could
not but feel pain whenever they encountered that ruler, surrounded
with armed retainers on foot and on horseback. For thus, seeing
their shame near at hand, they were forced to honor him whom they
especially hated. To their pain was added fear, since they saw the
frequent executions and incessant taxes with which he impoverished
and devoured the city. Their anger and fear the Duke knew and
dreaded. Nevertheless he determined to show everybody that he
believed the citizens loved him. For this reason, when Matteo di
Morozzo, either to get favor or to free himself from peril, revealed to
the Duke that the Medici family with some others had conspired
against him, the Duke not only did not investigate the charge but
inflicted on the discloser a disgraceful death. By that decision he
deprived of resolution those who would have warned him about his
safety and gave it to those seeking his ruin. He also had Bettone
Cini's tongue cut out with such great cruelty that he died of it, be~
cause Bettone railed at the taxes laid on the citizens. This incident
increased the anger of the citizens and their hatred for the Duke,
because a city accustomed to doing and speaking of everything and
with the utmost latitude, could not endure to have her hands bound
and her mouth tight shut.
This anger and this hatred so increased, then, that not merely the
Florentines-who cannot keep their liberty and yet cannot endure
servitude-but the most servile of peoples would have flamed up for
the regaining of their liberty. Hence many citizens, of every sort,
determined to lose their lives or to have their liberty again; and in
three parties, by three kinds of citizens, three conspiracies were made:
the nobles, the people of some wealth, and the working men. They
were moved, in addition to general causes, through realization by the
nobles that they were not going to get control of the government
again, by the people of the middle class that they had lost it, and by
the working men that their earnings were diminishing.
At that time the Archbishop of Florence was Messer Agnolo
Acciaiuoli, who in his sermons had earlier praised the Duke's ac~
tions and won him much favor with the people. But when he saw
the Duke in power and realized his tyrannical ways, he knew that he
had deceived his own city, and to make good the fault he had com"
Conspiracies Revealed 1129
mitted, he believed he had no other means than that the hand that
gave the wound should heal it. So he made himselfhead ofthe first
and strongest conspiracy; in it were the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi,
Scali, Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. Of one of the
other two, the heads were Messers Manno and Corso Donati; and
with these were the Pazzi, Cavicciuli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. Ofthe
third, the leader was Antonio Adimari; and with him were the Medi;,
ci,I Bordoni, Rucellai, and Aldobrandini. At first these thought of
killing him in the Albizzi mansion, where he was going on St.
John's day to see the horses race, as they supposed, but since he did
not go there, they did not succeed. ~'hey thought of attacKing #him
when he was going through the city for pleasure, but saw that this
method was difficult because he usually went well accompanied and
armed, and always varied his routes, so that they could not await him
in any certain place. They talked of killing him in the Council
Chamber, but they knew that there, even though he was killed, they
would be in the power of his forces.
While among the conspirators these things were being discussed,
Antonio Adimari revealed himself to some of his Sienese friends, in
order to get soldiers from them, disclosing to them part of the con;,
spirators and asserting that the whole city was inclined to free hersel£
One of the Sienese spoke of the matter to Messer Francesco BruneI;,
leschi, not to expose it, but in the belief that he too was one of the
conspirators. Messer Francesco, either in fear for himself or in his
hatred for the others, revealed it all to the Duke. Therefore Pagolo
del Mazzeca and Simone da Monterappoli were arrested. By reveal;,
ing the quality and the number of the conspirators, they frightened
the Duke, and he was advised rather to summon them than to arrest
them because, if they fled, he would without disorder, by means of
their exile, make himself secure. So the Duke had Antonio Adi;,
mari summoned, and he, confiding in his companions, at once
appeared. He was imprisoned. Messer Francesco Brunelleschi and
Messer U guccione Buondelmonti advised the Duke to ride armed
through the city and to put to death those he arrested. But he did
not think it a good thing, since for so many enemies his forces were
too small. And therefore he chose another plan, by means ofwhich,
if it had succeeded, he would have secured himself against his ene;,
1. The Medici here appear with others as leaders of the humble Florentines; otherwise they
would be ranked among those engaged in the second conspiracy.
mies and made provision against their forces. The Duke was in the
habit of calling citizens together to give him advice on current mat~
terse So, after sending out of the city to obtain soldiers, he made a
list ofthree hundred citizens, and had them summoned by his officers,
with the excuse that he wished to consult with them, and when they
had come together, he intended to get rid of them, either with death
or with imprisonment. The arrest of Antonio Adimari and the
sending for the soldiers, which could not be done secretly, had
frightened the citizens, especially those who were guilty, so that the
more courageous said they were not going to obey. And because
everybody had read the list, they learned about each other, and were
given courage to take arms and plan to die like men with arms in
their hands, rather than like cattle to be led to the slaughterhouse, so
that in a short time the three groups ofconspirators were all disclosed
to each other. Hence they decided on the day following, which was
the twenty~sixth ofJuly, 1343, to start an uproar in the Old Market~
place, and afier that to arm themselves and call the people to liberty.
CHAPTER 37
[The Duke is expelled from the city. 1343]
When the next day came, at the stroke of nones, according to
arrangement, the conspirators took arms, and on hearing the word
liberty all the people armed themselves; each man got ready for
fighting in his neighborhood, under banners with the people's in~
signia which the conspirators had prepared secretly. All the heads of
families, both noble and from the people, came together and pledged
their own defense and the death of the Duke, except some of the
Buondelmonti and the Cavalcanti and those four families from the
people that had joined to make him ruler. These, with the butchers
and others ofthe lowest class, gathered in arms on the Public Square
in support ofthe Duke. At this uproar the Duke armed the Palace;
his followers, who were lodged in various places, mounted their
horses to go to the Public Square. On the way they were in many
places attacked and killed; yet about three hundred cavalry got there.
The Duke was uncertain whether he should go out and fight his
enemies or whether, remaining inside, he should defend the Palace.
On the other hand, the Medici, Cavicciuli, Rucellai, and other
families whom he had most injured feared that ifhe should come out
Belated Concessions 1131
many who had taken arms against him would show themselves his
friends; so, to give him no chance for coming out and increasing his
force, they united and attacked the Public Square. At their ap"
proach, those families from the people who had openly declared for
the Duke, seeing that they were boldly attacked, changed their opin"
ion, since the Duke's fortune had changed, and all sided with their
fellow citizens except Uguccione Buondelmonti, who went into the
Palace, and Messer Gianozzo Cavalcanti, who, retreating with part
of his associates into the New Marketplace, got on a bench and
begged the people who were going armed to the Public Square to go
on the Duke's behalf; to terrify them, he exaggerated his forces and
threatened that they would all be killed ifthey stubbornly continued
their attempt against the ruler. Not finding a man who would fol"
low him or one who would punish him for his arrogance, and seeing
that he worked in vain, in order to tempt Fortune no longer, he
retired to his house.
Meanwhile, the combat in the Public Square between the popu"
lace and the soldiers ofthe Duke was severe; though the Palace gave
aid, the soldiers were overcome, and part surrendered to their enemies,
part, leaving their horses, fled into the Palace. While in the Square
the fighting was going on, Corso and Messer Amerigo Donati, with
part ofthe people, broke open the Stinche, burned the writings ofthe
Podesta and ofthe Public Chamber, sacked the Rectors' houses, and
killed such officers of the Duke as they could take. The Duke, on
the other hand, seeing that he had lost the Square, that all the city
was hostile, and that he was without hope of any aid, attempted to
gain the people over by various kind acts; having the prisoners come
before him, with loving and gracious words he freed them; Antonio
Adimari, though to that man's displeasure, he made a knight. He
had his ensigns removed from over the palace and those of the
people put there-things which, done late and at the wrong time,
because they were forced and without generosity, helped him little.
Meanwhile he was anxious, besieged in the Palace, for he saw that
by wanting too much he had lost everything, and feared that either
by hunger or by steel he would in a few days have to die.
The citizens, to give form to the government, went to Santa
Reparata and put in authority fourteen citizens, half nobles and half
from the people, who with the Bishop had complete power to re"
organize the government ofFlorence. They also chose six who would
have the Podesta's power until the arrival of him who was chosen.
Many had come to Florence to assist the people, among whom
were some Sienese with six ambassadors, men in their native city
much respected. These tried to arrange terms between the Duke and
the people, but the people refused to discuss any agreement until
Messer Guglielmo ofAssisi and his son were given into their power,
together with Messer Cerrettieri Bisdomini. By no means did the
Duke wish to agree, but, threatened by the people who were shut up
with him, he let himself be compelled. It is evident beyond doubt
that hatreds are greater and wounds more serious when liberty is got
back than when it is defended. So then Messer Guglielmo and his
son were put among thousands oftheir enemies-his son was not yet
eighteen years old; nevertheless not his age, not his beauty, not his
innocence could save him from the fury of the multitude-and they
who could not wound them when alive wounded them when dead
and, not sated by rending them with steel, tore them with their hands
and teeth. And that all their senses might be satisfied with revenge,
after having first heard their laments, seen their wounds, touched their
torn bodies, they let taste also take pleasure in them, so that, since all
the outside parts had been sated, those within might also gain satiety.
This insane fury, in proportion as it injured Messer Guglielmo and
his son, was useful to Messer Cerrettieri, because when the multitude
was exhausted with its cruelty to these two, it did not remember him;
not being further asked for, he remained in the Palace, from which,
the night after, certain of his relatives and friends safely brought
him out.
The multitude's rage having vented itself on the blood of these
two, an agreement was made: the Duke with his men and property
was permitted to go out in safety; he must renounce all the rights he
had to Florence; then, outside the Dominion, in the Casentino, he
must ratify his renunciation. After this agreement, on the sixth day
ofAugust, he departed from Florence accompanied by many citizens,
and when he had arrived in the Casentino, he ratified his renuncia"
tion, though unwillingly; he would not have kept his pledge if
Count SimonI had not threatened to take him back to Florence.
This Duke, as his conduct showed, was avaricious and cruel;
in interviews unpleasant, in replies arrogant; he desired the servitude,
1. Count of Poppi in the Casentino.
l
Gaining by Running Away 1133
not the good will of men; therefore he wished to be feared rather than
to be loved. Nor was his appearance less hateful in its nature than
were his manners, for he was little and dark, his beard was long and
thin, so that in every way he deserved to be hated. Hence in the
space often months his wicked conduct took from him the lordship
which the wicked advice of others had given him.
CHAPTER 38
[Revolt of various Tuscan cities. 1343]
These events in the city gave courage to all the towns subject to
the Florentines to return to their liberty, so that Arezzo, Castiglione,
Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San Gimignano rebelled. Hence Flor~
ence, in an instant, was deprived ofher tyrant and ofher empire, and
in regaining her own liberty, she taught her subjects how to regain
theirs. After the expulsion ofthe Duke and the loss of their empire,
the fourteen citizens and the Bishop decided it was better to please
their subjects with peace than to make them enemies with war, and
to show that they were as well pleased with the liberty of others as
with their own. Therefore they sent ambassadors to Arezzo to re~
nounce the control they had over that city and to establish an
agreement with the Aretines so that though Florence could not have
their support as subjects, she could still get assistance from them as
allies. With the other towns also Florence made such agreements as
she could, asking only that the towns would continue as her allies, so
that their free citizens could help Florence keep her liberty.
This policy, prudently adopted, had a most happy result, because
Arezzo not many years later came back under Florentine sovereignty,
and the other cities in a few months were brought back to their earlier
subjection. Thus many times things are gained more quickly and
with fewer dangers and expense by running away from them than by
striving with all one's force and determination to overtake them.
CHAPTER 39
[The new government of Florence; quarrels between rich and middle
class. 1343]
Having quieted things outside, the Florentines turned to those
inside. And after some dispute between the nobility and the people,
they decided that the nobility should have a third part in the Signoria,
and half in the other offices. As we showed above, the city was
divided into sixths, so that always six Signors were chosen, one from
each sixth, except that, because of something unusual, sometimes
twelve or thirteen were elected, but soon after they were put back to
six. It appeared good, therefore, to reorganize her in this matter,
both because the sixths were badly distributed and because, if part
were to be given to the nobles, the number of the Signors had to be
increased. So they divided the city into quarters, and from each one
chose three Signors. They omitted the Gonfalonier of Justice and
those ofthe Companies ofthe People, and in exchange for the twelve
Good Men, eight Councillors, four of each sort, were set up.
On the confirming of a government with this organization, the
city would have been quiet if the nobles had been content to live
with the modesty demanded by life as citizens, but they did the
opposite, because in private life they tolerated no equals, and in the
magistracies they were determined to be lords, and every day there
was some instance of their arrogance and pride. This offended the
people, who lamented that for one tyrant who had been removed a
thousand had sprung up. There was such an increase, then, in one
party's arrogance and the other's anger that the heads of the people
showed the Bishop the nobles' lack of integrity and their poor co;
operation with the people, and persuaded him to try to arrange to
satisfy the nobility with their part in the other offices, entirely aban;
doning to the people the magistracy ofthe Signors. N ow the Bishop
naturally was good, but it was easy to turn him now in this, now in
that direction. As a result, at the urging of his companions he had
first favored the Duke of Athens, and later, on the advice of other
citizens, had conspired against him. He had, in the reorganization
of the government, favored the nobles, and so it now seemed to him
right to favor the people, moved by the reasons that those unaristo;
cratic citizens presented to him. Believing he would find in others
the same instability as in himself, he supposed he could bring the
thing about by agreement. So he assembled the Fourteen, who still
had not lost their authority and, with the best words he could use,
encouraged them to consent to yield the office of the Signoria to the
people, promising as a result the quiet ofthe city, otherwise ruin and
undoing for theolselves. These words roused to great anger the spirits
ofthe nobles, and Messer Ridolfo de' Bardi in harsh words censured
Popular Government 1135
him, calling him a man of little fidelity, and rebuking him as fickle
for his friendship with the Duke, and as a traitor for the Duke's
expulsion. And he ended by saying that those offices which with
danger to themselves they had secured, they were resolved with
danger to themselves to defend.
With the others, he left the Bishop's presence in anger, and made
it known to his associates and to all the noble families. The leaders
of the people also expressed their opinion. And while the nobles
with their helpers were getting ready for the defense of their Signors,
the people decided not to wait until they were in order, and ran
armed to the Palace, shouting that they wanted the nobles to re"
nounce the magistracy. The noise and disturbance were great. The
Signors saw that they were abandoned, because the nobles, seeing all
the people armed, did not dare to take arms, and each man remained
in his mansion. Hence the non~aristocratic Signors first made an
effort to quiet the people by insisting that their companions were
modest and good, but did not succeed. Then, as the least bad choice.,
they sent the aristocratic Signors each man to his own house, where
with difficulty they were safely brought. When the nobles had left
the Palace, the four noble Councillors were also deprived of their
offices, which were given to twelve men of the people. The eight
Signors who were left chose a Gonfalonier of Justice and sixteen
gonfaloniers for the Companies of the People, and reorganized the
councils in such a way that the entire government was in the control
of the people.
CHAPTER 40
[The rebellion of Andrea Strozzi; the nobility and the people prepare
for civil war. 1343]
While these things were going on, there was a serious shortage of
food in the city, so that the nobles and humbler people were both
discontented, the latter through hunger, the former because they had
lost their offices. This situation gave Messer Andrea Strozzi the belief
that he could seize the liberty ofthe city. He sold his grain at a lower
price than the others, and so at his house many people gathered.
Hence one morning he took courage to mount his horse, with some
supporters following him, and to call the people to arms; in a short
time he brought together more than four thousand men, with whom
he went to the Square ofthe Signors and asked that the Palace should
be opened to them. But the Signors with threats and arms got them
away from the Square. Then they so frightened the rioters with
proclamations that little by little they all returned to their houses;
hence Messer Andrea, finding himself alone, with difficulty saved
himself from the hands of the magistrates by flight.
This attempt, though it was foolhardy and had such an end as
similar risings are wont to have, gave the nobles hope that they could
overcome the people, since the lowest class was at variance with the
more prosperous. In order not to lose this opportunity, the nobles
decided to furnish themselves with all sorts of assistance, in order to
get again by force, reasonably, what unjustly by force had been taken
from them. And they grew into such confidence ofsuccess that they
openly provided themselves with arms, fortified their houses, and sent
to their friends, as far as Lombardy, for help. The people also,
together with the Signors, made their preparations, arming themselves
and calling on the Perugians and the Sienese for aid. Already some
help for both sides had appeared; the whole city was under arms.
By this time the nobles had assembled on the north side of Arno
in three places: at the houses of the Cavicciuli near San Giovanni,
at the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati near San Piero Maggiore,
at those of the Cavalcanti in the New Marketplace. Those on the
south side of Arno were fortified at the bridges and in the streets
passing their houses: the Nerli at the Ponte alIa Carraia, the Fresco~
baldi and Mannegli at Santa Trfnita, the Rossi and Bardi at the
Ponte Vecchio and Rubaconte were ready for defense. The people
on the other hand, under the Gonfalon ofJustice and the banners of
the Companies of the People, had united their forces.
CHAPTER 41
[The rich are defeated. 1343]
In these conditions, the people decided that they should no longer
defer the combat. The first that moved were the Medici and the
Rondinegli, who attacked the Cavicciuli on that side where the
Piazza of San Giovanni gives entrance to their houses. There the
combat was serious, because from the towers they were struck with
stones and from below they were wounded with cross~bows. This
Fortress"Bridges on Arno 1137
battle lasted three hours; and all the time the people were increasing,
so that the Cavicciuli, seeing themselves outnumbered b)C the multi"
tude and lacking help, were frightened and gave themselves into the
hands ofthe people. These protected for them their houses and their
property; they merely took away their arms and commanded that,
without weapons, they should scatter among the houses of such of
the people as were their relatives and friends. After the success of
this first attack, the Donati and Pazzi were also easily defeated, be"
cause they were less powerful than the others. There remained on the
north side ofArno only the Cavalcanti, who in men and in physical
situation were strong. Nonetheless, seeing all the companies against
them and the others overcome by three companies only, without
making much resistance they surrendered.
Already three parts of the city were in the hands of the people;
there remained one in the hands of the noblest but it was the most
difficult, both because of the strength of those who defended it and
because ofits site, since it was protected by the Arno River, so that it
was necessary to win the bridges, which were defended in the ways
described above. The Ponte Vecchio was the first attacked; it was
vigorously maintained, because the towers were armed, the streets
were barricaded, and the barricades were defended by very spirited
men, so that the people were driven back with serious loss. Real"
izing, as a result, that there they were laboring in vain, they tried to
cross on the Ponte Rubaconte, and finding there the same difficulties,
they left as a guard for those two bridges four companies, and with
the others attacked the Ponte alIa Carraia. Though the Nerli vigor"
ously defended themselves, they could not sustain the fury of the
people, both because the bridge (not having towers that defended it)
was weaker, and because the Capponi and other popular families
who were their neighbors attacked them. So, being assailed on all
sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave passage to the people,
who after this overcame the Rossi and the Frescobaldi, so that all the
people on the other side ofthe Arno joined with the winners. There
remained, then, only the Bardi, whom neither the overthrow of the
others, nor the union ofthe people against them, nor their slight hope
of aid could terrify; they preferred either to die in combat or to see
their houses burned and sacked than of their own will to submit to
the power of their enemies. They defended themselves, therefore, so
well that the people tried many times in vain, both at the Ponte
Vecchio and at the Ponte Rubaconte, to defeat them. And always

with death and wounds for many they were driven back. It hap."
pened that in times past a street had been made leading from the Via
Romana and passing among the houses ofthe Pitti to the walls built
on the hill of San Giorgio. By this street the people sent six com."
panies, with the arrangement that from the rear they should attack
the houses ofthe Bardi. This attack made the Bardi lose courage and
made the people succeed in their attempt, because, when those
guarding the barricades in the streets learned that their houses were
attacked, they abandoned the combat and ran to their defense. This
enabled the people to take the barricade of the Ponte Vecchio, and
the Bardi were everywhere put to flight; they were sheltered by the
Quaratesi, the Panzanesi, and the Mozzi. The people (the most
worthless part ofthem) thirsty for booty, in the meantime spoiled and
sacKed an the "Bardi houses, and destroyed and -burned their pa1aces
and towers with such fury that of such great ruin the cruelest enemy
of the Florentine name would have been ashamed.
CHAPTER 42
[The Florentine nobility ruined; pestilence. 1343-1353]
When the nobility were conquered, the people reorganized the
government, and because there were three sorts of people, the power."
ful, the average and the lowly, they arranged that the powerful should
have two Signors, the average three, and the lowly three; the Gonfa."
lonier was to be now of one, now ofthe other class. Besides this, all
the Ordinances of Justice were re."enacted against the nobles and
(further weakening them) many nobles were mingled with the gen'"
eral multitude. This ruin ofthe nobles was so great and so humbled
their party that never afterwards did they have courage to take arms
against the people; on the contrary they steadily became more courte."
ous and abject. Thus Florence was stripped not merely of arms but
of all magnanimity.
After this ruin, the city continued quiet until the year 1353. That
was the time of that memorable plague made famous with such
eloquence by Messer Giovanni Boccaccio; in Florence it destroyed
more than ninety."six thousand souls. Also the Florentines carried on
their first war with the Visconti, caused by the ambition ofthe Arch."
Fortune a Foe 1139
bishop, then prince of Milan. No sooner was this war ended than
party strife within the city began, for though the nobility was de-'
stroyed, nonetheless Fortune did not lack ways for making new
dissensions cause new woes.
BOOK THREE
[FLORENCE FROM 1353 TO 14 1 4]
CHAPTER I
[Enmity between nobles and people in Rome and in Florence]

The serious and natural enmities between the people and the
nobles, caused by the latter's wish to rule and the former's not to be
enthralled, bring about all the evils that spring up in cities; by this
opposition of parties all the other things that disturb republics are
nourished. This kept Rome disunited. This, if small things with
great may be compared, has kept Florence divided, though in the
two cities diverse effects were produced, because the enmities that at
the outset existed in Rome between the people and the nobles were
ended by debating, those in Florence by fighting; those in Rome were
terminated by law, those in Florence by the exile and death of many
citizens; those in Rome always increased military power, those in
Florence wholly destroyed it; those in Rome brought that city from
an equality of citizens to a very great inequality; those in Florence
brought her from inequality to a striking equality.
It must be that this difference ofeffects was caused by the different
purposes of these two peoples, for the people of Rome wished to
enjoy supreme honors along with the nobles; the people of Florence
fought to be alone in the government, without any participation in
it by the nobles. Because the Roman people's desire was more rea;/,
sonable, their injuries to the nobles were more endurable, so that the
nobility yielded easily and without coming to arms; hence, after some
debates, they agreed in making a law with which the people would
be satisfied and by which the nobles would remain in their public
offices. On the other hand, the Florentine people's desire was harm;/'
ful and unjust, so that the nobility with greater forces prepared to
defend themselves, and therefore the result was blood and the exile of
citizens, and the laws then made were planned not for the common
profit but altogether in favor of the conqueror. From this it also
resulted that through the people's victories the city of Rome became
more excellent, because, along with nobles, men from the people
could be appointed to administer the magistracies, the armies, and
Florence More Despicable 1141
the high offices; thus the latter acquired the same ability the former
had, and that city, as she increased in excellence, increased in power.
But in Florence, since the people won, the nobles continued to be
deprived of high offices, and if they wished to get them again, they
were forced in their conduct, their spirit, and their way of living not
merely to be like the men of the people, but to seem so. From this
came the changes in ensigns, the alterations in the titles of families
that the nobles carried out in order to seem like the people. Hence
the ability in arms and the boldness ofspirit possessed by the nobility
were destroyed, and these qualities could not be rekindled in the
people, where they did not exist, so that Florence grew always weaker
and more despicable. Whereas Rome, when that excellence of her
citizens was turned into pride, was brought to such a pass that she
could not keep going without a prince, Florence has come to such a
condition that easily a wise lawgiver could reorganize her with al"
most any form of government. I
These things can in part be clearly recognized on reading the

preceding book, which has shown the birth of Florence and the
beginning of her liberty, with the reasons for her divisions, and how
the parties of the nobles and of the people ended in tyranny by the
Duke of Athens and the ruin of the nobility. It now remains to
narrate the enmities between the people of the higher classes and
those of the lowest class, and the vari~us events they generated.
1. Cf the DISCOURSE ON REMODELING THE GOVERNMENT OF FLORENCE" on
the greater ease of establishing a republic" p_ 101" above.
CHAPTER 2
[The mercenaries of Monreale enter Tuscany} 1353)- the quarrels of the

Ricci and Albizzi]
When the power ofthe nobles had been overthrown and the war
with the Archbishop of Milan was finished, it seemed that in Flor"
ence no reason for division would be left. But our city's ill fortune
and her not"good laws made enmity arise between the Albizzi family
and the Ricci family. This enmity divided Florence, as earlier that
between the Buondelmonti and Uberti, and later that between the
Donati and Cerchi had divided her.
The pontiffs, who were then living in France, and the emperors,
who were in Germany, in order to maintain their reputations in
Italy, at various times sent soldiers of various nationalities in great
numbers, so that in those times there were English, Germans, and
Bretons in the country. These, when at the end of the wars they
were left without pay, served under the banner of some adventurer,
and made requisitions upon this prince and that one. In the year
1353, then, one ofthese companies came into Tuscany, led by Mon"
reale, a Proven~a1. His coming terrified all the cities ofthe province,
and the Florentines not merely provided soldiers by government
action, but also many citizens, among them the Albizzi and the
Ricci, took arms for their own safety.
These families were full of hatred against one another, and each
was considering how to put the other down, in order to gain first
place in the state. They had not yet, however, come to blows, but
opposed one another merely in the magistracies and the councils.
When the whole city was armed, then, there chanced to be a quarrel
in the Old Marketplace, where many people gathered, as is usual
when such things happen. As the news spread, a report came to the
Ricci that the Albizzi were attacking them, and to the Albizzi that
the Ricci were coming to assail them. The city was all upset by this,
and the magistrates with difficulty managed to restrain both families,
so that the combat, which by chance and without the fault of either,
had been rumored, would not actually occur. This event, though
slight, made their spirits still more fiery, and with greater effort each
one sought to gain partisans. Yet because already, through the ruin
ofthe nobility, the citizens had attained such equality that the magis"
trates were respected more than had been usual in the past, the two
families planned to gain superiority in a lawful way and without
private violence.
CHAPTER 3
[Guelfs and Ghibellines again; admonition. 1357-1366]
We have already related that, after the victory of Charles I, the
magistracy ofthe Guelf party was set up and received great authority
over the Ghibellines. This authority through time, through various
happenings, and through new divisions had so nearly fallen into
oblivion that many descended from Ghibellines held the chiefmagis"
tracies. Uguccione de' Ricci, therefore, head ofhis family, strove for
renewal of the law against the Ghibellines, among whom, as many
Ex post facto Laws Dangerous 1143
thought, were the Albizzi, who, having originated many years before
in Arezzo, had come to live in Florence. So U guccione by re~
newing this law intended to exclude the Albizzi from public offices,
since it laid down that any descendant from a Ghibelline would be
penalized if he carried on any duties as a magistrate. U guccione's
plan was discovered by Piero di Filippo degli Albizzi; and he
decided to favor it, thinking that if he opposed it he would himself
be declared a Ghibelline. This law, then, renewed by the ambition
of the other man, did not take away reputation from Piero degli
Albizzi but gave it to him, and was the beginning of many evils.
No law more damaging for a republic can be made than one that
looks back a long time.
Since, then, Piero favored the law, what his enemies had devised
to impede him became his road to greatness, because having made
himself the chief ofthis new party, he continually got new authority,
since this new sect of Guelfs favored him more than any other.
Because no magistrate would try to find out who the Ghibellines
were, and the law that had been made was not of much force, he
provided that authority should be given to the Captains to learn who
were Ghibellines, and when that had been learned, to notify them
and admonish them not to take any magistracy. Ifthey did not obey
this admonition, they were to be penalized. This is the reason why
all those in Florence who are deprived of power to act as magistrates
are called admonished. The Captains, then, as with time their boldness
increased, admonished without any hesitation not merely those who
deserved it but whomsoever they pleased, when moved by any sort of
avaricious or ambitious reason. And from 1357, when this plan was
begun, to 1366, more than two hundred citizens had already been
admonished. Through this the Captains and the faction of the
Guelfs became powerful, because everybody, through fear of being
admonished, showed respect to them and especially to their heads,
who were Piero degli Albizzi, Messer Lapo da Castiglionchio, and
Carlo Strozzi. Though this high~handed mode of proceeding ex~
asperated many, the Ricci were more vexed than any others, since
they knew they had caused this abuse, by which they saw that the
republic was ruined and that contrary to their plan their enemies the
Albizzi had become very powerful.
CHAPTER 4
[Further enmity between the Ricci and the Albizzi 1366-1371]
J
U guccione de' Ricci, then, being himself one of the Signors,

determined to end the evil that he and his associates had caused, and
with a new law he provided that to the six Captains of the Party
three should be added, two of which should come from the minor
gildsmen; and he provided that the Ghibellines who had been
discovered must be so declared by twenty"four Guelfcitizens, chosen
for that purpose. This provision for the time moderated to a great
extent the power of the Captains, so that the admonishing for the
most part disappeared; though some were admonished, they were but
few. Nevertheless, the factions of the Albizzi and the Ricci were
active; and they opposed laws, actions, and decisions because oftheir
hate for each other. So things went on with such troubles from 1366
to 1371, the time when the Guelf faction regained power.
In the Buondelmonti family there was a knight named Messer
Benchi, who by reason of meritorious deeds in a war against the
Pisans had been made one of the people; therefore he was qualified
to be one of the Signors. Yet when he expected to sit in that magis"
tracy, a law was made that no noble who had been made one of the
people should occupy it. This action greatly offended Messer Ben"
chi, who joined forces with Piero degli Albizzi; they determined
with admonition to crush the people ofthe lower class and to remain
alone in the government. Through the favor that Messer Benchi had
with the ancient nobility, and through that which Piero had with
the greater part ofthe influential men among the people, they caused
the Guelffaction to regain its power, and by means of new reorgani"
zations in the party, they so arranged things that they managed the
Captains and the Twenty"four Citizens as they pleased. Then they
went back to admonishing with more boldness than before, and the
Albizzi house, as head of that faction, always grew more powerful.
On the other side, the Ricci and their friends did not fail to impede
their designs as much as they could. Hence life was full offear, and
everybody dreaded complete ruin for himsel£
"Private Respects Must Yield" 1145
CHAPTER 5
[An oration on factions and disregard for the common good in Flor"
ence. 1372]
Hence many citizens, moved by love for their country, met in
San Piero Scheraggio, and after much debate among themselves
over these abuses, they went to the Signors, to whom the one of most
standing spoke as follows:
"Many of us, reverend Signors, were afraid to meet together by
private arrangement, even for a public reason, judging that we
would be marked as presumptuous or condemned as ambitious.
But having observed that every day, and without any precaution,
many citizens assemble in the loggias or in houses, not for any public
profit but for their own ambition, we judged that since these who
come together for the ruin of the republic have no fear, they too
should have no fear who come together for its good and profit, and
that we ought not to care what opinion others have about us, since
the others do not regard what opinion we have about them. The
love we bear, reverend Signors, to our native city has first made us
assemble, and now makes us come to you to talk ofthat evil which is
already great and which all the time is increasing in our republic, and
to offer ourselves as ready to assist you in getting rid of it. You can
succeed in this, though the undertaking seems difficult, if you will
disregard private concerns and use your authority over the public
forces.
"The general depravity of all Italian cities, reverend Signors, has
depraved and continues to deprave our city, because, from the time
when this region withdrew itselffrom under the power ofthe Empire)
its cities, not having a strong rein to guide them, have organized their
states and governments not as free but as divided into factions. From
this has come all the other ills, all the other enormities that appear in
them. First, there is among the citizens neither union nor friendship,
except among those who are sharers in some wickedness, undertaken
either against their city or against individuals. And because religion
and the fear of God have been extinguished in all men, an oath and
a pledge are valuable as far as they are profitable, for men employ
them not with the purpose of observing them, but to use them as
means for deceiving more easily. And the more easily and securely
the deception succeeds, the more glory and honor it gains. Hence
pernicious men are praised for their ingenuity, and good men blamed
as foolish. Truly in the cities of Italy all is collected that can be
depraved and that can deprave any man: the young are lazy, the old
licentious, and both sexes and every age abound in vile habits.
Good laws, because they are ruined by bad customs, do not remedy
this condition.
"The result is the avarice which the citizens display, and their
thirst not for true glory but for despicable honors depending on hates,
enmities, disputes, factions. From these result deaths, exiles, per;
secutions of the good, honors for the wicked. The good, trusting in
their innocence, do not seek, like the wicked, for those who will
unlawfully defend and honor them; hence they fall undefended and
unhonored. This situation produces love of parties and their power,
the wicked adhere to factions through avarice and ambition, the
good through necessity. Still more harmful it is that the movers and
originators of these parties with a pious word make their plan and
purpose seem honorable; because always, since they are all enemies to
liberty, they crush her under the pretense of defending a state of
aristocrats or a popular government because the reward they desire
from victory is not the glory of having freed the city, but the satisfac;
tion of having conquered the others and usurped their dominion.
Once having succeeded, there is not a thing so unjust, so cruel, so
avaricious that they do not dare to do it. Hence they make laws and
statutes not for the public benefit but for their own; hence wars,
truces, alliances are decided not for the common glory but for the
pleasure of a few.
"If other cities are filled with these abuses, ours is more soiled
with them than any other, for the laws, the statutes, the methods of
government here always have been managed and now are managed
not as required by free government but as required by the ambition
of the party on top. The result is that when one party has been
defeated and one division has been got rid of, another appears, be;
cause if a city tries to sustain herself by means of factions rather than
of laws, when one of her factions is left without opposition, of
necessity that city becomes divided, because those private methods
that she earlier adopted for her security cannot defend her. That this
is true, our city's ancient and recent divisions show. Everybody
believed, when the Ghibellines were destroyed, that the Guelfs
A Bridle for the Ambitious 1147
would then long live in happiness and honor; nevertheless, after a
short time they were divided into Whites and Blacks. After the
Whites were overcome, the city was never without parties; we were
always fighting, now to aid the exiles, now because of the hostilities
between the people and the nobles. In order to give to someone else
what we would not or could not keep by agreement among· our"
selves, we subjected our liberty now to King Robert, now to his
brother, now to his son, and finally to the Duke of Athens.
"Yet we never were quiet in any condition, since we never have
agreed on living in freedom, and yet are not willing to be slaves.
We did not hesitate, so greatly are our ways inclined to divisions,
when we were living under the authority ofthe King, to subordinate
his majesty to an utterly vile man born in Gubbio. The Duke of
Athens should not be mentioned, for the honor ofthis city; his harsh
and tyrannical spirit should have made us wise and taught us how to
live. Nonetheless, as soon as he was driven out, we had our weapons
in our hands and, with more hatred and greater fury than ever at any
other time we fought with each other, we fought until our ancient
nobility was overcome and surrendered itself to the decision of the
people. And many believed that never again would any cause for
division or for parties appear in Florence, since a bridle had been put
upon those who through their pride and unbearable ambition seemed
to have caused the trouble.
"But now it can be seen from experience how deceptive the opin"
ion of men is and how false their judgment, for the pride and
ambition ofour nobles were not destroyed but were taken away from
them by our people, who now, according to the habit of ambitious
men, strive to gain first rank in the republic. Since they have no
other way to gain it than through dissensions, they have divided the
city once more, and the names of Guelf and Ghibelline, which had
been destroyed-and it would have been well if they had never
existed in this republic-they are now reviving. It is given from on
high, in order that in human things there may be nothing either
lasting or at rest, that in all republics there are fated families, born for
their ruin. Our republic, more than any other, has abounded in
these, for not one but many have stirred up and distressed her, as the
Buondelmonti and Uberti did first, then the Donati and Cerchi, and
now, oh thing shameful and ridiculous! the Ricci and the Albizzi
stir her up and divide her.
"We have not reminded you of our corrupt habits and our
ancient and continual divisions in order to frighten you, but to re"
mind you of their causes and to show you that, just as you can
remember them, we remember them, and to tell you that the example
ofthose ought not to make you despair ofrestraining the present ones.
Because in those ancient families power was so great, and so great the
favors that they had from princes, that legal methods and ways were
not enough to restrain them. But now that the Empire has no power
over us, the Pope is not feared, and all Italy and this city are brought
to such equality that by herself she can govern herself, the difficulty
is not great.
"This republic of ours, indeed, notwithstanding the ancient
instances on the other side, is especially adapted not merely to union
but to reformation by means ofgood procedures and lawful methods,
if only Your Lordships decide to act. Moved by love of our city,
not by any private passion, we encourage you to this. Though her
depravity is great, destroy at once the disease of which she is sick, the
fury that wastes her, the poison that kills her; charge the ancient
abuses not to the nature of the people but to the times. Since they
have changed, you can hope for better Fortune for our city as a result
of better laws. Fortune's malice can be overcome with prudence, if
you check the ambition of the men I have mentioned, annul the
laws that breed factions, and adopt those suitable for a truly free and
law,labiding government. We trust that you will decide to do it now
with the help of the laws rather than, by deferring it, to force men to
do it by using weapons."
CHAPTER 6
[An unsuccessful attempt at reform. 1372]
The Signors, moved first by what they already knew for them,l
selves, and then by the influence and encouragement of the speakers,
gave power to fifiY,lsix citizens to provide for the safety ofthe republic.
It is very true that most men are better suited to keeping a good
system than to understanding how, by themselves, to devise one.
These citizens thought more about getting rid ofthe existing factions
than about taking away the causes for future ones. Hence they did
not succeed in doing either, since they did not remove the causes for
Wars Not Ended at Will 1149
new factions, and ofthose which existed they made one more power,l
ful than the other, with increased danger to the republic.
They excluded, then, for three years, from all magistracies, except
those ofthe Guelf party, three of the Albizzi family, and three ofthe
Ricci family, among whom were Piero degli Albizzi and U guccione
de' Ricci. They prohibited all citizens from entering the Palace,
except when the magistrates were sitting. They provided that any,l
body who was assaulted, or interfered with in the possession of his
goods, could with one complaint accuse the guilty man to the
Councils and have him declared one of the nobility, and as so
declared have him subjected to its disabilities. This provision took
away the zeal of the Ricci faction and increased that of the Albizzi,
because, though they were equally designated as guilty, yet the Ricci
suffered more from it. The Palace of the Signors was indeed closed
to Piero degli Albizzi, but that of the Guelfs, where he had very
great power, remained open to him, and though earlier he and his
followers were hot to admonish, after this injury they became very
hot. To this ill will, further new causes were added.
CHAPTER 7
[War with Pope Gregory XI. 1375]
Since Pope Gregory XI, who was seated on the papal throne,
lived at A vignon, he governed Italy through legates, as his prede,l
cessors had done. These legates, being very avaricious and proud,
had oppressed many cities. One of them, who in those days was at
Bologna, taking advantage of the famine in Florence that year,
planned to make himself master of Tuscany; hence not merely did
he not supply the Florentines with food, but in order to take from
them the hope of future harvests, he assailed them, as soon as spring
came, with a large army, since when they were unarmed and hungry,
he hoped to conquer them easily. Perhaps he would have succeeded
if the troops with which he attacked had not been faithless and
subject to purchase, because the Florentines, having no better remedYJ
gave his soldiers a hundred and thirty thousand Rorins and caused
them to abandon the campaign. Wars are begun at will but not
ended at will. This war, begun by the legate's ambition, was con"
tinued by the Florentines' anger. They made an alliance with Messer
115 0 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book 3
Bernabo Visconti of Milan and with all the cities hostile to the
Church, and appointed eight citizens to take charge ofthe war, with
authority to act without appeal and to spend without giving any
account.
This war undertaken against the Pope, though Uguccione de'
Ricci was dead, roused to activity the partisans of the Ricci faction.
Being opposed to the Albizzi, they had always supported Messer
Bernabo and acted against the Church, and so much the more
because the Eight were all enemies to the Guelffaction. This caused
Piero degli Albizzi, Messer Lapo da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi,
and others to draw more closely together for the injury of their
adversaries, so while the Eight carried on the war, the Guelfs ad.,
monished. The war lasted three years, ending only with the Pope's
death. The Eight managed it with such effectiveness and satisfaction
to the citizens generally that every year their term of office was ex.,
tended. They were called saints, even though they had little regard
for the Censures, stripped the churches of their property, and forced
the clergy to celebrate the offices. So much higher did those citizens
then value their city than their souls! They proved to the Church
that just as earlier, being her friends, they had defended her, so, being
her enemies, they could distress her, for they caused all the Romagna,
the March, and Perugia to rebel against her.
CHAPTER 8
[The Guelfs plan to seize the government. 1378]
Nevertheless, while against the Pope they carried on such an
important war, they could not defend themselves from the Captains
of the Party and their faction, because the envy of the Guelfs against
the Eight made them bolder, and they did not hold back from
injuring not merely other noble citizens but the Eight themselves.
And to such arrogance the Captains of the Party climbed that they
were more feared than the Signors, and men went to the latter with
less respect than to the former, and the palace of the Party was more
respected than theirs t so that no ambassador came to Florence with.,
out a message for the Captains. Hence, though Pope Gregory was
dead and the city had no foreign war, life inside her was in great
confusion, for on one hand the Guelfs were unbearably bold, and on
Take Time by the Forelock 1151
the other no one saw any way for quelling them. Yet it was believed
that necessarily the Florentines would come to blows, to see which
of the two seats of power would win.
To the Guelf party belonged all the ancient nobles, with the
greater part ofthe more influential ofthe people; among them, as we
said, Messers Lapo, Piero, and Carlo were leaders. Of the other
party were all the less important people, whose heads were the Eight
ofWar, Messer Giorgio Scali, and Tommaso Strozzi; with them the
Ricci, Alberti, and Medici joined. The rest of the multitude, as
almost always happens, sided with the discontented party.
The heads ot-the Guelt-taction saw the power ot-their adversaries
and their own great danger, whenever a Signoria hostile to them
decided to suppress them. Hence, in order to be beforehand, they
met and examined the conditions of the city and of their power.
They then decided that the admonished, having increased to such a
large number, had brought them such great blame that all the city
had become hostile to them. They saw no way to deal with this
except that, since they had taken from their opponents all their
offices they should take from them the city too, occupying by force
the Palace of the Signors and bringing the entire government under
the control of their faction, in imitation of the ancient Guelfs, who
lived in security in the city for no other reason than that they had
driven out all their adversaries. All the Guelfs agreed to this, but
they disagreed about the time.
CHAPTER 9
[Plot of the Guelfs,· Salvestro de'Medici Gonfalonier. 1378]
It was the year 1378 and the month of April; Messer Lapo
thought their seizure of the government could not be delayed, deJ'
l
claring that nothing so much harms the right time as does time-
and for them especially, since the gonfalonier in the next Signoria
could easily be Salvestro de'Medici, whom they knew to be opposed
to their faction. Piero degli Albizzi, on the other hand, favored
delay, because he judged that they needed forces and could not
gather them without publicity; if they were revealed they would run
into obvious danger. He judged, therefore, that they must wait
l, When the right time for action comes, delay is injurious.
until the next St. John's day. At that time, since it was the chief
holiday ofthe city, a great crowd gathered, among whom they could
then hide as many men as they wished, and in order to provide
against what they feared from Salvestro, he could be admonished.
If they thought admonishing him unwise, they could admonish one
ofthe College from his quarter ofthe city, and because the bags were
empty, when the substitute was drawn, the lot could easily cause
Salvestro or some relative of his to be drawn, which would prevent
him from acting as Gonfalonier. The Guelfs decided, then, on this
course. Yet Messer Lapo agreed unwillingly, judging that delay is
injurious, and that never is there a time in every way fit for doing a
thing, so that he who waits for complete fitness either never tries
anything, or if he tries, usually does so to his own loss. They did
admonish one of the College, but did not succeed in impeding
Salvestro, because, since the Eight discovered the reasons, they man"
aged to keep the substitute from being drawn. Salvestro son of
Messer Alamanno de'Medici was therefore drawn as Gonfalonier.
He, being born of a very noble family of popular origin, could
not endure that the people should be oppressed by a few who were
powerful. And having decided to put an end to this arrogance, since
the people supported him and he had many noble companions
among the middle class, he imparted his plans to Benedetto Alberti,
T ommaso Strozzi, and Messer Giorgio Scali, who promised to
secure him every aid. They secretly, therefore, determined on a law
that renewed the Ordinances of Justice against the nobles, lessened
the authority of the party Captains, and gave the admonished a way
of being called back to their offices.
And that it might be almost at the same time proposed and
enacted, since it must be decided first by the members ofthe College
and then in the Councils, and since Salvestro was provost (a posi"
tion that made one almost prince ofthe city during the time it lasted),
he had the College and the Council assemble on the same morning,
and first to the members of the College, apart from the Council he
submitted the law that had been drawn up. This, as something
new, found in this small group such lack of support that it did not
pass. Hence Salvestro, seeing that he was cut offfrom the first means
for passing it, pretended to leave the place because of bodily needs,
and without anybody's knowing it, went to the Council. And
having taken a high place, where everybody could see and hear him,
A Resignation Rejected 1153
he said that he believed he had been made gonfalonier not that he
might be a judge in private cases, which have their prescribed judges,
but in order to guard the state, to restrain the arrogance ofthe power"
ful, and to modify those laws by the enforcement of which the
republic would be ruined; that he had attended with care to both
these things and provided for them as well as he could, but that the
malice of men so opposed his just efforts that it took from him all
power for doing anything good, and it took from them the power not
merely to discuss such a thing but even to hear of it. Hence, seeing
that in nothing could he be of further use to the republic or to the
general good, he did not know for what reason he should longer
retain that office, which either he did not deserve or others believed
that he did not deserve. Therefore he intended to go home, 2 in order
that the Florentine people could put in his place another who would
have either greater ability or better fortune then he. And having
spoken these words, he left the council chamber to go home.
2. To resign.
CHAPTER 10
[The people take arms; the Guelfs flee. 1378]

Those in the Council who understood the affair and the others
who wished for revolution raised an outcry, to which the Signors
and the members of the College ran, and seeing their Gonfalonier
leaving, with requests and commands they held him back, and made
him return to the council chamber, where the confusion was great.
There, with insulting words, many noble citizens were threatened.
Among them Carlo Strozzi was seized by the breast by a gildsman
who intended to kill him; with difficulty he was protected by the
bystanders. But he who stirred up greatest confusion and put the
city under arms was Benedetto degli Alberti; from the windows of
the Palace he called the people to arms with a loud voice; and im"
mediately the Piazza was full ofarmed men. As a result the members
of the College, when threatened and in fear, did what earlier they
had not been willing to do when requested. The Party Captains at
the same time gathered many citizens in their palace to confer on
how to defend themselves against the law of the Signors. But when
they heard the alarm raised and understood what the councillors had
decided, each man fled to his house.
Nobody should start a revolution in a city in the belief that later
he can stop it at will or regulate it as he likes. It was the purpose of
Salvestro to make that law and quiet the city; but the affair went
otherwise, because the dissensions then begun had so angered every~
body that the shops were not opened, the citizens fortified themselves
in their houses, many concealed their goods in the monasteries and
churches, and it seemed that every man feared some immediate evil.
The societies of the gilds met and each chose a syndic. Then the
Priors sent for their Colleges and those syndics. These consulted all
day on how, to everybody's satisfaction, the city could be quieted,
but because opinions were diverse they reached no agreement.
The day following, the gilds brought out their banners. The
Signors, learning this and fearing what might happen, summoned
the Council to find some way to avoid trouble. The Council had
hardly assembled when the alarm was raised, and at once the ban~
ners of the gilds, with a great number of armed men behind them,
were in the Piazza. As a result the Council, in order to give the
gilds and the people hope ofsatisfaction, and to take away from them
any opportunity for evil, gave general authority, which in Florence
is called balla, to the Signors, the members ofthe College, the Eight,
the Party Captains and the syndics of the gilds to reorganize the city
government for the common benefit. Yet while this was being ar,-
ranged, some standards of the Arts and of people from the lower
orders, influenced by those who wished to revenge themselves for
recent injuries received from the Guelfs, detached themselves from
the others, and sacked and burned the house of Messer Lapo da
Castiglionchio. He himself, when he learned that the Signoria had
made an effort opposed to the arrangements of the Guelfs, and saw
the people in arms, having no other recourse than to hide or to run
away, first hid in Santa Croce and then fled to the Casentino dressed
as a friar. There he was many times heard lamenting over himselffor
yielding to Piero degli Albizzi, and over Piero for wanting to wait
for St. John's day to make sure of the government. But Piero and
Carlo Strozzi hid at the beginning of the rioting, in the belief that
when it was over, since they had many relatives and friends, they
could safely remain in Florence.
After the house of Messer Lapo was burned, because troubles
are hard to start and easily grow greater, many other houses were
plundered and burned, because of either general hatred or private
The Greedy M o b 1 1 SS
enmity. And in order to have company that with a thirst greater
than theirs would join them in stealing other men's goods, the mob
broke open the public prisons; then they sacked the monastery ofthe
Agnoli and the convent of Santo Spirito, where many citizens had
hidden their property. Nor would the public treasury have escaped
the hands of these plunderers if it had not been protected by their
respect for one ofthe Signors, who, on horseback, with many armed
men behind him, withstood to his utmost the fury ofthat multitude.
This popular excitement having in part abated, both through the
authority of the Signors and because night had come on, the next
day the balla extended grace to the admonished, with-the condition
that for three years they should not act as magistrates. It annulled the
laws made to the damage of the citizens by the Guelfs; it declared
that Messer Lapo da Castiglionchio and his companions were rebels,
and along with him many others who were generally hated. After
these decisions, the new Signors were announced. Luigi Guicciar,.
dini was Gonfalonier. Many hoped that these officials, believed to
be peaceful men and lovers of the common tranquillity, would
stop the riots.
CHAPTER I I
[The Guelfs lose power; Luigi Guicciardini makes a speech against
disunion. 1378]
Nevertheless the shops were not opened, the citizens did not lay
down their arms, and strong guards were placed throughout the city.
For this reason the Signors did not assume the magistracy outside the
Palace with the usual pomp, but inside, without observing any
ceremony. These Signors judged that at the outset of their term of
office they could do nothing more useful than to bring peace to the
city. Therefore they had the people lay down their arms and open
their shops, and expelled from Florence many whom citizens had
called in for aid from the surrounding district; they set guards in
many places in the city. Hence, ifthe admonished could have been
kept quiet, the city would have been quiet. But they were not willing
to wait three years to get their positions again. Hoping to satisfy
them, the gilds again assembled and asked the Signors that, for the
good and quiet of the city, they should decree that no citizen at any
time should be admonished as a Ghibelline by the Signors, the
College, a party Captain, or a consul of any Art; and also that new
bags [containing the names of those eligible for office] should be made in
the Guelf party and the present ones burned. These demands were
accepted not merely by the Signors but by all the councillors; it
seemed that this concession would stop the disturbances, which
already had begun again.
Yet because it is not enough for men to get back their own, but
they wish to seize that of others and to revenge themselves, those who
put their hopes in the disturbances showed the gildsmen that they
never would be secure if many of their enemies were not driven out
and destroyed. The Signors, realizing these things, had the magis;
trates of the gilds come before them together with their syndics. To
them Luigi Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, spoke in this manner:
"Ifthese Signors, and I with them, had not for a long time known
the Fortune of this city, who brings it about that when wars outside
are finished, those inside begin, we should have been more astonished
at the disturbances that have gone on and should have felt more
displeasure at them. But because things one is used to cause less
distress, we have endured with patience the late disturbances, espe~
cially since they were begun without any fault of ours, and have
hoped that, after the pattern of those in the past, they would some
time have their end, since to you so many and such heavy demands
have been conceded. But since we learn that you are not quiet, but
on the contrary want new injuries done to your fellow citizens and
more of them punished by exile, our vexation grows with your
dishonor. And truly, if we had believed that in the times of our
magistracy our city, either through opposing you or through yielding
to you, was going to fall, we should have avoided these honors by
flight or by exile. But since we expected to be associated with men
who had in them some humanity and some love for their native city,
we took the magistracy willingly, believing that with our humanity
we could in all respects overcome your ambition. But now we see
through experience that the more humbly we bear ourselves and the
more we yield to you, the prouder you are and the more dishonorable
things you ask. Ifwe speak thus, we do not do it to anger you but to
make you repent, because we intend that some other man shall say
what pleases you, but we intend to say what will be of use to you.
"Tell us, on your faith, what is it that you can honorably ask
from us ? You have demanded that authority be taken from the Party
"United We Stand" 1157
Captains; it has been taken away. You have asked that their bags
should be burned and that new reorganizations should be carried
out; we have agreed. You have asked that the admonished should
return to their offices; it has been allowed. On your request, we have
pardoned those who burned the houses and plundered the churches,
and to satisfy you, many honored and powerful citizens have gone
into exile. The nobles, in your behalf, have been restrained with new
laws. What end will these demands of yours have or how long will
you make a bad use of our liberality ~ Do you not see that we bear
defeat with more patience than you bear victory ~ To what will these
disunions of yours bring this city of yours ~ Do you not recall that,
when the state was disunited, Castruccio, a humble citizen ofLucca,
defeated you, and a Duke of Athens, your hired soldier, subjugated
you ~ But when the state was united, an archbishop of Milan and a
Pope could not overcome her, but after many years of war they
suffered disgrace.
"Why then do you wish that your dissensions, in peace, should
make a slave ofthis city that so many powerful enemies have, in war,
left free ~ What will you get from your disunions, except slavery ~ or
from the goods that you have stolen from us or will steal, except
poverty ~ For they are the things that, joined with our efforts, feed
all the city, and if we are deprived of them we cannot feed her; and
those who have seized them will not know how to keep them, as
property wickedly gained; so the result will be hunger and poverty in
the city. I and these Signors command you and, if honor permits,
once for all we pray you to settle your minds and be willing to
remain in repose with the measures we have adopted; and when you
do wish something new, be so good as to ask it lawfully and not
with uprisings and arms. Because ifyour desires are honorable, they
will always be granted, and you will not with blame and injury to
yourselves give wicked men an opportunity to ruin your native city
with your support."
These words, because they were true, greatly moved the spirits of
those citizens, and they graciously thanked the Gonfalonier for per"
forming to them the duty of a good Signor and to the city that of a
good citizen, and offered themselves as ready to obey anything that
might be commanded them. To give them reason for obedience, the
Signors deputed two citizens for each of the more important offices,
who, together with the syndics ofthe gilds, were to consider whether
anything needed refo~m for the sake ofthe common tranquillity, and
report it to the Signors.
CHAPTER 12
[Labor troubles in Florence. 1378]

While these things were thus going on, another disturbance
arose, which troubled the republic much more than the first one.
The greater part of the arsons and robberies that had taken place in
the preceding days had been committed by the poorest people in the
city, and those among them who had shown themselves boldest
feared that, when the greater differences were quieted and settled, they
would be punished for the offenses they had committed and, as it
always happens, would be abandoned by those who had incited
them to do evil. To this was added a grievance of the lowest class
against the wealthy citizens and the chiefs of the gilds, for they were
not paid for their labor according to what they believed their just
deserts. This was the reason: when in the time of Charles I the city
was divided into gilds, a head and form of government was given to
each one, and it was provided that the subjects ofeach gild should be
judged by their heads in municipal affairs. These gilds, as we said
before, were at first twelve; then with time they increased so much
that they reached twenty"one. They were of such power that in a
few years they took over the entire government ofthe city, and because
some of them were more and some were less honored, they were
divided into the greater and the lesser; seven of them were called
Greater and fourteen Lesser. From this division and from the other
reasons given above, came the arrogance of the Party Captains, for
citizens from families that for many years had been Guelfs, under
whose control the office of Captain had always been exercised,
favored the people in the Greater Gilds but maltreated those in the
Lesser Gilds and their supporters. For that reason there were as
many rebellions as we have described.
Moreover, in organizing the corporations or the gilds, many of
those trades in which the lower class and the very poorest people
engage did not have corporations or gilds of their own, but were
subject to various gilds according to the nature oftheir trades. Hence
when they were dissatisfied with their labors or in any way oppressed
Necessity Teaches 1159
by their masters, they had nowhere to go for refuge except to the
magistrate of the gild that ruled them; yet they believed he did not
furnish them proper justice. Of all the gilds, the one that had and
still has most ofthese dependents was the Wool Gild. This, because
it was very powerful, and through its strength the chief of them all,
by its business has long given employment and still gives employment
to the greater part of the poor and the lower classes.
CHAPTER 13
[A speech on the wrongs of the lower class. 1378]
The poorest of the people, then, both those subject to the Wool
Gild and the others, were, for the reasons given, very indignant;
since to this was added fear as a result of the arson and robbery they
had committed, they met together at night many times, discussing
the events that had taken place and showing one another the dangers
they were in. There one of the most fiery and of greatest experience,
in order to arouse the others. sooke to this effect:
"If now we could decid~ ~hether arms were to be taken up, the
houses of the citizens robbed and burned, and the churches plun.,
dered, I should be one of those who would think it a matter to be
deliberated over, and perhaps I should approve the view that a quiet
poverty is to be preferred to a dangerous gain. But because arms
have been taken up and many evils done, we must consider how to
avoid laying them down, and how we can make ourselves safe from
the ills that have been committed. I certainly believe that when
nothing else teaches us~ necessity teaches us. You see all this city full
of complaints and of hatred against us. The citizens meet together;
the Signoria is always with the magistrates. You must agree that
traps are being designed for us and new forces prepared against our
lives. We ought, therefore, to seek for two things and to have two
ends in our discussions: one, not to be punished for the things we
have done in the past days; the other, to live with more liberty and
more satisfaction to ourselves than in the past. We must, therefore, as
it seems to me, ifwe expect to be pardoned for our old transgressions,
commit new ones, doubling our offenses and multiplying our arson
and robbery, and must strive to have many companions in this,
because where many err, nobody is punished; little faults are pun.,
ished, great and serious ones are rewarded. When many suffer, few
seek to avenge themselves, because universal injuries are borne with
more patience than individual ones. To multiply offenses, then, will
cause us to find pardon more easily and will open to us the way for
getting those things that, for our liberty, we wish to get.
"For my part, I hold that we shall go to sure gain, because those
who might hinder us are disunited and rich. Their disunion, there;
fore, will give us the victory, and their riches, when they become ours,
will support us. And do not be frightened by their antiquity of
blood which they shame us with, for all men, since they had one and
the same beginning, are equally ancient; by nature they are all made
in one way. Strip us all naked; you will see us all alike; dress us then
in their clothes and they in ours; without doubt we shall seem noble
and they ignoble, for only poverty and riches make us unequal. I
am very sorry to hear that many of you, for reasons of conscience,
repent ofthe things you have done and wish to refrain from anything
more; if it is true, you certainly are not the men I believed you were.
Neither conscience nor ill fame ought to frighten you, for those who
conquer, in whatever way they conquer, never because of it come to
disgrace. Of conscience we need take no account, for when people
fear hunger and prison, as we do, they cannot and should not have
any fear of Hell.
"If you will observe the way in which men act, you will see that
all thos~ who attain great riche; and great power ha~e attained them
by means of either fraud or force; those things, then, that they have
snatched with trickery or with violence, in order to conceal the
ugliness of their acquisition, under the false title of profit they make
honorable. But those who, through either lack of prudence or great
folly, avoid these ways, always are smothered in servitude and poverty,
for faithful servants are always servants, and good men are always
poor; none come out ofservitude except the unfaithful and the bold,
and out of poverty except the rapacious and fraudulent. God and
Nature have put all men's fortunes in their midst,I and these fortunes
are more open to stealing than to labor, and to bad rather than good
arts. From this it comes that men devour one another; and they who
are weakest always come off worst. We ought, then, to use force
when we get a chance. None greater can be offered to us by Fortune,
since now the citizens are disunited, the Signoria hesitating, the mag;
1. Wealth is accessible to all.
"Take Time When Time Is"
istrates frightened. Hence, before they unite and confirm their cour."
age, they can easily be defeated, and as a result we shall either be com."
pletely rulers of the city, or shall have such a share of her that not
merely our past errors will be forgiven us, but we shall have so much
power that with new damage we can threaten her.
"I admit that this plan is daring and dangerous, but when neces."
sity pushes, rashness is judged prudence; in great things spirited men
never take account of danger; undertakings that begin with danger
end with reward, and from any danger one never escapes without
danger. So I believe, when we see prisons, tortures, and death pre."
pared, that we should fear standing still more than seeking to make
ourselves safe, for in the first the ills are sure, in the second doubtful.
How many times I have heard you complain of the avarice of your
superiors and of the injustice of your magistrates! Now is the time
not merely to free yourselves from them but to become so much
superior to them that they will have to complain of and fear you
more than you will them. The opportunity that Occasion brings
you is fleeting; when she has escaped, one seeks in vain to catch her
again. You see the preparations ofour adversaries; let us get ahead of
their plans; for whichever of us first takes arms will without doubt be
the winner, with the ruin of his enemy and his own exaltation.
Thus many of us will gain honor and all will gain security."
These arguments so greatly inflamed their spirits, which were of
themselves already hot for evil, that they determined to take arms as
soon as they had brought more companions to their way ofthinking;
so with an oath they bound themselves to help each other, if any of
them were tyrannized over by the magistrates.
CHAPTER 14
[The revolt of the Ciompi succeeds. 1378]
While these men of the lower classes were preparing to seize
control of the republic, their design came to the knowledge of the
Signors, since the latter had in their power a man named Simone
dalla Piazza, from whom they learned the whole conspiracy and that
the next day the plotters intended to raise the alarm. Hence, seeing
the danger, they brought together the members of the College and
those citizens who with the syndics ofthe gilds were considering the
union of the city. Before they were all assembled evening came.
These men advised the Signors to have the consuls ofthe gilds come.
The consuls all recommended that all the men~at~arms in Florence
should be ordered to the Public Square and that in the morning the
Gonfaloniers of the people with their armed companies should also
be there. A man named Niccolo da San Friano was regulating the
Palace clock at the time when Simone was being tortured and the
citizens were assembling. Having learned what was happening, he
returned home and roused his whole neighborhood. At once, more
than a thousand armed men gathered in the square before Santo
Spirito. Rumor of this came to the other conspirators, and San
Piero Maggiore and San Lorenzo, places they had selected, were
filled with armed men.
Day had already come, on the twenty~first of July, and in the
Public Square not more than eighty men~at~arms were ready to aid
the Signors, and none of the Gonfaloniers had come, because,
knowing the whole city to be under arms, they feared to leave their
houses unguarded. The first group of men of the lower classes to
reach the Public Square were those who had assembled at San Piero
Maggiore. On their arrival the men~at~arms did not move. After~
ward the rest of the multitude came. Meeting no resistance, they
demanded the prisoners from the Signoria with horrible shouts, and
in order to get them by force, since they were not handed over on
threats, they burned the mansion of Luigi Guicciardini. Then the
Signors, for fear of worse, released the prisoners. When the crowd
had them, it took the Banner of Justice from the executioner and
under that burned the houses of many citizens, seeking vengeance on
those who were hated for either public or private reasons. And
many citizens, in order to revenge their private injuries, led them to
the houses of their enemies, because it was enough that one voice in
the midst of the crowd should shout: "To So and So's house!" or
that he who had the banner in his hand should go there. All the
records of the Wool Gild were also burned. After the rioters had
done many bad things, in order to associate with them some praise~
worthy acts, they conferred knighthood on Salvestro de'Medici and
so many other citizens that the total number reached sixty~four;
among these were Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, T ommaso
Strozzi, and similar men who were in their confidence. Nonetheless
many were knighted by force. More striking than anything else in
The Mob Unrestrained 1163
this affair is that the mob burned the houses of men who a little later
on the same day (so close was benefit to injury) were knighted. This
happened to Luigi Guicciardini, Gonfalonier of Justice.
The Signors, amid such confusion, seeing themselves abandoned
by the men~at~arms, by the heads ofthe gilds and by their Gonfalon~
iers, were bewildered because nobody rescued them as directed; of
sixteen standards of the gilds, only the ensign of the Lion of Gold
and that of the Squirrel, under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni
Cambi, appeared. These remained but a short time in the Square,
for not seeing any others follow them, they soon departed. On the
other hand, when the citizens saw the fury of this unrestrained mob
and knew that the Palace was abandoned, some remained in their
houses, others went along in the mob of armed men, in order by
being among them better to defend. their own houses and those of
their friends. So the mob's power kept growing and that of the
Signors decreasing.
This riot lasted all day, and when night came they halted at the
palace ofMesser Stefano, behind the Church of San Barnaba. They
numbered more than six thousand. Before day appeared, the gilds
were compelled by threats to send their banners. When morning
came, the rioters went to the palace ofthe Podesta with the Gonfalon
of Justice and the banners of the gilds before them; and since the
Podesta refused them possession of his palace, they attacked and
took it.
CHAPTER IS
[The Signors abandon their palace to the Ciompi. 1378]
The Signors, deciding to attempt negotiation, since they saw no
means for checking them by force, summoned four men belonging
to their College and sent them to the palace of the Podesta to learn
the mob's purpose. These found that the heads ofthe lower class and
the syndics of the gilds and some citizens had settled what to ask
from the Signoria. Hence the four returned to the Signoria with
four men selected by the lower class, with these demands, namely:
the Wool Gild should no longer have a foreigner as judge;I three
new gilds should be formed, one for the carders and dyers, a second
for the barbers, doublet~makers, tailors, and like mechanic occupa~
1. Not a Florentine though presumably an Italian.
tions, a third for people ofthe lower class; from these three new gilds
there were always to be two Signors, and from the fourteen lesser
gilds three; the Signoria should provide houses where these new
gilds could meet; no one subject to these gilds should within two
years be forced to pay a debt for a sum smaller than fifty ducats; the
Monte should keep its interest and pay back the capital only;~ that the
banished and condemned should be cleared; all the admonished
should be restored to their positions. In addition to these they asked
many other things for the benefit of their own supporters. And on
the opposite side they wanted many of their enemies banished and
admonished.
These demands, though they were dishonorable and hard for the
republic, were, for fear of worse, at once granted by the Signors, the
members of the College and the Council of the People. But if they
were going to be fully ratified, it was necessary that they also be passed
by the Council of the Commonwealth. Since on one day two
councils could not be brought together, it was agreed to put this off
until the next day. Nevertheless it seemed that for the time being the
gilds were pleased and the lower class satisfied, and they promised
that when the law was ratified, all disorder would be quieted.
When morning came, while discussion was going on in the
Council of the Commonwealth, the crowd, impatient and restless,
came to the Square under their usual banners, with such loud and
terrible shouts that all the Council and the Signors were terrified.
Because of this, Guerriante Marignolli, one of the Signors, moved
more by fear than by any other private feeling, went downstairs, with
the excuse of guarding the lower door, and fled to his house. When
he went out, he could not disguise himself well enough not to be
recognized by the crowd. No injury was done him, though the
throng shouted when it saw him that all the Signors should abandon
the Palace, and if they did not, the people would kill their children
and burn their houses. Meanwhile the law was decided on and the
Signors had gone to their chambers, and the Council, having gone
downstairs, without going outside, was standing in the loggia and in
the court, despairing ofthe safety ofthe city, seeing so much dishonor
in a mob, and so much malice or fear in those who might have
checked or quelled it.
2. The Monte (literally, Mountain) was the organization for administering the city debt.
A Barefoot Leader 1165
The Signors also were confused and fearful for the safety of the
city, seeing that they had been abandoned by one ofthemselves, and
were not assisted by a single citizen with arms or even with advice.
Being then uncertain of what they could or ought to do, Messer
T ommaso Strozzi and Messer Benedetto Alberti, moved either by
their own ambition, since they wished to remain lords of the Palace,
or perhaps because they actually thought their advice good, urged the
Signors to yield to this popular pressure and return as private persons
to their houses. This advice, given by those who had been leaders of
the uprising, angered Alamanno Acciaiuoli and Niccolo del Bene,
two ofthe Signors, though the others yielded, so that these two, when
a little of their vigor had returned, said that if the others wished to
leave, they could do nothing about it, but that they themselves did
not intend to lay down their power, if they did not lose their lives
with it, before they were released on the proper date. These disputes
redoubled the fear ofthe Signors and the anger ofthe people. Mean-'
while the Gonfalonier, choosing to end his term with shame rather
than with danger, asked help from Messer Tommaso Strozzi, who
took him from the Palace and led him to his mansion. The other
Signors in like fashion departed one after the other; then Alamanno
and Niccolo, in order not to be thought more brave than wise,
seeing that they were alone, went away too. So the Palace remained
in the hands of the lower class and of the Eight of War, who had
not yet laid down their office.
CHAPTER 16
[Michele di Lando} a woolcomber} made lord of the city. 1378]
When the men of the lower class entered the Palace, Michele di
Lando, a woolcomber, had the standard of the Gonfalonier of Jus-,
clce in his hand. This man, barefoot and wearing little clothing,
with all the crowd behind him, went up the stairs, and when he I
was in the audience chamber ofthe Signors he stopped and, turning

to the crowd, said: "Look; this Palace is yours and this city is in
your hands. What do you think we should do now~" They all
answered that they wanted him to be Gonfalonier and Signor, and
to rule them and the city as he wished. Michele accepted the lord-,
1. The stairs leading to the official rooms of the Palazzo Vecchio.
ship, and because he was a sagacious and prudent man, more
indebted to Nature than to Fortune, he determined to quiet the city
and stop the tumults. To keep the people busy and give himself
time for arranging matters, he ordered a search for one Ser N uto,
who had been appointed chief of police by Messer Lapo da Casti~
glionchio. On this search the greater part ofthose who were around
him went away. Then, in order to begin with justice the dominion
he had received by favor, he had it publicly proclaimed that nobody
should burn or rob anything; and to frighten everyone he set up a
gallows in the Public Square. To make a beginning of reform in
the city, he dismissed the syndics of the gilds and appointed new
ones; he deprived the Signors and the members of the College of
their positions; he burned the bags of the offices.
Meanwhile·Ser Nuto was carried to the Square by the mob and
hanged on the gallows by one foot; and since everybody around cut
off a piece of him, in a short time only that foot remained.
On the other hand, the Eight ofWar, believing that the departure
of the Signors left them rulers of the city, had already designated the
new Signors. Foreseeing this, Michele sent them orders to leave the
Palace at once, because he wished to show everybody that he could
rule Florence without their advice. He then had the syndics of the
gilds meet and choose the Signoria: four from the lowest classes, two
from the Greater Gilds, and two from the Lesser Gilds. Besides this,
he made a new list ofthose eligible for office and divided the state into
three parts, decreeing that one part should belong to the new gilds, a
second to the Minor Gilds, a third to the Greater. He gave Messer
Salvestro de'Medici the revenues from the shops on the Ponte V ec~
chio; to himselfhe gave the podesterate ofEmpoIi; and he did many
other favors to many other citizens who were friends to the people of
low station, not so much to reward them for their actions as in order
that at all times he might protect himself against envy.
CHAPTER 17
[The Ciompi revolt against Michele's government. 1378]
The lower classes believed that in reforming the government
Michele had been too much a partisan of the highest classes among
the people; they also believed that they did not have a share in the
Respect for the Office 1167
administration sufficient to maintain themselves in it and to defend

themselves. Hence, urged on by their usual arrogance, they took
arms again and came with uproar into the Square under their ban;
ners, and asked that the Signors should come down to the platform,I
to decide further matters relating to their security and well;being.
Michele, seeing their presumption, in order not to let them show
further contempt, without at all attending to what they wanted,
denounced their manner in asking, advised them to lay down their
arms, and said they then would receive concessions which the Signo;
ria could not with dignity yield to force. For this reason the mob,
angry with the Palace, went to Santa Maria Novella. There they set
up among themselves eight heads, with attendants and with various
laws that gave them standing and respect. Hence the city had two
seats of government and was ruled by two different authorities.
These heads of the mob determined that eight, selected from the
membership of their gilds, should always live with the Signors
in the Palace, and that everything determined by the Signoria must
have their approval. They took from Messer Salvestro de'Medici
and Michele di Lando all that their earlier decrees had granted; they
assigned to many of their own group offices and subsidies, so that
they could maintain their rank with dignity. Having settled these
measures, in order to make them valid, they sent two oftheir number
to the Signoria to ask for approval by the councillors, with sugges;
tions that they would have their new laws by force if they did not
receive them by agreement. These two, with great boldness and
greater arrogance, delivered to the Signors the message committed to
them; and they rebuked the Gonfalonier because of the office they
had given him, the honor they had done him, and the great ingrat;
itude and slight consideration which he had shown them. Then,
when at the end oftheir speech they came to threats, Michele, unable
to bear such arrogance and remembering rather the office he held
than his humble birth, determined in an unusual way' to check
unusual insolence: drawing the sword with which he was girded, he
first wounded them severely and then had them bound and im;
prisoned. This act, when it was known, kindled all the crowd to
wrath, and believing that when armed they could obtain what, when
unarmed, they had not gained, they took up arms and with rage and
confusion set out to use violence against the Signors.
1. Infront of the Palace,from which the assembly in the Square could be addressed.
Michele, on the other hand, suspecting what was going on,
determined to act beforehand, thinking that it would be more glori.,
ous for him to make an attack than to wait for his enemy within
walls and, like his predecessors, to have to run away with dishonor to
the Palace and shame to himsel£ So gathering a large number of
citizens who had already begun to realize their mistake, he mounted
a horse and, followed by many armed men, went to Santa Maria
Novella prepared to fight. The lower class had, as we said above,
made a similar decision, so almost at the time when Michele started
they set out for the Public Square. Chance caused the parties to
take different streets, so that they did not meet on the way. Hence
Michele on his return found that his enemies had occupied the Public
Square and were attacking the Palace. Joining battle, he defeated
these enemies, drove part of them from the city and forced the rest to
lay down their arms and go into hiding. Since he was successful
in his attempt, the riots were quieted solely through the Confa.,
lonier's ability.
In courage, in prudence and in goodness he surpassed every
citizen ofhis time. He deserves to be numbered among the few who
have benefited their native city, because if his spirit had been either
wicked or ambitious, the republic would have entirely lost her liberty
and would have come under a tyranny more severe than that of the
Duke of Athens, but Michele's goodness never let come into his
mind a thought opposed to the general good. His prudence enabled
him to manage affairs in such a way that many ofhis party yielded to
him; the others he overcame with arms. His actions made the lower
class lose courage, and made the better gildsmen recognize their
mistakes and think what a shame it was for those who had overcome
the pride of the nobility to endure the stench of the lower class.
CHAPTER 18
[Popular tendencies in government; the Popular Party and the Plebeian
Party. 1378]
When Michele gained his victory over the lower class, the new
Signoria had already been drawn; in it were two of such a vile and
disreputable sort that men felt an increasing desire to free themselves
from such shame. On the first day of September, then, when the
Malcontents Within and Without 1169
new Signors took office and the Public Square was full of armed
men, as soon as the old Signors were outside the Palace, the armed
men raised a tumultuous shout that they did not want any Signors
from the lowest class. Hence the Signoria, to satisfy them, took their
offices from those two, one ofwhom was called 11 Tria and the other
Baroccio. In their places Messer Giorgio Scali and Francesco di
Michele were chosen. They also did away with the gild consisting
of people of the lowest rank, and deprived its members of their
offices, except Michele di Lando and Lorenzo di Puccio and some
others of good quality. They divided the dignities into two parts,
one of which they assigned to the Greater, the other to the Lesser
Gilds. However, for the Signors they decreed that there should
always be five for the Lesser gildsmen and four for the Greater, and
the Gonfalonier should be in the choice now of one, now of the
other body.
This government so arranged made the city, for the time being,
remain quiet. Though the administration had been taken from the
hands of the lowest class, the gildsmen of lower station continued
more powerful than the people of highest standing. The latter were
obliged to concede this to the gilds in order, by satisfying them, to
deprive the lowest class of their support. This arrangement was also
favored by those wishing the continued suppression of all who,
under the name of the Guelf Party, had with such great violence
done injury to so many citizens. Because among the supporters of
this type of goverment were Messer Giorgio Scali, Messer Benedetto
Alberti, Messer Salvestro de'Medici and Messer T ommaso Strozzi,
they continued to be almost princes in the city.
These proceedings, so continued and managed, fixed between
the men ofthe people who had now become aristocrats and the lesser
gildsmen the division already begun by the ambition of the Ricci
and the Albizzi. Because at various times this division produced
the most serious effects and must often be mentioned, we shall call
one party Popular and the other Plebeian. This government lasted
three years and caused numerous exiles and deaths, since those in
power were very suspicious of the many malcontents within and
without the city. The malcontents within the city every day either
attempted or were believed to attempt something subversive. Those
outside, not subject to any restraining influence, sowed various dis"
sensions now here now there.
CHAPTER 19
[Guelfexiles plot with Charles ofDurazzo)· Piero degli Albizzi and
others executed; Sir John Hawkwood. 1378-1380]
In these times Giannozzo of Salerno, a general under Charles of
Durazzo, was at Bologna. Charles, a descendant ofthe royal family
of Naples, intending to make an expedition into the Kingdom
against Queen Joanna, kept this general of his in Bologna because
of the favors done him by Pope Urban, an enemy to the Queen.
There were also there many Florentine exiles, who were often in
close consultation with that general and with Charles. For that
reason the rulers of Florence were all the time in the greatest fear and
easily credited slanders against such citizens as they suspected. While
the magistrates, then, were in such uncertainty of mind, they were
informed that Giannozzo ofSalerno was going to appear at Florence
with the exiles and that many within the walls were going to take up
arms and deliver the city to him. Because of this story many were
accused. Their leaders were named as Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo
Strozzi, and after them Cipriano Mangioni, Messer Jacopo Sac~
chetti, Messer Donato Barbadoro, Filippo Strozzi and Giovanni
Anselmi. All these except Carlo Strozzi, who escaped, were ar~
rested. The Signors, that nobody should dare to take up arms to aid
the prisoners, deputed Messer T ommaso Strozzi and Messer Bene~
detto Alberti, with many armed men, as a guard for the city. The
citizens arrested were examined, and according to the accusation and
the examinations, no fault was found in them. Since the Captain
therefore did not intend to condemn them, their enemies so stirred
up the populace and with such fury excited it against them that by
force they were condemned to death.
Piero degli Albizzi received no aid from the greatness of his
house or from his long~standing reputation: for years he had been
honored and feared above every other citizen. Once when he was
giving a banquet to many citizens, somebody-either one of his
friends, to make him more courteous in such greatness, or one of his
enemies, to threaten him with the uncertainty of Fortune-sent him
a silver cup full of sweetmeats with a nail hidden among them.
When the nail was found and seen by all the guests they interpreted
it as a suggestion that he nail Fortune's wheel in its present place;
Fortune's Wheel 1171
since she had brought him to the top of it, it could do nothing else,
if it kept turning, than carry him to the bottom. This interpretation
was verified first by his ruin, then by his death.
After his execution, the city was greatly confused because the
conquered and the conquerors were in fear; but the more injurious
effects resulted from the fear ofthose who governed, because even the
slightest happening made them do the Party more harm, either
I
condemning or admonishing or exiling their fellow citizens. To this

were added numbers of new laws and new regulations made to
strengthen the government. All these things went on to the injury of
those who were suspected by the ruling faction. In its fear it chose
forty;six men, who, together with the Signors, were to purge the city
of all who were suspected by the government. These admonished
thirty;nine citizens and classified many of the people as nobles and
many of the nobles as people.
And to repel forces from outside, they hired SirJohn Hawkwood,
an Englishman with a very high reputation in arms, who had for a
long time served the Pope and others in Italy. Their fear of events
outside the city came from learning that many companies of men;at"
arms were being formed by Charles of Durazzo to carry on his
expedition to the Kingdom; with him, according to report, were
many Florentine exiles. Against these dangers, besides the forces
arranged for, they provided themselves with a sum of money, so that
when Charles arrived in Arezzo he received from the Florentines
forty thousand ducats and promised not to molest them. He then
continued his expedition, easily conquered the Kingdom of Naples,
and sent Queen Joanna as a prisoner into Hungary. This victory
again increased the terror of those controlling the government of
Florence, because they could not believe that their money would be
stronger in the King's mind than the ancient friendship of his house
with the G uelfs, whom with such great injustice they were persecuting.
1. The Guelf Party.
CHAPTER 20
[Messer Giorgio Scali, of the Plebeian Party, executed. 1382]

This terror as it grew made outrages grow more numerous; and
these did not extinguish the terror but made it grow greater, so that
the majority of men lived a most unhappy life. To this unhappiness
was added the insolence of Messer Giorgio Scali and Messer T om~
maso Strozzi, whose power surpassed that of the magistrates, since
every man feared that the two, with the aid of the Plebeian Party,
would persecute him. Not merely to the good but to the seditious
that government seemed tyrannical and violent. But because the
haughtiness of Messer Giorgio had some time to end, one of his
confidants accused Giovanni di Cambio of making secret plans
against the government. He was found innocent by the Captain.
Hence the judge was about to punish the accuser with the penalty
with which the accused, iffound guilty, would have been punished.
When Messer Giorgio could not rescue him with requests or with
any exercise of his influence, he and Messer Tommaso Strozzi with
a crowd of armed men freed him by force, sacked the Captain's
palace and obliged the Captain to hide to save himsel£ This action
roused in the city such hatred against Messer Giorgio that his ene~
mies imagined they could get rid of him and take the city not merely
from his hands but from those of the Plebeian Party, which by its
presumption had kept her under subjection for three years.
The Captain also gave a good opportunity for this, since, when
the confusion had ceased, he went to the Signors and said he had
entered willingly upon that office to which the Signors had chosen
him, because he thought that he was going to serve just men who
would take arms to aid and not to obstruct justice. But since he had
seen and tested the manners of the city and her way of living, the
office which he had gladly taken in order to gain profit and· honor,
he would gladly return to them in order to escape danger and harm.
The Captain was consoled and encouraged by the Signors, who
promised him recompense for past damages and security in the
future. Then part of them consulted with some citizens, chosen
from those whom they thought lovers of the common good and less
to be feared by the government; they concluded that a great oppor~
tunity had arrived for getting the city out of the power of Messer
Giorgio and the Plebeian Party, since the citizens generally were
estranged from him by this last high~handed action.
Therefore they decided to use this opportunity before offended
spirits could become reconciled, because they knew that by the
slightest accident the favor ofthe multitude is lost and gained. They
judged, ifthey were going to put the thing through, that they needed
to bring to their way ofthinking Messer Benedetto Alberti, without
Plebeian Tyranny 1173
whose approval they considered the undertaking dangerous. Messer
Benedetto was a very rich man, merciful, stern, a lover ofthe liberty
of his city, and much opposed to tyrannical measures. Hence the
Signors easily convinced him and got him to approve Messer Gior"
gio's ruin. Messer Benedetto had earlier been an enemy to those of
the people who had become aristocrats and to the Guelf faction; he
had been a friend to the Plebeian Party because of the haughtiness
and tyrannical ways of the Guelfs. But when he saw that the heads
of the Plebeian Party had become like the others, he detached him"
self from them, long before Messer Giorgio's violence against the
Captain. Hence the injuries done to many citizens had been entirely
without his approval. Thus the causes that made him earlier take
the side of the Plebeian Party were the same as made him then
leave it.
When the Signors, then, had brought Messer Benedetto and the
leaders of the gilds to their opinion, and had provided soldiers,
Messer Giorgio was arrested, though Messer T ommaso escaped. The
following day Messer Giorgio was beheaded-with such dismay to
his party that nobody stirred; on the contrary, all competed in bring"
ing about his ruin. Hence since he saw he was about to die in the
presence ofthat people which a little before had worshipped him, he
bewailed his evil fate and the wickedness of the citizens, who, by
harming him unjustly, had forced him to aid and honor a multitude
in which there was neither any faith nor any gratitude. Recognizing
Messer Benedetto Alberti among the armed men, he said to him:
"And do you, Messer Benedetto, agree that an injury should be done
such as, if I were in your place, I would never allow to be done
to you ~ But I warn you that this day is the end of my unhappiness
and the beginning of yours." Then he censured himself because he
had trusted too much in a people which every word, every act, every
suspicion influences and misleads. And with these laments he died
in the midst of his enemies, who were armed and, as a result of his
death, happy. After him some of his closest friends were put to
death and torn to pieces by the people.
CHAPTER 21
[Reaction against the Plebeian Party. 1381]

The death ofthis citizen moved the whole city, because, in carry"
ing it out, many took arms to aid the Signoria and the Captain of
the People; many others also took them up either on account of their
ambition or on account of their own terrors. And because the city
was full ofdiverse partisan views, every man had a different purpose,
and all, before arms were laid down, wished to carry them out. The
ancient nobles, called the Grandi, since they could not endure being
deprived of the public offices, labored with all their zeal to get them
back; to this end they would have loved to have power given back
to the Captains of the Party. The men of the people who had be"
come aristocrats and the Greater Gilds did not like sharing the
government with the Lesser Gilds and the lowest class. On the
other hand, the Lesser Gilds wished to increase rather than to lessen
their importance. And the lowest class feared they would lose the
members of the College chosen from their gilds. For the space of a
year these differences many times caused rioting in Florence, and
now the ancient nobles took arms, now the Greater Gilds, now the
Lesser, and the lowest class with them, and many times of a sudden
in different parts of the city they all were armed. From this resulted
many combats, both among themselves and with the soldiers of the
Palace, because the Signoria, now yielding, now fighting, dealt with
so many troubles as well as it could.
So at the end, after two parliaments and many balle, set up to
reform the city, after many injuries, struggles, and very serious dan"
gers, a government was established, by which all who had been
banished when Messer Salvestro de'Medici was Gonfalonier were
reinstated; it took away special advantages and privileges from all
those who had been allowed them by the balta of 1378; offices were
restored to the GuelfParty; the two new gilds were forced to give up
their organization and rulers, and each ofthe members was put back
under his old gild; the Lesser Gilds had to give up the Gonfalonier
of Justice, and their share of the offices was reduced from half to
one"third; all the offices of high rank were taken away from them.
Thus the popular and Guelf Party took back the government and
tJ~ F orgot"
"B enfjJts 1175
the Plebeian Party lost it, after having been first in it from 1378 to
1381, when these changes took place.
CHAPTER 22
[Ingratitude to Michele di Lando; Benedetto Alberti; Louis of

Anjou in Italy. 1382-1384]
This government was not less harmful to the Florentine citizens
nor less severe at its beginning than that of the Plebeians had been,
for many of the people who had become aristocrats and who were
known as defenders of the Plebeian Party were banished, together
with a great number of Plebeian leaders, among whom was Michele
di Lando. The many good things of which his authority had been
the cause when the unchecked mob was lawlessly ruining the city,
did not save him from the fury ofthe parties. His native city, indeed,
was not grateful to him for his good deeds. Into this transgression
princes and republics many times fall; its result is that, frightened by
such instances, men attack their rulers early, before any experience of
princely or public ingratitude is possible for them.
The exiles and executions I have mentioned, as they had always
been offensive to Messer Benedetto Alberti, were still offensive to
him, and publicly and privately he censured them. Therefore the
chiefs of the government feared him, because they thought him one
of the leading friends of the lower classes, and believed that he had
approved the death of Messer Giorgio Scali not because he objected
to Messer Giorgio's conduct but in order to remain alone in the
government. His words and his ways increased their suspicion.
This made the entire party in control keep their eyes on him, in order
to grasp an opportunity for crushing him.
When they were living in such conditions, things outside the
city were not very dangerous, so that whatever resulted from them
was more terrifying than harmful. For at that time Louis of Anjou
came into Italy to give back the Kingdom of Naples to Queen
Joanna and drive out Charles of Durazzo. His passage greatly
frightened the Florentines, for Charles, as is usual with old friends,
asked them for help, and Louis, like anyone seeking for new friend;
ships, asked them to remain neutral. Hence the Florentines, to make
it appear that· they were satisfying Louis, and to help Charles, re;
moved Sir John Hawkwood from their payroll and had him serve
Pope Urban, who was Charles's friend. Since Louis easily recog,
nized this deception, he believed himselfmuch injured by the Floren,
tines. While the war was being waged between Charles and Louis
in Apulia, new soldiers came from France to aid Louis, and when
they reached Tuscany, they were taken into Arezzo by the Aretine
exiles, and the party that was ruling for Charles was expelled. But
when they planned to change the government of Florence, as they
had changed that of Arezzo, Louis died. Thus affairs in Apulia
and in Tuscany varied their position with Fortune, because Charles
became secure possessor ofthe kingdom that he had almost lost, and
the Florentines, who doubted whether they could defend Florence,
gained Arezzo, because they bought her from the soldiers who held
her for Louis. Charles, then, feeling sure of Apulia, went to oc;
cupy the kingdom of Hungary, which came to him by inheritance,
and left his wife in Apulia with Ladislas and Joanna his children,
who were still small, as we showed in its place. Charles gained
Hungary, but a little later he was killed there.
CHAPTER 23
[Benedetto Alberti banished; his speech on his love for the city. 1387]
Over gaining Arezzo, Florence indulged in celebrations as splen;
did as ever did any city for a real victory. Both public and private
magnificence were to be seen there, since many families competed
with the public in their celebrations. But the one that surpassed the
others in splendor and magnificence was the Alberti family; the
devices and the spectacles at arms that it prepared were those not of a
private house, but worthy of any prince. These things greatly in;
creased the envy against that family. This envy, joined with the
suspicion the government had ofMesser Benedetto, caused his down;
fall, for those in power could not feel secure about him, since they
thought that at any hour, with the aid of the Party, he might regain
his influence and drive them from the city. While they were in this
uncertainty, it happened that, when he was Gonfalonier ofthe Com;
panies, his son;in;law, Messer Filippo Magalotti, was drawn as
Gonfalonier ofJustice. This redoubled the fear of the leaders in the
government, because they thought the power of Messer Benedetto
"Fortune's Freaks Unkind" 1177
and the danger to the government too much increased. Since they
desired to remedy the danger without strife, they encouraged Bese
Magalotti, his relative and enemy, to indicate to the Signors that
Messer Filippo, since he had not reached the age required for holding
that office, could not and ought not to hold it. The case was ex~
amined among the Signors, and part of them for hate, part to avoid
strife, judged that Messer Filippo was not eligible for that office. In
his place Bardo Mancini was drawn, a man altogether opposed to
the Plebeian faction, and very hostile to Messer Benedetto. So when
he had assumed office, he set up a balta which, in taking over and
reorganizing the government, banished Messer Benedetto Alberti
and admonished the rest of the family, except Messer Antonio.
Before his departure, Messer Benedetto summoned all his rela~
tives, and seeing that they were sad and were shedding many tears,
said to them:
"You see, fathers and my elders, that Fortune has ruined me and
threatened you. I do not wonder at it, and you ought not to wonder,
because it always happens so to those who among many that are
wicked try to be good and try to hold up what the majority try to
pull down. Love for my native city made me side with Messer
Salvestro de'Medici and then side against Messer Giorgio Scali.
This same thing made me hate the methods of those now ruling,
who, just as they have not had anbody to punish them, also do not
want anybody who will censure them. I am glad, by means of my
exile, to free them from the fear that they feel not of me alone but of
everybody who they know understands their tyrannical and wicked
ways; and therefore with my suppression they have threatened others.
I do not feel sorry for myself, because the offices my native city has
given me when she was free, she cannot take away when she is a
slave; and the memory of my past life will always give me happiness
greater than the unhappiness the afHiction of my exile will bring
upon me. I do indeed grieve that my city is left as a spoil for a few,
and is subject to their pride and avarice. I am sorry for you, because
I fear that the ills today ending for me and beginning for you may
afflict you with greater injuries than have afflicted me. I exhort you,
then, to brace your spirits against every misfortune and so conduct
yourselves that ifanything adverse comes upon you-and many such
may come upon you-everybody will know that they have come
when you are innocent and without any fault."
Then, in order not to give a lower opinion ofhimselfabroad than
he had given in Florence, he went to the Sepulchre of Christ. On
his return he died at Rhodes; his bones were taken to Florence and
he was buried with the greatest respect by those who when he was
alive had persecuted him with all sorts of slander and calumny.
CHAPTER 24
[Further anti~plebeian measures. 1387]
During these troubles in the city, injury was done not to the
Alberti family alone, for along with it many other citizens were
admonished and banished. Among them were Piero Benini, Mat"
teo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francesco del Bene, Giovanni Benci,
Andrea Adimari, and along with them a great number of lesser
gildsmen. Among the admonished were the Covini, the Benini, the
Rinucci, the Formiconi, the Corbizzi, the Mannegli, and the Alder"
otu. It was the custom to set up a balia for a fixed time, but citizens
selected, when they had done what they were chosen for, would
resign, as decency required, even though the fixed date had not come.
Since it seemed to the men acting in this baIfa that they had done
their duty by the government, they therefore intended to resign ac"
cording to custom.
Learning of this, many ran to the Palace in arms, asking that
before they resigned they would banish and admonish many others.
This much annoyed the Signors, and with fair promises they kept
these disturbers occupied until they themselves had gathered forces;
then the Signors so acted that fear made the malcontents lay down
those arms that fury had made them take up. Nevertheless, in order
to satisfy in part such a furious partisanship and to deprive the
working men of the lowest class of more power, they arranged that
whereas such men had had a third part of the offices, they should
have a quarter ofthem; and in order that two ofthose most trusted by
the government should always be among the Signors, they gave
power to the Gonfalonier of Justice and to four other citizens to
prepare a bag of selected persons, two of whom should be drawn
for every Signoria.
The Unused Crown 1179
CHAPTER 25
[War with Giovan Galeazzo Visconti; temperate and unambitious
behavior of Veri de'Medici. 1387-1393]
When the government that had been organized in 1381 had thus,
after six years, come to its end, the city lived until 1393 in great
internal quiet. During that time. Giovan Galeazzo Visconti, called
the Count of Virtu, captured Messer Bernabo his uncle and thus
became ruler of all Lombardy. Beli~ving he could become King of
Italy by force, as he had become Duke of Milan by trickery, in 1390
he started a great war against the Florentines. As it went on, this
war varied in its course in such a way that many times the Duke was
in greater danger of losing it than were the Florentines, who, if he
had not died, would have lost. Nevertheless their defense was spir;
ited and wonderful for a republic, and the end was much less evil
than the war had been terrifying, for when the Duke had taken
Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Siena, and prepared the crown with
which he was to be crowned King of Italy in Florence, he died.
His death did not allow him to enjoy his pas~ victories and did not
allow the Florentines to realize their present losses.
While this war with the Duke was going on, Messer Maso degli
Albizzi was made Gonfalonier o(Justice. Since the death of Piero
had made him an enemy of the Alberti, and the struggles of the
parties all the time continued, Messer Maso determined, even though
Messer Benedetto had died in exile, that before he ended his term he
would revenge himself on the remainder of that family. He got his
chance from one who was examined because of certain dealings he
had had with the exiles and who named Alberto and Andrea degli
Alberti. They were immediately arrested, to the indignation of the
whole city. Thereupon the Signors, furnishing themselves with
troops, called the people to a parliament and chose men for a balia,
by virtue of which they banished many citizens and made new
baggings for the offices. Among the banished were almost all the
Alberti. Many working men were also admonished and executed.
Hence, after so many injuries, the gilds and the lowest class rose in
arms, since they saw that their honor and their life were taken from
them. One part of them came to the Public Square; another part
went to the house of Messer Veri de'Medici, who, after the death of
Messer Salvestro, had become the head of that family. To lull the
suspicions of those who came to the Public Square, the Signors
appointed as their heads Messer Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi and Messer
Donato Acciaiuoli, as the men from the people more acceptable to
the lowest class than any others; in their hands were put the banners
of the Guelf Party and of the people.
Those who ran to Messer Veri's house begged him to consent to
take over the government and to free them from the tyranny of those
citizens who were destroyers of worthy men and of the common
good. All who have left any record of those times agree that if
Messer Veri had been more ambitious than he was good, he could
without any hindrance have made himself prince ofthe city, because
the serious damage that, rightly or wrongly, had been done to the
gilds and to their friends had so fired their spirits to revenge that, to
satisfy their appetites, they needed only a head to lead them. A man
was not lacking to remind Messer Veri ofwhat he could do, because
Antonio de'Medici, who had cherished for a long time special
enmity against him, urged him to seize the rule of the republic. To
this Messer Veri answered: "Your threats when you were my enemy
never caused me fear, and now that you are my friend your advice
will not harm me." Turning to the crowd, Messer Veri exhorted
them to be of good courage, because he was willing to be their
defender, if only they would take his advice. Having gone in the
midst ofthe crowd to the Public Square, and from there climbed the
stairs up into the Palace, he said in the presence of the Signors that
he could not at all lament that he had lived in such a way that the
people of Florence loved him, but he did lament that they had
formed an opinion of him not justified by his past life; since he had
never made himself an example of faction and ambition, he did not
know how it was that he was believed a supporter of factions, as a
restless man, or a usurper of the government, as an ambitious one.
He begged their Lordships, therefore, that the ignorance ofthe crowd
should not be attributed to any sin of his because, so far as he was
concerned, as soon as he could he had put himself in their power.
He urged them indeed to use their fortune humbly and to be satisfied
to enjoy a half victory with the safety of the city rather than, by
attempting a complete triumph, to ruin her.
The Signors praised Messer Veri and encouraged him to have
arms laid down, saying that they would not fail to do what he and
The Medici Favor the People 1181
the other citizens had advised. After these words Messer Veri re"
turned to the Square and united his followers with those of Messer
Rinaldo and Messer Donato. Then he said to all that he had found
the Signors excellently disposed toward them and that many things
had been spoken of, but that because the time was short and some
officials were absent, they had not been settled. However, he begged
them to lay down their arms and obey the Signors, assuring them
that courtesy more than pride, petitions more than threats were likely
to move them, and the people would not lack their rank and security
if they let him direct them. So under his pledge everybody returned
to his house.
CHAPTER 26
[Treachery of the Signors; they crush the opposition ofMesser Donato
di Jacopo A cciaiuoli. 1395]
After arms had been laid down, the Signors first fortified the
Square. Then they enrolled two thousand citizens trusted by the
I
government, divided equally into companies, which they ordered to

be ready to rescue them whenever they were called, and they pro"
hibited those not enrolled from carrying arms. Having made these
preparations, they banished and executed many working men who
had shown themselves more vigorous than the others in the dis"
orders; and so that the Gonfalonier of Justice would have more
dignity and reputation, they decreed that in order to hold that office
it would be necessary to be forty"five years of age. To strengthen the
government, they also made many rules that could not be endured
by those against whom they were made and were hateful to the good
citizens of their own party, who did not think a government good
and secure that needed to protect itself with such violence. Not
merely those ofthe Alberti who remained in the city and the Medici,
who felt that the Signors had deceived the people, but many others
felt so much violence to be obnoxious.
The first who tried to oppose them was Messer Donato di J acopo
Acciaiuoli. Though he was an important man in the city and rather
superior than equal to Messer Maso degli Albizzi, who because of
the things he did when he was Gonfalonier was like the head of the
republic, Messer Donato could not live content among so many
1. The Piazza Signoria) in front of the Palace of the Signors) now the Palazzo Vecchio.
malcontents nor, as many do, could he get private profit from public
loss. Therefore he decided to find out whether he could restore their
city to the banished or at least restore their offices to the admonished.
He kept sowing his opinion in the ears of this and that citizen,
showing that it was not possible in any other way to quiet the people
and put a stop to the quarrels of the parties, and that he was only
waiting until he was one of the Signors to put this desire of his
into effect.
Because in men's actions delay brings anxiety and haste brings
danger, in order to avoid anxiety, he decided to try danger. Among
the Signors were Michele Acciaiuoli his relative and Niccolo Ri~
coveri his friend; hence Messer Donato, believing he had a chance not
to be lost, asked them to propose to the councillors a law that would
include restoration of the citizens. These two men, persuaded by
him, spoke ofit with their colleagues, who replied that they were not
for trying anything new, in which gain is doubtful and danger sure.
So Messer Donato, having first in vain tried all methods, in anger
gave them to understand that since they would not allow the city to
be organized according to the plans that were ready, she would be
organized by force of arms. These words were so obnoxious, when
the affair was made known to the heads of the government, that
Messer Donato was cited. When he appeared, the man by whom he
had sent the message testified against him; hence he was banished to
Barletta. Alamanno and Antonio de'Medici were also banished,
along with all those of that family who were descended from Messer
Alamanno, together with many non;aristocratic gildsmen who were
esteemed by the lowest class of people. These events happened two
years after Messer Maso reorganized the government.
CHAPTER 27
[Exiles attempt a revolution. 1397]
When the city thus had many malcontents within her walls and
many exiles outside them, among the exiles at Bologna were Picchio
Cavicciuli, Tommaso de'Ricci, Antonio de'Medici, Benedetto
degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Carlone and two
others of humble station. These were all young, eager, and willing
to tempt any Fortune in order to return to their native city. In secret
Liberty Rejected 1183
ways Piggiello and Baroccio Cavicciuli, who after admonition!
were living in Florence, informed the exiles that if they came secretly
into the city, the two would then receive them into their houses, from
which they could then go out and kill Messer Maso degli Albizzi
and call the people to arms. The latter, being discontented, could
easily be roused, especially because the liberators would be followed
by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Mannegli, and many other families.
Moved, therefore, by these hopes, on the fourth of August 1397,
they came to Florence, and having secretly entered where it had been
arranged, they sent someone to watch Messer Maso, intending to start
the uprising with his death. Messer Maso went out of his house and
stopped at a drugstore near San Piero Maggiore. The man who was
watching him ran to tell the conspirators; taking arms and coming to
the place indicated, they found he had gone. So, not troubled be;
cause their first plan had not succeeded, they turned toward the Old
Marketplace, where they killed one of the opposite party. Raising
the alarm and shouting "People, arms, liberty," and "Death to the
tyrants," they turned toward the New Marketplace, and at the end
of Calimala killed another. Continuing their course with the same
shouts, though nobody took arms, they came to the loggia of the
Nighittosa. There they got on a high place, having a great multitude
around, which had run more to see them than to aid them, and with
loud voices they exhorted the men to take arms and escape from the
servitude they so much hated. They asserted that the lamentations of
dwellers in the city who were ready to rebel had moved them more
than their own injuries to try to set her free, and that they had learned
ofmany citizens who prayed God to give them a chance for avenging
themselves; they would do so whenever they had a leader who would
provide them a beginning. Yet now that the occasion had come and
they had leaders who had made a beginning, they looked at each
other and, as though senseless, waited for those who had begun their
liberation to be killed and they themselves again weighed down with
slavery. The speakers declared themselves astonished that those who
on the smallest injury were wont to take arms, for such great ones did
not stir, but were willing to endure having so many citizens banished
and so many admonished. Now it was in their choice to restore the
city to the banished and the government to the admonished.
1. For admonition, see bk.3, chap. 3, above.
These words, though true, did not stir the crowd in any way,
either through fear or because the deaths of those two had made the
killers hateful. Those who had begun the rebellion saw that neither
their words nor their deeds had power to move anybody, finding out
too late the great danger of attempting to set free a people that in
every way prefers to be in slavery. Despairing of their undertaking,
they retreated to the church of Santa Reparata, where, not to save
their lives but to put off their deaths, they shut themselves up. The
Signors, frightened when the riot began, took arms and locked up
the Palace, but when they learned about the matter, and knew who
they were who had begun the rebellion and where they were shut up,
they were reassured; they ordered the Captain to go with many
armed men to arrest the rioters. Without much trouble the doors of
the church were forced, and part of the men were killed when de"
fending themselves and part captured. When the prisoners were
examined, none in addition to them was found guilty except
Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciuli, who were executed with them.
CHAPTER 28
[A conspiracy against Florence supported by the Duke ofMilan. 1400]
After this event, another of greater importance took place. As
we said above, the city was then at war with the Duke of Milan.
I
He, seeing that open forces were not enough to overcome her, turned
to secret ones. By means of Florentine exiles, of whom Lombardy
was full, he arranged a conspiracy of which many within the city
were aware. The plan was that on a certain day a great number of
exiles skilful in arms were to leave places near Florence and enter the
city by the Arno River. Together with their friends inside, they
were to run to the houses of the heads of the government, and when
they had killed these leaders, they would as they wished reorganize
the republic.
Among the conspirators inside the city was one of the Ricci
named Saminiato; as often happens in conspiracies-where the few
are not enough and the many reveal them-through seeking to gain
allies, he found an accuser. Saminiato talked about the matter to
Salvestro Cavicciuli, whom injuries to his relatives and himself
1. See 3. 2S above.
J
A Conspiracy Divulged 1185
should have made faithful. Nonetheless, he gave more weight to
immediate fear than to future hope, and at once divulged the entire
plot to the Signors. Having Saminiato arrested, they forced him to
disclose the complete organization of the conspiracy. Yet ofthe con.l
federates nobody except Tommaso Davizi was caught; he, coming
from Bologna and not knowing what had happened in Florence,
was seized before he got there. All the others, after Saminiato's
arrest, fled in terror.
After Saminiato and T ommaso had been punished according to
their crimes, a balta was given to a number ofcitizens, who with their
authority were to seek for the guilty ones and make the government
safe. They proclaimed as rebels six of the family of the Ricci, six of
that of the Alberti, two of the Medici, three of the Scali, two of the
Strozzi, Bindo Altoviti, Bernardo Adimari, and many humble men.
They also admonished all the family of the Alberti, Ricci, and
Medici, except a few of them, for ten years.
Among the Alberti not admonished was Messer Antonio, since
he was thought a quiet and peaceful man. It happened, when fear
ofthe conspiracy had not yet subsided, that a monk was seized, who,
in the days when the conspirators were plotting, had many times
been seen going from Bologna to Florence. He confessed that he
had many times carried letters to Messer Antonio. Hence the latter
was at once seized, and though at the outset he denied everything, he
was proved guilty by the monk, and therefore fined and banished
three hundred miles from the city. And so that the Alberti would
not every day put the government in danger, all those of the family
older than fifteen were banished.
CHAPTER 29
[Florence relieved from war by the deaths of Giovan Galeazzo Vis~
conti and Ladislas of Naples. 1400-1414]
These events took place in 1400. Two years later, Giovan Gale.l
azzo Duke of Milan died. His death, as we said above,1 put an end
to a war that had lasted twelve years. Since the government had in
that time gained more power, being without enemies inside and out.l
side, it undertook the affair of Pisa and carried it through with glory.
1. See 3. 25, above.
And life in the city was quiet from 1400 to 1433. Only in 1412,
because the Alberti had broken their exile, a new balia was set up
against them, which reinforced the government with new laws and
crushed the Alberti with taxes.
In that time the Florentines also made war with Ladislas King of
Naples, which, because of the death of the King, ended in 1414.
And in the course of this, the King, seeing himself weaker, granted
the Florentines the city of Cortona, of which he was lord. But a
little later he regained his power and undertook against Florence a
further war, much more dangerous than the first; if it had not ended
with his death, as that with the Duke ofMilan had ended earlier, he,
like that duke, would have brought Florence into danger of losing
her freedom. Nor did this war end with less good fortune than the
other, because after he had taken Rome, Siena, all the March, and
Romagna and needed nothing else than Florence before going with
his army into Lombardy, he died. So death was always more
friendly to the Florentines than any other friend, and stronger to save
them than any ability of their own.
After the death ofthis king the city was quiet, outside and inside,
for eight years. At the end of that time, along with the wars with
Filippo Duke of Milan, the parties were renewed. And they were
quiet only with the fall ofthat government which had been in power
from 1381 to 1434, and had carried on with such glory so many wars
and had added to the Florentine dominion Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona,
Livorno, and Monte Pulciano. And it would have done greater
things if the city had kept united and the ancient party quarrels had
not been stirred up, as will be shown in detail in the next book.
BOOK FOUR
[FLORENTINE AFFAIRS FROM 1414 TO 1434]
CHAPTER I
[Liberty and license in cities]

Those cities, especially such as are not well organized, that are
administered under the semblance of republican government, often
vary their rulers and their constitutions not between liberty and
slavery, as many believe, but between slavery and license. The pro,-
moters of license, who are the people, and the promoters of slavery,
who are the nobles, praise the mere name of liberty, for neither of
these classes is willing to be subject either to the laws or to men. I
allow that when it comes about (and it seldom does come about)
that by a city's good fortune a wise, good and powerful citizen gains
power, who establishes laws that repress strife between the nobles
and the people or so restrain these parties that they cannot do evil, at
such a time a city can be called free and her government can be
considered firm and solid; being founded on good laws and good
institutions, it does not need, as do other governments, the strength
and wisdom of one man to maintain it.
With such laws and institutions many ancient republics, whose
governments had long lives, were gifted. Such customs and laws
have been wanting to all those which have often varied their govern,-
ments and are at present varying them from the tyrannical form to the
licentious, and from that back to the other; on account ofthe power,-
fut enemies both have, they are not and cannot be stable. The
tyrannical form does not satisfy good men; the licentious dissatisfies
the wise. The first can do evil with ease; the second can do good
with difficulty. In one, too much power is given to arrogant men;
in the other, too much to stupid men. Either one has to be main,-
tained by the ability and the good fortune of a single man, who may
be removed by death or become incompetent through disease.
CHAPTER 2
[Suppression of the Popular Party. 1414-1422]
I say, then, that the administration beginning with the death of
Messer Giorgio Scali in 1381 was supported by the capacity of
Messer Maso degli Albizzi, then by that of Niccolo da Uzzano.
The city was quiet from 1414 to 1422, since King Ladislas was
dead and the state of Lombardy divided into many parts, so that
outside Florence or inside her there was nothing to cause fear. Less
important than Niccolo da Uzzano, yet powerful, were Bartolom-'
meo Valori, Nerone di Nigi, Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Neri di
Gino, and Lapo Niccolino. The parties that resulted from the strife
of the Albizzi and the Ricci and that Messer Salvestro de'Medici
then revived to cause so much discord, were never wiped out. And
though the party most favored by the mass ofthe inhabitants had only
three years of control and in 1381 was defeated, yet since its party
principles were those ofthe greater portion ofthe city, it could not be
wholly got rid of. True it is that the frequent parliaments and the
continual persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 1400 reduced it
almost to nothing. The chieffamilies harassed as its leaders were the
Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici, who many times were stripped of
men and of wealth. If any of them were left in the city, their offices
were taken from them. These oppressions made that party humble
and almost destroyed it. Nevertheless many men continued to recollect
the injuries they had received and hoped to revenge them. This hope,
finding no support anywhere, lay hidden in their breasts. The aristo-'
crats of popular origin who peacefully ruled the city made two
mistakes that were the overthrow of their administration: first, as a
result of their steady power, they grew haughty; second, as the result
of their envy for each other and of their long tenure in office, they
were not so careful about who had power to injure them as they
should have been.
CHAPTER 3
[The rise of Giovanni de'Medici, in spite of the warnings of Niccolo
da Uzzano; a treaty with Filippo Visconti. 1421]
Renewing every day the multitude's hatred by their obnoxious
ways, and not watching things that might injure their party because
A Developed Disease Hard to Cure 1189
they did not fear injuries, and even encouraging them through their
envy of one another, these aristocrats who were ruling Florence
caused the Medici family to regain power. Giovanni di Bicci de'
Medici began this recovery ofprominence. Having grown very rich
and being by nature kind and courteous, he was by a concession of
those in control chosen to the chief magistracy. At this choice the
masses ofthe city showed great satisfaction, since the crowd believed
it had gained a defender, but properly this was to the wiser a cause of
foreboding, because they saw that all the old partisan quarrels were
gaining vigor once more. Niccolo da Uzzano did not fail to warn
the other citizens, showing how dangerous it was to cherish one who
had so high a reputation with the masses and that it was easy to
counteract subversive movements in their early stages, but if they
were allowed to grow, they were hard to cure; he discerned in Cio;
vanni many qualities surpassing those ofMesser Salvestro. Niccolo's
associates did not listen to him, because they envied his reputation
and wished to have partners in suppressing him.
While in Florence such partisanship was secretly boiling again,
Filippo Visconti, the second son of Giovanni Caleazzo, by the
death of his brother became ruler of all Lombardy. Believing he
could project any undertaking whatever, he longed exceedingly to
make himself also lord of Genoa, which under the dogeship of
Messer Tommaso da Campo Fregoso was then living in freedom.
But he doubted whether he could carry through that or any other
undertaking ifhe did not first make public a new agreement with the
Florentines, the fame of which he judged would be enough to let
him carry out his wishes. He therefore sent ambassadors to Florence
to ask such an agreement. Many citizens advised against it, but
thought that without granting it they should continue the treaty that
for many years had been kept with him, because they knew how
much help their consent to a new agreement would give him and
how little profit the city would get. Many others favored making the
agreement and by virtue of it imposing terms upon him; if he ex;
ceeded them, everybody would realize his wicked purpose, and ifhe
broke the treaty, Florence could more justifiably make war on him.
So after the business had been much debated, the treaty was made.
In it Filippo promised not to concern himself with affairs on this
side of the Rivers Magra and Panaro. I
1. That ;SI would not expand ;n the direction of Florence.
CHAPTER 4
[Filippo goes beyond the limits set in the treaty; Florence prepares
for war. 1422]
When this agreement had been made, Filippo took Brescia, and
a little later Genoa, against the expectation of those who in Florence
had advised the treaty, because they believed that Brescia would be
defended by the Venetians and Genoa would defend herself. And
because in the agreement Filippo made with the doge of Genoa the
latter left to him Sarzana and other towns on this side of the Magra,
with the condition that if he wished to give them up he should be
bound to give them to the Genoese, the conclusion was that Filippo
had violated the treaty. He had, besides this, made an agreement
with the Legate of Bologna. These things disturbed the minds of
our citizens and forced them, since they feared new ills, to think
about new safeguards. When this excitement in Florence came to
the attention ofFilippo, either to justify himselfor to test the purposes
of the Florentines or to lull them to sleep, he sent ambassadors pre",
tending astonishment at the suspicions formed in Florence and
offering to draw back from anything he had done that could excite
any SUspICIon.
These ambassadors produced no other effect than to divide the
city, for one party, made up of those who had most influence in the
government, judged it wise to take arms and prepare to spoil the
plans of the enemy; then if preparations were made and Filippo
remained quiet, war would not be begun and there would be reason
for peace. Many others, either in envy of those who ruled or in fear
of war, judged that a friend should not be lightly suspected and that
what the Duke had done did not justify such great suspicion ofhim,
and moreover they asserted that their opponents knew well that to
choose the TenI and to hire troops amounted to beginning war.
War against so great a prince would bring the city sure ruin, without
the possibility ofhoping for any benefit: we could not become masters
of any conquests we might make, with Romagna between us and
them, and the neighborhood of the Church forbade any dreams
about the affairs of Romagna. Nevertheless the influence of those
wishing to prepare for war was stronger than that ofthose wishing to
1. The Florentine board or committee in charge of warfare.
Do Not Be the Aggressor 1191
arrange for peace. Hence they chose the Ten, hired soldiers, and
imposed new taxes. These, because they weighed more heavily on
the lesser than on the greater citizens, filled the city with laments;
everybody condemned the ambition and avarice ofthe powerful and
charged them (for the sake of sating their appetites and crushing the
people, so as to rule them) of bringing about an unnecessary war.
CHAPTER S
[Filippo seizes F or11; debate over aggressive and defensive war. 1423]
Florence had not yet come to an open break with the Duke, but
everything looked suspicious because, at the request of the Legate of
Bologna-who feared Messer Antonio Bentivoglio, in exile at Castel
Bolognese-Filippo had sent soldiers to that city. Being near Floren;
tine territory, they kept her government in anxiety. But what made
everybody tremble still more, and gave an important reason for be;
ginning the war, was the Duke's expedition against Forli. The lord
ofForli was Giorgio Ordelaffi, who on his death left: his son Tibaldo
under Filippo's guardianship. Tibaldo's mother, suspicious of the
guardian, sent her son to Lodovico Alidosi her father, lord ofImola.
Nevertheless, in order to carry out the will of his father, the people of
Forli forced her to put the boy into the Duke's hands. Then Filippo,
to rouse less suspicion of himself and better to conceal his intention,
ordered the Marquis of Ferrara to send as his deputy Guido Torello,
with soldiers, to take over the government of ForlL Thus the town
came into Filippo's power.
This situation, when known in Florence, together with the news
of the soldiers who had come to Bologna, made easier the decision
for war, though it met much opposition, and Giovanni de'Medici
publicly advised against it. He showed that even if the Duke's ill
will was certain, it was better to wait for him to attack you than to
move your forces against him. In the latter situation the rulers of
I
Italy would see in the war as much justice on the Duke's side as on
our side, and it would not be possible to ask assistance with con;
fidence, though we could do so if he had revealed his ambition.
With different courage and different forces the rulers would defend
1. In his interest in the general principle, Machiavelli turns from historical narrative to ad~
dress his reader directly, as in THE PRINCE.
their own property than they would that ofsome other man. 2 Other
Florentines said it was good not to wait for the enemy at home but to
attack him, that Fortune is more friendly to him who attacks than to
him who defends, and with less damage, even though with more
expense, war is made in another's territory than in one's own. In the
end, the last opinion prevailed, and it was determined that the Ten
should use every means for taking the city of Forli from the Duke's
hands.
2. The minor princes of Italy would} if the Duke attacked} feel that they were defending
themselves from aggression.
CHAPTER 6
[War with Filippo begins; the battle of Zagonara. 1424]
Filippo, seeing that the Florentines intended to seize the things
he had undertaken to protect, laying all scruples aside, sent Agnolo
della Pergola with a large force against Imola, so that her ruler,
occupied in protecting his own property, could not attend to the
defense ofhis grandson. Agnolo, then, came to Imola-the forces of
the Florentines being still at Modigliana. Since the cold was so great
that ice covered the city moat, one night by surprise he captured her.
Lodovico Alidosi he sent to Milan as a prisoner. The Florentines,
seeing that Imola was lost and war openly begun, sent their soldiers
to Forli; they laid siege to that city and blockaded it on all sides. To
keep the Duke's soldiers from uniting to relieve the place, they hired
Count Alberigo, who from his city of Zagonara raided every day as
far as the gates of Imola. Agnolo della Pergola saw that he could
not with safety relieve Forli because ofthe strong position our soldiers
had taken up. He therefore decided to attempt the capture of Zago~
nara, judging that the Florentines would not permit the loss of that
town; yet if they attempted to relieve it, they would have to give up
the affair at Forli and come with disadvantage to battle. Pressure by
the Duke's soldiers forced Alberigo to ask terms. They were granted
on his promise to surrender his city if within fifteen days the Floren~
tines did not relieve him.
When news of this difficulty came to the Florentine army and to
the city, all were eager that their enemies should not gain such a
victory. But thus the Florentines caused them to gain a greater one,
for the army, leaving Forli to relieve Zagonara, on meeting the enemy
A Bloodless Battle 1193
was vanquished. This defeat resulted not so much from their adver~
saries' valor as from the severe weather, because after our men had
marched several hours in very deep mud and with rain falling, they
encountered the unwearied enemy, who easily overcame them.
Nevertheless in so great a defeat, reported everywhere in Italy, no~
body died except Lodovico degli Obizzi with two of his followers;
these three, falling from their horses, were drowned in the mud.
CHAPTER 7
[Florence dismayed by the defeat at Zagonara; a courageous speech by
Rinaldo degli Albizzi. 1524]
The whole city of Florence by the news of this defeat was made
melancholy, especially the noble citizens who had advised the war,
because they saw the enemy strong, but themselves unarmed, without
friends, and opposed by the people, who, in all the piazzas, with
insulting words censured them, complaining of the heavy taxes and
ofthe war begun without cause, saying: "See how these fellows set up
the Ten to frighten the enemy! See how they relieved Forli and took
her from the Duke's hands! See how their plans are revealed, and
the end they are going toward-not to protect liberty, which is their
enemy, but to increase their own power, which God has justly
decreased. Nor with this undertaking alone have they burdened the
city but with many, because like this one was that against King
Ladislas. To whom will they now go running for aid~ To Pope
Martin, whom in the Braccio affair they have made ridiculous~ To
Queen Joanna, whom, by abandoning her, they have obliged to
throw herself into the King of Aragon's arms~" And besides these,
they said all the other things that an angry people always says.
Therefore the Signors decided to bring together a number of
citizens who with good words could quiet the party feelings stirred
up by the crowd. Hence Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi, who had
been left as the oldest son ofMesser Maso, and who aspired, through
his own ability and the memory of his father, to the chiefrank in the
city, spoke for a long time, showing that to judge things from their
results is not wise, because m,any times the outcome of affairs well
advised is not good and of those badly advised is good. When bad
advice is praised because of its good outcome, nothing else is done
than to give men courage in error; this results in great harm to repub~
lies because not always does bad advice turn out well. So in the
same way to censure a good plan that has an unhappy outcome is
wrong because such censure destroys the citizens' courage to advise
the city and to say what they believe. Then he showed the need for
undertaking that war, because if it had not been begun in Romagna
it would have been fought in Tuscany. But since God had willed
that the soldiers should be defeated, Florentine loss would be the
more serious the more they despaired, but if they showed Fortune a
bold face and applied what counter measures they could, they would
not realize their loss or the Duke his victory. They should not be
frightened by expenses and future taxes because in all probability
these would change and be much smaller than those in the past, for
smaller preparations are needed by states trying to defend themselves
than by those who attack. He exhorted them, in short, to follow the
example of their fathers who, through not losing their courage in
any adverse condition, had always, against any prince whatever,
defended themselves.
CHAPTER 8
[Niccolo Piccino employed as general; the rich object to heavy taxes.
142 4-1426]
Encouraged by his support, the citizens hired Count Oddo,
Braccio's son, and gave him as supervisor Niccolo Piccino, pupil of
Braccio and of higher reputation than any other who had served
under his standards; in addition they hired other generals, and some
ofthe soldiers who had been plundered they again put on horseback.
They chose twenty citizens to levy new taxes; these, taking courage
because they saw the powerful citizens crushed by past defeat, with~
out any consideration for them, laid heavy taxes on them. This
taxation greatly offended the aristocratic citizens, who at first, in
order to appear more honorable, did not complain of their own
burden, but censured the taxes as generally unjust, and advised that
there should be a lightening. Their plan, becoming known to many,
was obstructed in the councils. Hence, in order to make people
actually feel the harshness ofthose taxes, and to make them hated by
many, the objectors managed to have the taxgatherers collect them
with the utmost severity, giving authority to kill anybody who de~
The Populace Gains Power 1195
fended himself against the public officers. From this resulted many
unhappy incidents, with death and wounds for citizens, through
which it seemed that the parties would come to blood, and every
prudent man feared some future ill, since the nobles who were used
to being respected, could not endure to have hands laid on them, and
the rest wished that all should be equally taxed.
Many of the leading citizens therefore gathered together and
decided that it was necessary to take the government up again, I
because their inactivity had made men bold in censuring public

actions and had given new courage to those accustomed to lead the
crowd. Having debated these things among themselves many times,
they decided that they should at once assemble in their full number.
So in the Church of Santo Stefano more than seventy citizens as"
sembled, with the permission of Messer Lorenzo Ridolfi and of
Francesco Gianfigliazzi, who were then acting as Signors~ Their
meeting was not attended by Giovanni de'Medici, either because he
was not invited, as a suspect, or because, being opposed to their
view, he was unwilling to take part.
1. To take the government into their own hanas, usually by means of a balla, or committee
with power to make changes.
CHAPTER 9
[Rinaldo degli Albizzi advises action against the masses; Niccolo da
Uzzano declares Giovanni de'Medici's support essential. 1423-"1426]
To all ofthem Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi spoke. He showed
the condition of the city and how through their neglect she was
again under the control of the masses, from whom their fathers had
taken her away in 1381. He reminded them of the wickedness of
the government that ruled from 1378 to 1381 and that among the
men present it had killed one's father and another's grandfather. Yet
they were going back into the same dangers, and the city was falling
into the same abuses, because already the crowd had levied a tax to
suit itself, and soon, if not held back by greater force or better policy,
it would elect the magistrates as it wished. When that happened, the
masses would occupy the places of the present rulers and destroy the
government that for forty"two years had been in control-with such
great glory for the city. Then Florence would be governed either by
chance, according to the will of the crowd, so that one party would
live without restraint and the other in danger, or the city would be
under the domination of one man who would make himself prince.
Moreover, he declared that every man who loved his country and his
own honor needed to rouse himselfand remember the vigor ofBardo
Mancini, who by ruining the Alberti got the city out of the dangers
she was then in, and that the present boldness of the crowd resulted
from the free choice of candidates that had come about through the
inattention of his listeners. Thus the Palace was full of new men of
humble family. He then concluded that he saw but this one way to
remedy affairs: to give the government to the nobles and to take away
the power of the lesser gilds, bringing them down from fourteen to
seven. This would give the lowest class less power in the councils,
since its numbers would be diminished and more power would be
given to the nobles, who on account of their old hostility would not
support the masses. He declared that prudence makes use of men
according to the times; hence, if their fathers made use of the masses
to destroy the haughtiness of the nobles, now that the nobility had
become humble and the masses haughty, the haughtiness of the
lowest classes could well be checked with the aid of the nobles. To
accomplish these things either trickery or force was available; the
latter they could employ easily, since some of them belonged to the
magistracy of the Ten and could secretly bring soldiers into the city.
Messer Rinaldo was praised and his advice was approved by
everybody. Niccolo da Uzzano, among the others, said that every~
thing Messer Rinaldo had said was true and his remedies good and
sure, if they could be used without coming to an open split in the
city, which would result in any circumstances if Giovanni de'Medici
did not come over to their belie£ Ifhe agreed with them, the crowd,
deprived ofits leader and ofpower, could do no harm. Ifhe did not
agree, without using weapons they could not carry out their plan.
With weapons, he judged there was danger either that they could
not win or could not enjoy their victory. Then he modestly brought
to their memories his past advice and their failure to provide against
these troubles in times past when easily they might have done so;
now they were not in time to do it without fearing greater damage.
No resource was left except to gain Giovanni de'Medici to their
side. So to Messer Rinaldo was given the duty ofgoing to Giovanni
to attempt to bring him to their opinion.
"All Change Is Perilous" 1197
CHAPTER 10
[Giovanni de'Medici opposes action. 1426]

The knight carried out his duty, and with all the best arguments
he knew encouraged Giovanni to undertake this action with them
and not to decide to make the crowd bold by supporting it, with
consequent ruin to the government and the city. Giovanni answered
that the duty of a wise and good citizen, as he believed, was not to
change the familiar methods of the city, since there is nothing
that offends men so much as to vary these; by such variation many are
offended, and when many are discontented, every day one must fear
some dangerous incident. He also believed that this policy of theirs
would have two very harmful results. First, it would give the city
offices to those who, never having held them, value them lower and
have less cause, not holding them, to complain. Second, ifthe offices
were taken from those who had been accustomed to holding them,
such men would never be quiet until their positions were given back
to them. Thus the result would be much greater injury to one party
than benefit to the other, so that he who caused it would get himself
few friends and numerous enemies; and the enemies would be more
violent in injuring him than the friends in defending him, since men
are naturally quicker in their revenge for an injury than in their
gratitude for a benefit; they feel that gratitude causes them loss but
revenge brings them profit and pleasure.
Giovanni then addressed Messer Rinaldo personally, saying:
"You, if you remember what has happened and with what decep;
tions we proceed in this city, will be less hot in this decision, because
those who advise it will with your forces first take power from the
people, and then will take it from you with the people's aid, since
this injury will make the people your enemies. It will happen to you
as to Messer Benedetto Alberti, who was persuaded by men who did
not love him to consent to the ruin of Messer Giorgio Scali and
Messer Tommaso Strozzi, and a little later, by the very persons who
had persuaded him, he was sent into exile." Giovanni also exhorted
him to reflect more adequately on the matter and to try to imitate his
father, who, in order to get general good will, decreased the price of
salt, provided that anyone with a tax ofless than half a florin should
be allowed to payor not as he liked, and decreed that on the day
when the councils met everybody should be secure from his creditors.
And finally Giovanni concluded that, as far as he was concerned,
he was for letting the city's organization stand.
CHAPTER II
[Giovanni de'Medici stands for union in the city; Florence loses her
towns in the Romagna. 142,4-1427]
These matters, so discussed, became generally known and brought
Giovanni higher reputation and the other citizens hatred. This repu~
tation he tried to avoid, in order to give less confidence to those who,
pretending his support, might be planning revolution. In all that he
said, he gave everybody to understand that he was not in favor of
encouraging factions but of getting rid of them, and so far as he was
concerned, he sought for nothing else than the union of the city.
For this reason, many who adhered to his party were discontented,
because they would have liked him to show himself more active in
affairs. Among these was Alamanno de'Medici, who, being by
nature violent, did not cease to incite him to persecute his enemies
and to aid his friends, condemning his coldness and his method of
proceeding slowly, which he said was the reason why Giovanni's
enemies without hesitation plotted against him-plots that one day
would result in the ruin of his house and his friends. His son Cosi~
mo also urged him in the same way. Nevertheless nothing that was
presented or predicted to Giovanni moved him to shift his determina~
tion. Yet for all that, the scheme had already been revealed and the
city was evidently divided.
In the Palace, in the service of the Signors, there were two chan~
cellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo; the latter adhered to Uzzano's
party, the first to the Medicean party. Messer Rinaldo, since Gio~
vanni had not consented to unite with them, thought it would be a
good thing to deprive Ser Martino of office, judging that then he
would always have the Palace more on his side. Since Messer
Rinaldo's attempt was foreseen by his opponents, not merely was
Ser Martino defended but Ser Pagolo was deprived-to his party's
disgust and damage.
This affair would at once have produced bad effects if war had
not been hanging over the city, which was terrified by the defeat
Courage Admired, Cowardice Scorned 1199
suffered at Zagonara. After that reverse, and during the troubles I
have mentioned in Florence, Agnolo della Pergola, with the Duke's
soldiers, had taken all the cities of Romagna owned by the Floren"
tines except Castrocaro and Modigliana, partly through the weakness
of the places, partly through the failure of those who guarded them.
In the capture ofthese cities two things happened which reveal how
much courage is admired even by enemies, and how cowardice and
wickedness are scorned.
CHAPTER 12
[The heroism of Biagio del Melano; the cowardice of Zanobi del Pino.
142 4-1 425]
The castellan of the fortress of Monte Petroso was Biagio del
Melano. When fire had been kindled around him by his enemies
and he saw no resource for the safety of the fortress, he threw cloths
and straw down on the side that as yet was not burning, and on the
heap threw down his two young children, saying to the enemy:
"Take for yourselves these goods that Fortune has given me and that
you can take from me; those of the spirit, where my fame and honor
lie, I shall not give to you nor will you take them from me." In haste
the enemy came to rescue the children, and to him they extended
ropes and ladders with which he could save himself, but he did not
accept them; he preferred to die in the flames rather than to live in
safety furnished by enemies to his native city. A deed truly worthy
of that antiquity so much praised! And it is more admirable than
ancient deeds in so far as it is more unusual. To his children his
enemies restored such things as they could save, and with the greatest
care sent them to their relatives. Toward them the republic was not
less loving, for as long as they lived they were supported at public
expense.
The opposite to this happened in Galeata, where the podesta was
Zanobi del Pino: without making any defense, he gave up the castle
to the enemy, and besides he encouraged Agnolo to leave the moun"
tains ofRomagna and come to the hills of Tuscany, where he could
make war with less danger and greater profit. In no way could
Agnolo endure the cowardice and base spirit of that fellow, so he
turned him over to his servants as their booty. After much mockery,
they gave him nothing to eat but pieces of paper painted like snakes,
saying that thus they intended to change him from a Guelf to a
Ghibelline. And so starving, in a few days he died.
CHAPTER 13
[Niccolo Piccino deserts Florence)· alliance with Venice; Carmignuola.
1425-1 426]
Count Oddo, in the meanwhile, together with Niccolo Piccino
had entered the Valley of Lamona to try to bring the Lord ofFaenza
back to alliance with the Florentines, or at least to keep Agnolo della
Pergola from more easily conquering Romagna. But because that
valley is very strong and its inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was
killed and Niccolo Piccino sent as a prisoner to Faenza. But For"
tune caused the Florentines to gain through losing what perhaps by
winning they would not have gained, for Niccolo so worked on the
Lord of Faenza and his mother that he made them friends of the
Florentines. On this agreement, Niccolo Piccino was set free, but
he did not apply to himself the advice he had given to others: when
dealing with the city about his position as general, either because he
thought their terms bad or he got better ones elsewhere, almost with"
out warning he left Arezzo, where he was quartered, and went to
Lombardy to take employment with the Duke of Milan. The
Florentines, frightened by this event and shaken by their frequent
losses, judged that by themselves they could no longer keep up this
war; hence they sent ambassadors to the Venetians begging them to
oppose, while it was easy, the greatness of one who, if they let him
grow, was going to be just as harmful to them as to the Florentines.
The Venetians were exhorted to this same undertaking by Fran"
cesco Carmignuola, a man in those days thought very excellent in
war, who had once been employed by the Duke of Milan but had
then broken away from him. The Venetians were in doubt because
they did not know how far they could trust Carmignuola, fearing
that the hostility between the Duke and himselfhad been pretended.
But while they were thus uncertain, it happened that the Duke, by
means of a servant of Carmignuola's, had him poisoned. This
poison was not strong enough to kill him though it brought him to
the point of death. Finding out the cause of his sickness, the Vene"
Ex post facto 1201
tians gave up their suspicion and made a league with the Florentines,
who had continued to urge them. Each of the parties pledged him"
self to carryon the war at the common expense; acquisitions in
Lombardy were to belong to the Venetians, those in Romagna and
Tuscany to the Florentines; Carmignuola was captain general of the
league. The war, then, on this agreement was carried into Lom~
bardy, where it was efficiently managed by Carmignuola: in a few
months he took many towns from the Duke, together with the city
of Brescia-a capture that in those times, and for those wars, was
thought wonderful.
CHAPTER 14
[Heavier taxes for the rich; Giovanni de'Medici tries to calm party
feeling. 1422- 1 4 2 7]
Since this war had lasted from 1422 to 1427, the citizens of
Florence were worn 'out by the taxes imposed up to that time, so that
they agreed to revise them. And in order that the taxes should be
proportionate to men's wealth, it was provided that they should be
laid on property, and that he who had a hundred florins in value
should pay a tax of half a florin. So, since the law and not men
would assign the taxes, they would burden the wealthy citizens
heavily; hence before the law passed, the rich did not favor it. Only
Giovanni de'Medici openly praised it, so that it passed. Because in
determining the tax all the property of every man was recorded,
which the Florentines call accatastare, this tax was called the catasto.
This method partly restrained the tyranny of the powerful, because
they could not oppress the humbler citizens and by threats make
them keep silent in meetings of the council, as they could before.
This tax, then, was accepted by the generality, but received by the
powerful with great vexation.
Yet since it is true that men are never contented but, having got
one thing, they are not satisfied with it and want a second, so the
people were not satisfied with the equality of taxation resulting from
the law, but asked that there be a review of times past, in order to
learn how far, according to the catasto, the powerful had fallen short
in payment; they intended that the rich should be made to pay
enough to equalize them with those who, in order to pay more than
was right, had sold their possessions. This demand, much more than
the catasto, terrified the rich. So, to defend themselves, they did not
cease to condemn the tax, declaring that it was very unjust, because
it was levied also on movable property, which today men have and
tomorrow lose; and that, besides, there are many persons who have
money hidden, which the catasto cannot find. To this they added
that those who, in order to govern the state, leave their businesses
ought to be less burdened by taxation, since it is enough that they
labor in person, and it is not just that the city should enjoy both their
effects and their labor, but only the money of others. Those who
approved the catasto, answered that if movable property varied, the
taxes could also vary, and their frequent variation would remedy
that inconvenience. Ofthose who had money hidden no reckoning
was needed, because such money as does not bear fruit does not
reasonably pay, and ifit bore fruit it would necessarily be discovered.
Moreover, if they were unwilling to labor for the republic, they
could give it up and not toil at it, because she would find well"
disposed citizens who would not think it burdensome to aid her
with money and with counsel; and so great are the benefits and the
honors that rule brings with it that those ought to be enough for
them, without trying not to share in the burdens. But the trouble
consisted in something they did not speak of, because it pained them
that they could not start a war without damaging themselves, having
to share in its expenses like the others; if this method of taxation had
been devised before, there never would have been war with King
Ladislas, nor would there now be war with Duke Filippo, for these
wars were undertaken to enrich the citizens, and not from necessity.
These quarrels that had started were calmed by Giovanni de'
Medici, who showed that it was not well to go back over past things,
but very much so to provide for future ones. And ifthe exactions in
the past had been unjust, Florentines should thank God that they
had found a way for making them just, and should hope that this
plan for taxation would serve to reunite, not to divide the city, as
would investigation of past taxes and an attempt to equalize them
with the present ones. For he who is content with halfa victory will
always come out better for it, because those who try to do more than
win often lose. With such words he calmed these disputes and pre"
vented further discussion of equalized taxes.
Millions of Ducats for Poverty 1203
CHAPTER 15
[Peace with Duke Filippo; further complaint about taxes. 1428]
To continue, then, with the war against the Duke of Milan, a
treaty was made at Ferrara by means ofthe Pope's Legate. The Duke
at the beginning did not observe its conditions, so that the League
again took up arms; and coming to a battle with his soldiers, they
defeated him at Maclodio. After that defeat, the Duke started new
discussions about a settlement. The Florentines agreed to these,
having come to lack trust in the Venetians, since they thought they
were spending a great deal to give power to another state; the V ene~
tians agreed because they observed that Carmignuola, after defeating
the Duke, went slowly, so that they decided they could no longer
trust him. Hence a treaty was made in 1428: the Florentines got
back the cities they had lost in Romagna; Brescia was left to the
Venetians, and in addition the Duke gave them Bergamo and her
territory. The Florentine outlay on this war was three million, five
hundred thousand ducats, by means of which they increased V ene~
tian territory and might, and their own poverty and disunion.
With the coming of peace outside the walls, war inside began
again. Since the noble citizens could not endure the catasto and did
not see any way for getting rid of it, they thought out methods for
making it more enemies in order to have more companions in as~
sailing it. So they showed the officials selected to impose it that the
law forced them to register also the property of the people in Floren~
tine territory to see if they had any goods belonging to Florentines.
Hence all the subjects were called upon to present within a certain
time the lists oftheir property. As a result the V olterrani complained
to the Signoria; whereupon the officials, in anger, sent eighteen of
them to prison. This action caused great indignation among the
V olterrani, yet, out of regard for the prisoners, they did not rebel.
CHAPTER 16
[The dying words of Giovanni de'Medici; his character. 1429]
At this time Giovanni de'Medici fell sick. Knowing his illness
to be mortal, he called Cosimo and Lorenzo, his sons, and said to
them: eel believe that I have lived out the time assigned to me by God
and by Nature at my birth. I die happy, since I leave you rich,
healthy, and in such condition that, if you follow my footsteps, you
can live in Florence honored and liked by everybody. Nothing does
so much to make me die happy as to remember that I have llever
injured anyone, but on the contrary, I have, so far as possible,
benefited everyone. So I encourage you to do. In the government,
if you wish to live in security, take as much part as is given you by
the laws and by men. This will not bring on you either envy or
danger, because what a man takes for himself, not what is given to
him, makes him hated. And you will always have much more
authority than those who, wishing the share ofothers, lose their own,
and before they lose it live in continual trouble. With these methods,
among so many enemies, among so many dissensions, I have not
merely kept but increased my reputation in this city. So, if you
follow my footsteps, you will keep and increase yours. But if you
do otherwise, believe that your end cannot be more fortunate than
that ofFlorentines who within your memory have ruined themselves
and destroyed their houses."
He died soon after, and throughout the city was very much re~
gretted, as for his admirable qualities he deserved to be. Giovanni
was charitable, and not merely was in the habit of giving alms to
those who asked them, but many times without being asked he
supplied the needs of the poor. He loved everybody; the good he
praised, and the wicked he pitied. Never did he ask for offices, and
he held them all. He never went to the Palace ifhe was not sent for.
He loved peace, avoided war. In times of adversity, he gave men
support; in times of prosperity, he gave them aid. He was far from
plundering the treasury, and to the common good he made additions.
In city offices he appeared well: not of much eloquence but of very
great wisdom. He presented the appearance of melancholy, but
later in conversation he was pleasant and witty. He died very rich
in money, and still richer in good reputation and good will. His
legacy, both ofthe goods ofFortune and ofthose ofthe spirit, Cosimo
not merely preserved but increased.
Florentine Promptness 1205
CHAPTER 17
[Giusto's unsuccessful rebellion in Volterra. 1429]
The V olterrani were tired of being in prison, and in order to get
their freedom promised to do what was ordered. After they had been
freed, then, and had returned to Volterra, the time came when their
new priors took up office. Among them a certain Giusto was chosen,
a man of the lower class but of standing with the lower class, who
was one of those imprisoned in Florence. This man, fired on his
own part with hatred against the Florentines, as the result of both the
public and the private injury, was also urged on by Giovanni
di ... ,I an aristocrat who was sitting with him in the magistracy,
to try to rouse the people with the authority of the priors and with
his own influence, and to take the city from the hands ofthe Floren"
tines and make himself her prince. On the advice of this man,
Giusto took arms, mastered the city, seized the captain who was
there for the Florentines, and with the consent of the people made
himself ruler.
This rebellion in Volterra greatly disturbed the Florentines; yet,
since they had made peace with the Duke and their agreements were
recent, they judged they had time to regain her. And in order not to
lose their opportunity, they appointed as commissioners in this busi"
ness Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Messer Palla Strozzi. Giusto
meanwhile, since he thought the Florentines would attack him,
asked the Sienese and the Lucchese for help. The Sienese refused,
saying that they were in league with the Florentines; Pagolo Guinigi,
who was ruler of Lucca, in order to regain favor with the people of
Florence, which in the war with the Duke he lost by showing him"
self a friend to Filippo, not merely refused aid to Giusto but sent to
Florence as a prisoner the man who had come to ask it. The Floren"
tine commissioners, meanwhile, in order to come upon the Volterrani
unprepared, got together all their men"at"arms, levied in V aldarno
below the city and in the country about Pisa many infantry, and
went to Volterra. But Giusto did not lose courage either because he
was abandoned by his neighbors or on account of the attack to be
made by the Florentines, but trusting in the city's strong site and her
wealth, provided for defense.
1. Left blank by Machiavelli. The name is Contugi.
There was in Volterra a certain Messer Arcolano, a brother of
that Giovanni who had persuaded Giusto to seize the lordship, a
man of standing among the nobility. He brought together certain
of his confidants and showed them that God, through this event that
had taken place, had brought aid to their city in her necessity,
because, if they would take arms and deprive Giusto of the lordship
and turn the city over to the Florentines, it would follow that they
would be the leaders in that city, and she would maintain her ancient
privileges. So having agreed on this, they went to the ruler's palace,
and while part of them remained below, Messer Arcolano with
three of them went up to the hall. Finding Giusto with some citi~
zens, they drew him aside as if they wished to talk about something
important. And from one discussion to another, they got him into
a private room, where Arcolano and his companions attacked him
with their swords. They were not, however, quick enough not to
give Giusto a chance to grasp his weapon. Before they killed him,
he seriously wounded two of them, but at last unable to resist so
many, he was killed and thrown down to the ground from the
Palace. Then taking arms, Messer Arcolano's party gave the city to
the Florentine commissioners, who with their soldiers were nearby.
Without making any agreements, they marched in. The outcome
was that Volterra made her condition worse, because among other
things the Florentines cut offfrom her the larger part ofthe surround"
ing territory and made it into a vicarate.
CHAPTER 18
[Niccolo Fortebraccio invades Lucchese territory; Florence divided over
war against Lucca. 1429]
After the loss and the regaining of Volterra, as though in a
moment, there was no cause for a new war, if men's ambition had
not started another. In the wars with the Duke, Niccolo Forte~
braccio, the son of Braccio of Perugia's sister, had long borne arms
for the city of Florence. When peace came, this man was dismissed
by the Florentines, but when the matter of Volterra came up he was
still quartered at Fucecchio; hence the commissioners for that affair
availed themselves of him and his soldiers. It was supposed that
while Messer Rinaldo worked with him in that war, he persuaded
Hope of Gain Overcomes Fear of Loss 1207
him, with the excuse of some made"up injury, to try attacking the
Lucchese, by showing him that if he did it, Messer Rinaldo himself
would work in such a way at Florence that the city would undertake
a campaign against Lucca, with Niccolo in command. So when
Volterra had been captured and he had returned to his quarters at
Fucecchio, either because of the persuasions of Messer Rinaldo, or
through his own will, in November 1429, with three hundred horse"
men and three hundred infantry he captured Ruoti and Compito,
walled towns of the Lucchese. Then, going down into the plains,
he took very great booty. When news of this attack was spread in
Florence, throughout the city there were gatherings of men of every
sort, and the greater part held that they should undertake a campaign
against Lucca. Among the aristocratic citizens who favored it were
those of the Medici party; with them sided Messer Rinaldo, moved
either by the opinion that it was an undertaking profitable for the
state or by his own ambition, believing that he would be the leader
in that victory. Those who opposed it were Niccolo da Uzzano
and his party.
And it seems beyond belief that there should be such diverse
judgments about beginning war in just one city. Many Florentines
after ten years of peace had condemned the war undertaken against
Duke Filippo to defend their liberty, yet now, after so many expenses
had been incurred and there was such distress in the city, the same
citizens and the same populace with great urgency were asking that
war be started against Lucca to take away that city's liberty. But on
the other hand, those who wished the first war condemned this one.
Such variation does time bring in opinions, and so much more ready
the crowd is to take the property ofothers than to protect its own, and
so much more are men moved by the hope of gain than by the fear
of loss. Loss, except when it is close to them, they do not imagine;
gain, even though distant, they hope for.
The people of Florence were filled with hope by the gains that
Niccolo Fortebraccio had made and was making and by the letters
from the rectors! near Lucca; for the Florentine vicars ofVico and of
Pescia wrote asking permission to receive the towns that were coming
to surrender, so that soon the whole region surrounding Lucca
would be gained. The Florentines were further encouraged by the
ambassador sent by Pagolo Guinigi, the ruler of Lucca, to complain
1. Flortntint rultrs of cities subjtct to Florenct.
ofthe attacks made by Niccolo and to beg the Signoria not to decide
on waging war against a neighbor and a city that had always been
friendly to her. The name of the ambassador was Messer Jacopo
Viviani. A little earlier Pagolo had this man in prison for plotting
against him, and though he found him guilty, he granted him his
life; then, because he believed that Messer Jacopo had forgiven the
injury, Pagolo trusted him. But Messer Jacopo, remembering the
danger better than the benefit, when he reached Florence secretly
urged the citizens on to the business. These urgings, added to other
hopes, caused the Signoria to summon the Council, for which there
was an assembly of four hundred and ninety"eight citizens, before
whom the chief men of the city debated the matter.
CHAPTER 19
[Rinaldo degli Albizzi favors war on Lucca; Niccolo da Uzzano
advises against it. 1429]
As we said above, Messer Rinaldo took the lead in favoring the
expedition against Lucca. He set forth the profit that would come
from her conquest; he set forth the opportunity for the expedition:
Lucca was left as Florentine booty by the Venetians and the Duke;
the Pope, who was mixed up in the affairs of the Kingdom, could
not hinder them. To this he added the ease of taking her, since she
was in servitude to a citizen and had lost her natural vigor and her
ancient zeal for defending her liberty. Hence, either by the people
in order to drive out the tyrant, or by the tyrant in fear of the people,
she would be surrendered. He related the injuries done by the ruler
to our republic and his malicious spirit toward it, and how dangerous
he would be if the Pope or the Duke should again wage war on
Florence. He concluded that the Florentine people never had under"
taken an enterprise that was easier, more profitable, or more just.
Against this opinion, Niccolo da U zzano said that the city of
Florence never undertook an enterprise more unjust, more dangerous
or from which greater damage was likely to result. First, we should
be striking at a Guelf city which had always been friendly to the
Florentine people and, to her peril, had many times received into her
bosom Guelfs who could not remain in their native city. In the
records of our affairs it cannot be found that free Lucca ever injured
How to Win Lucca 1209
Florence. But if someone (such as Castruccio long ago and now

this man) who had enslaved her had injured Florence, the blame
was to be laid not on her but on the tyrant. If they could make war
on the tyrant without making it on the citizens, he would be less
vexed, but because such a war was impossible, he could not agree
that the goods of a friendly body of citizens should be plundered.
But since we were living today in such a manner that not much
account was taken ofjust and unjust, he would let that matter go and
deal only with Florence's advantage. He believed, as to this, that
things can be called advantageous which cannot easily bring harm.
He did not know, then, how anybody could call an undertaking
advantageous in which the losses were sure and the advantages unol
certain. The sure losses were the expenses it would require, which
evidently were large enough to frighten a city brought back into
good condition, not merely one exhausted by a long and serious war,
as Florence was. The advantages to be got from it were those of the
conquest of Lucca. These he admitted would be great, but he was
for considering the uncertainties of the attempt, which appeared to
him so many that he judged the conquest impossible. Moreover,
they should not believe that the Venetians and Filippo would apol
prove this conquest, for the Venetians would pretend to agree only
in order not to seem ungrateful, since a short time before, by means of
Florentine money, they had gained such great power. Filippo would
be glad that the Florentines were involved in a new war and new
expenses, in order to attack them a second time when they were
exhausted and worn out in every way. In the midst of their camol
paign and in their highest hopes for victory, he would not lack a
method for rescuing the Lucchese, either secretly with money or by
dismissing some ofhis troops and sending them to the city as soldiers
of fortune.
He therefore advised that they avoid the undertaking and deal
with the tyrant in such a way that inside his own city he would make
himself as many enemies as possible, because Lucca could not be
subdued in any easier way than that of letting her live under the
tyrant and be harassed and weakened by him. The tyrant could not
hold her and she would not know how to rule herself or be able to
do so. Hence Lucca would be brought to such a condition that of
necessity she would fall into the lap of Florence. But Niccolo da
Uzzano saw that partisan feelings were so excited that his words
were not listened to. Yet all the same he was going to foretell these
things: they would enter a war in which they would spend much
and run into many dangers; instead ofconquering Lucca, they would
free her from her tyrant; out of a city that was friendly, in subjection
and weak, they would make one that was free and hostile and in
time would be an obstacle to the greatness of Florence.
CHAPTER 20
[War against Lucca; the cruelty of Astorre Gianni in Sera"

vezza. 1430]
So afier there had been speeches for the expedition and against
the expedition, they secretly ascertained the verdict of the men, ac~
cording to custom, and of the entire number only ninety~eight voted
against it. Having made their decision, then, and chosen the Ten
to carry on the war, they hired infantry and cavalry. They appointed
as commissioners Astorre Gianni and Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi,
and they made an agreement with Niccolo Fortebraccio to receive
from him the towns he had taken and to have him continue the
campaign as in our employ. The commissioners, when they arrived
in Lucchese territory, divided their army; Astorre spread out through
the plain toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, and Messer Rinaldo
went toward the mountains, thinking that when the city had been
deprived of her surrounding district she could easily be taken.
Yet the attempts of these men turned out badly, not because they
did not gain many towns, but because of the censures on their
management of the war that were directed against both of them. It
is true that for the censures against himself Astorre Gianni gave good
cause. There is a valley near Pietrasanta called Seravezza, rich and
full of inhabitants. Knowing of the commissioner's coming, the
men ofSeravezza met him and begged him to accept them as faithful
servants of the Florentine people. In appearance, Astorre accepted
their offer. But he had his soldiers seize all the passes and the strong
places in the valley, and had the men come together in their largest
church; then he made them all prisoners and let his soldiers lay waste
and destroy all the country in a cruel and avaricious fashion, not
sparing holy places or women, either virgins or wives. These events,
as soon as they happened, were known in Florence and angered not
only the magistrates but the whole city.
"Nothing of a Florentine Except the Name" 1211
CHAPTER 21
[The Seravezzese complain in Florence)- Astorre is punished. 143 0]
Some of the Seravezzese who escaped from the hands of the

commissioner hastened to Florence and in every street and to every
man related their miseries. As a result, being encouraged by many
who were eager· that the commissioner be punished, either as a
wicked man or as opposed to their faction, they went to the Ten and
asked to be heard. When they were brought in, one of them spoke
to this effect:
"We are sure, magnificent Signors, that our words will find credit
and pity with your Lordships when you know how our country was
seized by your commissioner and in what way he then treated us.
Our valley, as the records ofyour earlier affairs abundantly show, has
always been Guelf and has many times been a sure harbor for your
citizens who, when harassed by the Ghibellines, have taken refuge
there. And always our ancestors and ourselves have adored the name
ofthis famous republic, because of her being chief and leader ofthat
party; and as long as the Lucchese were Guelfs, we gladly were
subject to their authority, but when they came under the tyrant who
has left: his old friends and followed the Ghibelline party, rather
through force than of our free will we have obeyed him; and God
knows how many times we have prayed that occasion would be
given us to show our inclination toward the old party. How blind
men are in their wishes! What we longed for as our security has
been our ruin. When we first knew that your banners were coming
toward us, we approached your commissioner as though to meet not
enemies but our ancient rulers, and we put our valley, our fortunes,
and ourselves in his hands, and relied upon his faith, believing that
he possessed the spirit, if not of a Florentine, at least of a man.
"Your Lordships will pardon us, because not being able to
endure worse than we have endured gives us courage to speak. This
commissioner of yours has nothing of man except his appearance,
nothing of a Florentine except the name-a death~bringingplague, a
cruel wild beast, a repulsive monster, such as never has been de~
scribed by any writer. Because, having brought us into our church,
with the excuse of wishing to speak to us, he made us prisoners and
destroyed and burned our whole valley, and her inhabitants and her
property he spoiled, sacked, struck down, killed; he defiled the
women, deflowered the virgins and, dragging them from the arms of
their mothers, made them the prey of his soldiers. If through any
harm done to the Florentine people or to him, we had deserved such
a great evil, or ifhe had taken us armed and defending ourselves, we
would complain less, indeed we should blame ourselves as having
deserved it because of our offenses or our arrogance. But since when
we were unarmed and had surrendered freely to him, he then robbed
us and with such injury and insult plundered us, we are forced
to complain.
"And though we could have filled Lombardy with complaints,
and with blame for this city could have scattered through all Italy the
report of our wrongs, we have not done so in order not to befoul so
honorable and merciful a republic with the dishonor and cruelty of
one wicked citizen. As to him, ifbefore our ruin we had known his
avarice, we should have attempted to find some satisfaction for his
gluttonous spirit, even though it has neither measure nor bottom, and
in that way with part of our property would have saved the rest.
But since we are now too late, we have determined to have recourse
to you and to beg you to relieve your subjects' distress, so that other
men will not be afraid, because of our example, to come under your
power. If you are not moved by our countless ills, may you be
moved by fear of God's wrath, since he has seen his churches sacked
and burned and our people betrayed in his bosom."
Having said this, they threw themselves on the ground, shrieking
and praying that their property and their country be given back to
them, and that (though honor could not be restored) Florence should
at least restore wives to husbands, and to fathers their daughters. The
savagery ofthe affair, first learned by report, and then heard from the
living voices of those who had undergone it, excited the magistracy;
without delay they recalled Astorre, and then he was condemned
and deprived ofthe right to hold office. They sought for the property
ofthe Seravezzese, and what could be found they restored; for the rest,
the city in the course oftime and in various ways made compensation.
An Undisciplined People 1213
CHAPTER 22
[Rinaldo degli Albizzi accused of peculation; his defense; new com-'

missioners appointed. 1430]
Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi, on the other hand, was reviled as
having carried on the war not for the profit of the Florentine people
but for his own. It was said that when he became commissioner he
forgot his eagerness to take Lucca, because it was enough for him to
sack the country regions and fill his pastures with cattle and his
houses with spoil, and that he was not content with the booty his
dependents took for his personal profit but that he bought that ofthe
soldiers, so that from a commissioner he turned into a merchant.
These slanders, when they came to his ears, disturbed his honest and
noble spirit more than was fitting for so dignified a man; they so
troubled him that, in anger against the magistracy and the citizens,
without waiting for or asking permission, he returned to Florence.
Presenting himselfbefore the Ten, he said that he well knew how
much difficulty and danger there is in serving an undisciplined
people and a divided city: the first accepts every rumor; the second is
hard on evil deeds, does not reward good ones, and blames doubtful
ones. Hence, ifyou are victorious, nobody praises you; ifyou make a
mistake, everybody censures you; if you lose, everybody slanders you;
the friendly party strives to injure you through envy, the hostile party
through hatred. Nevertheless he had never, through fear of empty
censure, refrained from carrying on any work that would bring
certain benefit to his city. True it was that the vileness of the present
slanders had overcome his patience, and made him change his nature.
Therefore he begged the magistracy that in the future they would
try to be quicker in protecting their citizens in order that they too
might be more eager to do good work for the city. And since in
Florence it was not customary to offer them a triumph, at least it
should be customary to protect them from false revilings. The Ten
should remember that they too were citizens of that city, and at any
time charges might be brought against them, which would force
them to understand how indignant honest men are made by false
censures.
The Ten, so far as time allowed, tried to calm him, and asked
Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati to take charge of the cam"
paign. Giving up raids on the territory of Lucca, these two moved
their army close to the city. But because the season was still cold, the
soldiers stationed themselves at Capannori, where the commissioners
believed that they were losing time. Yet when they wished to go
closer to the city, the soldiers, because of the unfavorable weather,
did not consent, even though the Ten urged the siege and accepted
no excuse.
CHAPTER 23
[An attempt to flood Lucca damages the Florentine army. 1430]
In those days there was in Florence an excellent architect named
Filippo di Ser Brunellesco, ofwhose works our city is full; such were
his merits that after his death his marble statue was put in the chief
church ofFlorence, with an inscription on its pedestal that to all who
read still bears witness to his ability. He showed that Lucca could
be flooded because ofthe position ofthe city and the bed ofthe River
Serchio; and he argued it so well that the Ten arranged to have it
tried. From it came nothing else than trouble for our army and
security for the enemy; for with a dyke the Lucchese raised the level
of the land on that side to which our army was making the Serchio
come, and then one night broke the dykes ofthat ditch by which the
army was conveying the waters, so that these, finding the high barrier
in the direction of Lucca and the dykes of the canal open, covered
the entire plain; hence the army, far from being able to come near the
city, had to draw off.
CHAPTER 24
[The Duke of Milan sends Count Francesco Sforza to aid Lucca;
Sforza's intrigues. 1430]
Since this attempt did not succeed, the Ten, who were newly
taking up office, sent as commissioner Messer Giovanni Guicciardini.
As soon as he could, he besieged Lucca. So the ruler, Pagolo
Guinigi, seeing himself in straits, on the advice of a certain Messer
Antonio del Rosso, a Sienese, who in the name of the common~
wealth of Siena was with him, sent Salvestro Trenta and Lionardo
Buonvisi to the Duke of Milan. In Pagolo's behalf they asked him
Bribes Repel Mercenary Armies 1215
for help. When they found him cold, they secretly begged that he
would give soldiers to them personally; for this they promised him, in
behalf of the people, to give him their ruler as a prisoner, and after;
ward to put the Duke in possession of the city. They warned him
that ifhe did not make this decision soon, Pagolo would give up his
city to the Florentines, who with many promises were urging him.
Then the Duke's fear of this really did make him lay scruples aside,
and he arranged that Count Francesco Sforza, his hired general,
should publicly ask him for permission to go to the Kingdom.
Having received it, he came with his forces to Lucca, notwith;
standing that the Florentines, knowing this arrangement and fearing
what would come of it, sent to the Count his friend Boccaccino
Alamanni to upset it. When the Count came to Lucca, then, the
Florentines with their army retired to Librafatta, and the Count at
once besieged Pescia, where the vicar was Pagolo da Diacceto.
Advised more by fear than by anything more creditable, Pagolo fled
to Pistoia; and if Pescia had not been defended by Giovanni Mala;
volti, who was in garrison there, it would have been lost. The
Count, then, not having been able to take it in his first attack, went
on to Borgo a Buggiano, which he took. Stigliano, a walled town
nearby, he burned. The Florentines, seeing this destruction, turned
to schemes that many times had saved them, since they knew that
with mercenary soldiers, whenever force is not enough, one can
make use of bribery. And therefore they offered the Count money,
for which he was not merely to go away but to give them Lucca.
The Count, seeing he could get no more money from Lucca, readily
turned to get it from those who had it; thus he made an agreement
with the Florentines not to give them Lucca-for the sake of his
honor he would not grant that-but to abandon her, if they would
give him fifty thousand ducats. When this agreement was made, in
order that the people of Lucca might excuse him to the Duke, he
arranged with them that they should drive out Pagolo Guinigi
their ruler.
CHAPTER 25
[Pagolo Guinigi driven from Lucca; the Duke of Milan defeats the
Florentines; peace without profit. 1430-1433]
As I said above, Messer Antonio del Rosso, the Sienese ambas~
sador, was in Lucca. With Count Francesco's authorization, he
plotted with the citizens Pagolo Guinigi's ruin. The heads of the
conspiracy were Piero Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizzano. The
Count was encamped outside the city, on the Serchio, having with
him Lanzilao, Pagolo's son. The conspirators, forty in number, at
night and armed visited Pagolo. At the noise they made, he met
them in astonishment and asked the reason for their coming. Piero
Cennami answered that Pagolo had ruled them a long time and had
brought them to die by sword and famine, surrounded with enemies.
Therefore they had determined that in the future they would rule
themselves; and they asked for the keys of the city and her treasure.
Pagolo answered that the treasure was spent; the keys and himself
were in their power. This only he begged, that they would agree
that just as his rule had begun and continued without blood, so
without blood it might end. Count Francesco took Pagolo and his
son to the Duke of Milan; finally they died in prison.
Count Francesco's departure left Lucca free from her tyrant and
the Florentines free from fear of Sforza's soldiers, so the citizens
prepared for defense and the Florentines returned to the attack. The
Florentine general was the Count of U rbino who, pressing the city
hard, forced the Lucchese once more to turn to the Duke. Using
the same pretense as in sending the Count, he sent to their assistance
Niccolo Piccino. When he attempted to enter Lucca, our soldiers
opposed him on the Serchio, and in crossing the river they got into
combat and were defeated. The commissioner with a few of our
soldiers took refuge in Pisa.
This defeat discouraged our whole city, and because the under~
taking had been generally supported, the citizens, not knowing
against whom to turn, slandered those who had administered it,
since they could not slander those who had decided on it; they
brought up again the charges against Messer Rinaldo. But more
than any other, Messer Giovanni Guicciardini was torn to shreds
with charges that after Count Francesco's departure he could have
C osimo's Liberality 1217
ended the war but that he was bribed with money and had sent home
a large sum; they named those who had taken the money to him and
those who received it. These rumors and these accusations went so
far that the Captain ofthe People, moved by these public reports and
urged on by the supporters of the opposite party, cited Messer Gio~
vanni. He appeared, full ofwrath. Whereupon his relatives, for the
sake of their honor, made such efforts that the Captain gave up
the attempt.
The Lucchese after this victory not merely got their own towns
again but took all those of the Pisan district except Bientina, Calci~
naia, Livorno and Librafatta, and but for the discovery of a con~
spiracy made in Pisa, we should have lost even that city. The
Florentines reorganized their soldiers and employed as their general
Michelotto, Sforza's pupil. On the other hand, Duke Filippo fol~
lowed up his victory, and in order with larger forces to harass the
Florentines, he had the Genoese, the Sienese and the ruler of Piom~
bino join for the defense of Lucca and employ Niccolo Piccino as
their general. This action completely revealed Duke Filippo's policy.
So the Venetians and the Florentines renewed their league, and war
was then made openly in Lombardy and in Tuscany. And in both
provinces there were various battles with varying fortunes, so that,
since everybody was worn out, an agreement between the parties was
made in May 1433; by this the Florentines, the Lucchese, and the
Sienese, who in the war had taken many towns from each other, gave
them all up, and each one returned to the possession of his own.
CHAPTER 26
[Cosimo de'Medici; the tactics of Averardo de'Medici and Puccio
Pucci, hisfollowers. 1429-1430]
While this war was going on, all the dangerous disputes of the
parties in Florence boiled up again. Cosimo de'Medici, after the
death of Giovanni his father, conducted himself with greater spirit
in public matters and with greater zeal and more liberality toward
his friends than his father had done. Hence, those who at Gio~
vanni's death had rejoiced, on seeing what Cosimo was, were sad.
Cosimo was a very prudent man, ofserious and pleasing appearance,
very liberal, very humane. Never did he attempt anything against
the Guelf Party or against the government, but gave his attention to
doing good to everybody and, with his liberality, to making many
citizens his partisans. Hence his example brought about further
censure of those who ruled; yet he thought in this way either to live
in Florence as powerful and secure as anybody or, if through the
ambition ofhis adversaries he came up against something beyond the
laws, to be in both arms and support their superior.
Cosimo's great instruments for managing his power were A ver~
ardo de'Medici and Puccio Pucci. A verardo with his boldness and
Puccio with his prudence and sagacity added to his influence and
greatness. And so highly esteemed were the advice and the judgment
of Puccio and so well recognized by everybody that the party of
Cosimo got its name not from himself but from Puccio. This city
thus divided carried on the campaign against Lucca, in which the
differences of the parties flamed up rather than were put out. And
though Cosimo's party had brought it on, nevertheless for its man~
agement many ofthe other party were sent, as men of high reputation
in the state. Since for this action A verardo de'Medici and the others
could find no remedy, they employed all manner of skill and effort
in slandering such commissioners, and if there was any loss-and
there were many-not Fortune or the power of the enemy but the
imprudence of the commissioner was blamed. This made them add
weight to the sins of Astarre Gianni; this caused the anger of Messer
Rinaldo degli Albizzi and his departure from his place without
permission; this caused the summoning by the Captain ofthe People
of Messer Giovanni Guicciardini. In this party, hatred originated
all the complaints brought against magistrates and commissioners:
the genuine, Cosimo's party made greater; those not true they made
up; and the genuine and the not~true were believed by the people,
who generally hated Cosimo's opponents.
CHAPTER 27
[Niccolo da Uzzano speaks on CosimoJs strength and inevitable
triumph. 1429-1430]
Such conditions and unlawful methods were perfectly under~
stood by Niccolo da Uzzano and the other heads ofthe GuelfParty,
and many times they discussed together measures against them and
Counsels from White Heads 1219
found none; they saw that to let evils grow was dangerous and to
oppose them difficult. Niccolo da Uzzano was the chief man ob~
jecting to unlawful ways. Hence, when there was war outside the
city and these disturbances inside, Niccolo Barbadoro, wishing to
influence Niccolo da Uzzano to consent to Cosimo's ruin, visited
him at home, where in deep thought he was sitting in his study; with
the best arguments he could use, the visitor urged him to unite with
Messer Rinaldo in driving out Cosimo. Niccolo da Uzzano replied
with this discourse:
"It would be well for you, for your house, and for our republic,
if you and the others who follow you in this belief had beards of
silver rather than of gold, I such as your name indicates, because
counsels coming from white heads full of experience would be wiser
and more useful to everybody. Those who plan to drive Cosimo
from Florence should, I think, first ofall measure their forces and his.
This party of ours you have baptized as the party ofthe Nobles, and
the opposite that of the Plebeians. If the truth corresponded with
the names, the victory would be doubtful in every event and we
would need rather to fear than to hope, moved by the example ofthe
ancient noble families of this city, which the Plebeians destroyed.
But we need to feel greater fear, since our party is divided and that of
our adversaries is a unit. First of all, Neri di Gino and Nerone di
Nigi, two of our chief citizens, have never declared themselves in
such a way that one can say they are more our friends than theirs.
Many families, indeed many houses, are divided, for many through
envy of their brothers and their relatives do not support us but sup~
port them. I shall remind you of some of the more important; the
others you will think of for yourself. Of the sons of Messer Maso
degli Albizzi, Luca, through envy of Messer Rinaldo, has thrown
his lot with their party; in the house of the Guicciardini, of the sons
ofMesser Luigi, Piero is an enemy to Messer Giovanni and supports
our opponents; T ommaso and Niccolo Soderini, through their
hatred for Francesco, their uncle, are openly against us. Hence if
you consider well of what sort they are and of what sort we are, I do
not know why ours more deserves to be called the Noble Party than
theirs. Ifit is because they are supported by all the lower classes, we
are thereby in a worse condition and they in a better one; and indeed
if it comes to arms or to divisions, we are not in such a state that we
1. Barbadoro means beard ofgold.
can resist them. If we yet keep our power, it comes from the old
reputation of this government, which has been retained for fifty
years; but if it should come to the test and to a revelation of our
weakness, we would lose it.
"If you say that the just cause that moves us should add to our
credit and take theirs away, I answer you that this justice must be
understood and believed by others than ourselves, but the opposite is
true. The cause that moves us is based on our fear that a prince will
be set up in this city. If we have this fear, others do not have it; on
the contrary-what is worse-they accuse us as we accuse Cosimo.
The doings that make us suspect him are these: with his money he
helps everybody, not merely individuals but the public, not merely
the Florentines but their generals; he helps this al1d that citizen who
has need of the magistrates; through his favor with the masses, he
brings this and that friend of his to the higher ranks of office. So
then it will be necessary to urge as the reasons for driving him out
that he is compassionate, helpful, liberal, and loved by everybody.
Tell me now, what law is it that forbids or that blames and condemns
in men, pity, liberality, love ~ And though they are all methods that
bring men flying to the principate,2 nevertheless, they are not thought
so, nor are we such that we can make it understood, because our
ways have destroyed confidence in us; the city, which naturally is
partisan and-since always divided into parties--corrupt, does not
lend her ears to such accusations.
"But let us suppose that you succeed in driving Cosimo out-
something that, since you have the Signoria in your favor, can easily
happen-how, among so many friends ofhis as will remain here and
will burn with eagerness for his return, can you ever keep him from
returning ~ This will be impossible, because they are so many and
they have such general good will that you never can be sure about
them; the more of his early and obvious friends you drive out, the
more enemies you make for yoursel£ Hence in a short time he will
return, and you gain this, namely, that you drive him out a good
man and he returns a wicked one; because his nature will be cor",
rupted by those who call him back, for he cannot oppose them, being
under obligation to them. And if you plan to put him to death,
never by way of the magistrates will you succeed, because his money
2. In an early draft, tyranny. Various passages in this part of the HISTORY are similarly
softer than in the early draft.
Does Florence Deserve a Tyrant~ 1221
and your venal minds will always save him. But let us suppose that
he does die or, being driven out, does not return, I do not see that we
have made any gain here in our republic, because, ifshe is freed from
Cosimo, she makes herselfa slave to Messer Rinaldo. And I, for my
part, am one of those who wish that in power and influence no
citizen shall exceed the others. But if either ofthese two is to surpass
the other, I do not know what reason should make me love Messer
Rinaldo more than Cosimo.
"I do not wish to say more except: God guard this city from
having any citizen become her prince. And even if our sins deserve
it, may he keep her from having to obey such a one! Do not, then,
advise a course that in every way will be injurious, and do not believe
that when assisted by a few you can oppose the will of many; for all
these citizens, part through ignorance, part through malice, are now
ready to sell this republic; and so much is Fortune their friend that
they have found their buyer. So be governed by my advice. Try to
live modestly, and, as to liberty, you will have as much reason to
fear those of our party as those of the opposite one. When any
trouble arises, by living neutral you will be in favor with both, and
so you will benefit yourselves and will not injure your native city."
CHAPTER 28
[The evils ofparty strife; Cosimo arrested. 143 0- 1 433]
These words so restrained Barbadoro's purpose that things were
quiet as long as the war over Lucca lasted; but when peace came, and
with it the death of Niccolo da U zzano, the city was left without
war and without check. As a result, dangerous factions increased
without restraint; and Messer Rinaldo, since he alone was now head
of the party, did not cease to beg and importune all the citizens that
he thought might be gonfaloniers to arm themselves to free the city
from that man who necessarily, through the malice of the few and
the ignorance of the many, would bring them to slavery. These
methods pursued by Messer Rinaldo and those followed by men
who favored the opposite party kept the city full of suspicion; and
whenever a magistracy was chosen, men would reckon publicly how
many of one and of the other party sat in it, and at the choice of the
Signoria all the city was stirred up. Every case that came before the
magistrates, no matter how small, became a struggle between the
parties; secrets were made public; both good and bad were favored
and opposed; good men as much as bad were in the same way torn
to shreds; no magistrate did his duty.
When Florence was in this confusion, Messer Rinaldo, dcter~
mined to diminish Cosimo's power and learning that Bernardo
Guadagni was likely to be gonfalonier, paid his taxes for him, in
order that a debt to the state should not keep Bernardo out of that
office. When it came to the drawing of the Signors, then, Fortune,
the friend of our dissensions, caused Bernardo to be drawn as gonfa~
lonier to serve for September and October. Messer Rinaldo at once
went to see him, and told him that the party ofthe aristocrats and all
hoping to be ruled well were happy that he had reached that dignity
and that it was his duty to act in such a way that they would not
rejoice in vain. He then showed him the risks of disunion and that
there was no way to avoid disunion except to destroy Cosimo, who
alone, through the influence resulting from his enormous riches, kept
them weak, and that he had been brought so high that, unless
something were done about it, he would become their prince, and
that it was the part of a good citizen to apply a remedy, to call the
people to the Public Square, and to take the government over/ in
order to give back to his native city her liberty. Messer Rinaldo
reminded Bernardo that without justice Messer Salvestro de'Medici
checked the greatness of the Guelfs, to whom, because of the blood
their ancestors had shed, the government belonged; and what Messer
Salvestro against so many had been able to do without justice, Ber~
nardo with justice surely could now do against one alone. He
exhorted him not to fear, because his friends were ready to aid him
with their weapons, and to take no account of the lower classes who
worshiped Cosimo, because they would not give him other aid than
once they gave to Messer Giorgio Scali. Bernardo should not fear
Cosimo's wealth because when he was in the power of the Signors
that wealth would be theirs. Messer Rinaldo ended by asserting that
this deed would make the republic safe and united, and Bernardo
famous. To these words Bernardo briefly answered that he thought it
necessary to do all Messer Rinaldo said, and since the time had come
1. He would call aparliament or assembly of the people) which) being suitably packed) would
choose a baIfa or committee having power to reorganize the government and to exercise authority
generally.
Cosimo in the Tower 1223
to get rid of Cosimo in very deed, he would busy himself in pro.l
viding forces, so as to be ready when he had won over his companions.
When Bernardo had taken office, gained the support of his asso.l
ciates and made an agreement with Messer Rinaldo, he cited Cosimo,
who, though many ofhis friends advised against it, appeared, trusting
more in his innocence than in the mercy of the Signors. When
Cosimo was in the Palace and in prison, Messer Rinaldo with many
armed men left his house, and along with him the entire aristocratic
party came to the piazza. There the Signors had the people sum.l
moned and chose two hundred men as a balta to reform the govern"
ment of the city. In that balta, as soon as possible, they dealt with
reform and with the life and the death of Cosimo. Many held that
he should be sent into exile; many that he should be put to death;
many others were silent either in pity for him or in fear ofhis enemies.
These disagreements precluded any decision.
CHAPTER 29
[Cosimo fears poison; he is banished. 1433]
In the Palace tower there is a room as large as the size ofthe tower
permits, called the Alberghettino; there Cosimo was shut up, under
the charge of Federigo Malavolti. When from that place Cosimo
heard the parliament going on, the noise of arms in the piazza, and
the frequent ringing of bells for the balta, he feared for his life; but he
was still more afraid that without legal measures his individual
enemies would kill him. On this account he abstained from eating,
so that in four days he ate nothing except a little bread. When
Federigo observed this, he said to him: "You fear, Cosimo, that you
will be poisoned; and you are killing yourselfwith hunger and doing
me little honor, if you think I am willing to put my hands to such a
piece of rascality. I do not believe that you are going to lose your
life-you have so many friends in the Palace and outside. But ifyou
are going to lose it, you can be sure that they will employ other means
than me as a minister to take it from you, because I do not intend to
foul my hands in the blood of anybody, and especially of you who
never have injured me. Be therefore ofgood courage, take your food
and keep yourself alive for your friends and your country. And that
with greater confidence you may do it, I am going to eat with you
the same things as you do." These words greatly encouraged Cosimo;
and with tears in his eyes he embraced and kissed Federigo and with
vigorous and lively words thanked him for so compassionate and
loving an action, promising to show himself very grateful for it if
ever Fortune gave him opportunity.
Cosimo, then, being somewhat encouraged, and his case under
discussion among the citizens, that Federigo, to entertain him,
brought to supper with him a friend of the Gonfalonier called
Farganaccio, an amusing and witty man. AIld when they had
almost finished supper, Cosimo, who thought he would make use
of that man's visit, for he knew him very well, made a sign to
Federigo to go out. Knowing the reason, the keeper pretended to go
for something that was needed in serving the supper. When the two
were left alone, Cosimo, after having used sonle kindly words to
Farganaccio, gave him a countersign and instructed him to go to the
superintendent of Santa Maria Nuova for a thousand and one hun;
dred ducats. A hundred of them he was to take for himself; a
thousand he was to take to the Gonfalonier, and when he found a
suitable opportunity was to come to speak with him. The man
accepted the commission; the money was paid; so Bernardo became
milder, and the result was that Cosimo was banished to Padua
against the will of Messer Rinaldo, who wished to get rid of him.
Banishment was also inflicted on A verardo and many others of the
Medici family, and with them Puccio and Giovanni Pucci.
And to frighten those who were opposed to Cosimo's exile, they
gave a baIfa to the Eight of Guard and to the Captain ofthe People.
After these decisions, Cosimo, on the third of October 1433, came
before the Signors, by whom his sentence of banishment was pro;
nounced; he was exhorted to obey if he did not wish them to act
more l1arshly against his goods and himsel£ Cosimo accepted the
banishment with a cheerful face, declaring that wherever that Signo;
ria might send him he would remain with pleasure. He begged,
however, that since they had preserved his life they would protect it
for him, because he had learned that in the Public Square were many
who wished his blood. Then to the city, to the people, to their
Signors, in whatever place he might be, he offered himself and his
property. The Gonfalonier encouraged him and kept him in the
Palace until night came. Then he took Cosimo home with him,
and after giving him supper, had him escorted to the border by many
Great Men To Be Let Alone or Destroyed 1225
armed men. Wherever he went, Cosimo was honorably received;

the Venetians visited him publicly and, not as a banished man but as
one who had been put in the highest position, treated him with honor.
CHAPTER 30
[Rinaldo degli Albizzi declares that Cosimo should have been executed;
he advises a balfa. 1433]
When Florence was left widowed by a citizen so great and so
universally loved, everybody was bewildered; those who had won
and those who had lost were equally afraid. Hence Messer Rinaldo,
dreading future ill for himself, in order not to fail himself and his
party, called together many citizens who were his friends and said to
them that he saw their ruin prepared for them, through their having
allowed themselves to be overcome by the prayers, by the tears and
by the money of their enemies; and they had not understood that a
little later they would have to beg and weep themselves, and that their
prayers would not be listened to, and for their tears they would find
nobody who would feel pity; and as to the money taken, they would
restore the capital and pay the interest with tortures, death, and exile;
and they might much better have done nothing than to have left
Cosimo alive, with his friends still in Florence; for great men must
either not be touched or, if they are touched, must be destroyed. He
saw no other resource for them than to make themselves strong in the
city, so that when their enemies woke up-and they would wake up
soon-he and his friends could drive them out with arms, since they
could not by lawful methods send them away. His party's resource
was that which long before he had presented to them: namely to
regain the support of the nobles by turning over and conceding all
the offices ofthe city, and to make themselves strong with that party,
since their adversaries had made themselves strong with the lower
class. In this way, their party would be more powerful, since it
would have more life, more vigor, more courage, and more reputa.,
tion. But he asserted that ifthis last true resource was not employed,
he did not see with what means they could preserve a government
among so many enemies; he discerned the approaching ruin of their
party and of the city. To this Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of those
assembled, offered opposition, demonstrating the pride ofthe nobles
and their unbearable natures, and declaring that it would not be a
good thing to put themselves under certain tyranny in order to escape
dubious perils from the lower class. As a result, Messer Rinaldo,
seeing that his advice was not listened to, lamented his misfortune
and that of his party, blaming everything rather on the Heavens that
willed thus than on the ignorance and blindness of men.
When the affair, then, was in this condition, and no necessary
preparation was made, someone found a letter written by Messer
Agnolo Acciaiuoli to Cosimo, which showed the disposition ofthe
city toward him and encouraged him to attempt stirring up wars,
and to make a friend of Neri di Gino, because Messer Agnolo
judged that the city would have need for money and would find no.l
body to provide it; thus the citizens would be reminded of Cosimo
and wish him to return. If Neri separated himself from Messer
Rinaldo, Messer Rinaldo's party would be so much weakened that
it would not be strong enough to defend itsel£ This letter, having
come into the hands of the magistrates, caused Messer Agnolo to be
arrested, tortured with the strappado, and sent into exile. But no
such example gave any check to the party that favored Cosimo.
When almost a year had already rolled around from the day
when Cosimo was driven out, at the end of August 1434, the man
drawn as gonfalonier for the following two months was Niccolo di
Cocco, and with him eight Signors, all partisans ofCosimo. Hence
such a Signoria frightened Messer Rinaldo and all his party. And
because, before the Signors took over their office, they were for three
days private citizens, Messer Rinaldo was again with the heads of his
party. He showed them their certain and imminent danger, and that
their resource was to take arms and have Donato Velluti, who then
was in the office of gonfalonier, bring the people together in the
Public Square, make a new balfa, deprive the n.ew Signors of their
office and choose new ones, such as the government wanted, burn
the bags and, making a new selection of eligible persons, refill the
bags with friends to their party. Many thought this plan safe and
necessary; many others thought it too violent and likely to cause too
much condemnation. Among those who opposed it was Messer
Palla Strozzi, a quiet man, cultured and courteous, and fitted rather
for the study ofletters than for controlling a party and opposing civil
dissensions. And therefore he said that plans that are either clever or
bold seem good at the beginning, but in practice are difficult, and at
Always Time Enough 1227
the end are injurious, and that he believed that the fear of new wars
outside, since the soldiers of the Duke of Milan were in Romagna
near our borders, would make the Signors think more about that
than about discords inside. And if they did intend to make changes
(which they could not do without its being known), his party would
always have time enough to take arms and do whatever seemed
necessary for the general safety; and if they did this from necessity, it
would be less astonishing to the people and bring less blame on
themselves. Therefore it was decided that the new Signors should be
allowed to take office and that their movements should be watched;
and if Messer Rinaldo's party learned of any action against it, every;
body should take arms and meet on the Piazza San Pulinari, a place
near the Palace, from which they then could go where it was necessary.
CHAPTER 3 I
[Rinaldo degli Albizzi takes arms; his party does not support
him. 1434]
Since they separated with this decision, the new Signors took up
their offices. The Gonfalonier, in order to give himself a reputation
and to frighten those who intended to oppose him, condemned to
prison his predecessor, Donato Velluti, as a man who had made use
of the public money. After this, he tested his companions about
bringing back Cosimo; finding them inclined toward it, he spoke
with those whom he considered the heads ofthe Medici party. Being
further encouraged by them, he cited Messer Rinaldo, Ridolfo Peruz;
zi, and Niccolo Barbadoro, as the leaders of the party opposed.
After this citation, Messer Rinaldo thought it unwise to wait any
longer, and came out with a large number of armed men; he was at
once joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi and Niccolo Barbadoro. Among
them were many other citizens and numerous soldiers who were in
Florence without employment. They all gathered according to agree;
ment in the Piazza San Pulinari. Messer Palla Strozzi, though he
had assembled many men, did not come out; neither did Messer
Giovanni Guicciardini. Hence Messer Rinaldo sent to urge them,
and to reproach them for their sluggishness. Messer Giovanni re;
plied that he made war enough on the hostile party if, by remaining
in his house, he kept Piero his brother from coming out to rescue the
Palace. Messer Palla, after many messages were sent to him, came
to San Pulinari on horseback, with two men on foot and without
arms. Messer Rinaldo met him and strongly reproached him for his
indifference, and said that his failure to join the others came from
either little fidelity or little courage, and that both of these reproaches
ought to be avoided by a man who wished the sort of reputation he
had; and if he believed, because of not doing his duty to his' party,
that his enemies when they had won would excuse him from death
or exile, he was deceived. Messer Rinaldo added that for his part if
anything bad happened, he would have the satisfaction that before
the danger he was not lacking with advice, and in the danger, with
force. But Messer Palla and the others would redouble their regrets,
meditating on having betrayed their city three times: once when they
preserved Cosimo, again when they did not take Rinaldo's advice,
and the third time when they did not save Florence with their weap'"
ons. To these words Messer Palla did not answer a thing that the
bystanders heard; muttering, he turned his horse and went back to
his house.
The Signors, learning that Messer Rinaldo and his party had
taken up arms and seeing themselves abandoned, had the Palace
locked, but then being without a plan, they did not know what to
do. Yet Messer Rinaldo by delaying to come to the Public Square,
through expecting those forces that did not come, deprived himself
of opportunity for winning, gave the Signors courage for making
preparations, and gave many citizens courage to go to them and
exhort them to try measures for laying down arms. Consequently
some who were less fearful went on behalf of the Signors to Messer
Rinaldo and said that the Signoria did not know any reason for his
movements ana that it never haa areamea of injuring him. ~hough
they had talked somewhat about Cosimo, they had not thought of
bringing him back; if for that reason Rinaldo and his friends were
fearful, they might feel secure. If they would be good enough to
come to the Palace, they would be well received and satisfied in all
their requests. These words did not make Messer Rinaldo change
his resolution; he said he wished to make himself safe by turning the
Signors into private citizens; then for everybody's benefit the city
could be reorganized. But it always is true that where powers are
equal and opinions different, anything of value can seldom be de",
cided upon. Ridolfo Peruzzi, moved by the words of the citizens
Lacking Any Better Plan 1229
who spoke for the Signoria, said that for his part he sought nothing
except that Cosimo should not come back; if that was agreed, he
thought it victory enough; for the sake of a more complete victory he
did not wish to fill his city with blood; therefore he intended to obey
the Signoria. Then with his followers he went into the Palace,
where he was pleasantly received. So the delay ofMesser Rinaldo at
San Pulinari, the small courage ofMesser Palla, and the departure of
Ridolfo deprived Messer Rinaldo of victory in his enterprise; more"
over, the spirits of the citizens who followed him were losing their
first warmth. To this was added the Pope's influence.
CHAPTER 32
[Pope Eugene acts as mediator. 1434]
Pope Eugene was in Florence, having been driven from Rome
by the people. Seeing these tumults and thinking it his duty to calm
them, he sent Messer Giovanni Vitelleschi the Patriarch, a good
friend to Messer Rinaldo, to beg him to come to the Pope, who did
not lack influence and credit with the Signoria sufficient to make
Messer Rinaldo satisfied and secure, without blood and harm to the
citizens. Persuaded therefore by his friend, Messer Rinaldo with all
his armed followers went to Santa Maria Novella, where the Pope
was living. Eugene set forth the pledge the Signors had given him,
saying they had turned over to him every difference; if Messer Rinaldo
would lay down his arms, everything would be settled as the Pope
thought best. Messer Rinaldo, having seen Messer Palla's coldness
and Ridolfo Peruzzi's instability, and lacking any better plan, put
himselfin the Pope's hands, thinking that surely his influence could
preserve him. So the Pope sent instructions to Niccole, Barbadoro
and to the others outside, who were waiting for him, to lay down
their arms, because Messer Rinaldo was remaining with the Pontiff
to arrange the agreement with the Signors. At that announcement
they all separated and disarmed.
CHAPTER 33
[Rinaldo degli Albizzi defeated)· Cosimo de'Medici returns in
triumph. 1434]
The Signors, seeing their adversaries disarmed, were slow in
negotiating the agreement with the Pope's mediation; but on the
other hand they secretly sent into the mountains ofPistoia for infantry
and, with all their men/at/arms, had them come into Florence at
night. When they had seized the city's fortresses, they summoned
the people to the Public Square and set up a new balta. As soon as it
met, this balta restored Cosimo to the city, along with the others who
had been banished with him. Of the hostile party it banished Mes/
ser Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro and
Messer Palla Strozzi, with many other citizens in such numbers that
few cities were left in Italy to which they were not sent in exile, and
many outside Italy were full ofthem. Thus through this event Flor/
ence was deprived not only of able men but of riches and industry.
The Pope, seeing what ruin had come on those who on his
request had laid down their arms, was very angry. He lamented the
injury done Messer Rinaldo under cover of his pledge and encour/
aged him to patience and to be hopeful because ofFortune'svariability.
Messer Rinaldo replied: "The little faith which men who ought to
have believed me have put in me and the too great faith which I have
put in you have ruined me and my party. But I censure myself more
than I do anybody else for believing that you, who have been driven
from your own city, could keep me in mine. With Fortune's fickle/
ness I have had a great plenty of experience; and as I have put little
trust in prosperous times, so adverse times less disturb me. I know
that Fortune when she pleases will show herself more favorable to
me, yet if she pleases never to do so, I shall not set high value on
living in a city where the laws are less powerful than men. Indeed
that city is desirable as a man's home in which his property and his
friends can be safely enjoyed, not a city in which your property can
easily be taken from you and where your friends, for fear oftheir own
possessions, in your greatest necessity desert you. Always wise men
and good have been less distressed on hearing of the ills of their
native city than on seeing them, and have thought it more glorious to
be an honorable exile than a slave citizen." Then in great indigna/
Pater Patriae 1231
tion leaving the Pope and often in his own mind condemning his
own plans and the coldness of his friends, he went into exile.
Cosimo on the other hand, getting notice of his restoration,
returned to Florence. Seldom has a citizen returning in triumph
after a victory been received by his own city with a concourse of
people and with a manifestation of good will as great as those mark"
ing his reception when he returned from exile. And everybody
eagerly addressed him as benefactor of his people and father of his
native city.
BOOK FIVE
[THE GOVERNMENT OF COSIMO UNTIL THE
BATTLE OF ANGHIARI. 1434-144°]
CHAPTER I
[The cycle of human affairs; the weak rulers} soldiers} and peoples
of Italy.]
In their normal variations, countries generally go from order to
disorder and then from disorder move back to order, because-since
Nature does not allow worldy things to remain fixed-when they
come to their utmost perfection and have no further possibility for
rising, they must go down. Likewise, when they have gone down
and through their defects have reached the lowest depths, they neces~
sarily rise, since they cannot go lower. So always from good they go
down to bad, and from bad rise up to good. Because ability brings
forth quiet; quiet, laziness; laziness, disorder; disorder, ruin; and
likewise from ruin comes order; from order, ability; from the last,
glory and good fortune. Therefore the discerning have noted that
letters come after arms, and that in countries and cities generals are
born earlier than philosophers. Because, after good and well~disci~
plined armies have brought forth victory, and their victories quiet, the
virtue ofmilitary courage cannot be corrupted with a more honorable
laziness than that of letters; nor with a greater and more dangerous
deception can this laziness enter into well~regulated cities. When the
philosophers, Diogenes and Carneades, came to Rome, sent by the
Athenians as ambassadors to the Senate, Cato thoroughly realized
this; hence, seeing that the Roman youth began to follow them with
admiration, and knowing the evil that such honorable laziness might
bring upon his country, he made a law that no philosopher should
be received in Rome. By such means, then, countries come to ruin;
and when they have suffered it, and their people through afflictions
have grown wise, they return to good order, as I have said, unless
indeed an unusual force keeps them stifled.
These causes, first through the ancient Tuscans, then through the
Romans, brought Italy sometimes happiness, sometimes misery.
Upon the Roman ruins nothing has afterwards been built to redeem
The Cowardice of Italian Wars 1233
her from those ruins so that under the government of a strong ruler
she could proceed gloriously; nonetheless some of the new cities and
new states born among the Roman ruins showed such great ability
that, though one of them did not master the others, they nevertheless
were so united and so well organized that they freed Italy and de"
fended her from the barbarians. Among these states the Florentines,
though they had a smaller territory than others, were not smaller in
power and influence; on the contrary, being placed· in the midst of
Italy, rich and ready for attack, they either successfully carried on any
war begun against them or secured victory for anyone they joined.
If then from the vigor of those new princedoms times quiet
through long peace did not result, yet they were not dangerous
through the harshness of war; for peace it cannot be called in which
princedoms are continually attacking one another with armies. Wars,
however, they cannot be called in which men are not killed, cities
are not sacked, princedoms are not destroyed, because those wars
became so feeble that they were begun without fear, carried on with"
out danger, and ended without damage. So the vigor that in other
countries is usually destroyed by long peace was in Italy destroyed by
the cowardice ofthose wars, as is made clear by what we shall relate
from 1434 to 1494. The reader will see there that at last a new road
was opened to the barbarians, and Italy put herself back into slavery
to them. So if the things done by our princes, abroad and at home,
cannot, like those ofthe ancients, be read of with wonder because of
their ability and greatness, perhaps for their other qualities they will
be viewed with no less wonder; for one can see how such weak and
badly handled armies held in check so many splendid peoples. And
if in describing the things that happened in this corrupt world, I do
not tell of the bravery of soldiers or the efficiency of generals or the
love of citizens for their country, I do show with what deceptions,
with what tricks and schemes, the princes, the soldiers, the heads of
the republics, in order to keep that reputation which they did not
deserve, carried on their affairs. It is perhaps as useful to observe
these things as to learn ancient history, because if the latter kindles
free spirits to imitation, the former will kindle such spirits to avoid
and get rid of present abuses.
CHAPTER 2
[The followers of Sforza and of Braccio. Pope Eugenius. 1434]

Italy was brought by her rulers to such a condition that when
peace followed an agreement among the princes, after a short time
those who had the armies in their control disturbed it. Thus they
did not gain glory through war, or quiet through peace. When in
1433 peace was made between the Duke of Milan and the League,
the soldiers, in order to live through war, turned against the Church.
In those days there were two military factions in Italy, that ofBraccio
and that of Sforza. Of the second, the head was Count Francesco,
the son of Sforza; of the first, the leaders were Niccolo Piccino and
Niccolo Fortebraccio. With these factions almost all the Italian
armies were connected. Sforza's had the higher reputation of the
two, because of the Countts ability and because the Duke of Milan
had promised him Madonna Bianca, his natural daughter. The
expectation ofthis marriage brought the Count very great reputation.
These factions of armed men, as soon as truce was made in
Lombardy, for different reasons attacked Pope Eugenius. Niccolo
Fortebraccio was moved by Braccio's ancient unceasing enmity
against the Church. The Count was moved by ambition. Hence
Niccolo attacked Rome and the Count made himself master of the
Marches. As a result the Romans, who did not want war, drove
Eugenius from Rome. Escaping with difficulty and danger, he came
to Florence. Considering his danger, since the princes, unwilling to
take up again for his sake the weapons they had so gladly laid down,
abandoned him, the Pope came to terms with the Count. To him
Eugenius granted the sovereignty ofthe Marches, even though to the
injury of seizing them the Count added insult, for when according
to the Italian custom he gave in Latin the place where he wrote
letters to his agents, he said: "From our Gerfalcon at Fermo, in spite
I
of Peter and Pau1." Nor was he satisfied with the grant ofthe cities,
for he insisted on being made Gonfalonier of the Church. Yet
everything was yielded to him-so much more did Eugenius fear a
dangerous war than a disgraceful peace! Having therefore become a
friend to the Pope, the Count strove to harm Niccolo Fortebraccio;
hence in the cities ofthe Church for many months there were various
1. His castl~ was named Gerfalcon.
Fortune Not Followed 1235
incidents between them, all of which resulted in injury to the Pope
and his subjects rather than to those who were carrying on the war.
Finally, through the mediation of the Duke of Milan, an agreement
by way of a truce was made by which both Count Francesco and
Niccoli> were left as princes in the cities of the Church.
CHAPTER 3
[Further wars by the condottieri) the Duke of Milan) and the League;
Batista da Canneto) tyrant of Bologna. 1434]
This war, when finished at Rome, was stirred up again by Batista
da Canneto in Romagna. He killed in Bologna some ofthe Grifoni
family and drove out of the city the Pope's governor and other
enemies ofhis. In order to hold that state by force, he applied for aid
to Duke Filippo; the Pope, in order to avenge the injury, asked for it
from the Venetians and the Florentines. Both of them received this
aid, so that immediately there were in Romagna two large armies.
Filippo's general was Niccolo Piccino; the Venetian and Florentine
soldiers were commanded by Gattamelata and by Niccolo da Tolen;
tino. Near Imola they fought a battle, in which the Venetians and
the Florentines were defeated and Niccolo da Tolentino was sent as
a prisoner to the Duke of Milan. Whether through treachery by the
Duke or in sorrow over the defeat, in a few days he died. The Duke,
after this victory, either because he was weak on account of the past
wars or because he thought that after this defeat the League would
lapse, did not follow his Fortune further but gave the Pope and the
allies time to reorganize. They chose as their general the Count
Francesco, and made an expedition to drive Niccolo Fortebraccio
from the towns of the Church, in order to see if they could end this
war that they had begun to aid the Pope. The Romans, when they
saw the Pope strong in the field, sought to make a truce with him,
and they obtained it and received his commissioner.
Niccoli> Fortebraccio was holding, among other towns, Tivoli,
Montefiasconi, Citta di Castello, and Assisi. To the last city Nic;
colo, not being able to remain in the open country, had fled, and
there Count Francesco besieged him; since the siege was long drawn
out, because Niccolo manfully defended himself, the Duke saw that
he must either deprive the League of that victory or if it came about
arrange to defend his own property. Wishing, therefore, to divert the
Count from the siege, he ordered Niccolo Piccino to go into Tus~
cany by way of Romagna. Hence the League, thinking it more
necessary to defend Tuscany than to take Assisi, ordered the Count
to keep Niccolo from going. The latter already was with his army at
Forli. The Count on the other hand came with his soldiers to
Cesena, having left: to Lione his brother the war in the March and
I
the care of his states. And while Piccinino tried to go and the
Count to hinder him, Niccolo Fortebraccio attacked Lione and,
with great glory to himself, captured him and plundered his soldiers;
following up his victory, he took with the same speed many towns of
the March. This action greatly distressed Count Francesco, since he
thought he had lost all his states. And leaving part of his army to
oppose Piccinino, with the rest he went against Fortebraccio and
attacked and beat him. In that defeat Fortebraccio was taken pris~
oner and mortally wounded.
This victory restored to the Pontiff all the towns that Niccolo
Fortebraccio had taken from him and forced the Duke of Milan to
ask peace; a treaty was concluded by means of Niccolo d' Esti the
Marquis of Ferrara. By this treaty the cities taken by the Duke in
Romagna were returned to the Church, and the Duke's soldiers
went back into Lombardy. Then-as happens to all those who are
supported in a high position by the forces and ability of others-
when the Duke's soldiers had gone from Romagna, Batista da Can~
neto fled, since his own forces and ability could not keep him in
Bologna. Messer Antonio Bentivoglio, head of the opposing party,
returned.
1. When the Christian name of Niccolo Piccino is not given, he is referred to as Piccinino.
CHAPTER 4
[Cosimo's party uses severe measures in Florence. 1434]
All these things happened during the time ofthe exile ofCosimo.
After his return, those who had brought him back and a large
number of injured citizens set out, without any scruples, to secure
themselves in power. Moreover the Signoria that held office in
November and December, not content with what its predecessors
had done in favor oftheir party, prolonged and changed the banish~
Venice Sells Her Liberty 1237
ments of many, and banished many others for the first time. More;l
over not party feeling alone brought suffering upon various citizens,
but also wealth, relatives and private grudges harmed them. If this
proscription had been accompanied with blood, it would have
shown likeness to those of Octavian and Sulla. Yet to some extent
it was dyed with blood, because Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni
was beheaded, and four other citizens were dishonorably put to
death. Among them were Zanobi de' Belfrategli and Cosimo Bar;l
badoro, whom, since they went outside the bounds set for their exile
and were in Venice, the Venetians-valuing Cosimo's friendship
higher than their own honor-sent to him as prisoners. This gave
great reputation to the party and caused very great terror to its ene;l
mies, when they observed that so powerful a republic would sell its
liberty to the Florentines.z She is believed to have done this not so
much to aid Cosimo as further to stir up the parties in Florence and
by means of blood to make the division in our city more dangerous,
because the Venetians did not see other opposition to their greatness
than her union. ..'
Since, then, the city was cleared ofenemies and ofthose feared by
the government, they turned to benefiting new people in order to
make their party stronger; and the family of the Alberti and any
others listed as rebels they restored to their native city; all the great
nobles except a very few they reduced to the rank of the people; the
property of the rebels they divided among themselves at a low price.
Besides this, they strengthened themselves by means oflaws and new
regulations, and made new lists of those eligible for office, taking
their enemies from the bags and filling them with their friends.:Z In
addition, warned by the ruin of their adversaries, since they judged
that the selected lists of eligible names would not be enough to keep
their government firm, they determined that the magistrates having
authority to shed blood should always be chosen from the leaders of
their faction. Hence they saw to it that the couplers in charge of
putting in the bags the new lists of eligibles, together with the old
Signoria, should have power to choose the new one. They gave to
1. The Venetians sold their honor by giving up the exiles to win Cosimo's favor.
2. Slips bearing the names of those eligible for office were kept in bags,from which they were
drawn out when the offices were to be filled. As appears in a later sentence, those in charge of
the bags were called couplers, aname applied to those who negotiated marriages. According to the
state of affairs, the couplers were more or less able to put in the bags and to draw out names ac~
ceptable to the ruling party.
the Eight of Guard authority for shedding blood. They provided
that the banished, even when their time was up, could not return
unless first the Signors and the members of the College, who are
thirty"seven in number, agreed by a vote ofthirty"four to their restitu"
tion. They forbade the exiles to write and others to receive their
letters; every word, every gesture, every habit that in any way dis"
pleased those who ruled was very heavily punished. And if any
suspected man who had not been reached by these inflictions was
left in Florence, he was distressed by the taxes that they newly im"
posed. So in a short time, having driven out and impoverished all
the hostile party, they felt secure in their position. Yet in order not to
be without help from outside, and to remove it from those who
planned to attack them, they allied themselves with the Pope, the
Venetians, and the Duke of Milan, in defense of their states.
CHAPTER 5
[War between Rene ofAnjou and Alfonso of Aragon over the throne
of Naples;the Duke of Milan aids first one, then the other. 1435]
When the affairs of Florence were in this shape, Joanna the
Queen of Naples died, and by her will left Rene ofAnjou heir to the
Kingdom. Alfonso King of Aragon, then in Sicily, by means of
the friendship he had with many ofthe barons, was preparing to seize
that Kingdom. The Neapolitans and many barons supported Rene.
The Pope, on the other hand, did not want either Rene or Alfonso
to take it, but wished it to be administered by his own governor.
Meanwhile Alfonso came into the Kingdom and was received by
the Duke of Sessa. There he took into his pay some princes, with
the intention (since he held Capua, which the prince of Taranto was
occupying in his name) of forcing the Neapolitans to do his will.
He sent his fleet to attack Gaeta, which was held for the Neapolitans.
Hence the Neapolitans asked help from Filippo.
He persuaded the Genoese to undertake this expedition. They,
not merely to please the Duke their prince but in order to save the
merchandise they had in Naples and in Gaeta, equipped a powerful
fleet. Alfonso on the other hand, learning this, strengthened his own
fleet and in person went to meet the Genoese. When they came to
battle near the island of Ponza, the Aragonese fleet was defeated and
Prince or Slave 1239
Alfonso and many princes were captured and given by the Genoese
into Filippo's hands. This victory frightened all the princes in Italy
who feared Filippo's power, because they judged that he had an
excellent opportunity to make himself master of the whole. But he
(so different are the opinions of men) made a decision entirely con~
trary to their expectation.
Alfonso was a prudent man; he explained to Filippo, as soon as
he talked with him, how much the Duke was deceived in favoring
Rene and disfavoring Alfonso himsel£ Rene, ifhe became King of
Naples, would make every effort to have Milan become the property
of the French king, so that his helpers would be near and in case of
need he would not have to try to open the road for his rescuers; he
could not assure himself of this by any Qther method than Filippo's
overthrow, thus making Milan French. But the contrary would
happen if Alfonso became prince, because, not fearing any other
enemy than the French, he was obliged to love and favor and even to
obey any ruler who could open the road to his enemies; and for this
reason the title of the Kingdom would become Alfonso's, but the
authority and power would be Filippo's. So it would be much more
important for the Duke than for himself to consider the dangers of
the first plan and the benefits of the second, unless indeed Filippo
preferred to satisfy a whim rather than to make himself sure of his
state. In the second case he would be prince and free; in the first,
being between two very powerful princes, he would either lose his
state or live always in fear and like a slave have to obey them.
So effective were these words on Duke Filippo's mind that,
changing his plan, he freed Alfonso and sent him honorably back
to Genoa and thence to the Kingdom. The King betook himself to
Gaeta, which, as soon as his liberation was known, had been seized
by some lords who were his partisans.
CHAPTER 6
[The parties in Genoa; Francesco Spinola. 1435]
The Genoese, seeing that the Duke, without any regard for them,
had set the King free and had gained himself honor from their
dangers and expense, and that he had the gratitude for the King's
liberation, and they were subject to resentment for his imprisonment
and defeat, were all angry with the Duke.
In the city of Genoa, when it is at liberty, they select by free vote a
head whom they call Doge, not to be absolute prince, not to decide
things alone, but as head to propose what their magistrates and
councils are going to consider. This city has many noble families,
which are so powerful that they have little regard for the authority of
the magistrates. Among these, the Fregoso family and the Adorno
family are the most powerful. They cause dissensions in that city and
overthrow the laws ofthe community because when they fight against
each other for the ruling position, not according to law but generally
with arms, it follows that one party is always defeated and the other
rules. And sometimes those who are deprived of their offices turn to
foreign arms, and that city of theirs, which they cannot rule, they
subject to the dominion of a foreigner. From this it has resulted and
still results that those who rule in Lombardy are usually masters in
Genoa, as happened at the time when Alfonso of Aragon was
captured.
Among the leading Genoese who had been the cause of sub"
jecting the city to Filippo was Francesco Spinola, who, not long
after he had made his native city a slave, as often happens in such
cases, came to be suspected by the Duke. Because of this, he, in
anger, had chosen for himself an almost voluntary exile to Gaeta.
He had been there at the time of the naval battle with Alfonso, and
had shown skill and courage in the enterprise; so he believed that
again he had deserved so much ofthe Duke that at least, as a reward
for his merits, he could live safely in Genoa. But when he saw that
the Duke continued to be suspicious, since Filippo could not believe
that a man who had not loved the liberty ofhis native city would love
him, Francesco determined to tempt Fortune again, and at once to
give his native city liberty and himself fame and security, judging
that in dealing with his fellow citizens he had no other possibility
than to act in such a way that from whence the wound had come,
thence should come medicine and healing. And seeing the general
indignation that had risen against the Duke as a result of his liber"
ating the King, he concluded that the time was suitable for carrying
out his designs. Hence he shared his plan with some whom he
knew to be of the same opinion, and encouraged them and induced
them to follow him.
The Word "Liberty"
CHAPTER 7
[Genoa frees herselffrom Duke Filippo. 1435]
The festival day of Saint John the Baptist had come, when
Arismino, the new governor sent by the Duke, was to enter Genoa.
When he had actually entered, accompanied by Opicino the old
governor and by many Genoese, Francesco Spinola decided not to
wait; he came out of his house armed, together with those who
shared his determination, and when he was in the square in front of
his mansion, he shouted the name of Liberty. It was a wonderful
thing to see with what promptness that people and those citizens ran
together at that name, so that anybody who favored the Duke, for his
own profit or for any other reason, not merely did not have time to
take arms but scarcely had a chance to think of Bight. Arismino,
with some Genoese who were with him, Bed into the castle that was
garrisoned for the Duke. Opicino, thinking that if he Bed to his
palace, where he had two thousand armed men at his command, he
could save himselfor give his friends courage to defend him, turning
in that direction, was killed before he came to the palace square; his
body, cut into many pieces, was scattered throughout Genoa. After
the Genoese had put the city under free magistrates, in a few days they
took the castle and the other strongholds belonging to Duke Filippo,
and from his yoke they wholly freed themselves.
CHAPTER 8
[The Florentines join a league against Duke Filippo; Rinaldo degli
Albizzi tries to get his aid against Cosimo's government. 1435]
These things thus managed-whereas in the beginning they had
frightened the rulers of Italy, who feared that the Duke would be~
come too powerful-gave those rulers, when they saw the outcome,
hope that they could hold him in check. And notwithstanding the
treaty newly made, the Florentines and the Venetians came to an
agreement with the Genoese. Because of this, Messer Rinaldo degli
Albizzi and the other leaders of the Florentine exiles, seeing affairs
disturbed and the face of the world changed, took hope that they
could bring the Duke to open war against Florence; going to Milan,
Messer Rinaldo addressed the Duke to this effect:
1242 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book S
"If we, once your enemies, now come with confidence to beg
your aid so that we may return to our native city, neither you nor
anybody who considers how human affairs go and how Fortune
varies should wonder at it. All the same, for our past and present
actions, both our earlier deeds in relation to you and our present ones
in relation to our native city, we can give obvious and reasonable
excuses. No good man will ever censure any citizen who strives to
defend his native city, in whatever way he defends her. Never did
we purpose to harm you but we did purpose to guard our city from
harm. Ofthis you can take as proofthat in the course ofthe greatest
victories of our league, when we knew that you were disposed to a
true peace, we were more desirous to make one than you yourself
were. Indeed we do not fear that we have ever done anything to
make us doubt getting some allowance from you.
"Not even our native city can complain that now we exhort you
to take up against her those arms from which so obstinately we
defended her. By all her people that city deserves to be loved which
loves all her people equally, not that city which, neglecting all the
others, bows down before a very few of them. No man should
condemn in all conditions weapons that citizens turn against their
native place. He should not do so because cities, though they are
mixed bodies, bear likeness to simple bodies. Just as in simple
bodies diseases often appear which cannot be healed without fire and
steel, so in cities many times there are such disorders that a merciful
and good citizen, when steel is the necessary remedy, would sin much
more in leaving them untreated than in treating them. In the body of
a republic what illness can be more serious than servitude ~ What
medicine is more necessary than that which relieves it from this
disease ~ Only those wars are just that are necessary; and arms are
holy when there is no hope apart from them. I do not know what
necessity can be greater than ours, or what holiness can surpass that
which takes any man's native city from slavery. It is therefore most
certain that our cause is holy and just-something that ought to be
considered both by us and by you.
"Nor on your side is this justice lacking, because the Florentines
have not been ashamed, after a peace proclaimed with such solem"
nity, to league themselves with the Genoese in rebellion against you.
So if our cause does not move you, let anger move you. And so
much the more when you see the undertaking easy, because you
The Exile's Argument 1243
should not be alarmed by past instances in which you have seen the
power of that people and their stubbornness in defense. These are
two things that you could reasonably fear ifthey were still ofthe same
vigor as then. But now you will find them entirely the opposite; for
what power do you think a city can have that recently has driven
away from herself the greater part of her riches and of her industry ~
What stubbornness do you think there can be in a people disunited
through such varied and new enmities ~ This disunion is the reason
why even such wealth as remains there cannot be spent in the way
then possible; for men willingly use up their family property when
they use it up for glory, for their own honor and power, hoping to
gain back in peace that wealth which war takes from them; but they
are not willing to exhaust their property when they see that in war
and in peace they are equally oppressed, having in war to endure the
injuries of their enemies, in peace the haughtiness of their rulers.
Moreover, the people are much more injured by the avarice of their
fellow citizens than by the rapacity of the enemy; of such enemy's
rapacity men expect some day to see an end; of domestic oppression,
never.
"You sent your armies, then, in earlier wars, against an entire
city; now against the smallest part of her you send them. You came
to take dominion from citizens many and good; now you come to
take it from few and bad. You came to take liberty from a city; now
you come to give it back. According to reason, in such an in;
equality of causes, equal effects cannot result; on the contrary, you
may look forward to certain victory. What a support that will be
for your power you can easily judge, since Tuscany will be your
ally-and bound by a bond of such sort and so great. Of her you
can make more use in your undertakings than you can of Milan.
And whereas in other times this conquest would have been thought
ambitious and violent, at present it will be thought just and holy.
Do not, therefore, let this opportunity pass; and remember that if
your other expeditions against that city with difficulty yielded you
expense and shame, with ease this one will yield you the greatest
profit and the most honorable reputation."
CHAPTER 9
[The Duke of Milan moves against Genoa and Lucca. 1436]
Not many words were needed to persuade the Duke of Milan
that he should begin war against the Florentines, because he was
moved by hereditary hate and blind ambition that thus directed him,
and so much the more since he was pushed on by new causes for
anger resulting from the Florentine agreement with the Genoese.
Nevertheless his past expenses, the risks he had run, the remembrance
of his recent losses, and the vain hopes of the exiles frightened him.
Already this Duke, as soon as he heard ofthe rebellion of Genoa,
had sent Niccolo Piccino, with all his men,lat,larms and such infan,l
try as he could get together from the country districts, against that city,
to make an effort to regain her before the citizens had settled their
purpose and organized their new government, putting great faith in
the castle within the walls of Genoa that was held for him.. Niccolo
drove the Genoese from the mountain tops and took from them the
valley of Pozeveri, where they had fortified themselves, and pushed
them back within the walls ofthe city; nevertheless he found so much
difficulty in going farther because of the stubborn spirits of the citi,l
zens in defending themselves, that he was forced to draw back. So
the Duke, on the persuasions ofthe Florentine exiles, ordered him to
attack the Eastern Riviera, and near the boundaries of Pisa to carry
on war as vigorously as he could in Genoese territory; he imagined
that this campaign would from time to time show him what decisions
he should make. So Niccolo attacked Sarzana and took it. Then,
after doing great damage, in order to make the Florentines more
fearful he came to Lucca, announcing that he wished to pass through
on his way to the Kingdom to assist the King of Aragon.
Pope Eugenius, on these new events, left Florence and went to
Bologna, where he negotiated about a new truce between the Duke
of Milan and the League, demonstrating that if the Duke did not
agree to the truce, the Pope would be forced to surrender to the
League his claim on Count Francesco, who at that time, as the
Pope's ally, was in his pay. And though the Pontifflabored hard at
this, all his labors were nevertheless without result, for the Duke did
not wish to make a treaty without Genoa, and the League wished
The Fortune of War 1245
Genoa to remain free. And so everybody, feeling no assurance of
peace, prepared for war.
CHAPTER 10
[Piccinino defeated near Barga; the Florentines decide to attack

Lucca. 1436]
Since meanwhile Niccoli> Piccino came to Lucca, the Floren"
tines were afraid of new activities. Hence with their own soldiers
they had Neri di Gino ravage the territory of Pisa, and from the
Pontiff they gained permission for Count Francesco to join them;
they halted their army at Santa Gonda. Piccinino, who was at
Lucca, asked passage in order to go to the Kingdom, and when it
was refused threatened to take it by force. The armies were equal in
strength and in generals; therefore, since neither was willing to tempt
Fortune and they also were delayed by the cold season, for it was
December, they did not attack for many days.
The first to move was Niccoli> Piccino, who had been told that
ifhe attacked Vico Pisano at night, he would easily take it. Niccoli>
made the attempt, but not succeeding in taking Vico, he sacked the
country round about, and the hamlet of San Giovanni alIa Vena he
plundered and burned. This undertaking, though it turned out for
the most part useless, still gave Niccoli> courage to proceed further,
especially since he saw that the Count and Neri had not moved; so
he attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto and took them. Not
even for this did the Florentine soldiers move, not because the Count
was afraid, but because in Florence the magistrates had not yet
determined on war, by reason of the respect they had for the Pope,
who was negotiating for peace. And what the Florentines did
through prudence, since their enemies believed they did it through
fear, gave those enemies more courage for new undertakings. Hence
they determined to besiege Barga and went there with all their forces.
This new attack made the Florentines, laying aside hesitation, deter"
mine not merely to relieve Barga but to invade Lucchese territory.
So moving against Niccoli> and joining battle near Barga, the Count
· defeated him and made him almost as though routed give up that
siege. The Venetians, meanwhile, since they saw that the Duke of
Milan had broken the peace, sent their general, Giovan Francesco
Gonzaga, into Ghiaradadda; by greatly damaging the country, he
compelled Duke Filippo to call Niccolo Piccino back from Tuscany.
This recall, together with the victory won against Niccolo, gave
the Florentines courage to carryon the campaign against Lucca with
hope of capturing her. In this they had no fear or hesitation, since
the Duke, whom alone they feared, was assailed by the Venetians,
and since the Lucchese, having received enemies of Florence into
their country and allowed them to attack her, could not in any
way complain.
CHAPTER II
[Florentine campaign against Lucca; the Lucchese determine to

resist. 1437]
So in April 1437, the Count moved his army. Before the Floren"
tines attacked others, they wished to recover their own possessions, so
they retook Santa Maria in Castello and every other place taken by
Piccinino. Then, going into the territory of Lucca, they assailed
Camaiore. Though the men ofthat town were faithful to their lords,
the fear of an enemy close at hand was more powerful with them
than fidelity to a distant friend; hence they surrendered. By means of
the same prestige, the Florentines took Massa and Sarzana. When
these things were done, about the end ofMay the army turned toward
Lucca and destroyed all the grain and other crops, burned the coun"
try houses, cut down the vines and the trees, and carried offthe cattle;
nothing that is usually done or can be done against enemies did they
omit. The Lucchese on the other hand, abandoned by the Duke
and in despair of defending their open country, abandoned it, and
with embankments and every other suitable device strengthened their
city; for her they did not fear, since she was full ofdefenders, and they
could defend her for a time; so in that they put their hope, moved by
the example ofthe other attempts the Florentines had made on them.
Solely they feared the changeable spirits ofthe lower class, who, tired
out by the siege, might be more concerned with their own dangers
than with the liberty of others, and force them to some shameful and
injurious agreement. So in order to stir them up to defense, they
brought them together in the Public Square, and one of the older
and wiser spoke to this effect:
Florentine Greed 1247
"You must always have heard that when things are done through
necessity, neither praise nor blame is or can be deserved. Therefore if
you accuse us in the belief that this war now waged on us by the
Florentines is one we brought upon ourselves by receiving into our
city the soldiers of the Duke and allowing them to attack Florentine
towns, you greatly deceive yourselves. You know also the ancient
enmity of the Florentine people against you, which has been caused
not by your injuries to them, not by fear of you, but merely by your
weakness and their ambition, for your impotence gives them hope of
overcoming you, their greed drives them on to do it. Do not believe
that any desert ofyours can turn them from such a desire or that any
offense of yours can incite them to harm you more. They, therefore,
must think of taking your liberty from you, you of defending it; and
as to the things that they and we do for that purpose, each can lament
over them and not wonder. Let us lament, then, that they attack us,
that they assault our towns, that they burn our houses, and lay waste
our country. But who of us is so foolish as to wonder at it~ For if
we could, we would do the same or worse to them.
nAna iftney nave started- this war as a result ofNiccolo's coming,
nevertheless, ifhe had not come, they would have started it for some
other reason, and if this ill had been put off, it would perhaps have
been greater. So his coming is not to be blamed, but rather our bad
luck and their ambitious nature; besides, we could not refuse to
receive the Duke's soldiers, and when they came, we could not
restrain them from making war. You know that without the aid of
a great power we cannot protect ourselves; and there is no power that
can defend us with more fidelity and more strength than the Duke of
Milan; he has given us liberty; it is reasonable that he will preserve it
for us; to our perennial enemies he has always been very hostile. If
then, in order not to injure the Florentines, we had made the Duke
angry, we should have lost our friend, and made our enemy more
powerful and more speedy in injuring us. So it is much better to
have this war with the Duke's love than, with his hatred, to have
peace. We can hope that he is going to get us out ofthese dangers in
which he has put us, if only we do not grow faint"hearted.
"You know with what fury the Florentines have many times
attacked us, and with what glory we have defended ourselves from
them; many times we have had no other hope than in God and in
time; and these two have saved us. And if then we defended our"
selves, for what reason should we not now defend ourselves ~ Then
all Italy had abandoned us to them as their booty; now we have the
Duke for us, and we can believe that the Venetians will be slow to
attack us, since they are vexed when the Florentines grow stronger.
At the other times the Florentines were less entangled, had more hope
for assistance, and by themselves were stronger, while we were in
every respect weaker. Then we were defending a tyrant, now we are
defending ourselves; then the glory of the defense went to another,
now it is our own; then they attacked us when they were united, now
when disunited they attack us, since their exiles are everywhere in Italy.
"But even if these hopes did not exist, we should be made stub"
born in defense by a last necessity. In reason we should fear all
enemies because they all intend their own glory and our ruin. But
above all others, the Florentines should terrify us, because they will
not be satisfied with our obedience and our tribute, with authority
over this city of ours, but they want our persons and our goods, so
that with our blood they can satisfy their cruelty and with our
property their avarice. Hence, every man of every rank should fear
them. For that reason you should not be disturbed on seeing your
fields laid waste, your farmhouses burned, your towns captured. If
we save this city, they will of necessity be saved; if we lose her, they
will be saved without any profit to us; because if we continue free,
our enemy only with difficulty can hold them; ifwe lose our freedom,
in vain we hold them. Take up your arms, then, and when you
fight, think that the reward of your victory is the security not merely
of your native land but of your homes and of your children."
The last words ofthis man the people listened to with the utmost
warmth of spirit, and as one man they promised to die rather than
surrender or rather than consider any agreement that in any way
would taint their liberty. And they arranged among them every"
thing necessary for defending a city.
CHAPTER 12
[The Lucchese ask aid from the Duke of Milan. 1437]

The Florentine army, meanwhile, did not lose time, and after
doing much damage to the country, took Monte Carlo by capitula"
rion. After gaining this place, it went to besiege Nozzano, so that
Florence Must Not Gain 1249
the Lucchese, hemmed in on every side, could not hope for aid and
would be compelled by hunger to give themselves up. The town
was very strong and well provided with a garrison, so that its capture
was not as easy as that of the other.
The Lucchese, as was to be expected, seeing themselves hemmed
in, applied to the Duke and in every way, both sweet and sour, asked
him for help. In their speech they showed now their deserts, now the
injuries done by the Florentines; they emphasized how much heart
he would give to his other friends by protecting them, and how much
terror by leaving them undefended, whereas if they with their liberty
lost their lives, he would lose, with his friends, his honor and the
confidence of all those who for love of him ever had to undergo any
danger. To their words they added tears, so that if his duty did not
move him, he might be moved by compassion. Hence the Duke,
adding to his ancient hatred for the Florentines his new duty to the
Lucchese, and above all wishing that the Florentines should not
grow by so great a gain, determined to send a large army into Tus~
cany, or to attack the Venetians with such fury that the Florentines,
to relieve them, would of necessity give up their own enterprise.
CHAPTER 13
[Florence asks aid from Venice; both states wish Count Francesco
Sforza as general; Florence tries to deceive Venice. 1437]
When he had made this decision, Florence quickly learned that
the Duke of Milan was getting ready to send soldiers into Tuscany.
This made the Florentines lose confidence for their enterprise; and in
order that the Duke might be kept busy in Lombardy, they urged the
Venetians to press him with all their forces. But the latter also were
fearful, because the Marquis of Mantua had deserted them and gone
into the pay of the Duke, and for that reason, since they were almost
unarmed, they replied that they could not even keep up that war,
much less expand it, unless Florence sent them Count Francesco to
lead their army, with the compact that he should be obliged to cross
the Po in person. They were not willing to continue in the old
agreements by which he was not obliged to cross it, because without
a general they were not willing to make war, and they could not
trust anybody else than the Count, yet the Count they could not
employ ifhe was not bound to carry on war in any place whatever.
The Florentines believed it necessary that the war in Lombardy
should be carried on with vigor; on the other hand, without the
Count, they saw that their enterprise at Lucca would be ruined.
And they very well knew that this requirement had been made by
the Venetians not so much through any need they had for the Count
as in order to upset that conquest of theirs. On the other hand, the
Count was ready to go into Lombardy entirely at the disposal of the
League, but he was not willing to dishonor his pledge not to cross
the Po, since he did not wish to deprive himselfofhis hope ofthe mar~
riage alliance promised by the Duke. The Florentines, then, were
distracted between two different emotions: the wish to get Lucca, and
the fear ofwar with the Duke. The stronger ofthe two, however, as
always happens, was fear; and they were glad, on the fall ofNozzano,
to allow Count Francesco to go into Lombardy.
But there was another difficulty which, since the Florentines had
no power to dispel it, gave them more distress and made them
hesitate more than did the first one: the Count was unwilling to
cross the Po, and the Venetians would not accept him otherwise.
Since there was no way of bringing either one to yield freely to the
other, the Florentines persuaded the Count to bind himself, in a
letter written to the Signoria of Florence, to cross that river, con~
vincing him that this private promise would not break his public
agreements and that then he could get on without crossing. And this
advantage would result: namely, that the Venetians, when the war
had begun, would of necessity continue it, and the effect would be
the diversion ofthe Ducal hostility feared by the Florentines. To the
Venetians, on the other hand, the Florentines made it appear that
this private letter was enough to bind Count Francesco; and therefore
they should be satisfied; if they could protect the Count in his rela~
tions with his father~in,llaw, it was well to do so; and neither he nor
they would be profited by revealing it without evident necessity. In
this way the Count's entrance into Lombardy was settled. After
capturing Nozzano and building some forts around Lucca to keep
the Lucchese hemmed in and turning that war over to commission~
ers, he crossed the Alps and went to Reggio. There the Venetians,
suspicious of his movements, in order before anything else to learn
his intention, asked him to cross the Po and join their other soldiers.
Count Francesco flatly refused. Hence between Andrea Mauro~
Mercenary Evasions 1251
ceno, the Venetian agent, and himself there were offensive words,
each accusing the other ofgreat pride and small faith. After they had
protested much, the soldier that he was not bound to the service, the
agent that he was not bound to payment, the Count returned to
Tuscany and the other to Venice.
The Florentines had the Count encamp in Pisan territory, hoping
to induce him to renew the war against the Lucchese. But they
found him unwilling because the Duke, having learned that the
Count for his sake had refused to cross the Po, thought that through
him the Lucchese could still be saved. So the Duke begged him to
try to negotiate a treaty between the Lucchese and the Florentines in
which the Duke would be included. Filippo led the Count to hope
that when he wished, his marriage with the Duke's daughter would
be celebrated. This promised marriage alliance had a strong effect
on the Count, because he hoped by means ofit, since the Duke had
no male children, to make himself lord of Milan. And therefore he
always kept cutting offthe prosecution ofthe war for the Florentines
and asserting that he did not want to move unless the Venetians kept
their agreement to pay him and their contract with him as general.
And payment alone was not enough for him, because ifhe was going
to live in security in his states, he needed other support than that of
the Florentines. So, if he was abandoned by the Venetians, he was
obliged to think of his own affairs. And he cleverly threatened to
come to terms with the Duke.
CHAPTER 14
[Cosimo fails to induce the Venetians to pay Count Francesco; peace
made with Lucca. 1438]
These pretexts and these tricks greatly angered the Florentines,
because they saw the Lucchese expedition lost, and besides they
feared for their own state whenever the Duke and the Count were
united. Thereupon, to bring the Venetians back to continuing their
contract with the Count, Cosimo de'Medici went to Venice, be"
lieving that with his reputation he could move them. There in their
senate he argued on this subject at great length, showing in what
condition Italian politics stood, how great the forces of the Duke
were, and where the reputation and the power ofarmies resided. He
ended by saying that if the Count united with the Duke, the Vene"
tians would be going back to the sea and the Florentines would be
fighting for their liberty. To this the Venetians answered that they
knew their own forces' and those of the Italians and believed that in
any case they could defend themselves; and they asserted that they
were not in the habit ofpaying soldiers who served others. Therefore
the Florentines should expect to pay the Count, because they were
served by him; and it was more necessary for the Venetians, if they
hoped to enjoy their territory in security, to lower the pride of the
Count than to pay him, because men have no limit to their ambition,
and if now he were paid without rendering service, soon afier he
would ask something more dishonorable and more dangerous. So
they believed they must at some time put a check to his haughtiness,
and not let it grow so great that it would get beyond restraint; but if
the Florentines, through fear or some other desire, still wished to keep
him as a friend, they could pay him. So Cosimo came back with"
out accomplishing anything.
Nonetheless, the Florentines used pressure on the Count to pre"
vent his withdrawing from the League, and he too was unwilling to
leave it. Yet his hope of completing the marriage alliance with the
Duke kept him uncertain, so that, as actually happened, a very slight
accident could make him decide. The Count had earlier left as
guardian of his cities in the March a certain Friulano, one of his
chief officers. This man was so much urged by the Duke that he
gave up his employment with the Count and joined the Duke. This
event caused the Count, abandoning all hesitation in fear for his own
position, to make an agreement with the Duke; among the provisions
was that there should be no disturbance in the affairs of Tuscany
and Romagna.
After this agreement, the Count persistently urged the Florentines
to make peace with the Lucchese; and in such a way he pushed them
into this that, having no other resource, they made peace, in the
month of April in the year 1438. According to this agreement, the
Lucchese retained their liberty and the Florentines kept Monte Carlo
and some of their other towns. Then they filled all Italy with letters
full ofcomplaints, showing that since God and men had not wished
that the Lucchese should come under their authority, they had made
peace with them. It seldom happens that anybody feels so much
A Florentine Spectacle 1253
vexation at the loss ofhis own possessions as the Florentines then felt
because they had not taken what belonged to others.
CHAPTER IS
[Trouble over Borgo San Sepolcro; the consecration ofSanta
Reparata. 1436]
In those days, though the Florentines were occupied in such a
great enterprise, yet in taking thought about their neighbors and in
adorning their city they were not negligent. Already, as we have
said, Niccolo Fortebraccio was dead, who had married one of the
daughters of the Count of Poppi. On his death his father"in"law
had in his hands Borgo San Sepolcro and the fortresses ofthat place,
having ruled them in Niccolo's name during his life. After his
death, the Count said he retained them as his daughter's dower and
refused to yield them to the Pope. The latter asked for them as
Church property and at last sent the Patriarch with soldiers to seize
them. The Count ofPoppi, seeing that he could not resist the attack,
offered the place to the Florentines, who refused it. But when the
Pope returned to Florence they mediated between him and the Count
in an attempt to reconcile them. Since they could secure no agree,-
ment, the Patriarch attacked the Casentino and took Prato Vecchio
and Romena, which likewise he offered to the Florentines. They still
refused to accept the towns unless the Pope would allow them to be
handed over to the Count of Poppi. After long debate the Pope
consented to this, requiring the Florentines to promise to arrange that
the Count should return Borgo to the Church. Thus the Pope's
mind was set at ease.
In Florence the construction of the cathedral church, Santa
Reparata (begun long before), had been carried so far that the holy
offices could be celebrated there; hence the Florentines decided to ask
the Pope to consecrate it personally. To this the Pope gladly agreed,
and for the sake of greater magnificence for the city and the church,
and for more respect to the Pontiff, a scaffolding was built all the way
from Santa Maria Novella, where the Pope was living, to the church
to be consecrated; it was eight feet wide and four feet high, covered
all above and all round about with the richest draperies, and over it
came only the Pontiff with his court, together with the city magis,-
125'4 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book 5
trates and the citizens appointed to accompany him. All the rest of
the citizens and the people were waiting along the way, in the houses
and in the church, to see so great a spectacle. After completing all
the ceremonies of such a consecration, the Pope, as a sign of the
greatest love, honored with knighthood Giuliano Davanzati, then
Gonfalonier ofJustice and a citizen always ofthe highest reputation;
whereupon the Signoria, in order not to seem less loving than the
Pope, granted him for a year the captaincy of Pisa.
CHAPTER 16
[An attempt at union between the Eastern and Western
churches. 1439]
In those same times, there were differences between the Roman
and the Greek churches, so that in divine worship they did not agree
in every respect; and since in the last Council, held at Basle, the
prelates of the Western church had spoken much on this matter, it
was decided that all diligence should be used to have the Emperor
and the Greek prelates take part in the Council at Basle in an attempt
to reach an agreement with the Roman Church. Though this de;,
cision was opposed to the majesty of the Greek Empire, and any
concession to the Roman Pontiff would offend the pride of its pre;,
lates, yet, since the Greeks were hard pressed by the Turks and
judged that they could not by themselves make a defense, in order
that with more assurance they could ask aid from the others, they
decided to yield. And thus the Emperor, together with the Patriarch
and other Greek prelates and barons, came to Venice, so that, ac;,
cording to the decision of the Council, they could be at Basle. But
being frightened by the plague, they decided that their differences
should be ended in the city ofFlorence. After the Greek and Roman
prelates had met for many days, then, in the Cathedral Church, the
Greeks, as the result of many long debates, yielded and made an
agreement with the Roman Church and Pontiff.
Trickery by the Duke of Milan 1255
CHAPTER 17
[Further disturbances in Italy; Niccolo Piccino by tricking the Pope
seizes Ravenna and other cities. 1438]
When the peace between the Lucchese and the Florentines, and
between the Duke and the Count, was concluded, it was believed
that the arms of Italy, especially those plaguing Lombardy and
Tuscany, could easily be laid down, because those that had been
used in the Kingdom of Naples by Rene of Anjou and Alfonso of
Aragon must, on the ruin of one of the two, be laid down. And
though the Pope was discontented because he had lost many of his
cities, and though everyone knew how great was the ambition ofthe
Duke and the Venetians, yet it was thought that the Pope, through
necessity, and the others, through weariness, would be at a standstill.
But things went otherwise, because neither the Duke of Milan nor
the Venetians remained quiet. The result was that arms were taken
up anew, and Lombardy and Tuscany were again given over to war.
The Duke's proud spirit could not endure having the Venetians
hold Bergamo and Brescia, and the more so because he saw them
under arms and every day in many places raiding and upsetting his
country. Moreover he thought that he could not merely keep them
in check but could get his cities back whenever the Venetians were
abandoned by the Pope, the Florentines, and the Count. Hence he
planned to take Romagna from the Pontiff, since he thought that if
he held that province the Pope could not attack him, and that the
Florentines, seeing the fire near them, either through fear for them.!
selves would not act, or if they did act, could not easily attack him.
Furthermore, the Duke also knew that the Florentines, as a result of
the Lucchese affair, were indignant with the Venetians; hence he
thought they would be less ready to take arms for Venice. As to
Count Francesco, Duke Filippo believed that their new alliance and
the Count's hope for the marriage would be enough to keep him
faithful. So in order to escape blame and give everybody less reason
for acting, and especially since he could not attack Romagna, be.!
cause of his agreements with the Count, the Duke arranged that
Niccolo Piccino, as though acting through his own ambition,
should undertake a campaign in Romagna.
Niccolo, when the Count and the Duke made their agreement,
was already in Romagna. By arrangement with Duke Filippo, he
pretended to be angered by the Duke's alliance with the Count,
Niccolo's permanent enemy. He took his forces to Camurata, a
place between Forli and Ravenna, where he fortified himself as
though intending to remain there a long time, until he found new
employment. Since the report of his pretended anger was spread
everywhere, Niccolo gave the Pope to understand how much he
deserved from the Duke and how ungrateful Filippo had been to
him. He also declared that the Duke, having in his service almost
all the soldiers of Italy, under her two chief generals, expected to
conquer her. But if His Holiness wished, Niccolo could bring
about that ofthe two generals the Duke thought he had, one would
be hostile to him and the other useless. Niccolo promised, if the
Pope furnished him money and maintained him under arms, to
attack the states ruled by the Count and withheld by him from the
Church. When so attacked, the Count, forced to think about his
own affairs, could not assist Filippo's ambition. The Pope put faith
in these words, since he thought them reasonable, and sent Niccolo
five thousand ducats and made him big promises, offering states to
him and to his children. And though many warned the Pope ofthe
deception, he did not believe them and would not listen to anybody
who said Niccolo was false.
At that time the city of Ravenna was ruled for the Church by
Ostasio da Polenta. Niccolo, since he thought it no time for putting
off his undertaking any longer (because Francesco his son had in;l
suIted the Pope by sacking Spoleto), decided to attack Ravenna,
whether because he thought that undertaking easier or because with
Ostasio he had a secret understanding; in a few days after he had
attacked it, he took it on terms. After this conquest, he occupied
Bologna, Imola, and Forli. What was more wonderful was that of
twenty castles garrisoned for the Pope in those states, there was not
one that did not come into Niccolo's power. Nor was it enough for
him that he had harmed the Pope with this injury, for he wished also
to mock him with words, as he had done with deeds; so he wrote
that he had taken the cities from him deservedly, since the Pope had
not been ashamed to try to destroy such a friendship as that between
the Duke and himself, and to fill Italy with letters saying that he had
left the Duke and sided with the Venetians.
Duke Filippo's Skill 1257
CHAPTER 18
[Duke Filippo of Milan attacks the Venetians; Count Francesco
Sforza's marriage with Duke Filippo's daughter is delayed. 1438]
Niccolo after conquering the Romagna left it in charge ofhis son
Francesco and with most of his followers went into Lombardy.
Joining the rest of the ducal soldiers, he attacked the district sur"
rounding Brescia and in a short time held it all. Then he laid seige
to that city. The Duke, wishing the Venetians left as his prey, made
excuses to the Pope, the Florentines and the Count, pretending that
Niccolo's actions in Romagna were contrary not only to the agree"
ments but also to his wishes. In secret messages he indicated that
when time and opportunity permitted, he would give clear proof of
this disobedience. The Florentines and the Count did not give him
any credence but believed, as was true, that he had employed Nic"
colo's troops to delay them until he could overcome the Venetians.
The latter, full of pride and believing that they could unaided resist
the Duke's forces, did not deign to ask help from anybody but with
Gattamelata their general carried on the war. Count Francesco
wished to go to the rescue of King Rene with Florentine help but
events in Romagna and Lombardy detained him. The Florentines
too would gladly have aided the King because oftheir old and steady
alliance with the royal house of France, but the Duke would have
turned his aid to Alfonso, as a result ofthe friendship he had formed
with him during his imprisonment. But both of these, occupied
with wars near at hand, refrained from distant expeditions.
So then, seeing the Romagna held by the forces ofthe Duke and
the Venetians defeated, the Florentines, from the ruin ofothers fearing
their own, begged the Count to come into Tuscany. Then they
should consider what could be done to oppose the forces ofthe Duke
(which were greater than they had ever been before), for they affirmed
that if his arrogance was not in some way checked, everybody who
held territory in Italy would in a short time suffer from it. The Count
realized that the fear of the Florentines was reasonable; all the same,
his wish to secure the marriage alliance with the Duke kept him
uncertain. And the Duke, who realized this desire~ofhis, gave him
very great hopes ofit, ifthe Count did not move troops against him.
Further, because the girl was now old enough to be married, several
times Duke Filippo brought the matter to such a state that all the
usual preparations for the wedding were made; then, under various
pretexts, he broke everything off. Yet in order to make the Count
believe him, to promises he added deeds; and he sent him thirty
thousand florins which, according to the agreements about the mar*,
riage, Count Francesco was to receive.
CHAPTER 19
[The war goes against the Venetians; they ask aid from Florence; the
Florentines persuade Count Francesco to join them. 1439]
Nevertheless the war in Lombardy was growing more serious; the
Venetians daily were losing new cities, all the fleets that they had
prepared for the rivers had been beaten by the ducal soldiers, the
territory of Verona and of Brescia was entirely occupied, and those
two cities were so hard pressed that, according to the general opinion,
they could hold out but a short time. The Marquis of Mantua, for
many years the Venetian republic's general, had deserted them and
taken sides with the Duke, contrary to all their expectations. So
what in the beginning of the war the Venetians were not permitted
to do by pride, they were made to do, in the course of it, by fear.
Recognizing that they had no other recourse than the friendship of
the Florentines and of the Count, they supplicated it, though
abashed and full of foreboding, because they feared that the Floren*'
tines would give the same reply they had received from the Venetians
about the attempt on Lucca and the Count's affairs.
But they found Florence more yielding than they had hoped and
than their conduct deserved-so much more powerful in the Floren*'
tines was their hate for their old enemy than their anger over their old
and habitual alliance. I Having long before realized the necessity into
which the Venetians must come, the Florentines had explained to
the Count that Venetian ruin was his ruin, that he deceived himself
if he believed Duke Filippo when fortunate would favor him more
than when unfortunate, and that the Duke promised his daughter to
Francesco because fearing him. Since the things which necessity
makes a man promise it also makes him do, the Count ought to hold
1. Florentine hatred for the Duke of Milan overcame anger at the duplicity of their allies,
tht Venetians.
A League against the Duke 1259
the Duke under necessity; he could not do so without Venetian
greatness. Therefore Count Francesco should realize that if the
Venetians were compelled to give up their territory on land he would
lose not merely the benefits he was getting from them but also all the
advantages that in fear of them others might offer him. If he would
consider well the states of Italy, he would see that some were poor,
others his enemies, and that, as he often had said, the Florentines
alone were not strong enough to support him. Hence to support the
Venetian land power was in every way to his advantage.
These arguments, added to the hatred the Count felt because he
believed the Duke ofMilan had duped him about the marriage with
his daughter, made him accept the agreement, yet he was still un;,
willing to pledge himself to cross the River Po. The agreement was
settled in February 1438;[1439]. The Venetians assumed two;thirds,
the Florentines one;third ofthe expense ofthe alliance; both pledged
that at their own expense they would protect the Count's territories in
the Marches. Nor was the League satisfied with these forces but ad;,
ded to them the ruler ofFaenza, the sons of Messer Pandolfo Mala;,
testa of Rimini and Pietro Gianpaolo Orsini. Though with big
promises the League tempted the Marquis ofMantua, it could not de;,
tach him from the Duke's alliance and pay; and the lord ofFaenza,
after the League had fixed his pay, returned to the Duke ofMilan on
getting a better contract. These failures ruined the League's hope
for a rapid settlement of affairs in the Romagna.
CHAPTER 20
[The difficulties of the League in aiding Venice. 1439]

At this time Lombardy was in difficulties: Brescia was so strictly
besieged by the Duke's soldiers that the League feared her surrender
through famine any day; Verona also was so hemmed in that for her
it feared the same outcome. If one ofthese two cities was lost, all the
preparations for the war must be considered useless and the expenses
incurred up to that time would be lost. No surer remedy was seen
than to have Count Francesco go into Lombardy. This offered
three difficulties. First, they must induce the Count to cross the Po
and make war anywhere. Second, the Florentines saw they would
be in the Duke's power unless they kept the Count in Tuscany, for
the Duke could easily retire into his strongholds and with part ofhis
soldiers keep the Count wasting time in Lombardy; the other part of
his army the Duke could send into Tuscany with those Florentine
exiles whom the government in power greatly feared. Third, by
what road could the Count lead his soldiers safe into Paduan terri"
tory, where the other Venetian troops were ~ Ofthese three difficulties
the second, which affected the Florentines, was most to be feared.
Nevertheless, realizing the need and worn down by the Venetians,
who with the utmost persistence kept asking for Count Francesco
and making it appear that without him they would surrender, the
Florentines put Venetian necessity before their own fears. There still
remained the difficulty of the route, which they determined should
be made secure by the Venetians. Because to settle these arrange"
ments with the Count and to induce him to cross, the Florentine
Signoria had sent Neri di Gino Capponi, they decided he should go
on to Venice, in order to make the favor they were granting more
pleasing to the Venetian government and to arrange a route and a
safe journey for the Count.
CHAPTER 21
[Neri Capponi announces to the Venetian Senate that Florence is

sending Count Francesco Sforza to their assistance. 1439]
So N eri left: Cesena and went to Venice by sea. N ever did that
government receive any prince with such honor as they showed him,
because they believed that on his coming and on what through him
they could decide and arrange must depend the salvation of their
power. Taken into their Senate, then, Neri spoke to this effect:
"Those Signors of mine, Most Splendid Prince, I have always
been of the opinion that the Duke's greatness would be the ruin of
this state and oftheir republic; and likewise the security of both these
states would be your greatness and ours. If Your Lordships had
believed the same thing, we should find ourselves in better condition,
and your state would be secure against those dangers that now
threaten it. But because in the times when you should have given
us aid or been faithful to us, you have not done so, we have been
unable to run quickly to get remedies for your ills. Nor have you
1. The DOle.
Old Love and Old Hate Not Easily Canceled 1261
been quick in asking for them, since in your prosperity and your
adversity you have little understood us, and do not know that we are
such that him whom we once love we always love, and him whom
we once hate, we always hate. The love we have borne to your Most
Splendid Senate you yourselves know, because many times, for your
rescue, you have seen Lombardy filled with our money and our
soldiers. The hate we have for Filippo, and which we have always
had for his house, all the world knows. An old love or an old hate
cannot by new benefits or new injuries easily be canceled.
"We know and are certain that in this war we can stand neutral
with great pleasure to the Duke and not much danger to ourselves;
because even if by ruining you he became master of Lombardy, so
much vigor would be left in Italy that we should not need to despair
of our safety, because when power and territory increase, enmity and
envy likewise increase; from these things result war and loss. We
realize also how much expense we would avoid by avoiding the
present war, how many threatening dangers we would escape, for if
we enter this war that now is going on in Lombardy, it can be
brought into Tuscany. Nevertheless our ancient affection for this
state has canceled all these forebodings and we have determined to
rescue your state with the same speed with which we would rescue
our own if it were attacked.
"For this reason my Florentine Signors-thinking the relief of
Verona and Brescia necessary before anything else, and judging that
without the Count it cannot be accomplished-first sent me to per~
suade him to go into Lombardy and to make war anywhere (for you
know he is not obligated to cross the Po). This I accomplished,
influencing him with those reasons with which we ourselves are
influenced. He too, as he holds himselfinvincible in war, wishes to
appear likewise unconquerable in courtesy. Hence he has decided
to surpass the liberality he sees us use toward you, though he well
knows among how many dangers Tuscany will be left after his
departure. Seeing that we have subordinated to your safety our own
dangers, he too has decided to subordinate to that safety his own
scruples. I come then to offer you the Count with seven thousand
cavalry and two thousand infantry, ready to attack the enemy any~
where. I beg you, indeed, and my Signors and the Count beg you,
since the number of his soldiers exceeds that with which he has
contracted to serve, in your liberality to compensate him, that he may
not regret entering your service and that we may not regret encour.l
aging him to do so."
To Neri's speech that Senate listened with attention no different
from what an oracle would receive. So fired with his words were the
hearers that they could not wait until the Prince, as custom de",
manded, made answer, but rising to their feet with lifted hands-the
greater part of them weeping-they thanked the Florentines for so
loving a service and thanked N eri because he had with such care and
speed performed it. They pledged moreover that never at any time
either from their hearts or the hearts of their descendants would its
memory be expunged and that their city would always belong in
common to the Florentines and themselves.
CHAPTER 22
[The roads to Padua; Count Francesco Sforza relieves Verona. 1439]
On the calming of these emotions, they discussed the road the
Count ought to take in order to be provided with bridges, level
ground and everything else. There were four roads. One was by
way of Ravenna, along the sea; this route, for the most part hemmed
in by the sea and the swamps, was not approved. The second was
the direct road; this was blocked by a tower called I'Dccellino,
which was garrisoned for the Duke, and anyone expecting to pass
would be obliged to capture it-which would be hard to do in a
time so short as not to take away the opportunity for relieving Brescia
and Verona, which demanded speed and promptness. The third
was through the forest of Lugo; but because the Po had got out ofits
dykes, it rendered that way not merely difficult but impossible.
There remained the fourth, through the plain of Bologna, by the
Puledrano bridge, by Cento and by the Pieve, and between Finale
and Bondeno to Ferrara; after that, both by water and by land the
Count could get into Paduan territory and join the Venetian soldiers.
This road, though it offered many difficulties and could in some
places be attacked by the enemy, was chosen as the least bad. When
this was made known to the Count, he set out with very great speed
and on the 20th of June arrived in Paduan territory.
The coming of this general into Lombardy filled Venice and all
her state with hope, and whereas the Venetians at first seemed desper;,
Surprise and Fortune in War 1263
ate of their safety, they began to expect new conquests. The Count,
before everything else, set about relieving Verona. To thwart this,
Niccolo went with his army to Soave, a walled town between the
territories of Vicenza and Verona, and fortified it with a ditch that
extended from Soave as far as the swamps ofthe Adige. The Count,
seeing the road by the plain blocked, judged that he could go through
the mountains and by that way come close to Verona, imagining
that Niccolo either would not believe that he would take that road,
since it was rough and mountainous, or if he did believe it, would
not have time to block it. Hence, providing supplies for eight days,
he crossed the mountain with his soldiers and arrived near Soave in
the plain. And though Niccolo had made some fortifications to
block that road also for the Count, yet they were not enough to hold
him. Niccolo, then, seeing that against all his belief, his enemy had
crossed, in order that when at a disadvantage he might not come to a
battle with the Count, retired to the other side of the Adige; and the
Count without any hindrance entered Verona.
CHAPTER 23
[Unsuccessful attempt to relieve Brescia}· Piccinino}s strange
escape. 1439]
So with ease Count Francesco accomplished his first task by
freeing Verona from siege. The second remained, that of relieving
Brescia. This city is so close to Lake Garda that, though she were
blockaded by land, it would always be possible to get supplies to her
by way of the lake. This was the reason why the Duke had put
strong forces on the lake, and at the beginning of his victories had
taken all those towns that by using the lake could send aid to Brescia.
The Venetians too had galleys there, but for fighting with the Duke's
men they were not adequate. Therefore the Count judged it neces"
sary to aid the Venetian fleet with land forces. Thus he hoped to
take easily those towns that were starving Brescia. So he placed his
army at Bardolino, a town situated on the lake, hoping that, when he
gained her, the other towns would surrender. Fortune in this cam"
paign was the Count's enemy, because a good part of his soldiers fell
sick; thereupon forsaking the campaign, he went to Zevio, a Vero"
nese town well"supplied and healthful. Niccolo, seeing that the
Count had retired, in order not to miss his chance for gaining control
ofthe lake, left his army at Vigasio, and with picked soldiers went to
the lake, where with great speed and greater vigor he attacked the
Venetian Reet and took almost all of it. As a result of this victory,
few towns were left on the lake that did not surrender to Niccolo.
The Venetians, terrified by this loss and fearing that because ofit
the Brescians would give up, with messengers and letters urged the
Count to relieve her. And the Count, seeing that hope of relieving
her by means of the lake was gone and that relief by the plain was
impossible because of the ditches, forts, and other hindrances ar,-
ranged by Niccolo-so that one who entered among them in the face
of a hostile army went to obvious defeat-determined that as the
mountain road had let him rescue Verona, so it would let him
relieve Brescia. Having made this plan, then, the Count left Zevio
and went by way of the Val d'Affi to Lake Santo Andrea I and
came to Torbole and Castel Penede on Lake Garda. From there
he went to T enno, to which he laid siege, because, if he intended to
go on to Brescia, the taking of that town was necessary. Niccolo,
learning the Count's plans, led his army to Peschiera; then, with the
Marquis of Mantua and some carefully picked soldiers, he went to
meet the Count. And when they came to battle, Niccolo was de,-
feated and his soldiers scattered; part ofthem were captured, part fled
to the army, part to the Reet.
Niccolo got into Tenno, and when night came, he decided that
if he waited there for daylight he could not avoid falling into the
hands of the enemy; so in order to escape certain danger, he ran a
risk. With him Niccolo had only one of his many servants, a man
of German birth, very strong in body, who had always been very
faithful. This man Niccolo persuaded to put him in a sack, take
him on his shoulders and, as though carrying things for his master,
bring him to a safe place. The army was around Tenno but after the
victory gained that day, without guards and without any order.
Hence it was easy for the German to save his master; putting him on
his shoulder, the servant, clad as a forager, passed through the whole
army without any hindrance; thus in safety he brought Niccolo to
his own soldiers.
1. Now Loppio.
The Topography oj Verona
CHAPTER 24
[Piccinino takes Verona} except for San Felice} by surprise. 1439]
This victory, then, if it had been used with the skill with which
it was won, would have brought Brescia greater relief and the Vene~
tians more good fortune, but bad use of it made happiness quickly
vanish, and Brescia was left in the same difficulties. Because when
Niccolo was again with his soldiers, he decided that with some new
victory he must cancel that loss and take from the Venetians their
means for relieving Brescia. He knew the site ofthe citadel ofV erona,
and from prisoners taken in the war had learned that it was badly
guarded and that there was an easy way to capture it. Therefore he
saw that Fortune had put in his hands a possibility for getting back
his honor and for turning the happiness enjoyed by the enemy,
through the recent victory, into sorrow through a more recent defeat.
The city of Verona, "i~ Lombardy at th; foot of the mountains
that divide Italy from Germany, is so situated she includes both
mountain and plain. Out of the valley of Trent the River Adige
flows, and as it enters the Italian plain it does not at once spread out
but, turning to the left along the mountains, it comes to Verona and
passes through her midst-not, however, dividing her equally but
leaving much more ofthe city on the side ofthe plain than on that of
the mountains. On the heights are two castles, one named San
Piero, the other San Felice; these appear stronger in their sites than in
their walls, and from their high places dominate all the city. In the
plain on the south side ofthe Adige and astride the walls ofthe town
are two other fortresses, distant from each other a thousand paces; one
is called the Old Citadel, the other the New. From the inner part of
one citadel a wall extends to the other citadel, and forms as it were a
string for the bow made by the ordinary city walls extending from
one citadel to the other. All the space between the two walls is full
ofinhabitants, and is called the suburb ofSan Zeno. r These citadels
and this suburb Niccolo Piccino planned to take, expecting to suc~
ceed easily, through the careless watch that was always kept there and
his belief that the recent victory would make it more careless, and
1. When on avisit to Verona, Machiavelli wrote an account of her topography (LEGATION
TO MANTOVA,30. 20, 12 Dec. 1509; most of the letters of this legation were written from
Verona).
through his knowledge that in war no enterprise is so likely to sue",
ceed as that which the enemy does not believe you can carry out.
Taking some selected soldiers, with the Marquis of Mantua he
went by night to Verona; without being observed he scaled and took
the New Citadel. Going from there into the town, his soldiers broke
open the gate of Sant' Antonio, through which they let in all the
cavalry. Those who were guarding the Old Citadel for the Vene",
tians, having first heard the noise when the guards of the New were
killed and then when the gate was broken open, realizing that the
enemy were there, began to shout and ring the bells to call the people
to arms. After that, when the citizens woke up, entirely bewildered,
those who had most courage took arms and ran to the Piazza of the
Rectors. Meanwhile Niccolo's soldiers had sacked the suburb of
San Zeno. When they advanced, the citizens, realizing that the
ducal soldiers were inside and having no way for defending them'"
selves, urged the Venetian rectors to flee into the fortresses and save
their own persons and the city. It was better, the citizens explained,
for the rectors to save their lives and keep the city rich for a better
fortune than, by trying to escape their present one, to die and make
the city poor. And so the rectors and all other Venetians fled to the
castle of San Felice. After this, some of the leading citizens came
before Niccolo and the Marquis of Mantua, begging them to take
that city when rich, with honor to themselves, rather than when poor,
to their own reproach, especially since the Veronese had not de'"
served gratitude from the Venetians or hatred from the invaders by
defending themselves. They were well received by Niccolo and by
the Marquis, who, as much as they could in that military license,
protected the city from sack.
Because the two generals were almost certain that the Count
would come to retake Verona, with all their might they labored to
get the strongholds into their hands; and those that they could not
get, with ditches and barricades they separated from the city, so the
enemy would have trouble getting inside.
CHAPTER 25
[By his rapidity Count Francesco regains Verona. 1439]
Count Francesco, with his soldiers at Tenno, on hearing that
Verona had fallen, at first thought the news baseless; then from more
Lust for Booty Brings Defeat 1267
certain reports assured of its truth, he determined by speed to atone
for his earlier negligence. And though all the leaders of his army
advised him to abandon his Verona and Brescia campaign and to go
to Vicenza so as not to be besieged by the enemy as a result of de.-'
laying there, he refused to yield, and determined to tempt Fortune as
to regaining that city. In the midst of this uncertainty of mind, he
turned to the Venetian supervisors and to Bernadetto de'Medici, the
Florentine commissioner with the army, promising her certain re.-'
capture, if one of the castles waited for him.
Having then got his soldiers into order, l1e went toward Verona
with the utmost speed. On seeing him, Niccolo believed that, as his
officers had advised, he was going to Vicenza, but when he saw the
Count turn his soldiers toward Verona and direct them upon the
castle of San Felice, he gave orders to prepare for defense. But he
was too late, because the barricades cutting off the castle were not
made, and in their lust for booty and ransoms the soldiers were
scattered, so that he could not bring them together quickly enough
to prevent the Count's soldiers from reaching the fortress and thence
descending into the city. Thus the Count triumphantly regained
Verona, with shame to Niccolo and harm to his soldiers. With the
Marquis of Mantua, Niccolo first fled into the citadel and then
through the country to Mantua. Afterward, bringing together the
remnants of their soldiers who had escaped, the two joined the forces
at the siege of Brescia. So within four days the ducal army won
and lost Verona.
After this victory, since it was already winter and the cold was
severe, the Count went into winter quarters in Verona, as soon as
with great difficulty he had sent provisions into Brescia. He ordered
that in the winter some galleys should be built at T orbole, so that in
the spring he would be so strong on land and water that he could
completely free Brescia.
CHAPTER 26
[Duke Filippo considers attacking Tuscany; the Florentine exiles
promise easy victory. 1440]
The Duke, seeing the war for the time at a standstill and his hope
for taking Verona and Brescia destroyed, realized that the money and
the advice of the Florentines had caused it all, and that not even the
injuries they had received had been able to alienate them from their
friendship for the Venetians and that the promises he had made had
not been able to gain them over to his side. Therefore he determined,
in order that they might view from a shorter distance the fruit oftheir
seeds, to attack Tuscany.
The Florentine exiles and Niccolo encouraged him to do so.
Niccolo was impelled by his wish to conquer Braccio's states and to
drive the Count from the Marches; the exiles were urged on by their
hope of returning to their native city; both parties had influenced the
Duke with timely arguments conforming with his purpose. Niccolo
showed that Filippo could send him into Tuscany and yet maintain
the siege ofBrescia, because the Duke was master ofLake Garda and
on land had strong and well"equipped fortresses; he would still have
generals and soldiers able to oppose any movement Count Francesco
undertook. Moreover the Count could not reasonably undertake
anything before liberating Brescia, yet to liberate her was impossible.
Hence Filippo could make war in Tuscany without abandoning the
campaign in Lombardy. Niccolo also demonstrated that as soon as
the Florentines saw him in Tuscany they would recall the Count;
otherwise they would be ruined. Whichever they did would bring
the Duke victory. The exiles declared that if Niccolo arrived before
Florence with his army, the people, worn out by taxes and by the
arrogance of the powerful, could not by any possibility fail to take
arms against their oppressors. They showed the Duke that it was
easy to approach Florence, since they promised that the road through
the Casentino would be open because of Messer Rinaldo degli
Albizzi's friendship with the Count of Poppi. Hence the Duke,
who had first turned to it for himself, so much the more by the
persuasions of these men was fixed upon making that expedition.
The Venetians on the other hand, even though the winter was
harsh, did not fail to urge the Count with all his army to relieve
Brescia-something the Count declared could not be done in such
weather; he needed to wait for spring, meanwhile getting the fleet in
order, and then he would relieve her by water and by land. As a
result the Venetians were discontented and were slow about every
supply, so that in their army many men were missing.
A Military Cardinal 1269
CHAPTER 27
[Fear in Florence; their spies; Giovanni Vitelleschi arrested. 1440]
When assured of all these things, the Florentines were terrified,
seeing that the war was coming on them and that in Lombardy not
much had been gained. Nor were they given less anxiety by their
suspicions about the soldiers of the Church, not because the Pope
was their enemy, but because they saw those soldiers obeying the
Patriarch, who was very hostile to them, rather than the Pope. For
Giovanni Vitelleschi of Corneto was first apostolic notary, then
bishop of Recanati, next patriarch of Alexandria, and at last be~
coming cardinal, he was named Florentine cardinal. He was bold
and astute, and therefore so conducted himself that the Pope greatly
loved him and put him in charge ofthe armies ofthe Church; in all
the Pope's campaigns in Tuscany, in Romagna, in the Kingdom
and at Rome, he was commander; thus he got such power over the
soldiers and over the Pope that the latter was afraid to give him orders,
and the soldiers obeyed him only and no other. Since, then, this
cardinal with his soldiers was in Rome when the report came that
Niccolo was going to cross into Tuscany, the Florentines were
doubly frightened. Indeed, after Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi was
driven out, the Cardinal had always been an enemy to that govern~
ment, because the agreements made in Florence between the parties
through his intervention had not been observed but on the contrary
had been handled with damage to Messer Rinaldo, for they had
caused him to lay down his arms and give his enemies opportunity
to drive him out. Hence the heads of the Florentine government
thought that the time might have come for Messer Rinaldo to recoup
his losses by siding with Niccolo when that general came into Tus~
cany. They feared so much the more when they considered that the
departure of Niccolo from Lombardy was strangely timed, since he
was leaving an undertaking almost finished to enter upon one alto~
gether uncertain-which they did not believe he would do without
some new information or hidden deception. Of this suspicion of
theirs they had informed the Pope, who had already realized his
mistake in giving another man too much power.
While the Florentines were thus uncertain, Fortune showed them
a way for securing themselves against the Patriarch. That republic
kept everywhere diligent inspectors of men carrying letters, in orde!
to discover anybody who might be plotting against her government.
At Montepulciano Florentine agents took letters written by the
Patriarch, without the Pontiff's authorization, to Niccolo Piccino.
The magistrates in charge of the war at once laid them before the
Pope. Though they were written in unusual characters and their
sense was so involved that no clear idea could be got from them,
nevertheless such obscurity and dealings with the enemy roused in
the Pontiff so much suspicion that he determined to protect himself.
He put in charge ofthe affair Antonio Rido of Padua, officer of the
guard at the castle in Rome. When this man had his instructions
and was ready to obey, he waited for his opportunity. At last the
Patriarch decided to go to Tuscany. Planning on the next day to
leave Rome, he asked the castellan to be at the castle bridge in the
morning because he wished in passing to talk with him about some~
thing. Antonio saw that his opportunity had come. He instructed
his men what they were to do and at the time set waited for the
Patriarch on the bridge-adjacent to the castle-which for security
could be raised and lowered as was necessary. When the Patriarch
had crossed, Antonio first brought him to a stand with their conver~
sation and then made a sign to his men to raise the bridge; so the
Patriarch in an instant found himself not a commander ofarmies but
a castellan's prisoner. His soldiers at first made a disturbance, but on
learning the Pope's will quieted down. Then when the castellan
with kind words encouraged the Patriarch and gave him hope that
all would be well, he answered that great men are not arrested to be
released, and those who deserve to be seized do not deserve to be
released. As he expected, he soon died in prison. The Pope put in
command of his soldiers Lodovico the Patriarch of Aquileia.
Though never before in the past had the Pope wished to involve
himselfin the wars ofthe League and the Duke, he was then willing
to take part, and promised to be ready to defend Tuscany with four
thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry.
CHAPTER 28
[The Venetians urge an attack on Brescia. 1440]
Though the Florentines were freed from fear of the Patriarch,
they still dreaded Niccolo and the confusion of affairs in Lombardy
The Campaigning Season 1271
because of the differences of opinion between the Venetians and the

Count. So, to understand them better, they sent Neri di Gino
Capponi and Messer Giuliano Davanzati to Venice. They charged
them to settle how the war was to be managed during the next year.
They also gave Neri instructions that, after learning the Venetians'
opinion, he should visit the Count to learn his view and to persuade
him to do whatever the safety of the League required.
These ambassadors had not even reached Ferrara when they
learned that Niccolo Piccino with six thousand cavalry had crossed
the Po-which made them hasten their journey. When they came
to Venice they found the Signoria very eager to have Brescia relieved
without further delay, because the city could not wait for relief until
spring or until the fleet was built, but ifno troops appeared to aid her,
she would surrender to the enemy_ Thus the Duke would be wholly
victorious and the Venetians would lose all their territory on land.
Neri therefore went to Verona to get the Count's opinion and
hear what he opposed to the Venetian desire. That general explained
with plenty of reasons that to ride toward Brescia in that season
would be useless then and damaging to a future effort; on account of
the season and the topography it would do Brescia no good but
would merely disorganize and tire out his soldiers; on the coming of
spring, a time suitable for the business, he would have to bring his
army back to Verona to provide the supplies that had been used up
in the winter and were needed for the next summer; thus the whole
season fit for war would be used up in going and coming. With
Count Francesco at Verona, having been sent to arrange these things,
were Messer Orsatto Giustiniani and Messer Giovanni Pisani. With
these men, after many discussions, it was decided that for the next
year the Venetians would give the Count eighty thousand ducats
and their other soldiers forty ducats per lance, that the Count should
I
be urged to go out with the whole army, and that the Duke should
be attacked. In fear for his own property, he would then make
Niccolo come back to Lombardy. After this decision, they went
back to Venice. The Venetians, because the sum of money was
large, in all affairs provided slowly.
1. A ((lance" consisted of one heavily armed horseman and four or five other men, partly
servants, partly light~armed horsemen.
CHAPTER 29
[Count Francesco wishes to pursue Piccinino; the Venetians dissuade
him. 1440]
Niccolo Piccino meanwhile continued his journey and reached
Romagna, where he was so successful with the sons of Messer Pan~
dolfo Malatesta that, deserting the Venetians, they sided with the
Duke. This affair disturbed Venice, but Florence much more, be~
cause they had believed that by means of them they could make
resistance to Niccolo. But when they saw that the Malatesta had
revolted, they were alarmed, especially because they feared that Pietro
Gianpaolo Orsini, their general, who was in the cities of the Mala~
testa, had not got away, and that they were left unarmed.
This news likewise upset the Count, because he feared to lose the
Marches if Niccolo went into Tuscany; being disposed to rescue his
own property, he went to Venice, and when brought before the chief
official, showed that his going into Tuscany was useful to the League:
war must be made where the army and the general of the enemy are,
not where the cities and their garrisons are, because, if the army is
defeated, the war is won; but if the cities are won and the army left:
entire, the war often becomes more active. He declared that the
Marches and Tuscany would be lost if he did not strongly oppose
Niccolo; and if they were lost, Lombardy would have no recourse,
but while she had a recourse, he did not expect to abandon his
subjects and his friends. He had come into Lombardy as a lord and
did not intend to leave as a soldier of fortune. I
To this the head of the government answered that it was evident

that if the Count not merely left Lombardy but with his army
recrossed the Po, all Venetian territory on land would be lost, and
they were not going to spend anything more in defending it, because
he is not wise who tries to defend a thing that he is going to lose in
any case; and, with less disgrace, it is less damage to lose territory
alone than territory and money. When the loss of the Venetian
territory followed his action, he would see the importance of V ene~
cian prestige in supporting Tuscany and Romagna. Therefore they
were wholly opposed to his opinion because they believed that he
1. Count Francesco did not intend to remain in Lombardy while his enemies conquered the
territory he had acquired elsewhere in Italy.
Not to Act as the Enemy Wishes 1273
who won in Lombardy would win in every other place. To win
was easy, since the Duke's condition, through Niccolo's departure,
was so weak that he could be ruined before he could either recall
Niccolo or provide himself with other means. And they were sure
that anybody who would consider everything wisely would see that
the Duke had not sent Niccolo into Tuscany for anything else than
to get the Count away from these enterprises, and to carry on else~
where the war now in his own country. Hence, if the Count
followed Piccinino without first seeing the utmost necessity, his act
would harmonize with the Duke's plans and make him succeed in
his purpose. But if the soldiers were kept in Lombardy, and in
Tuscany all possible provisions were made, the Duke would realize
too late his bad decision, at a time when without any redress he
would have lost in Lombardy and would not have won in Tuscany.
After each one had given and repeated his opinion, they settled
that for a few days they should remain quiet to observe, in order to see
what this agreement of the Malatesta with Niccolo would produce,
and if the Florentines could make use of Pietro Gianpaolo Orsini,
and if the Pope kept in step with the League, as he had promised.
After coming to this decision, they were assured a few days later that
the Malatesta had made that agreement more through fear than
through any malicious reason, that Pietro Gianpaolo had gone to
Tuscany with his soldiers, and that the Pope was more disposed than
before to aid the League. This information put at rest the Count's
mind; he consented to remain in Lombardy and to let Neri Capponi
return to Florence with a thousand ofhis cavalry and five hundred of
the other soldiers. Moreover, ifthings in Tuscany went so badly that
the Count's action was necessary there, he was to be written to; then
without any hesitation he would leave. So Neri with those soldiers
got to Florence in April, and the same day Pietro Gianpaolo arrived.
CHAPTER 30
[Bartolommeo Orlandini's cowardice permits Piccinino to enter Tus~
cany. 1440]
Niccolo Piccino, since things were quiet in Romagna, then
determined to make a descent upon Tuscany. Attempting to cross
by the mountains of San Benedetto and through the valley of Mon~
tone, he found those places so well guarded through the efficiency of
Niccolo da Pisa that he considered all efforts in that region useless.
Because the Florentines on this sudden attack were badly provided
with both soldiers and leaders, to these mountain passes they had sent
as guards several of their citizens with hastily assembled infantry.
Among these was Messer Bartolommeo Orlandini, a knight, to
whom were entrusted the town ofMarradi and the pass through those
mountains. After Niccolo Piccino had decided, then, that he could
not take the pass of San Benedetto, since an able man guarded it, he
judged that he could take that of Marradi, since a coward had the
defense ofit. Marradi is a town situated at the foot ofthe mountains
that divide Tuscany from Romagna, but on the side that looks
toward Romagna and in the upper part of the Val di Lamona; and
though it is without a wall, nonetheless the river, the mountains and
the inhabitants make it strong; for the men are warlike and faithful,
and the river has in such a way gnawed into the earth, and its gorge
is so d~ep, that to come there from the direction ofthe valley is impos~
sible as long as a little bridge over the river is held. In the direction
of the mountains the banks are so rough that they make the site very
secure. Nonetheless, Messer Bartolommeo's cowardice made those
mountaineers cowardly and that site very weak, for he no sooner
heard a report about the hostile soldiers than, leaving everything
unwatched, with all his men he fled; he did not stop until he came
to Borgo San Lorenzo.
Niccolo, having entered the places that had been deserted, full of
astonishment that they had not been defended and of joy at having
gained them, descended into the Mugello, where he took some towns.
At Pulicciano he halted his army, and from there raided all the
country as far as the mountains of Fiesole. He was so bold that he
crossed Arno and not more than three miles from Florence sacked
and destroyed everything.
CHAPTER 3 I
[Piccinino wastes time in the Casentino and makes afruitless attempt to
take Perugia. 1440]
The Florentines, on the other hand, were not upset, and before
everything else gave attention to keeping their government stable; for
Powerful Is Party Loyalty 1275
that they needed to fear little, on account of Cosimo's popularity
with the people, and because they had restricted the chief offices to
the powerful few, who with their severity were keeping quiet any
who might be discontented or eager for changes. They knew also,
through the agreements made in Lombardy, with what forces Neri
was coming back, and from the Pope they were awaiting soldiers-a
hope that, until the return of Neri, kept them alive.
Neri, having found the city in these confusions and fears, decided
to take the field in order in part to check Niccolo, so that he would
not be scot free in laying waste the country. So collecting many
infantry, all from the people, he went out with what cavalry there
were and retook Remole, which the enemy were holding. En"
camping there, he kept Niccolo from raiding and gave the citizens
hope of driving the enemy away. Niccolo, seeing that the Floren,-
tines, when they were stripped of soldiers, had made no movement, I
and learning with how much security they lived in that city, thought
to himself that without result he was using up his time, and decided
to carry on other enterprises, to give the Florentines reason to send
their soldiers against him and thus to furnish him opportunity to
come to battle. If he won that, he expected everything else to come
out well.
In Niccolo's army was Francesco, Count of Poppi, who, when
the enemy were in the Mugello, revolted from the Florentines, with
whom he was in league. Though earlier the Florentines had been
doubtful about him, they had increased his subsidy, in order through
benefits to make him their friend, and had made him commissioner
over all their cities neighboring his territory. Nevertheless (so power,-
ful in men is the love of party), no benefit and no fear could make
him forget the affection he had for Messer Rinaldo and the others
who were important in the late government. Hence, as soon as he
heard that Niccolo was near, he joined him, and with all sorts of
persuasions exhorted him to move away from Florence and go into
the Casentino, showing him the strength of the country and with
what certainty he could there keep the enemy hemmed in. Therefore
Niccolo followed this advice, and arriving in the Casentino, took
Romena and Bibbiena; then he besieged Castel San Niccolo.
This town is situated at the foot of the mountains that divide the
1. There was no rebellion against the government~ such as the exiles had promised. See
chap. 2~above.
Casentino from the Val d'Arno, and because it is in a place well
elevated and had a sufficient garrison, its capture was difficult, though
with mangonels and ·similar artillery Niccolo steadily attacked it.
This siege lasted more than twenty days, within which time the
Florentines had brought their soldiers together; and already they had
assembled under several generals three thousand cavalry at Figline,
commanded by Pietro Gianpaolo as general and by Neri Capponi
and Bernardo de'Medici as commissioners. To these came four men
sent by Castel San Niccolo to beg that they would give them aid.
The commissioners, having examined the site, saw that they could
not aid the town except by passing through the mountains that rise
above the Arno valley; the summit of these mountains could be
taken by the enemy sooner than by the Florentines because Niccolo's
forces would need to make a shorter journey, and the Florentine
approach could not be concealed. Hence the Florentines would be
attempting a movement unlikely to succeed, from which could come
the ruin of their soldiers. As a result, the commissioners praised the
fidelity of the suppliants and instructed them that, when they could
no longer defend themselves, they should surrender.
Niccolo took Castel San Niccolo, then, thirty~two days after he
went there with his army. The loss of so much time for so small a
gain was the chief reason for the ruin of his enterprise, because if he
had kept his soldiers near Florence, he would have rendered the rulers
ofthe city unable, except with caution, to force the citizens to provide
money. With more difficulty they would have assembled their sol~
diers and made every other provision, if they had had the enemy
close by instead of at a distance; and many would have had courage
to propose some agreement in order to secure themselves from Nic~
colo through a treaty, since the war was likely to last. But the Count
of Poppi's wish to revenge himself against the people of Castel San
Niccolo, who had long been his enemies, made him give that advice;
and Niccolo, to satisfy him, took it-which was the ruin of them
both. It seldom happens that individual passions do not act against
general advantages. Niccolo, following up his victory, took Rassina
and Chiusi. The Count of Poppi tried to induce him to remain in
those districts, showing him that he could extend his men between
Chiusi, Caprese, and the Pieve San Stefano, and he would become
master of the highlands and could at his wish go down into the
Horses Cannot Eat Stones 1277
Casentino, the Arno valley, Valdichiana and the Tiber valley, and
be ready for every move that his enemies might make.
But Niccolo, considering the roughness of the places, answered
that his horses could not eat stones, and went off to Borgo San
Sepolcro, where he had a friendly reception. From that place he
tested the disposition of the men of Citta di Castello, who, being
friends of the Florentines, did not listen to him. Next, since he
wished to have the Perugians as supporters, he went with forty horse~
men to Perugia, where, being a citizen of the town, he was received
with affection. But in a few days he became suspected there; with
the Legate and with the Perugians he tried a number of things, and
none of them were successful; hence, after receiving from them eight
thousand ducats, he returned to his army.
From there he carried on negotiations in Cortona, in order to
take it from the Florentines, but because the affair was discovered
early, his plans came to nothing. Among the chief citizens of that
town was Bartolommeo di Senso. When one evening, on the Cap~
tain's orders, he went to act as guard at a gate, he was told by one
from the country, his friend, not to go there ifhe did not want to be
killed. At once Bartolommeo tried to learn the basis of the matter,
and found out the plan of the conspiracy that was going on with
Niccolo. In turn Bartolommeo revealed it to the Captain, who,
making sure ofthe leaders ofthe conspiracy and doubling the guards
at the gates, waited, according to the plan that had been arranged, for
Niccolo to come. He came in the night and at the time arranged,
but finding that he was discovered, returned to his camp.
CHAPTER 32
[Count Francesco relieves Brescia; the Duke recalls Piccinino, who
then decides to fight a battle. 1440]
While in Tuscany things were going on in this way-with little
gain for the Duke's army-in Lombardy they did not stand still-
and with loss and damage for him. Count Francesco, as soon as the
season permitted, took the field with his army. Since the Venetians
had replaced their Reet on the lake, the Count planned before doing
anything else to master the water and drive the Duke from the lake,
judging that when this was done, other things would be easy. With
the Venetian fleet he therefore attacked that ofthe Duke and defeated
it, and with the soldiers on land he took the fortified towns that were
subject to the Duke; hence the other ducal soldiers, who were pressing
Brescia by land, when they learned ofthat disaster, withdrew; and so
Brescia, besieged for three years, was now free from siege. After this
victory, the Count attacked enemies who had gathered at Soncino,
a town on the Oglio River; he dislodged them and made them retire
to Cremona, where the Duke made a stand to defend his states on
that side. But since the Count pressed him harder every day, and he
feared that he would lose all or a great part of his states, the Duke
realized how bad a decision he had made in sending Niccolo to
Tuscany; so in order to correct his error, he informed Niccolo of his
condition and of the state of his undertakings, and ordered him as
soon as possible to leave Tuscany and return to Lombardy.
The Florentines, meanwhile, under their commissioners, had
united their soldiers with those ofthe Pope and had halted at Anghi;
ari, a town situated at the base of the mountains that divide the
Valley of the Tiber from the Valdichiana, four miles distant from
Borgo San Sepolcro by a smooth road; the fields were fit for bearing
cavalry and for the operation of war. Because the officials in Flor;
ence had news of the Count's victories and of Niccolo's recall, they
I
judged that with sword in scabbard and without dust they had won
that war. Therefore they wrote to their commissioners to avoid battle,
because Niccolo could not remain many days in Tuscany. These
instructions came to Niccolo's knowledge. Seeing that he must
depart, he decided, in order not to leave anything untried, to fight a
battle, thinking he would find the enemy unprovided and with their
thoughts far from combat. In this he was encouraged by Messer
Rinaldo, by the Count of Poppi, and by the other Florentine exiles,
whose ruin was obvious if Niccolo withdrew. But if a battle was
fought, they hoped they would either succeed in their enterprise or
lose it with honor. Having made this decision, then, he moved his
army from between Citta di Castello and Borgo San Sepolcro, and
coming to Borgo without the enemy's knowledge, he took from that
town two thousand men, who, eager for plunder, trusting in the
general's ability and in his promises, followed him.
1. The Latin sine pulvere (Horace) EPISTLES 1. 1. 51), without effort.
The Battlefield Prepared 1279
CHAPTER 33
[The Florentines win the bloodless victory of Anghiari. 144 0]
So in this way Niccolo, with his soldiers ready for battle, having
set out for Anghiari, was already less than two miles away when
Micheletto Attendulo saw a great cloud of dust. Realizing that it
was the enemy, he shouted: "To arms!" The confusion in the Floren;
tine army was great because, though ordinarily armies such as theirs
encamped without any discipline, now negligence was added, since
the Florentine soldiers believed their enemy at a distance and more
disposed for flight than for combat. Hence all were unarmed, far
from their quarters, and in any place where their wish either to escape
the heat, which was great, or to amuse themselves had taken them.
Yet so great was the effort of the commissioners and the general that
before the enemy got there they were mounted and drawn up to
resist attack. And as Micheletto was the first to observe the enemy, so
he was the first who was armed to meet them; and he ran with his
soldiers to the bridge over the stream that crosses the road, not very
far from Anghiari. Before the coming of the enemy, Pietro Cian;
paolo Orsini had had all the ditches filled up that bounded the road
from the bridge to Anghiari. Hence when Micheletto faced the
bridge, Simoncino, the general for the Church, with the Legate,
could be placed on the right hand, and on the left: the Florentine
commissioners with Pietro Cianpaolo their general; the infantry
were drawn up on each side along the banks of the stream. To the
enemy, therefore, no way was open for attacking their adversaries
other than the straight road over the bridge, and nowhere except at
the bridge would the Florentines have to fight, though they had
instructed their infantry that if the enemy infantry left: the road in
order to be on the flanks of their men;at;arms, they should engage
them with their cross;bows, so that the enemy could not strike on the
flank Florentine cavalry that crossed the bridge.
Micheletto strongly resisted the first soldiers who appeared, and,
more than that, drove them back; but when Astor and Francesco
Piccinino came up with picked soldiers, with such power they
struck Micheletto that they took the bridge and pushed him back as
far as the slope that rises to the village of Anghiari. Then they were
driven back and pushed over the bridge by Florentine forces attacking
them on their flanks. This combat lasted two hours, while now
Niccolo, now the Florentine soldiers were masters of the bridge.
And although the combat at the bridge was a drawn one, neverthe~
less, both beyond the bridge and on the Florentine side of it, the
fighting was greatly to Niccolo's disadvantage, for when his soldiers
crossed the bridge, they found the enemy strong, since, by reason of
the leveling they had done, they were able to maneuver, and tired
men could be relieved by fresh ones. But when the Florentine sol"
diers crossed over, Niccolo could not conveniently relieve his men,
because he was cramped by the ditches and banks that extended
along the road. Thus it happened that many times Niccolo's soldiers
gained the bridge, but were always pushed back by fresh adversaries.
But when the bridge was carried by the Florentines, so that their
soldiers gained the road beyond, Niccolo did not have time, through
the impetus of the Florentine forces and the inconvenience of the
site, to relieve his men; hence those in front mingled with those
behind in such a way that the one disordered the other, and the whole
army was obliged to turn around, and in disorder everybody fled
toward Borgo. The Florentine soldiers gave their attention to the
spoil, which in prisoners, in armor and in horses, was very great,
because with Niccolo not a thousand horsemen escaped. The people
ofBorgo, who had followed Niccolo for plunder, instead ofplunder"
ers became plunder, and they were all taken and ransomed. The
banners and the baggage were captured.
And the victory was much more profitable to Tuscany than
harmful to the Duke; if the Florentines had lost the day, Tuscany
would have been his; but when he lost, he lost only the arms and the
horses of his army, which with no great amount of money he could
replace. There never were times less dangerous for those who made
war in the lands of others. In this great defeat and long fight lasting
from two until six o'clock, not more than one man died, and he
perished not from wounds or any honorable blow, but by falling
from his horse and being trampled on. At that time men fought
with such great safety because, all on horseback and covered with
armor and safe against death whenever they surrendered, they had no
reason for dying, since they were protected during the fight by armor
and when they no longer could fight by surrendering.
Mercenaries' Lack of Discipline
CHAPTER 34
[Disorder after the battle; Rinaldo degli Albizzi's later career and
death. 1440]
This battle, on account of the things that happened while it was
being fought and later, is a good example of the ineffectiveness of
these wars; because, when the enemy had been beaten and Niccolo
had retreated into Borgo, the commissioners wished to follow him
and to besiege him there in order to make the victory complete, but
not a single officer or soldier would obey; they all said they had to lay
up their booty and care for the wounded. And what is even more
noteworthy is that the next day, at midday, without permission from
commissioner or officer or regard for them, they went off to Arezzo
to leave their booty and then came back to Anghiari-a thing so
much opposed to every praiseworthy method and to military disci~
pline that the least relic of any organized army could easily and
deservedly have taken from them the victory which they had un~
deservedly gained. Besides this, though to deprive the enemy of a
chance to reorganize, the commissioners gave orders for holding the
men~at~arms who had been captured, the soldiers in violation ofthese
orders set the captives free. All these things were enough to make one
wonder that in such an army there was so much vigor that they
could win, and that in the enemy there was so much weakness that
they could be beaten by such disorderly soldiers. In the course of
the going and coming of the Florentine soldiers from Arezzo, then,
Niccolo had time to leave Borgo with his men and go toward
Romagna.
With him the Florentine exiles also Red. These men, seeing that
they had lost every hope of returning to Florence, dispersed among
various places in Italy and outside, as suited them. Messer Rinaldo
degli Albizzi took up his residence at Ancona. Then in order to
gain himself a celestial country, since he had lost his earthly one, he
went to Christ's sepulchre. After his return, while celebrating the
wedding of a daughter, as he sat at the table he suddenly died. In
this Fortune was favorable to him, that in the least unhappy day of
his exile she had him die. A man indeed worthy of honor in every
fortune,! but he would have been still more so if Nature had had him
1. In goodfortune he was not arrogant; in badfortune he did not lose courage.
born in a united city, because in a divided city he was damaged by
many ofhis qualities which in a united one would have honored him.
The commissioners, then, after their soldiers had returned from
Arezzo, and Niccolo had gone, moved upon Borgo. The men of
Borgo wished to surrender to the Florentines, and the latter refused to
take them. But in the dealings about this surrender, the Pontiff's
Legate suspected the commissioners did not intend that town to be
occupied by the Church, so that they exchanged insulting words,
and between the Florentine and the ecclesiastical soldiers there would
have been trouble if the discussion had gone on very long, but
because it ended as the Legate wished, everything quieted down.
CHAPTER 35
[The Count ofPoppi expelled)· the commissioners honored in
Florence. 1440]
While the affairs of Borgo were being settled, Niccolo Piccino
was reported going toward Rome; other information said toward the
Marches. Hence the Legate and Sforza's soldiers decided to go
toward Perugia in order to support either the Marches or Rome, as
Niccolo might have gone. With them was to go Bernardo de'
Medici; but with the Florentine soldiers Neri should march to con~
quer the Casentino.
Having decided this, Neri besieged Rassina and took her, and
with the same speed took Bibbiena, Prato Vecchio and Romena.
Then he laid siege to Poppi and hemmed her in on two sides, one
that ofthe plain of Certomondo, the other that ofthe hill on the road
to Fronzoli. The Count of Poppi, seeing himself abandoned by
God and by men, had shut himself up in Poppi, not because he
hoped to get any help but if he could, to make his surrender less
damaging. So when Neri pressed him hard, he asked for terms and
received such as at that time he could hope for: that he might preserve
himself, his children and his portable goods, but must cede his town
and his state to Florence. When they made their agreement, he came
down to the bridge over Arno, which flows just below the town,
and in great sorrow and distress said to Neri: "If I had properly
measured my fortune and your power, I should now be coming as a
friend to congratulate you on your victory, not as an enemy to beg
Florence Provides against Change of Fortune 1283
that my fall may be less great. The present situation, as for you it is
splendid and happy, so for me it is sorrowful and wretched. I had
horses, arms, subjects, power and riches; is it strange ifI am unwilling
to leave them ~ But if you intend to control all Tuscany and are
strong enough to do so, we others must needs obey you. IfI had not
made this mistake, my fortune would not have been known and your
liberality could not be known, for if you will preserve me, you will
give to the world an eternal example of your clemency. So let your
pity overcome my misdeed; leave at least this one house to the de"
scendants ofmen from whom your fathers received countless benefits."
To this Neri replied that relying too much on men who had little
power had made the Count do great injury to the Florentine republic
and that the conditions ofthe times made his fault so much the worse.
Therefore necessity compelled him to yield up all his possessions and,
as an enemy ofthe Florentines, to abandon those places that, as their
friend, he had not chosen to hold, because he had given such an
example of himselfthat he could not be kept where in any change of
Fortune he might harm that republic. Because not the Count him"
selfbut his states were feared, for ifhe were a prince in Germany, that
city would regret him and for love of those ancestors that he men"
tioned would aid him. To this the Count, very angry, replied that
he should like to see the Florentines much further off. And so,
abandoning all friendly talk, the Count, not seeing any other re"
source, ceded his city and all his rights to the Florentines, and with
all his property, departed in tears with his wife and children, grieving
that he had lost a state that for nine hundred years his fathers had
possessed.
All these victories, when known in Florence, were by the leaders
of the government and the people received with extraordinary joy.
And because Bernardetto de'Medici found it false that Niccolo had
gone to the Marches or to Rome, he came back with the soldiers
where N eri was; and when together they came again to Florence, the
greatest honors that according to the law of the city can be decreed
for victorious citizens were decreed for them; and by the Signors and
the Captains of the Party, and then by the whole city, they were
welcomed as victors.
BOOK SIX
[THE PO WER OF COSIMa DE'MEDICIJ• FROM
DUKE FILIPPO'S EFFORTS FOR PEACE TO
THE ABANDONMENT OF NAPLES BY THE
ANGEVINS. 1440-1463]
CHAPTER I
[Italian wars enrich mercenaries, impoverish princes and people]

It always has been, and it is reasonable that it should be, the
object ofthose who go to war to enrich themselves and to impoverish
the enemy, nor is victory sought for any other reason or gains wished
for anything else than to make oneself powerful and weaken one's
opponent. From this it follows that whenever your victory impover~
ishes you or your gain weakens you, you must either have passed
beyond or not have reached the goal for which wars are made. A
prince (and a republic also) is made rich by victories and by wars in
which he destroys his enemies and is master of the booty and of the
ransom money; a prince is impoverished by victories who, though he
conquers his enemies, cannot destroy them, and not he but his sol~
diers get the booty and the ransom money. In defeats, such a prince
is unfortunate and in victories very unfortunate; if defeated, he suffers
injuries from his enemies; if victorious, from his friends. Injuries
from his friends, as less reasonable, are less easily borne, especially
since he is obliged to lay upon his subjects the weight of taxes and
fresh vexations. Ifhe has in him any humanity, he cannot altogether
rejoice in any victory for which all his subjects lament. Ancient and
well.lordered republics, as the result of their victories, usually filled
their treasuries with silver and gold, distributed gifts to the people,
remitted tribute to their subjects, and with games and splendid shows
entertained them. But victories in the times we are describing first
emptied the treasury and then impoverished the people, and from
your enemies they did not protect you. I
All this came from the bad method with which these wars were
carried on. Enemies who were defeated were plundered, but not
1. Such a shift to the second person singular often occurs in THE PRINCE. Indeed the
clause almost seems to come from THE PRINCE 12.
The Absurdities of Mercenary Armies 1285
held as prisoners or killed. Hence they delayed in attacking the

victor again only as long as they waited for their employer to resupply
them with arms and horses. So, in these wars, since the ransoms and
spoils belonged to the soldiers, victorious princes could not for their
new expenses make use of new money, but tore it from the vitals of
their subjects; thus victory produced nothing for the benefit of the
people; it only made their prince more eager to tax them and less
cautious in doing it. To such a condition those soldiers had brought
war that the conqueror and the conquered, if they were to control
their soldiers, equally needed new money; the loser had to re~equip
them, the winner had to reward them. As the defeated could not
fight unless they were put on horseback again, so the victors would
not fight without new rewards. As a result, one prince got little
satisfaction from victory, and the other scarcely felt defeat, because
the conquered had time to reorganize, and the conqueror did not
have time to follow up his victory.
CHAPTER 2
[The military habits ofthe time permit Piccinino to recover quickly; the
Duke negotiates for peace. 1440]
This irrational and perverted method of carrying on war enabled
Niccolo Piccino to get on horseback again before the news of his
overthrow was spread throughout Italy; and after his defeat he carried
on more dangerous war against his enemy than he had done before.
This was the reason why, after his rout at Tenno, he could take
Verona; this was the reason why, having lost his soldiers at Verona,
he could come into Tuscany with a great army; this was the reason
why, after being routed at Anghiari, before he entered the Romagna
he was more powerful in the field than before, and could fill the
Duke of Milan with hope of defending Lombardy, which because
of his absence seemed to be almost lost.
Indeed while Niccolo was filling Tuscany with confusion, the
Duke was brought to such a situation that he feared for his state.
And judging that his downfall might occur before Niccolo Piccino,
whom he had recalled, came to rescue him, in order to check the
Count's aggression and to delay with ingenuity a fortune which he
could not resist with force, he turned to the remedies which in like
situations had many times been of service to him. He sent to the
Count at Peschiera, Niccolo d'Este ruler of Ferrara. This man for
his part encouraged the Count to peace, and showed him that that
war was not to his advantage, because ifthe Duke grew so weak that
he could not keep up his reputation, the Count himselfwould be the
first to suffer, because the Venetians and the Florentines would no
longer value him. In guarantee that the Duke wished peace, Nic~
colo offered Count Francesco the accomplishment of the marriage
alliance; the Duke would send his daughter to Ferrara, with the
promise that when peace was made he would give her into the
Count's hands. The Count answered that ifthe Duke truly wanted
peace, he could easily get it, as something the Florentines and the
Venetians longed for. True it was that he would be believed with
difficulty, since it was known that he had never made peace except
through necessity. Whenever that disappears, his wish for war al~
ways comes back. In the marriage alliance the Count could put no
faith, because he had so often been fooled. Nevertheless, if peace
should be made, he would do about the marriage alliance what his
friends advised.
CHAPTER 3
[Thought of peace abandoned; Piccinino makes a winter campaign in
Lombardy. 1441]
The Venetians, who even in unreasonable matters were suspi~
cious of their soldiers, as a result of these dealings formed, with
reason, a very strong suspicion. In order to counteract this, the
Count pursued the war vigorously. Nevertheless, the zeal of both-
his because of ambition and that of the Venetians because of their
suspicion-was to such an extent cooled that in the rest of the sum~
mer they carried on few enterprises. So when Niccolo Piccino
returned to Lombardy and the winter had already begun, all the
armies went into quarters, the Count in Verona, in Cremona the
Duke, the Florentine soldiers in Tuscany, and those of the Pope
in Romagna.
The latter, after the victory at Anghiari, assailed Forli and Bolo~
gna in order to get them out of the hands of Francesco Piccinino,
who in the name of his father was ruling them; but they did not
succeed, because Francesco defended the cities vigorously. Never~
Florence Buys Borgo San Sepolcro 1287
theless, this coming of theirs caused the people of Ravenna so much
fear ofreturning under the rule ofthe Church that, in agreement with
Ostasio di Polenta their lord, they put themselves in the power ofthe
Venetians; the latter, in reward for the city they had received, in order
that Ostasio at no time would be able to take from them by force
what by imprudence he had given them, sent him and one of his
sons to die in Candia. Since for these enterprises, in spite of the
victory ofAnghiari, the Pope lacked money, he sold the town ofBor,-
go San Sepolcro, for twenty,-five thousand ducats, to the Florentines.
While affairs were in this condition, and each one thought the
winter would secure him against war, no one any longer considered
peace, especially the Duke, who was reassured by Niccolo Piccino
and by the season. Therefore he broke offwith the Count all discus,-
sion of peace, and with great vigor remounted Niccolo and made
every other preparation that a future war demanded. Getting a
report of this, the Count went to Venice, in order to consult with
the Senate on their policy for the coming year.
Niccolo, on the other hand, being in good order and seeing his
enemy disorganized, did not wait for spring to come, but in the
coldest winter weather crossed the Adda, entered the territory of
Brescia and, except for Asola and Orzi, conquered all that country,
where he plundered and took prisoner more than two thousand of
Sforza's cavalry, who were not expecting his attack. But what more
disturbed the Count, and more frightened the Venetians, was that
Ciarpellone, one of the Count's chief officers, revolted from him.
The Count, getting news of this, left Venice at once, and when he
came to Brescia, he found that Niccolo, without doing more damage,
had returned to his quarters. Hence the Count decided, since the
war had died down, not to stir it up again. Yet he determined since
time and the enemy gave him a chance to reorganize, to use it so that
in the spring he could revenge his old injuries. He had the Vene,-
tians, then, recall the soldiers who were in Florentine service in
Tuscany, and in the place of Gattamelata, who was dead, he asked
that Micheletto Attendulo be general.
CHAPTER 4
[Piccinino gets Count Francesco into adesperate situation, but angers the
Duke by his demands; peace between the League and the Duke. 1441]
When spring came, Niccolo Piccino was the first to take the
field; he besieged Cignano, a town twelve miles distant from Brescia.
To her relief came the Count. Both generals carried the war on in
their customary fashion. The Count, fearing for Bergamo, went to
besiege Martinengo, a town so situated that when he had captured it
he could easily relieve Bergamo, which Niccolo had seriously dis~
tressed. And because the latter had foreseen that he could not be
impeded by the enemy except by way of Martinengo, he had fur~
nished that town with every defense, forcing the Count to carryon
the siege with all his forces. Then Niccolo with his whole army put
himself in a place where he blocked the supplies of the Count and
was so fortified with breastworks and small forts that the Count
could not attack, excep~ with obvious danger to himself. The matter
was brought to such a state that the besieger was in greater danger
than the people in Martinengo who were besieged. So the Count,
through lack of food, could no longer carryon the siege nor, by
reason of the danger, could he get away; hence it seemed an obvious
victory for the Duke, and a distinct reverse for the Venetians and
the Count.
But Fortune, who has no lack of ways for aiding her friends and
thwarting her enemies, caused Niccolo Piccino, in his hope of vic~
tory, to become so ambitious and haughty that, having no considera~
cion for the Duke or for himself, he sent to the Duke saying that,
having served under his banner for a long time and not yet having
gained so much land that he could be buried in it, he wished to
know from him with what rewards he was going to be rewarded for
his labors; it was in his power to make the Duke lord of Lombardy
and to put all his enemies in his power. And since he believed that
from a sure victory there must come a sure reward, he asked the Duke
to give him the city of Piacenza, in order that, tired by such long
military service, he could sometimes rest. Nor was he ashamed in
the end to menace the Duke with abandonment of the campaign if
to this demand he did not yield.
This insulting and haughty way of asking so offended the Duke
"Not to Reward His Friends" 1289
and made him so angry that he determined to lose the campaign
rather than yield. So that man whom so many dangers and so many
threats by his enemies had not caused to bend, the haughty ways of
his friends did bend. He decided to make peace with the Count, to
whom he sent Antonio Guidobono of Tortona, and through him
offered his daughter and conditions of peace, which the Count and
all his allies eagerly accepted. Then when the agreements between
them had been secretly made, the Duke sent orders to Niccolo to
make a truce for a year with the Count, pretending that he was so
distressed by the expense that he could not give up a sure peace for a
doubtful victory. Niccolo was filled with amazement at such a
decision, since he could not understand what reason could move the
Duke to abandon so glorious a victory, and could not believe that in
order not to reward his friends he would save his enemies. Therefore
as well as he could he opposed that decision, so that in order to quiet
him the Duke was forced to threaten, if he did not consent, to give
him to his soldiers and to his enemies as prey. Niccolo then obeyed
him, with the spirit of a man forced to abandon his friends and his
native land, lamenting his evil fate, since now Fortune, now the
Duke deprived him of triumph over his enemies.
When the truce had been made, the marriage ofMadonna Bianca
and the Count was celebrated, and for her dowry the Duke assigned
the city of Cremona. When this had been done, the peace was
ratified, in November 1441. For the Venetians the agreement was
made by Francesco Barbarigo and Paulo Tron, and for the Floren'"
tines by Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli. The Venetians gained Peschiera,
Asola and Lonato, towns of the Marquis of Mantua.
CHAPTER S
[Wars in Southern Italy between Rene and Alfonso; their effect in the
North. 1441-1443]
When the war ended in Lombardy, the armies in the Kingdom
were still on foot; since they would not suspend hostilities, they be,.,
came the cause for further fighting in Lombardy. King Rene, during
the war in Lombardy, had been deprived by Alfonso of Aragon of
the entire Kingdom except Naples. So Alfonso, while besieging
Naples, in the belief that he had victory in his hand, determined to
deprive Count Francesco of Benevento and his other states in that
region. Alfonso judged he could carry his plan through without
danger because the wars in Lombardy were occupying the Count.
Success in this undertaking came easily to Alfonso and without
trouble he took possession of all those cities. But when news came
of the peace in Lombardy, Alfonso feared that the Count for the
sake of his towns would come to aid Rene, and for the same reason
Rene was hoping for him. Indeed Rene sent to urge the Count,
begging that he would come to rescue a friend and get revenge on an
enemy. On the other hand Alfonso begged Filippo that in friend"
ship for him he would cause the Count so many troubles that,
occupied in bigger matters, he perforce would let Alfonso alone.
Filippo granted Alfonso's request, without expecting to interrupt the
peace he had recently secured with such great disadvantage.
Hence he suggested to Pope Eugenius that then was the time to
regain those cities ofthe Church that the Count was holding; and to
do this he offered him Niccolo Piccino, with pay while the war
lasted; the latter, since peace had been made, was quartered with his
soldiers in Romagna. Eagerly Eugenius accepted this advice, by
reason ofhis hatred for the Count and his wish to get again what was
his. Though once before with this same hope Niccolo had deceived
him, the Pope now believed, since the Duke was taking part in the
affair, that he did not need to fear deceit; so, uniting his soldiers with
those of Niccolo, he attacked the Marches. The Count, astonished
by so unexpected an attack, gathered his soldiers and went against
the enemy.
Meanwhile King Alfonso took Naples; then all the Kingdom
except Castelnuovo came into his power. As a result, Rene departed,
leaving in Castelnuovo a strong garrison. Coming to Florence, he
was most honorably received. Pausing there a few days and deciding
that he was not able to carryon further war, he went offto Marseilles.
Alfonso, meanwhile, had taken Castelnuovo. On the other hand,
the Count found himself inferior in the Marches to the Pope and to
Niccolo. Hence he applied to the Venetians and the Florentines for
aid with men and money, explaining that if at that time they did not
take measures for restraining the Pope and the King, while he him"
selfwas still strong, in a little while they would have to think oftheir
own safety, because the Pope and the King would unite with Filippo,
and among themselves they would divide Italy.
Cosimo de'Medici Jealous 1291
Thereupon the Florentines and the Venetians were for a time
uncertain, not having determined whether it was wise to embroil
themselves with the Pope and the King, and being occupied with
Bolognese affairs. For Annibale Bentivoglio had driven Francesco
Piccinino from that city, and in order to be able to defend himself
from the Duke, who was aiding Francesco, he had asked help from
the Venetians and the Florentines, and they had not denied it to him;
hence, being employed in these affairs, they had not come to a
decision on aiding the Count. But after Annibale had defeated
Francesco Piccinino, and those matters seemed settled, the Floren-'
tines resolved to support the Count. But before doing so, to make
sure of the Duke, they renewed their league with him. The Duke
did not refuse, though he had agreed that war should be made on the
Count while King Rene was under arms, but when he saw that the
King had been crushed and entirely deprived of the Kingdom, he
did not wish the Count to be stripped of his territories; hence the
Duke not merely agreed to aid him, but also wrote to Alfonso
asking him to return to the Kingdom and make no more war against
the Count. Though Alfonso did this most unwillingly, neverthe-'
less, because of the gratitude he owed the Duke, he determined to
oblige him, and retired with his soldiers to the other side ofthe Tronto.
CHAPTER 6
[The repute of Neri Capponi)· his friend Baldaccio. 1441-1444]
While in Romagna things were going on in this way, the Floren-,
tines were not quiet inside the city. At that time in Florence, one of
the citizens of high reputation in the government was N eri di Gino
Capponi. Cosimo de'Medici was more afraid of his reputation
than of any other man's, because to great influence in the city Neri
added favor with the soldiers; having been many times head of the
Florentine armies, he had gained the men's support through his
ability and his merits. Besides this, the memory of the victories
attributed to him and to Gino his father (for the latter had captured
Pisa, and Neri himself had defeated Niccolo Piccino at Anghiari)
ma-de him loved by many and feared by those who wished to have
no associates in the government.
Among the many officers of the Florentine army was Baldaccio
di Anghiari, a man very excellent in war; indeed in those times
nobody in Italy was superior to him in vigor of body and of mind.
Among the infantry, because he had always been their leader, he had
such a reputation that everyone thought that in any undertaking and
on any wish of his the soldiers would unite with him. Now Bal"
daccio was very friendly with Neri, who loved him. for his good
qualities, of which he had always been a witness. This friendship
caused the other citizens the utmost apprehension. And judging
that to let him go would be dangerous and to retain him very dan"
gerous, they determined to destroy him. To their purpose Fortune
was in this way favorable: just then the Gonfalonier of Justice was
Messer Bartolommeo Orlandini, who, as we said above, being sent
to guard Marradi when Niccolo Piccino came into Tuscany, like a
coward had run away and deserted that pass which by its very nature
almost defended itsel£ Such great cowardice disgusted Baldaccio,
and with damaging words and with letters he made known the man's
lack of courage. This caused Messer Bartolommeo shame and great
indignation, and he was exceedingly eager to get revenge, thinking
that by the death ofhis accuser the infamy ofhis transgressions could
be canceled.
CHAPTER 7
[The murder of Baldaccio; a new balfa. 1444]
Messer Bartolommeo's eagerness for revenge was known to all the
citizens, so without much effort they convinced him that he ought to
get rid of Baldaccio, at one stroke revenging his own injuries and
freeing the city from a man whom they must either cherish with
danger or dismiss with harm. So when Bartolommeo had deter"
mined to kill him, he concealed in his chamber many well"armed
young men. When Baldaccio came to the Public Square, where he
came every day to deal with the magistrates about his military duties,
the Gonfalonier sent for him. Without any suspicion he obeyed.
The Gonfalonier came to meet him and went up and down with
him two or three times along the passage by the chambers of the
Signors, talking with him about his command. Then, when it
seemed to the Gonfalonier the right time, since he had come close to
the chamber where the armed men were hidden, he gave them a
signal. They leaped out and, finding Baldaccio alone and unarmed,
they killed him; and as soon as he was dead, they threw him out of
A Coward's Revenge 1293
the window ofthe Palace that looks toward the Customs House, and
carrying him to the Square from there and cutting off his head, all
that day they made him a spectacle for all the people. This man's
one son, whom a few years earlier Annalena his wife had borne, did
not live long. And when Annalena was deprived of her son and
her husband, she was not willing after that to ally herself with any
other man, and making her house into a convent, she shut herself up
with many noble women who joined her, and there in holiness she
lived and died. Her memory, because of the convent founded and
named by her, as it lives at present, so it will live always. This
happening lowered to some extent the power of Neri and took from
him reputation and friends.
Yet it was not enough. for the citizens in the goyernment. Ten
years had already passed since the origin of their government, the
power ofthe balia was ended, and many persons were showing more
courage in their speech and their actions than was wanted. Hence
the leaders judged that if they did not wish to lose control, they
would have to take the government into their own hands again,
once more giving authority to their friends and crushing their ene.,
mies. And so in 1444, by means of the councils, they set up a new
balia. This reorganized the offices; it gave to a few men power to
choose the Signoria; it renewed the Chancellery ofthe Reformations,
depriving Ser Filippo Peruzzi of it, and putting in charge one who
would conduct himself according to the will of the powerful; it
lengthened the period of banishment for those who were banished; it
imprisoned Giovanni di Simone Vespucci; it deprived oftheir offices
the couplers of the hostile party, and with them the sons of Piero
Baroncelli, all the Serragli, Bartolommeo Fortini, Messer Francesco
Castellani, and many others. And in these ways they restored their
own authority and influence and deprived enemies and suspects of
enthusiasm.
CHAPTER 8
[Niccolo Piccino deceived by Duke Filippo; his death. 1445]
When they had thus settled the government and got it under
their control again, they turned to things outside. Niccolo Piccino,
as we said above, had been deserted by King Alfonso, and the
Count, through the help he had from the Florentines, had become
powerful. Attacking Niccolo near Fermo he so defeated him that
Niccolo, deprived of almost all his men, took refuge with a few in
Montecchio. There he fortified and defended himself so well that in
a short time all his men returned to him, in such great numbers that
he could easily defend himself from the Count, especially since
winter had already come, obliging both generals to send their men to
quarters. Niccolo worked all winter at increasing his army, and was
helped by the Pope and by King Alfonso. When the spring came,
then, both generals went into the field, where Niccolo was so superior
that the Count was brought to the utmost need; he would have been
beaten if the Duke had not destroyed Niccolo's plans. For Filippo
sent asking Niccolo to come at once because he wanted to speak to
him with his own mouth on very important matters. So Niccolo,
eager to hear them, gave up for an uncertain good a certain victory.
Leaving his son Francesco as head of the army, he went to Milan.
When the Count learned this, he did not lose the chance for fighting
while Niccolo was gone; in a battle near the town ofMonte Loro, he
defeated Niccolo's soldiers and captured Francesco. When Niccolo,
arriving in Milan, saw that Filippo had tricked him and learned of
his son's defeat and capture he died of grief in the year 1445, at the
age of sixty"four years, having been an able rather than a fortunate
general. He was outlived by his sons Francesco and Jacopo, who
had less ability and worse fortune than their father, so that the arms
of the party of Braccio almost disappeared and those of the Sforza
party, always aided by Fortune, became more glorious.
The Pope, seeing Niccolo's army defeated and its leader dead,
and not putting much confidence in the aid ofAragon, sought peace
with the Count, and through the Florentines he obtained it. There"
by the Pope, among the cities of the Marches, got back Osimo,
Fabriano and Ricanati; all the rest were left under the Count's rule.
CHAPTER 9
[Civil strife in Bologna. 1445]
With the making of peace in the Marches, all Italy would have
been peaceful if she had not been disturbed by the Bolognese. There
were in Bologna two very powerful families, the Canneschi and the
Bentivogli; Annibale was head of the second, Battista of the first.
Abortive Revolution 1295
So that they could better trust each other, they had made marriage
alliances; but among men who aspire to the same greatness, it is easy
to make marriages, but not friendship. Bologna was in league with
the Florentines and the Venetians; this alliance had been made
through Annibale Bentivoglio, after Francesco Piccinino had been
driven out. Battista, knowing how much the Duke wished to have
that city on his side, discussed with him the killing ofAnnibale and
the bringing of that city under his banners. When they had agreed
on the method, on the twentY;ffourth ofJune, 1445, Battista and his
friends attacked Annibale and killed him; then, shouting the name
of the Duke, they rode through the city. The Venetian and Floren;f
tine commissioners were still in Bologna. When the rioting began,
they retired to their houses; then seeing that the people did not favor
the assassins but that on the contrary, assembling armed in great
numbers in the Square, they were lamenting the death of Annibale,
the commissioners plucked up courage and, with such men as they
had, joined the people. Organizing themselves, they attacked the
forces of the Canneschi and in a short time overcame them; they
killed some of them and drove some out of the city. Since Battista
was too late to escape and his enemies too late to kill him, he hid in
his own house in a cellar made for storing grain. After his enemies
had hunted for him all day, since they knew that he had not gone
out of the city, they put such terror into his servants that one of his
boys through fear told where he was. Pulled from that place, still
clad in armor, he was first killed, then dragged through the city and
burned. So the Duke's influence was enough to bring Battista to
make that attempt, and his power was too late to rescue him.
CHAPTER 10
[The Bolognese find in Florence an illegitimate son of the Bentivoglio
family. 1445]
When these feuds were quieted, then, by Battista's death and the
flight of the Canneschi, the Bolognese still remained in the greatest
confusion; there was nobody of the Bentivoglio family fit to rule, for
Annibale had left only one son, named Giovanni, six years old.
Hence those supporting the Bentivogli feared that some division
among them would enable the Canneschi to return, with the ruin of
their city and of their party.
And while they were in this uncertainty of mind, Francesco,
who had been Count ofPoppi, being in Bologna, informed the chief
men of the city that if they wished to be ruled by a descendant from
Annibale's family, he could show them one. And he told them that
about twenty years ago, when Ercole, Annibale's cousin, was at
Pappi, he knew that he had relations with a girl of that town who
bore a son named Santi, whom Ercole many times asserted to be his;
and it did not seem that he could deny it, because everybody who
knew Ercole and knew the young fellow saw between them very
close resemblance. The citizens believed his story, so without delay
they sent citizens to Florence to identify the young man, and to deal
with Cosimo and Neri in such a way that he would be granted to
them. The man supposed to be Santi's father was dead, so that the
young man was under the charge of his uncle, named Antonio da
Cascese. Antonio was rich and without children and a friend of
Neri's. Hence, when he understood the thing, Neri judged that it
was neither to be despised nor to be rashly accepted; he advised that
Santi, in the presence of Cosimo, should speak with those who had
been sent from Bologna. They met together, and the Bolognese not
merely honored but almost worshiped Santi-so strong in their
minds was love for their parties. Nothing was settled at that time,
except that Cosima called Santi aside and said to him: "No one, in
this affair, can advise you better than yourself; you must make the
decision to which your mind inclines you. If you are going to be
Ercole Bentivoglio's son, you will turn your attention to affairs
worthy of that house and of your father; but if you are going to be
Agnolo da Cascese's son, you will remain in Florence to spend your
life humbly in wool~working." These words stirred the youth; and
whereas at first he had almost refused to make such a decision, he
said he would rest entirely on what Cosimo and Neri decided about
it. So, having come to an agreement with the envoys from Bologna,
he was supplied with clothing, horses and servants, and soon after,
accompanied by many citizens, he was taken to Bologna and set up
as guardian of Annibale's son and of the city. In that position he
conducted himself with such great prudence that, whereas his an~
cestors had all been killed by their enemies, he lived peacefully and
died most honorably.
The House of Montefeltro 1297
CHAPTER II
[Further wars in Lombardy. 1446]

After the death ofNiccolo Piccino and the peace that resulted in
the Marches, Duke Filippo, wishing a general to command his
armies, carried on secret negotiations with Ciarpellone, one ofCount
Francesco's chiefofficers; when the contract had been made, Ciarpel~
lone asked permission from the Count to go to Milan, to enter upon
the possession of some towns that in the past wars Filippo had given
to him. The Count, fearing what was true, to keep the Duke from
employing him against the Count's own plans, first had him put in
prison and a little later killed, claiming that he had found him
treacherous. Because of this, Duke Filippo was exceedingly vexed
and angry. These events delighted the Florentines and the Vene"
tians, who would have been much afraid if the weapons of the
Count and the power of the Duke had become allies. This anger,
moreover, was the cause for stirring up a new war in the Marches.
At this time the lord ofRimini was Sigismondo Malatesta, who,
being the Count's son"in~law, hoped for the lordship ofPesaro; but
the Count, when he had taken her, gave her to Alessandro his
brother; at this Sigismondo was very angry. It added to his anger
that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, with the aid of the Count
had conquered the lordship ofUrbino. This made Sigismondo take
the side of the Duke and urge the Pope and the King to make war
on the Count. The latter, to make Sigismondo realize the first fruits
ofthe war he was planning, determined to get in ahead, and quickly
attacked him. As a result, at once strife again filled the Romagna
and the Marches, because Filippo, the King and the Pope sent much
aid to Sigismondo, and the Florentines and the Venetians, with
money, though not with soldiers, gave assistance to the Count.
And it was not enough for Filippo to have war in Romagna, for
he planned to take Cremona and Pontremoli away from the Count,
but Pontremoli was defended by the Florentines, and Cremona by
the Venetians. Hence in Lombardy war was begun again; in this,
after some troubles in the territory of Cremona, Francesco Piccinino,
the general of the Duke, was defeated at Casale by Micheletto and
the soldiers of the Venetians. By means of this victory, the Vene"
tians hoped to take that territory from the Duke; they sent a commis"
sioner of theirs to Cremona and attacked the Ghiaradadda and,
except Crema, occupied it all. Then, crossing the Adda, they raided
as far as Milan. So the Duke had recourse to Alfonso and begged
that he would rescue him, showing him the dangers to the Kingdom
if Lombardy were in the power ofthe Venetians. Alfonso promised
to send him reinforcements, though without the Count's permission
their march would be difficult.
CHAPTER 12
[Count Francesco, treacherously treated, deserts the Venetians for the

Duke. 1446]
Filippo then turned to begging the Count not to desert his father"
in"law, already old and blind. The Count felt that the Duke had
wronged him by starting war against him. On the other hand, the
Count disliked Venetian greatness, his money was already getting
short, and the League was furnishing it stingily, because the Floren"
tines had lost that fear of the Duke which made them value the
Count, and the Venetians were longing for the Count's ruin, since
they judged that he only could take from them the control of Lom"
bardy. Nonetheless, while Filippo was trying to draw him into his
employ and was offering him the control of all his soldiers, if only he
would abandon the Venetians and restore the Marches to the Pope,
the Venetians too sent ambassadors to him, promising him Milan if
they should take her, and the permanent command of their soldiers,
ifonly he would continue the war in the Marches and keep Alfonso's
reinforcements from coming to Lombardy. The Venetians' promises
then, were great, and their deserts very great, since they had started
that war to preserve Cremona for the Count. And on the other side,
the injuries from the Duke were recent and his promises faithless and
of little value.
Yet all the same, the Count was in doubt which side he ought to
choose. For on one side, his obligations to the League, the pledge
he had given, their recent deserts and their promises of future things
moved him; on the other were the prayers of his father"in"law, and
above all the poison that he suspected the big promises of the V ene"
tians concealed, since he judged that both as to promises and as to
territory, whenever they conquered he would be in their power-yet
"Fortune Friends the Bold" 1299
into another state's power no prudent prince, except through neces"
sity, delivers himsel£ The Count's difficulties in deciding were
removed by the Venetians' ambition; hoping to take Cremona
because of some understandings they had in that city, with some
excuse or other they had their soldiers come close to her. But the
affair was discovered by the Count's garrison, so their plan turned
out fruitless. Thus they did not gain Cremona and they lost the
Count, who laying aside all scruples, took the Duke's side.
CHAPTER 13
[The death of Duke Filippo; Count Francesco becomes Milanese
general. 1447]
By now Pope Eugenius had died, his successor Nicholas V had
been chosen, and the Count had his entire army at Cotignola ready
to move into Lombardy. There news came to him that Filippo was
dead, in the year 1447, on the last of August. This news filled the
Count with anxiety because he knew that his soldiers were not
ready, since they had not had their full pay; he feared the Venetians,
being under arms and his enemies, since he had just left them and
sided with the Duke; he feared Alfonso, his lifelong enemy; he did
not put any hope in the Pope or in the Florentines-in the Floren."
tines since they were allied with the Venetians, in the Pope since
some of the cities of the Church were in his possession. Still he
determined to show his face to Fortune, and according to her shifts
to make his plans; for often when a man is doing something, plans
reveal themselves to him which, if he stood still, would forever hide
themselves. He found hope in believing that if the Milanese wished
to defend themselves from Venetian greed, they could not turn to
other armies than his. Hence, taking courage, he moved into the
territory of Bologna, and then passing Modena and Reggio, he
halted with his soldiers upon the Enza River and sent to Milan to
offer himsel£
Part of the Milanese, after the Duke's death, wanted to live in
freedom, part under a prince; of those who loved princes, one party
wanted the Count, the other King Alfonso. However, since those
who loved liberty were more united, they prevailed over the others,
and according to their wishes organized a republic-which many of
the Duke's cities did not obey, since they judged that, like Milan,
they also could enjoy their liberty; those that did not aspire to liberty
did not want Milanese rule. Lodi, therefore, and Piacenza gave
themselves to the Venetians; Pavia and Parma made themselves free.
Aware ofall this confusion, the Count went to Cremona, where his
agents and those of the Milanese met, with the result that he was to
be general of the Milanese with those agreements that he had last
made with Duke Filippo. To them were added that Brescia should
belong to the Count, and if he gained Verona, she should be his,
and Brescia should be given back.
CHAPTER 14
[A council at Ferrara plans a peace; on the death of the Duke, the
Venetians reject it. 1447]
Before the Duke died, Pope Nicholas, after he assumed the
pontificate, attempted to establish peace among the Italian princes;
to this end he arranged, with the Florentine ambassadors who were
sent to him on his election, that a diet should be held at Ferrara to
negotiate either a long truce or a solid peace. So there met in that
city the Pope's legate and various envoys, Venetian, Ducal and
Florentine; King Alfonso's envoys did not meet with them. He was
at Tivoli with plenty ofsoldiers on foot and on horseback, and from
there he aided the Duke; and it was believed that, since the King and
the Duke had brought the Count over to their side, they were
intending to attack openly the Florentines and the Venetians, and
that only as long as the Count's soldiers delayed in getting to Lom"
hardy would they carry on the negotiations for peace at Ferrara; to
that city the King sent no envoy, declaring that he would ratify
everything the Duke agreed to. The peace was discussed for many
days, and after many debates, they decided either for a permanent
peace or a truce for five years, whichever of these two might please
the Duke; but when the Ducal envoys went to Milan to learn his
pleasure, they found him dead.
Notwithstanding his death, the Milanese wished to carry out the
agreement, but the Venetians did not. They had formed the highest
expectations of conquering Milan, especially since Lodi and Pia"
cenza, immediately after the Duke's death, had surrendered to them;
Siena Befriends Florence 1301
so they hoped through either force or agreement in a short time to
strip Milan ofall her territory; then they would so overpower her that
she would surrender before anybody could support her. They were
the more persuaded of this when they saw that the Florentines had
involved themselves in war with King Alfonso.
CHAPTER 15
[King Alfonso invades Tuscany. 1447-1448]
That King was at Tivoli and, planning to carryon his campaign
in Tuscany as he had decided with Filippo, he thought that the war
already begun in Lombardy gave him time and opportunity. Hence,
he wished to have a foot in the Florentine state before he made any
open movement; therefore he formed a conspiracy in the castle of
Cennina in the upper Valdarno, and took it. The Florentines,
astonished by this unexpected attack, and seeing that the King had
already begun to damage them, hired soldiers, chose the Ten and
according to their custom got ready for war. The King had already
moved his army close to the Sienese state, and was making every
effort to bring that city to his wishes. Nevertheless, the citizens stood
firm in their friendship for the Florentines, and did not receive the
King into Siena or into any of their cities. They did provide him
with supplies, for which they were excused by their weakness and
the strength of the enemy. The King decided not to enter by the
route of Valdarno, as he had first planned, both because he had lost
Cennina again and because already the Florentines were to some
extent provided with soldiers; so he turned toward V olterra, and in
the V olterrano took many towns. From there he went into the
territory of Pisa, and with the aid of Arrigo and Fazio, counts ofthe
Gherardesca family, he captured some towns and by means of them
attacked Campiglia, which he could not take because the Floren.,
tines and the winter defended her. So the King left: in the captured
towns garrisons to defend them and plunder the country, and with
the rest of his army retired to quarters in Sienese territory.
The Florentines, meanwhile, aided by the season, with all dill.,
gence provided themselves with soldiers; their generals were Federigo
the lord ofUrbino and Gismondo Malatesta ofRimini; and though
there was disagreement between these two, nonetheless through the
prudence of Neri di Gino and of Bernardetto de'Medici, the com"
missioners, they were kept united in such a way that they went into
the field while it was still midwinter and regained the towns lost in
the territory of Pisa, and Pomarance in the territory of Volterra. The
soldiers of the King, who before were plundering the Maremma,
were so checked that scarcely were they able to hold the towns given
them to guard.
When spring came, the commissioners halted with all their sol"
diers at Spedaletto, to the number of five thousand cavalry and two
thousand infantry. The King came with his, to the number of
fifteen thousand, within three miles of Campiglia. But when they
thought he would turn aside to besiege that town, he threw himself
on Piombino, hoping to take her easily because that town was badly
prepared. He judged her capture very useful for himself and in"
jurious for the Florentines; with that place as a base, he could wear
out the Florentines with a long war, since he could supply himselfby
sea and could upset the whole territory of Pisa. The Florentines were
therefore disturbed by this attack. Consulting on what they could
do, they thought that if they could remain with their army in the
thickets of Campiglia, the King would be forced to leave, either
defeated or disgraced. Hence they armed four galleasses that they
had at Livorno, and with them put three hundred infantry in Piom"
bino. They stationed their army at Caldana, a place hard to attack,
because to camp in the thickets on the plain they thought dangerous.
CHAPTER 16
[King Alfonso retires. 1448]
The Florentine army was getting its food from the towns in the
neighborhood, which, being few and thinly populated, were pro"
viding too little. Hence the army was suffering, and was especially
in need ofwine; since it could not be bought there and was not to be
had from elsewhere, there was not enough for everybody. But the
King, though tightly hemmed in by the Florentine soldiers, had
plenty ofeverything except hay, because he was abundantly supplied
by water. Hence the Florentines, to find out whether their soldiers
also could be supplied by sea, loaded their four galleasses with food;
but when they were sent, seven of the King's galleys attacked them,
Florentine Courage 1303
and two galleasses were taken and two driven off. This loss made
the Florentine soldiers abandon hope of fresh supplies. Chiefly on
account of the wine shortage, two hundred or more of the foragers
fled to the King's army. The other men complained, declaring it
was not prudent to stay in very hot places where there was no wine
and the water was bad. Hence the commissioners decided to leave
that place, and turned to the recapture of some towns that still re,.
mained in the King's hands. He, on the other hand, though he was
not suffering for supplies and was superior in numbers, saw that he
was failing because his army was full ofsickness such as at that season
marshy seashores cause; it was so severe that many died and almost
all his men were sick. Therefore discussions were begun about a
treaty of peace, for which the King asked fifty thousand florins and
that Piombino should be abandoned to him.
When this was debated at Florence, many, eager for peace, would
have accepted it, declaring that they did not know how they could
hope to win a war for the support of which such large expenditures
were necessary. But Neri Capponi, going to Florence, in such a
way with his arguments advised against it that all the citizens with
one accord decided not to accept it; and they accepted as their charge
the lord ofPiombino, and promised to support him in time both of
peace and of war, if only he would not lose heart and would con,.
tinue to defend himselfas he had until then. When the King learned
of this decision and saw that because of his sick army he could not
gain the city, almost as though defeated, he raised the siege; there he
left more than two thousand men dead; and with the rest of his sick
army he withdrew into the Sienese country and thence into the King,.
dom, full of anger against the Florentines, threatening them with
war at a later time.
CHAPTER 17
[Count Francesco becomes Lord ofPavia; he captures Piacenza. 1447]
While in Tuscany things were going on in this way, Count
Francesco, in Lombardy, having become general of the Milanese,
before everything else made a friend of Francesco Piccinino, who
was acting as commander for the Milanese, so that he would aid him
in his undertakings or be more hesitant in harming him. When the
Count led out his army, the people of Pavia judged that they were
not able to protect themselves from his forces, and on the other hand,
not wishing to be subject to Milan, they offered him their city with
the condition that he would not put them under Milanese rule. The
Count was very eager to get hold of Pavia, since he thought her
possession a splendid beginning for the disguise of his plans, and he
was not restrained by the fear or the shame of breaking his word,
because great men call it shame to lose, not to gain by trickery. But
he feared, if he took her, to make the Milanese so angry that they
would give themselves up to the Venetians. Yet if he did not take
her, he was afraid of the Duke of Savoy, to whom many citizens
wished to give themselves; and in one case and in the other it seemed
to him that he was deprived ofthe rule of Lombardy. Nevertheless,
deciding that there was less danger in taking that city than in letting
her be taken by someone else, he determined to accept her, con~
vincing himself that he could quiet the Milanese. To them he
explained the dangers into which he would get if he did not accept
Pavia, because those citizens would give themselves either to the
Venetians or to the Duke. In either event Milan would be lost;
hence the Milanese ought to be more pleased to have him-a friend
oftheirs-as a neighbor than to have a formidable power, such as the
Duke of Savoy and the Venetians, and an enemy. The Milanese
were much troubled by the matter, since they realized that they had
found out the Count's ambition and the end toward which he was
moving; but they judged that they could not reveal themselves, be~
cause they did not see where, on separating from the Count, they
could turn except to the Venetians, whose pride and heavy require~
ments they feared. Therefore they decided not to break off from the
Count but for the time to remedy with his aid the evils that hung
over them, hoping that when freed from them, they could also free
themselves from him; for they were being attacked not merely by the
Venetians, but also by the Genoese and the Duke of Savoy, in the
name of Charles of Orleans, son of a sister of Filippo. This attack
the Count with slight effort repelled. Of their enemies, then, only
the Venetians were left, who with a powerful army were trying to
take the Milanese state, and held Lodi and Piacenza. To Piacenza
the Count laid siege, and after long effort took and plundered her.
Then, since winter had come, he put his soldiers into quarters and
went off to Cremona, where all that winter he rested with his wife.
Timid Venice Acts Boldly 13°5
CHAPTER 18
[The Venetians defeated at Caravaggio; the Count defends his reputa"
tion. 1448]
When spring came, both the Venetian and Milanese armies went
into the field. The hope of the Milanese was to capture Lodi and
then to make peace with the Venetians, because the expenses of the
war distressed them, and they suspected the fidelity of their general.
Hence they were eager for peace, in order to rest and to secure them;,
selves against the Count. They decided, however, that their army
should attempt to capture Caravaggio, hoping that Lodi would
surrender when Caravaggio had been taken from the hands of the
Venetians. The Count obeyed the Milanese, though his idea would
have been to cross the Adda and attack the territory of Brescia.
Having laid seige to Caravaggio, then, he fortified himself with
ditches and other works, so that if the Venetians tried to make him
abandon the siege, they would have to attack at a disadvantage. The
Venetians on the other hand came with their army, under Micheletto
their general, as close as two bowshots to the Count's camp, where
for many days they remained and fought numerous skirmishes.
Nevertheless, the Count continued to hem in the town, and had
brought her to such a condition that she was on the point of surren;,
der. This distressed the Venetians, since they knew that through her
loss they lost their campaign. Meanwhile there was much debate
among their leaders over means for relieving the town; they saw no
other way than to attack the enemy in his fortifications, though in
this method their disadvantage was great. But they considered the
loss of the town so important that the Venetian Senate, naturally
timid and averse to any doubtful and dangerous measure, preferred,
in order not to lose the town, rather to put their whole enterprise in
danger than through the loss ofthe town to lose their campaign. So
they made a decision that in any possible way they would attack the
Count. Getting under arms at an early hour one morning, they
attacked him on his least protected side; by the first assault, as happens
in unexpected attacks, Sforza's whole army was shaken. But quick;,
ly the Count in such a way repaired all disorder that his enemy, after
making many efforts to pass over the embankments, were not merely
thrown back but in such a way put to flight and routed that of the
entire army, in which there were more than twelve thousand cavalry,
not a thousand saved themselves, and all their property and baggage
were captured. Never before that day had the Venetians received a
greater and more terrifying overthrow.
Among the spoil and the prisoners was ... ,1 a Venetian super"
visor who, before the battle and in managing the war, had spoken
insultingly of the Count, calling him a bastard and peasant. When
after the defeat this supervisor was a prisoner and remembered his
transgressions, he feared he would be treated as he deserved. He
therefore came before the Count greatly shrinking and terrified, ac"
cording to the nature of men proud and base, which is to be haughty
in prosperity but in adversity abject and meek; throwing himself on
his knees, with tears he begged pardon for his insulting words. The
Count raised him up and, taking him by the arm, cheered him and
encouraged him to hope for the best, adding that he was astonished
that a man who wished to be thought prudent and grave, as the
supervisor did, should have fallen into the serious error of speaking
basely about those who did not deserve it. As to the things he had
imputed to him, he did not know what Sforza his father had done
with Madam Lucia his mother; he was not there and could not
regulate their manner of conjunction, so that for what they had done
he believed he should get neither blame nor praise. But he well
knew that in what he had done himself, he had so acted that nobody
could censure him-something of which the supervisor and his
Senate could give recent and true testimony. He exhorted him to be
in the future more decent in his speech about others, and more
cautious in his undertakings.
1. The name was left blank by Machiavelli. Two supervisors were captured, Gherarao
Danaolo and Almoro Donato.
CHAPTER 19
[Sforza makes with the Venetians apeace to his own advantage, not to
that of the Milanese. 1448]
After this victory the Count led his conquering army into the
territory of Brescia and seized all that region. Then he fixed his
camp two miles from Brescia. The Venetians, on the other hand,
having suffered this defeat and fearing, as happened, that Brescia
would be the first town attacked, provided her with a garrison as
CC Supersubtle" Venetians 1307
well and as quickly as they could. Then with all diligence they
gathered forces and brought together what remnants of their army
they could, and from the Florentines, by virtue of their alliance,
asked for troops. The Florentines, then free from the war with King
Alfonso, sent to assist them a thousand infantry and two thousand
cavalry. The Venetians, with these forces, had time for thinking
about peace treaties. It was at one time a matter almost as though
decreed by fate that the Venetian republic should lose in war and win
in negotiations, for the things they lost in war, peace then many
times doubly gave back to them.
The Venetians knew that the Milanese had fears of the Count,
and that the Count hoped to be not general but lord ofthe Milanese;
hence the Venetians could choose to make peace with either one of
the two, since the Count wished peace through ambition, and the
Milanese through fear. They chose to make peace with the Count
and to offer him help for the conquest of Milan. They convinced
themselves that when the Milanese saw that they were deceived by
the Count, they would consent, driven on by their anger, to subject
themselves to almost anybody rather than to him, and that having
been brought into such a condition that they could not ofthemselves
make any defense nor any longer trust the Count, they would be
forced-since they would have no place where they could throw
themselves-to drop into the Venetians' lap. After making this plan,
the Venetians probed the Count's purpose. They found him much
inclined to peace, since he wanted the victory he had won at Cara;,
vaggio to be his and not Milan's. They made therefore an agreement
by which the Venetians were bound to pay the Count, as long as he
was making an effort to take Milan, thirteen thousand florins every
month and, in addition, during the war to support him with four
thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry. The Count for his
part bound himselfto restore to the Venetians the cities, prisoners and
whatever else he had seized in that war, and to be satisfied with only
the cities that Duke Filippo possessed at his death.
CHAPTER 20
[The protest of the Milanese against the Count's treachery. 1448]

The compact, when known in Milan, saddened that city much
more than the victory of Caravaggio had gladdened it. The leaders
lamented, the people complained, the women and children wept and
all united in calling the Count a betrayer and faithless. And though
they did not believe that with prayers or with promises they could
recall him from his ungJ'ateful course, they sent ambassadors to him,
to see with what face and with what words he would accompany
this wickedness of his. Having come, then, before the Count, one
of them spoke to this effect:
"It is usual for those who wish to ask something from somebody
else to assail him with prayers, gifts or threats, so that, moved either
by compassion or by profit or by fear, all that they wish he may
condescend to do. But in dealing with men who are cruel and
avaricious, and according to their own opinion powerful, since these
three methods have no place, uselessly they labor who believe that
with prayers they can humble them or with gifts win them or with
threats frighten them. We, then, knowing at present-though too
late-your cruelty, ambition and arrogance, come to you, not because
we intend to beg for anything nor in the beliefthat we shall receive it
if we ask it of you, but to remind you of the benefits you have
received from the Milanese people and to show you with what
ingratitude you have rewarded them, so that at least, among so many
evils that we feel, we may indulge in the pleasure of rebuking you.
ceYou must remember very well what your situation was after
Duke Filippo's death. You were an enemy to the Pope and the
King; you had deserted the Florentines and the Venetians, to whom,
both on account oftheir just and recent anger, and since they had no
more need of you, you had become almost an enemy; you were
exhausted by your war with the Church; you had few soldiers, were
without friends, without money, and bereft of all hope of keeping
your territories and your old reputation. Because ofthese things you
would easily have fallen ifit had not been for our folly, since we alone
received you into our country, impelled by the respect we had for our
Duke's happy memory, for since with him you had a marriage
alliance and recent amity, we believed that your love would pass
over to his heirs, and that if to his favors ours were united, this
friendship would be not merely solid but unbreakable; therefore to
the old agreements we added Verona or Brescia.
"What more could we have given you or promised you ~ And
you, what could you-I do not say from us but in those times from
anybody-I do not say get, but wish ~ You, then, received from us
Milan Betrayed by Her Mercenary General 1309
an unexpected good; as payment, we receive from you an unexpected
evil. Nor have you delayed until now to show us your wicked
purpose, because no sooner were you leader of our armies than,
against all justice, you accepted Pavia-which ought to have warned
us what was going to be the end of this friendship of yours. That
injury we endured, thinking that such gain would with its greatness
satisfy your ambition. Alas; to those who wish the whole, a part
cannot give satisfaction! You promised that from then on we should
enjoy the gains you made, because you well knew that what you
gave us at many times you could in a single moment take away, as it
has been after the victory of Caravaggio, which, first prepared for
with our blood and our money, was afterward followed by our ruin.
"0 unhappy those cities forced to defend their liberty against the
ambition of him who wishes to oppress them! But much more
unhappy those necessitated to defend themselves with mercenary and
faithless weapons such as yours! May at least this example of ours
profit posterity! even though that ofThebes and ofPhilip ofMacedon
has been of no use to us, for Philip, after a victory against the The"
bans' enemies, first became instead of their general their enemy, and
then their prince. We cannot, however, be accused ofany other fault
except trusting much where we should have trusted little; your past
life, your enormous aspiration, never content with any rank or posi"
tion, should have warned us. We should not have rested hope on
him who betrayed the lord of Lucca, levied ransom on the Floren"
tines and the Venetians, showed little regard for the Duke, despised
a king and above all inflicted on God and his Church so many
injuries. We should not have supposed that such great princes
would have less influence than the Milanese in the heart ofFrancesco
Sforza, and that he would feel obliged to keep with us the faith he
had with the others so many times broken.
"Nonetheless this imprudence ofwhich we accuse ourselves does
not excuse your perfidy nor wipe away that disrepute that our just
complaints will produce for you throughout the world; nor will they
keep the just pricks of your conscience from afHicting you, when
those soldiers which we prepared to attack and terrify others come to
strike and injure ourselves, for you will judge yourself worthy of the
penalty that parricides deserve. If indeed your ambition blinds you,
all the world, a witness of your iniquity, will make you open your
eyes. God himself will force you to open them, if perjuries, if vio"
lated faith, ifbetrayals offend him and ifin the future-as in the past
for the sake ofsome hidden good he has done-he does not decide to
befriend the wicked. Do not then think your victory certain, be~
cause the just anger of God will impede it. We are determined with
death to lose our liberty; if we cannot defend it, we will submit to
any other prince rather than to you. If indeed our sins are such that
against our every wish we come into your power, you can be assured
that the position you gain with deception and infamy will, for you or
for your sons, come to an end with scorn and loss."
CHAPTER 21
[The Count Justifies himself and attacks Milan; the double treachery
of the l'eneuans. 1448]
The Count felt that by the Milanese he was on every side keenly
censured, yet without showing in either his words or his gestures any
unusual anger, he replied that he was willing to charge to their
enraged spirits the gross insult of their unwise words. He would
answer them in detail if he were before a court that could properly
judge their differences, because he would appear not as having in;,
jured the Milanese but as having provided that they could not injure
him. They well knew how they had acted after the victory of
Caravaggio, because, instead of rewarding him with Verona or
Brescia, they sought to make peace with the Venetians, so that his
alone might be the blame for hostility, and theirs the fruits of the
victory, with the blessing of peace and all the profit that was gained
from the war. So they had no right to complain ifhe had made the
agreement which they had first tried to make. Indeed if in making
that decision he had somewhat delayed, he would at present have to
reproach them for the same ingratitude for which now they were
reproaching him. Whether his words were true or not would be
revealed, through the outcome of this war, by that God on whom
they called as the avenger oftheir injuries; by means ofthat outcome,
they would see which of them was more His friend, and which had
been fighting with greater justice.
When the ambassadors had gone, the Count got ready to attack
the Milanese, and they prepared for defense. Francesco and Jacopo
Piccinino, because of the ancient hatred cherished by Braccio's fol"
Republics Should Unite against a Tyrant 1311
lowers against Sforza's, had been faithful to the Milanese. With

their aid, the citizens believed they could protect their liberty until at
least they could detach the Venetians from the Count, for they did
not believe these allies would be faithful or friendly very long. On
the other side the Count, who himself realized this, thought he
would act wisely, since he judged an agreement not enough, to keep
the Venetians firm with a reward. Therefore, in distributing the
campaigns of the war, he agreed that the Venetians should attack
Crema, and he with the other soldiers should attack the remainder
of the Milanese state. This food placed before the Venetians was the
reason why they remained friendly to the Count so long that at last
he conquered all the territory ofthe Milanese and so shut them up in
their city that they could not provide themselves with anything neces"
sary. Hence, despairing of other help, they sent ambassadors to
Venice asking the Venetians to have mercy on their distresses and to
decide, as should be the custom of republics, to take the part of
Milanese liberty, not that of a tyrant whom, if he succeeded in be"
coming ruler ofMilan, the Venetians could not at their will restrain.
The Venetians should not believe that the Count would be satisfied
with the boundaries specified in the treaties; he would expect to
restore the ancient boundaries of the Milanese state. The Venetians
were not yet in possession of Crema, and since they wished before
they showed a different face to occupy her, they replied publicly that
they were unable to support the Milanese because of their agreement
with the Count. But in private they so dealt with the Milanese
ambassadors that those envoys, trusting in this agreement with the
Venetians, gave their Signors firm hope of aid.
CHAPTER 22
[The Venetians change sides; the Count outwits both parties. 1449]
Already the Count with his soldiers was so near Milan that he
was attacking the suburbs when the Venetians decided, having taken
Crema, that they should not put off making an alliance with the
Milanese. So they formed an agreement with them, among the first
articles promising defense of their liberty to the utmost. When the
agreement had been made, the Venetians directed the soldiers whom
they had with the Count that, leaving his camps, they should with"
draw into Venetian territory. They also informed the Count of the
peace they had made with the Milanese, giving him twenty days in
which to accept it. The Count was not astonished at the Venetian
decision, because for a long time he had been foreseeing it, and every
day was fearing it would come about. Nonetheless he could not do
anything else, when the thing happened, than lament and feel such
vexation as, when he deserted them, the Milanese had felt. He ob,.
tained from the ambassadors, who were sent to him from Venice to
announce that treaty, two days for his answer; in this time he deter"
mined to drag out his dealings with the Venetians and not to
abandon his enterprise. Therefore he said publicly that he intended
to accept the peace and sent his ambassadors to Venice with full
power to ratify it, but he privately instructed them that in no way
should they ratify it, but with various devices and objections should
put the settlement off. To make the Venetians believe the more that
he told the truth, he made a truce with the Milanese for a month, and
drew his men away from Milan and scattered them in quarters in
places round about that he had captured.
This plan was the cause of his victory and of the ruin of the
Milanese, because the Venetians, trusting in the peace, were slower
in preparations for the war, and the Milanese, seeing the truce was
made, the enemy gone away and the Venetians friendly, fully believed
that the Count was going to give up the enterprise. This opinion
injured them in two ways: first, they neglected measures for their
defense; second, in the country free from the enemy, because it was
the time for sowing, they sowed a large amount of grain; hence the
Count could more quickly starve them. To the Count, on the other
hand, everything was helpful that was injurious to his enemies; and
in addition that time gave him an opportunity for resting and getting
reinforcements.
CHAPTER 23
[Debates in Florence over Milan; Cosimo favors the Count. 1449]
In this war in Lombardy, the Florentines had not declared for
either ofthe parties and had given no aid to the Count, either when
he defended the Milanese or later, because the Count, not having
need of it, had not with urgency asked them for it. Only after the
defeat of Caravaggio, to fulfil the obligations ofthe League they had
Milan Incapable of Self~Government 1313
sent help to the Venetians. But when Count Francesco was left
alone, without anybody to whom he could apply, he was forced
urgently to ask aid from the Florentines, both publicly from the
government and privately from friends. He applied especially to
Cosimo de'Medici, with whom he always kept up a steady friend;
ship and by whom in all his undertakings he had always been
faithfully advised and extensively supported. In this great necessity
Cosimo did not desert him but as an individual generously supported
him and gave him courage to continue his undertaking. Cosimo
wished also that Florence should publicly give him aid, but in that
he met difficulty.
At this time in Florence, Neri di Gino Capponi was very
powerful. He judged it not for the city's advantage that the Count
should take Milan; he believed it safer for Italy ifhe ratified the peace
treaty than if he continued the war. First of all, he feared that in
anger against the Count, the Milanese would give themselves en;
tirely over to the Venetians-to the ruin of everybody. Second, he
thought that ifFrancesco succeeded in taking Milan, the union ofso
many soldiers and such a great state would be dangerous, and judged
that if he was hard to bear as Count, as Duke he would be wholly
unbearable. Hence Neri declared it better, both for the Florentine
republic and for Italy, that the Count should continue with only his
reputation in arms, and that Lombardy should be divided into two
states, which never would be united for an attack on others; neither
one alone would have power to do harm. To accomplish this he
saw no better way than not to support the Count and to maintain
the old league with the Venetians.
These reasons were not accepted by Cosimo's friends, who be;
lieved that Neri was urging this policy not from a beliefthat in it lay
the good of the republic, but because he did not wish the Count,
Cosimo's friend, to become Duke, believing that thereby Cosimo
would be too powerful. But Cosimo nevertheless continued to give
reasons why to aid the Count would be very advantageous for the
republic and for Italy; in his view it was unwise to believe that the
Milanese could keep themselves free; the nature of the body of citi;
zens, their type of government, the old factions in the city were
directly opposed to any form ofrule by the citizens. Hence either the
Count must become their duke or the Venetians must become their
masters. In such a choice nobody was so stupid as to be uncertain
which was better-to have a powerful friend near one or to have there
a very powerful enemy. Cosimo did not believe Florence should fear
that the Milanese, in order to carryon war against the Count, would
submit to the Venetians; the Count had a party in Milan and the
Venetians did not, so whenever they could not defend themselves in
freedom, they would always be subject to the Count rather than to
the Venetians.
This diversity of opinions kept the Florentines very uncertain; in
the end they decided to send ambassadors to the Count to negotiate
the terms of the agreement. If they found the Count so strong that
they expected him to conquer, they would settle it; if not, they would
make difficulties and put it off.
CHAPTER 24
[The Venetians give a little aid to Milan; the Milanese choose Count
Francesco as Duke. 1450-1451]
These ambassadors were at Reggio when they learned that the
Count had become lord ofMilan in the way I shall now relate. The
Count, when the period oftruce was over, came back to Milan with
his soldiers, hoping in a short time to take her in spite of the V ene~
tians, for they could not relieve the city except from the direction of
the Adda, a road that he could easily close. He did not fear, since it
was winter, that the Venetians would campaign close to him. Before
the winter was over, he hoped to gain the victory, especially now that
Francesco Piccinino was dead and his brother Jacopo alone was left
as head of the Milanese.
The Venetians sent an ambassador to Milan to exhort those citi~
zens to be zealous in defending themselves, promising them great and
speedy aid. In the course of the winter, then, there were some slight
combats between the Venetians and the Count. When the season
was more favorable, the Venetians, under Pandolfo Malatesta, placed
their army on the Adda. Yet when they considered whether, to
relieve Milan, they ought to attack the Count and try the fortune of
battle, Pandolfo their general judged such an attempt unwise since
he knew the efficiency of the Count and his army. Moreover, he
believed he could, without fighting, be sure ofwinning, because lack
offodder and grain would drive the Count away. He advised, then,
Milan Must Take Refuge with a Prince 1315
that the Venetian army remain in that encampment in order to give
the Milanese hope of relief, so that they would not in despair give
themselves up to the Count. This plan the Venetians approved,
considering it safe; they also hoped that the Milanese, if kept in
straits, would be forced to put themselves under their rule; the V ene~
tians were convinced that the Milanese never would give themselves
over to the Count, considering the injuries thay had received from
him.
Meanwhile the Milanese were brought almost to the final state of
wretchedness: since that city normally had a great many poor, they
were dying in the streets of hunger. As a result, there were disturb~
ances and complaints in various parts of the city; the magistrates
therefore were in great fear and used every effort to keep people from
gathering together. Slow enough are the great masses in turning to
evil, but when they do turn to it, any little accident sets them off.
Two men, then, of not very high position, talking near the Porta
N uova of the calamities of the city and of their own wretchedness
and what means they had for safety, were joined by others until they
grew to a fair number. As a result, a rumor spread through Milan
that the people of Porta Nuova were opposing the magistrates under
arms. As a result, the mass of the people, waiting only to be set
going, took arms; and they chose as their leader Gasparre da Vico~
mercato, and went to the place where the magistrates were assembled.
There they made such an attack that they killed all who could not
escape; among these they put to death Leonardo Venier the V ene~
tian envoy, as the cause oftheir hunger and one who rejoiced at their
misery. Thus become as it were the rulers ofthe city, they considered
among themselves what had to be done ifthey were to escape from so
many troubles and at some time have repose. Everybody judged,
since they could not preserve their liberty, that necessity forced them
to take refuge with some prince who would defend them. Some
wished King Alfonso, some the Duke of Savoy, some the King of
France to be called in to rule them.
Ofthe Count nobody spoke-so strong as yet was the anger they
felt against him. Nonetheless, when the others did not agree, Gas~
parre da Vicomercato was the first to mention the Count. He
showed at length that if they wished to get rid of the war, there was
no other way than to ask that man to rule them; the people of Milan
needed a sure and immediate peace, not a distant hope of future
relie£ In his speech he excused the Count's enterprises, accused the
Venetians, accused all the other princes of Italy, who had not been
willing, one through ambition, another through avarice, that the
Milanese should live in.freedom. Since then their liberty had to be
given away, they ought to give it to one who had wisdom and power
enough to defend them, so that at least from servitude might come
peace and not greater losses and more dangerous war. Now with
extraordinary attention this man was listened to, and everyone, when
he had finished his speech, shouted that the Count should be asked
to rule them. Gasparre was made envoy to do the asking. On the
people's orders, he went to the Count with this news so joyful and
satisfying. This the Count received with joy. Entering Milan as
prince on the twenty~sixth ofFebruary 1450, he was with the greatest
and most astonishing gladness received by those who, not long
before, had with so much hatred vilified him.
CHAPTER 2S
[The alliance of the Venetians and King Alfonso against the
Duke of Milan and the Florentines; Cosimo's speech to the
Venetian envoys. 1451]
As soon as the news of this conquest came to Florence,' orders
were sent to the Florentine envoys who were on the road that, instead
of going to negotiate an alliance with the Count, they should con~
gratulate the Duke on his victory. These envoys were honorably
received and abundantly honored by the Duke, who knew well that,
against the might of the Venetians, he could not have in Italy more
faithful or stronger friends than the Florentines; for they, having laid
aside their fear ofthe house of Visconti, saw that they would have to
fight the forces ofthe Aragonese and the Venetians. The Aragonese
kings of Naples were made their enemies by the friendship which
they knew the Florentine people had always had for the house of
France; the Venetians realized that the old Florentine fear of the
Visconti was a new fear of Venice, and were aware that the very zeal
with which the Florentines had striven against the Visconti they
would, when fearing like aggressions, turn to the ruin of Venice.
These things caused the new Duke readily to draw close to the
Florentines, and the Venetians and King Alfonso to make an alli~
The Florentines Lovers of Peace 1317
ance against their common enemies. The latter two agreed to set
their armies in motion at the same time; the King was to attack the
Florentines, the Venetians the Duke; he, because he was new in his
position, they believed could not keep himself in power either with
his own forces or with military assistance from others.
But because the league between the Florentines and the Venetians
was still in effect, and the King, after the war ofPiombino, had made
peace with Florence, the King and the Venetians thought they
should not break the peace unless first with some excuse they justified
the war. So each one sent an envoy to Florence. On behalfoftheir
superiors these envoys announced that the league was formed not in
order to attack anybody but to defend their states. The Venetian
envoy then complained that the Florentines had given passage through
Lunigiana to Alexander, the Duke's brother, so that with soldiers he
had crossed into Lombardy, and besides, that they had been helpers
and advisers in the peace made between the Duke and the Marquis
ofMantua. All these things the Venetians declared harmful to their
state and to the friendship between her and Florence. Therefore they
reminded the Florentines in a friendly way that he who injures
wrongfully gives cause to the other party to be justly angry, and that
he who disturbs peace should expect war.
The Signoria entrusted their reply to Cosimo, who in a long and
wise speech went over again all the favors done by his city to the
Venetian republic. He showed what a great empire she had gained
with the money, the soldiers and the advice of the Florentines; he
reminded them that, since from the Florentines had come the cause of
the friendship, never would cause for enmity come from them; having
always been lovers ofpeace, the Florentines fully approved the agree;
ment between the King and the Venetians, if it were made for peace
and not for war. True it was that at the complaints made against
them the Florentines were much astonished, seeing that of so slight
and unimportant a thing so great account was made by so great a
republic; but ifthese complaints were indeed worth considering, they
gave both envoys to understand that they intended their country to be
free and open to everybody, and that the Duke was ofsuch standing
that he did not need their help or their advice in making peace with
Mantua. Cosimo therefore feared that these complaints concealed
some poison not immediately apparent. If that were so, the Floren;
tines could easily let both complainants know that by however
much their friendship was profitable, by so much was their enmity
damaging.
CHAPTER 26
[Unfriendly acts by the" Venetians and the King; Florentine counterll'
measures. 1451]
Thus for the time being the affair passed off lightly and the envoys
seemed to go away satisfied. Nevertheless the league that was formed
and the ways ofthe Venetians and ofthe King made the Florentines
and the Duke fear new war rather than hope for firm peace. So the
Florentines allied themselves with the Duke. Meanwhile the ill will
of the Venetians was revealed; they made a league with the Sienese,
and drove all the Florentines and their subjects from their own cities
and territory. A little later Alfonso did the same, without allY regard
for the peace made the year before, and without giving for his action
a just or even a pretended reason.
Efforts were made by the Venetians to gain over the Bolognese.
Furnishing aid to exiles from Bologna, they sent them at night
through the sewers into the city with many soldiers. Nobody knew
of their entrance until they raised an outcry. Thereupon Santi Ben~
tivoglio, roused from sleep, heard that all the city was taken by the
rebels. Though many advised him to save his life by flight-since by
remaining he could not save the government-nonetheless he wished
to show Fortune his face. He took arms and gave courage to his
followers, and having gathered some of his friends, attacked part of
the rebels and defeated them, killing many; the rest he drove out of
the city. In this he was judged by everybody to have given the
clearest proof that he was of the house of the Bentivogli.
These acts and indications caused in Florence settled belief in
future war; and therefore the Florentines turned to their ancient and
usual defenses: they chose the magistracy of the Ten, hired new
generals, sent envoys to Rome, to Naples, to Venice, to Milan and to
Siena to ask aid from their friends, to clear up suspicions, gain over
the hestitating and learn the plans of their enemies. From the Pope
they brought back nothing further than general words, a favorable
inclination and exhortations to peace; from the King, empty excuses
for expelling the Florentines, and offering himself as ready to give
safe conduct to whoever asked for it. Though he strove to his utmost
The Venetians Hate Those Who Have Aided Them 1319
to conceal his plans for a new war, nonetheless the envoys recognized
his unfriendly disposition, and discovered his many preparations for
attacking their republic. Once more with various pledges the Floren"
tines strengthened their league with the Duke of Milan. Through
his mediation they entered into friendly relations with the Genoese,
settling their ancient differences about reprisals and many other
grievances, even though the Venetians sought by every means to
upset such an agreement. The Venetians did not fail to ask the
Emperor of Constantinople to drive all Florentines from his country.
With such great hatred the Venetians undertook this war and so
powerful was their longing to rule that without any hesitation they
tried to destroy those who had been the cause of their greatness; but
the Emperor did not listen to them. Then the Senate forbade the
Florentine envoys to enter the territory ofthe Venetian republic, with
the excuse that, being in alliance with the King, they could not
listen to such ambassadors without his participation. The Sienese
received the Florentine ambassadors with fair words, fearing that
they would be overthrown before the League could defend them;
therefore they decided to put to sleep those armies that they could not
resist. Yet the Venetians and the King to justify the war, as was
conjectured, attempted to send ambassadors to Florence, but the
Venetian envoy was not allowed to enter Florentine territory; and
since the King's envoy refused to carry out his duty alone, the negotia"
tion was left unfinished. From this the Venetians learned that the
Florentines estimated them even lower than they, not many months
before, had estimated the Florentines.
CHAPTER 27
[The Emperor Frederick III in Florence)- war begun in Lom~
hardy_ 1452]
In the midst of the fear roused by these movements, the Emperor
Frederick III crossed into Italy to be crowned. On the thirtieth of
January 1451, he entered Florence with fifteen hundred cavalry and
was received by the Signoria with the greatest honor; he remained in
the city until the sixth ofFebruary, when he left for his coronation in
Rome. Having been ceremoniously crowned in that city, and having
celebrated his marriage with the Empress, who had gone to Rome by
sea, he departed for Germany. In May he again passed through
Florence, where the same signs of honor were showed him as on his
first visit. In the course of his return, he granted to the Marquis of
Ferrara, as a reward for his assistance, Modena and Reggio.
Yet at the same time the Florentines did not fail to prepare for the
impending war. To gain reputation and cause the enemy terror, they
and the Duke made a league with the King ofFrance for the defense
of both their states; this they announced throughout Italy with great
pomp and joy. By then the month of May 1452 had come. The
Venetians decided that they could no longer put off open war
against the Duke; in the region of Lodi, with sixteen thousand
cavalry and six thousand infantry they attacked him. At the same
time the Marquis of Monferrat, whether through his own ambition
or driven by the Venetians, also attacked him in the region of
Alessandria. The Duke for his part had got together eighteen thou~
sand cavalry and three thousand infantry. Having provided Ales~
sandria and Lodi with soldiers and likewise strengthened all the
places where the enemy might attack him, he invaded the territory of
Brescia, where he did the Venetians very great damage; in every
direction he plundered the country and laid waste the weak villages.
Then after his soldiers defeated the Marquis of Monferrat at Ales~
sandria, the Duke was enabled to meet the Venetians with larger
forces, and to attack their country.
CHAPTER 28
[Feeble attacks on Tuscany by Alfonso. 1452]
While the war was dragging on in Lombardy with various but
slight happenings, little worth recording, in Tuscany also war began
between King Alfonso and the Florentines; it was not carried on
with greater efficiency or with greater danger than was that in LomJ'
bardy. Into Tuscany came Ferdinand, Alfonso's illegitimate son,
with twelve thousand soldiers, led by Frederic the lord of U rbino.
Their first enterprise was an attack on Foiano in V aldichiana, be~
cause, having the Sienese as friends, they entered from that direction
into Florentine territory. The town had a weak wall and was little,
and therefore not provided with many men but, by the standards of
those times, they were accounted vigorous and faithful. There were
Feeble Mercenary Besiegers 1321
in the town two hundred soldiers sent by the Signoria to guard it.
This town so prepared was besieged by Ferdinand, and such was
either the great vigor of those inside, or the little he had, that only
after thirty"six days did he become master of it. This time gave
Florence opportunity to provide for other places ofgreater importance,
assemble their soldiers and arrange better for defense. After the
enemy had taken Foiano, they went into the Chianti, where they
could not take two little villages owned by private citizens. Hence,
leaving them, they went to besiege Castellina, a town on the borders
I
of the Chianti, ten miles from Siena, weak as to art and very weak
as to her site; yet it was not possible for these two weaknesses to
surpass the weakness of the army that attacked it; after spending
forty"four days in the siege, it went away in disgrace. So much were
those armies to be feared and so dangerous were those wars that cities
which today are abandoned as impossible to defend, then were de"
fended as impossible to take. While Ferdinand remained with his
army in the Chianti, he made many raids and plundering expedi"
tions into the district around Florence and came within six miles of
the city, to the terror and considerable damage ofthe people. At this
time the Florentines, bringing eight thousand troops under Astor da
Faenza and Gismondo Malatesta toward the town of Colle, kept
them at some distance from the enemy, fearing that they would be
forced into battle. They judged that if they did not lose a battle they
could not lose the war, because the little towns when lost would be
regained with peace, and about the large towns they felt secure,
knowing that the enemy were unlikely to attack them.
At this time the King still had a fleet of about twenty ships,
galleys and foists in Pisan waters. While the siege of Castellina was
going on, he directed this fleet against the castle of V ada and through
the castellan's heedlessness took it; the enemy then raided all the
country round about; but this raiding was easily ended by some
soldiers the Florentines sent to Campiglia, who kept the enemy close
to the shore.
J. The art offortification.
CHAPTER 29
[The conspiracy of Stefano Porcari at Rome. 1453]
The Pontiff did not concern himself about these wars, except in
so far as he believed he could bring about peace between the parties.
Yet though he refrained from war abroad, he was going to find one
more dangerous at home. There lived in those times a certain Stefano
Porcari, a Roman citizen noble by blood and learning, but much
more so through the excellence of his mind. He wished, according
to the nature of men who long for glory, to do, or to attempt at least,
something worth remembering. And he judged he could attempt
nothing other than the delivery ofhis native city from the hands ofthe
prelates, and her restoration to her ancient government. He hoped
through such a deed, if he succeeded, to be called the new founder
and second father of that city. He was led to hope for a happy end
in this undertaking by the evil habits of the prelates and the discon~
tent of the barons and people of Rome, but above all he was given
hope by those verses of Petrarch, in the canzone beginning Noble
spirit that controls those limbs, in which the poet says:
On the Tarpeian mount, canzon,I you will see
A knight whom all Italy honors,
More thoughtful of others than of himsel£
It was known to Messer Stefano that the poets often are directed by a
divine and prophetic spirit, so he judged that at all events what
Petrarch prophesied in that canzone would come to pass, and that he
was the one who was to accomplish so glorious an enterprise, since
he believed that in eloquence, in learning, in grace and in friends he
was superior to every other Roman.
Having taken up this idea, he could not conduct himself in so
cautious a fashion that through his words, his conduct and his way
ofliving he did not reveal himsel£ Thus he became suspected by the
Pontiff, who, to deprive him ofopportunity for doing harm, banished
him to Bologna and instructed the ruler of that city to register him
every day. By no means was Messer Stefano upset by this first hin"
drance; on the contrary, with greater zeal he carried on his under~
taking, and in the most cautious ways consulted with his friends;
1. Petrarch, as often, addresses his own canzonc.
Conspiracy Offers Inevitable Ruin 132]
many times he went to Rome and returned with such great speed
that he was in time to present himself before the governor within
the limits set.::
When he believed that he had brought enough men to his way of
thinking, he determined not to put offan attempt. He instructed his
friends in Rome that at a set time they should arrange a splendid
supper, to which all the conspirators should be invited, with the
understanding that each should have with him his most trusted
friends; and he promised to be with them before the meal was ended.
All was done according to his instructions, and Messer Stefano
arrived in the house where the supper was going on. When it was
over, clad in cloth of gold, with neck chains and other ornaments
that gave him majesty and distinction, he appeared before the bani"
queters, and after embracing them, with a long speech exhorted them
to settle their courage and fit themselves for so glorious a deed. He
then explained the method, arranging that the next morning one
part ofthem should seize the palace ofthe Pontiff, and the other part
should call the people to arms throughout Rome. But the thing
came to the Pontiff's knowledge that night. Some say that it was
through the conspirators' lack of fidelity, others that Messer Stefano
was known to be in Rome. However it was, the same night that the
supper was held, the Pope caused the arrest ofMesser Stefano and the
greater part of his companions, and then, as their crimes deserved,
had them put to death.
Such an end had this project ofhis. Certainly anyone can praise
his intention, but everybody will always blame his judgment, be;l'
cause such undertakings, though when planned they give some
appearance of splendor, in their execution offer almost always ini"
evitable ruin.
2. These limits were evidently more than the single day mentioned above. From Rome to
Bologna and return is about 500 miles) by modern roads. A secret journey of that length on
horseback) with business in the middle) is not a matter of twenty"four hours.
CHAPTER 30
[Florentine successes; the treason of Gherardo Gambacorti. 1453]
Already the war in Tuscany had lasted almost a year and the
time had come, in the year 1453, for armies to take the field, when to
the aid ofthe Florentines came Signor Alessandro Sforza, the brother
of the Duke, with two thousand cavalry; because of this, since the
army of the Florentines was increased and that of the King dimin"
ished, the Florentines expected to regain what they had lost; and with
little effort they did regain some towns. Then they went to the siege
ofFoiano, which, through the negligence ofthe commissioners, was
sacked, so that the inhabitants were scattered and with great difficulty
returned to live there, but with exemptions and various subsidies they
were brought back. The castle of Vada was also regained, because
the enemy, seeing they could not hold it, withdrew from it and
burned it. And while the Florentine army did these things, the
Aragonese army, not having courage to approach the enemy, had
come near Siena, and many times raided Florentine territory, where
it stole a great deal and caused the greatest disturbances and terrors.
Nor did that King fail to attempt in other ways to assail his
enemies, divide their forces and by new efforts and assaults weaken
them. The lord ofV al di Bagno was Gherardo Gambacorti; he and
his ancestors, through either friendship or duty, had always been
either pensioned or protected by the Florentines. With him King
Alfonso plotted that Gherardo should give him that territory, and
the King in return would compensate him with other territory in the
Kingdom. This plot was revealed in Florence. To learn Gherardo's
purpose, they sent to him an envoy, who reminded him of the
obligations of his ancestors and himself and exhorted him to con"
tinue his fidelity to the republic. Gherardo pretended to be aston"
ished, and with solemn oaths declared that never had so wicked a
thought come into his mind, and that he would come in person to
Florence to become a pledge for his fidelity; but since he was ill,
what he was unable to do he would have done by his son, whom as
a hostage he handed over to the envoy so that he might take him
along to Florence. These words and this display made the Floren"
tines believe that Gherardo was telling the truth and that his accuser
was a liar and worthless; therefore in this opinion they rested. But
Gherardo with the more vigor carried on his plot with the King.
When it was complete, into the Val di Bagno the King sent Frate
Puccio, a Knight of Jerusalem, with plenty of soldiers, to take pos"
session of Gherardo's castles and towns. But the people of Bagno,
having a fondness for the Florentine republic, with vexation prom"
ised obedience to the commissioners of the King. Already Frate
Treachery Thwarted in Val di Bagno 1325
Puccio had taken possession ofalmost all that territory; all he lacked
was to make himself master of the castle of Corzano.
With Gherardo, when he was making this transfer, among his
men who were around him, was Antonio Gualandi, a Pisan, young
and fiery, to whom this treachery of Gherardo's was abhorrent. He
considered the site of the fortress and the men who were there in the
garrison, and saw in their faces and gestures their discontent; so when
Gherardo stood at the gate to let the Aragonese soldiers in, Antonio
circled around toward the inside of the fortress, pushed Gherardo
outside with both hands, and ordered the garrison to lock the fortress
in the face of so wicked a man, and to hold it for the Florentine
republic. -Vhen this event became known in Bagno and in the
other places nearby, all those various peoples took arms against the
Aragonese and, raising the banner of Florence, drove them away.
When this was reported in Florence, the Florentines imprisoned the
son of Gherardo who had been given them as a hostage, and sent
soldiers to Bagno to defend the region for their republic; that state
which had been governed by its sovereign they changed into a
vicarate. But Gherardo, traitor to his lord and to his son, scarcely
was able to escape, and left his wife and his family, with all his
property, in the power of his enemies.
In Florence this event was looked on as of great importance,
because ifthe King had succeeded in making himself master of that
region, he could with little expense have raided as he pleased in the
Valley ofthe Tiber and in the Casentino, where he could have given
so much trouble to the Republic that the Florentines would not have
been able to oppose all their forces to the Aragonese army that was
at Siena.
CHAPTER 3 I
[Rene ofAnjou comes to aid the Duke and the Florentines. 1453-1454]
Meanwhile the Florentines, besides the preparations made in
Italy to crush the forces ofthe hostile league, had sent Messer Agnolo
Acciaiuoli as their ambassador to the King ofFrance to arrange with
him about furnishing King Rene of Anjou with means for an
expedition into Italy to aid the Duke and themselves; he would come
to defend his friends and then, being in Italy, could plan on gaining
the Kingdom of Naples; for this purpose they promised him aid in
soldiers and in money. So while, as we have related, the war was
going on in Lombardy and Tuscany, the ambassador made with
King Rene an agreement that in June he was to come into Italy with
twenty~four hundred cavalry; on his arrival in Alessandria the League
was to give him thirty thousand florins, and afterward, during the
war, ten thousand every month.
When this King attempted, then, by virtue of this agreement, to
cross into Italy, he was held back by the Duke of Savoy and the
Marquis of Monferrat, for they, being friends of the Venetians, did
not allow his passage. So the Florentine ambassador advised the
King that in order to give prestige to his friends, he should return
into Provence, and with some ofhis men come into Italy by sea; and
on the other hand that he should bring pressure on the King of
France to have him work upon that Duke, so that his soldiers would
be able to cross through Savoy. As Rene was advised, so he did, for
by sea he got into Italy, and his soldiers, to please the King, were
received in Savoy. King Rene was welcomed by Duke Francesco
with the greatest respect. When they had united the Italian and the
French soldiers, with such fury they attacked the Venetians that in a
short time they retook all the towns the latter had seized in the terri~
tory of Cremona. Not satisfied with this, they conquered almost all
the territory of Brescia; hence the Venetian army, thinking itself no
longer safe in the field, drew close to the walls of Brescia.
When winter came, the Duke decided to put his soldiers into
winter quarters; to King Rene he assigned lodgings at Piacenza.
Then, after the winter of 1453 had been spent without military
activity, when summer came and the Duke reckoned on taking the
field and depriving the Venetians of their territory on land, King
Rene informed him that he was obliged to return to France. Now
this decision was to the Duke wholly unexpected; therefore he felt
the utmost vexation; but though he at once went to see the King to
dissuade him from leaving, by neither prayers nor promises could he
change him; Rene merely promised to leave part of his soldiers and
to send his son Jean, who in his place would be at the service of the
League. This departure did not displease the Florentines, for, having
regained their towns, they no longer feared the King, and on the
other side they did not wish the Duke to regain anything besides his
cities in Lombardy. So Rene left and sent his son, as he had prom"
Turkish Invasion Feared 1327
ised, into Italy. He did not stop in Lombardy but came on to
Florence, where he was received with high honors.
CHAPTER 32
[Peace; the seeds of war. 1454]
The departure of the King made the Duke gladly turn to peace,
and the Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, because they all
were weary, wished for it. The Pope too had given and was giving
every appearance of wishing it, because that same year Mahomet the
Grand Turk had taken Constantinople and made himself master of
all Greece. That capture frightened all the Christians, and more
than any others the Venetians and the Pope, since it already seemed
to each of these that they felt his armies in Italy. The Pope, then,
besought the Italian powers to send ambassadors to him, with author~
ity to establish a universal peace. All of them obeyed, but after
assembling to arrange the matter, they found great difficulty in dealing
with it. The King wished the Florentines to reimburse him for his
expenses in that war, and the Florentines wanted theirs paid; from
the Duke the Venetians asked Cremona; the Duke from them asked
Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema. Hence it seemed that to settle these
difficulties would be impossible.
Nevertheless, that which at Rome among many seemed impos~
sible to do, at Milan and at Venice between two was very easy
because, while at Rome the negotiations over peace were going on,
the Duke and the Venetians, on April ninth, 1454, concluded it.
By virtue of it, each one returned to the cities he held before the war,
and to the Duke was granted the right to recover the cities taken
from him by the princes of Monferrat and of Savoy. The other
Italian rulers were allowed a month for ratifying it.
The Pope and the Florentines, and with them the Sienese and
other lesser powers, within the time limit ratified it. Not content
with this, the Florentines, the Duke and the Venetians ratified among
themselves a peace for twenty~five years. King Alfonso alone among
the Italian powers showed himself discontented with this peace, for
he viewed it as made with little credit to himself, since not as a
principal but as an accessory he was to be admitted to it; therefore he
remained a long time uncertain, without making his views known.
Yet after the Pope and the other princes had sent him many formal
embassies, he allowed himself to be persuaded by the others, espe-'
cially the Pontiff; so he and his son entered this league for thirty
years. The Duke of Milan and the King made together a double
marriage alliance and a double wedding, each one giving and taking
a daughter for the other's son. Nonetheless, in order that the seeds of
war might remain in Italy, the King did not consent to make peace
unless permission was first granted by his colleagues that he might,
without injury to them, make war on the Genoese, on Gismondo
Malatesta and on Astor Prince of Faenza. After this peace was
made, Ferdinand his son, who was at Siena, returned to the King-'
dom, having by his coming into Tuscany made no gain in sovereignty
and lost many of his soldiers.
CHAPTER 33
Uacopo Piccinino causes trouble; abortive plans for a Crusade. 1455]
With the coming, then, ofthis general peace, there was fear only
that King Alfonso, because of the hostility he felt for the Genoese,
would interrupt it; but the fact was otherwise, because it was in-'
terrupted not openly by the King but, as always had happened
before, by the ambition of the mercenary soldiers. The Venetians,
according to custom, when peace was made had dismissed from their
service Jacopo Piccinino their general. After he had been joined by
some other soldiers of fortune who were without employment, they
went into Romagna and thence into the territory of Siena; there they
stopped, and J acopo began war against the Sienese and took some
towns from them. In the beginning of these disturbances and the
opening of the year I4SS, Pope Nicholas died, and as his successor
Calixtus III was chosen. This Pontiff, to put down this new and
neighboring war, at once brought together under Giovanni Venti-,
miglia his general as many ,soldiers as he could; these, with soldiers
from the Florentines and the Duke, who had also united to put down
these disturbances, he sent against Jacopo. When they joined battle
near Bolsena, in spite of Ventimiglia's becoming a prisoner, Jacopo
was the loser and retreated in defeat to Castiglione della Pescaia; if
he had not been supported with money by Alfonso, he would have
remained there entirely ruined. This affair made everybody believe
The Turk Imminent 1329
that this movement by J acopo had been arranged by the King.
Hence, since Alfonso saw that he had been found out, in order to
reconcile with himself through peace those associates that he had
almost alienated with this feeble war, he caused Jacopo to restore to
the Sienese their towns which he had taken; they were to give him
twenty thousand florins. When this agreement had been made, he
received J acopo and his soldiers into the Kingdom.
In these times, although the Pope gave attention to checking
J acopo Piccinino, nonetheless he did not fail to make arrangements
to support Christendom, which apparently was going to be attacked
by the Turks. And to this end· he sent to all Christian countries
envoys and preachers to induce princes and peoples to arm in support
of their religion, and with their money and their persons to support
the enterprise against the common enemy. Hence in Florence many
offerings were made; many also marked themselves with a red cross,
in order to be ready in person for that war; they also made solemn
processions and did not fail, either publicly or privately, to show that
with their advice, with their money and with their men, they wished
to be among the first Christians in such an undertaking. But this
warmth for the crusade was somewhat cooled by news that when the
Turk with his army was besieging Belgrade-a town in Hungary
on the River Danube-he had been defeated and wounded by the
Hungarians. Hence, since the Pontiff and the Christians no longer
felt the fear that they conceived on the loss of Constantinople, the
preparations for war were more lukewarm; in Hungary itself, after
the death ofJohn Hunyadi the Waywode, the leader in that victory,
they cooled down.
CHAPTER 34
[A terrible storm in Tuscany. 1456]
But turning to the affairs of Italy, I shall tell how the year 1456
went, after the disturbance roused by J acopo Piccinino ended.
When men's arms were laid down, it seemed that God wished to
take up his, so great was a windstorm that then followed, producing
in Tuscany effects unheard of in the past, and for those who in the
future learn of it, wonderful and noteworthy results. A whirlwind,
with a great thick mass of clouds, started on the twenty;fourth of
August, an hour before dawn, in the region of the Upper Sear near
Ancona and, crossing Italy, entered the Lower Sea near Pisa.
Throughout its course, it covered a space about two miles broad.
This mass, driven by superior forces whether natural or supernatural,
was broken within itself and carried on a struggle within itself; the
shattered clouds, now rising toward the sky, now descending toward
the earth, crashed together; and now in circles with the greatest speed
they moved on, and before them stirred up a wind furious beyond all
measure; flames and the most brilliant flashes appeared thick among
them as they fought. From these clouds so broken and confused,
from these winds so wild and these thick flashes came a noise such as
from no sort or size of earthquake or thunder was ever heard before.
From this resulted such terror that everybody who experienced it
judged that the end of the world had come, and that the earth, the
water and the rest of the sky and the world, confusing themselves
together, were going back again to the ancient chaos.
This terrorizing whirlwind, wherever it went, caused incredible
and marvelous effects, but more striking than elsewhere were those at
the town of San Casciano. This town is eight miles from Florence
on the hill separating the valleys ofthe Pesa and ofthe Greve. Though
between that town, then, and the village of Sant' Andrea, placed on
the same hill, this furious storm held its course, it did not reach Sant'
Andrea, and it grazed San Casciano in such a way that merely some
battlements and chimneys on some of the houses were knocked
down; but outside the town, in the space between the two places
mentioned, many houses were destroyed down to the ground. The
roofs of the churches of San Martino a Bagnuolo and of Santa
Maria della Pace, as complete as when they were in position, were
carried more than a mile away. A wagoner with his mules was
found dead in one of the neighboring valleys more than a mile from
the road. All the larger oaks, all the strongest trees, which would
not yield to such great fury, were not merely uprooted but were
carried to a great distance from where they had had their roots; so
when the storm had passed and day came, men were wholly be.l
wildered. They saw the country desolate and laid waste; they saw
the ruins of the houses and the churches; they heard the laments of
those whose property was destroyed and who under the ruins had
left their animals and their relatives dead. This storm, to those who
1. The Upper Sea is the Adriatic as the Lower is the Tyrrhenian.
J
"Dark Is His Path" 1331
saw and heard it, brought the utmost pity and terror. The purpose
of God without doubt was to threaten rather than to punish Tus;
cany; for if so great a wind had entered a city, among the houses and
the thickly crowded inhabitants, as it came among the oaks and
trees and houses that were few and scattered, without doubt it would
have made the greatest ruin and destruction that the mind can imag~
ine. But God purposed at that time that this slight example should
suffice to refresh among men the memory of his power.
CHAPTER 35
[King Alfonso attacks Genoa; the Genoese get aid from the French.
1456- 145 8]
Now to turn back where I left off, King Alfonso, as I said above,
was discontented with the peace. Since the war that he had Jacopo
Piccinino start against the Sienese, without any just cause, had pro"
duced no important effect, he determined to see what would be
produced by one that he could wage in harmony with the agreements
of the League. So therefore, in the year 1456, by sea and land he
started war against the Genoese, hoping to turn over the government
to the Adorni and to take it from the Fregosi, who then were ruling.
Moreover in the other direction he had J acopo Piccinino cross the
Tronto against Sigismondo Malatesta. The latter, because he had
well fortified his towns, had little regard for J acopo's attack. So on
that side the King's attempt was without effect. But that of Genoa
brought him and his kingdom more war than he would have chosen.
At that time the chiefman in Genoa was Pietro Fregoso. Fearing
that he could not resist the attack of the King, he determined that
what he could not hold he would at least give to somebody who
would defend him from his enemies and sometime could pay him a
proper price for that favor. He sent envoys, therefore, to Charles
VII, King of France, and offered him the sovereignty of Genoa.
Accepting the offer, Charles sent to take possession of that city Jean
of Anjou, King Rene's son, who a short time before had left Flor~
ence and returned to France. Charles had the idea that Jean, be"
cause he had adopted many Italian habits, would be better able than
another to govern that city; and in part he thought that from there he
could plan for an expedition against Naples, a kingdom of which
Alfonso had deprived his father Rene. Thereupon Jean went to
Genoa, where he was accepted as prince, and into his power were
given the fortresses of the city and the state.
CHAPTER 36
[Death of Alfonso and succession of Ferdinand; death of Calixtus and
succession of Pius II. 1458-1461]
This happening vexed Alfonso, who realized he had brought on
himself too important an enemy. Nevertheless, not frightened by it,
he continued his enterprise with good courage, and had already
brought his fleet to Villa Marina, at Portofino, when, seized by sud~
den illness, he died. As a result of his death, Jean and the Genoese
were left free from war; and Ferdinand, who succeeded to the throne
of Alfonso his father, was full of foreboding, having an enemy of
such standing in Italy, and distrusting the fidelity of many of his
barons, who, hoping for reforms, might join the French. He feared
also the Pope, whose ambition he realized, and who, since Ferdi~
nand was new in his kingdom, might plan to deprive him ofit. He
hoped only in the Duke of Milan, who was not less anxious about
the affairs of the Kingdom than was Ferdinand, fearing that, if the
French became masters of it, they would plan to take his state also,
which he knew they believed they had a right to ask for as belonging
to them. So soon after the death of Alfonso, the Duke sent Ferdi~
nand letters and soldiers (the men to give him aid and prestige, the
letters to persuade him to have good courage) indicating that in any
necessity he was not going to abandon him.
The Pope after Alfonso's death planned to give the Neapolitan
kingdom to Pietro Lodovico Borgia his nephew. To make the affair
seem honorable and more easily to get the other princes to agree, he
announced his intention ofbringing that kingdom under the author~
ity of the Roman Church. For this reason he tried to persuade the
Duke of Milan not to give Ferdinand any help, offering Duke
Francesco the towns in that kingdom which he once had held. In
the midst of these projects and new efforts Calixtus died. To the
papal throne succeeded Pius II, a Sienese ofthe Piccolomini family
named Aeneas. This pontiff, considering only how he could benefit
Christians and strengthen the Church and abandoning all his pri~
King~ Makers Perish 1333
vate feelings, on the Duke of Milan's request gave the crown of the
Kingdom to Ferdinand, judging that by supporting a man in pos~
session of the throne he could do more to get arms laid down than
either by aiding the French to conquer that kingdom or by trying,
like Calixtus, to get it for himsel£ Nevertheless, to repay this favor
Ferdinand made the Pope's nephew Antonio ruler of Amalfi and
gave him in marriage his illegitimate daughter. He also restored
Benevento and Terracina to the Church.
CHAPTER 37
[War in Genoa and in Naples between Jean of Anjou and Ferdinand.
1459-1460 ]
Arms appeared to be laid down in Italy, and the Pontiff was
preparing to move Christendom against the Turks, carrying on what
Calixtus had earlier done, when dissension arose between the Fregosi
and Jean the ruler of Genoa which kindled greater and more im~
portant wars than those just over. Petrino Fregoso happened to be
in a town of his on the Riviera. He believed he had not been re~
warded by Jean of Anjou according to his deserts and those of his
house, since with their aid Jean had become ruler of Genoa; hence
they came to open enmity. This situation suited Ferdinand, as the
only means and the sole approach to his own security; so he supported
Petrino with men and money, thinking through him to drive Jean
from Genoa. Knowing this, Jean sent to France for reinforcements,
with which he resisted. Yet Petrino because of the abundant help
sent him by Ferdinand was so strong that Jean was reduced to
defending the city. Petrino, entering Genoa one night, took some
parts ofher, but when day came he was attacked and killed by Jean's
soldiers, and all his men were either killed or captured.
This victory gave Jean courage to make an expedition to the
Kingdom of Naples, so in October 1459 with a powerful fleet he
left Genoa for Naples. He stopped at Baia and then at Sessa, where
he was received by its duke. To Jean's support came the ruler of
Taranto, the people of Aquila, and many other cities and rulers, so
that kingdom was almost entirely upset. Seeing this, Ferdinand
applied for reinforcements to the Pope and to the Duke; and in order
to have fewer enemies, he made an agreement with Sigismondo
Malatesta. This so angered Jacopo Piccinino, who was a natural
enemy to Sigismondo, that he left Ferdinand's employ and sided
with Jean. Ferdinand also sent money to Federigo ofUrbino, and
brought together as soon as he could a good army, for those times.
On the Sarni River he confronted his enemies. When they came to
battle, King Ferdinand was defeated and many of his important
officers captured. After this overthrow, the city of Naples with some
few princes and cities remained faithful to Ferdinand; the greater part
gave themselves up to Jean. It was the opinion ofJacopo Piccinino
that Jean upon this victory should go to Naples and make himself
master of the chief city of the Kingdom; but he refused, saying that
he intended first to get from Ferdinand all his territory and then to
attack him, thinking that, if he were deprived of his lands, the cap~
ture of Naples would be easier. This decision, taken for an opposite
purpose, deprived him of victory in that undertaking, because he
did not realize how much more easily the limbs follow the head than
the head the limbs.
CHAPTER 38
[Rebellion in Genoa; Jean defeated in the Kingdom; tht neutrality of
Florence. 1460-1463]
Ferdinand, after his defeat, had taken refuge in Naples. There he
received those who had been driven from their states, and with the
kindest methods possible he got money together and assembled a
small army. For the second time he sent for help to the Pope and to
the Duke, and by both ofthem was supported with greater speed and
more generously than before, because they were much afraid he
would lose that Kingdom. When therefore King Ferdinand became
strong, he went out of Naples; and having partly regained his reputa~
cion, he regained some territories he had lost.
While the war went on in the Kingdom, an event occurred that
entirely took away Jean of Anjou's reputation and his opportunity
for success in that undertaking. The Genoese were disgusted at the
avaricious and proud conduct of the French, so that they took arms
against the royal governor and compelled him to take refuge in the
Little Castle; in this undertaking the Fregosi and the Adorni were
in agreement; by the Duke ofMilan they were aided with money and
with soldiers, both in gaining control ofthe government as well as in
Sluggishness Costs Jean His Kingdom 1335
keeping it. Hence King Rene, who later came with a fleet to aid his
son, hoping to regain Genoa by means of the Little Castle, was
defeated in such a way while landing his troops that he was compelled
to return in disgrace to Provence.
This news, when it was learned in the Kingdom of Naples,
greatly frightened Jean of Anjou. Nevertheless he did not give up
his effort, but for a long time kept up the war, aided by those barons
who, because oftheir rebellion, did not believe they would find safety
with Ferdinand. Yet at the end, after many things had happened,
the two royal armies came to battle, and Jean was defeated near
Troia, in the year 1463. Yet the defeat did not injure him so much
as did the desertion ofJacopo Piccinino, who sided with Ferdinand.
Hence Jean, deprived of power, retired into Ischia, from which he
later returned to France. This war lasted four years, and through his
sluggishness that man lost it who through the excellence of his
soldiers had many times won it.
In this war the Florentines did not take part in any open way.
It is true that King John of Aragon, newly made king in that king~
dom on the death ofAlfonso, asked them through an embassy to aid
in the affairs of Ferdinand his nephew, as they had promised in the
league recently made with Alfonso his father. To this the Floren~
tines answered that they had no duty toward him, that they were not
going to help the son in a war that the father with his own armies had
started; as it was begun without their advice or knowledge, so with~
out their aid it could be carried on and finished. Hence those
envoys, on the part of their king, affirmed the weight of the Floren~
tines' obligation and their share in the damage; and in anger against
that city they departed. The Florentines, then, in the time of this
war, were at peace as to things outside their city, but they were not at
all quiet inside, as in the following book will be set forth in detail.
BOOK SEVEN
[LARGELY BUT NOT WHOLLY ON AFFAIRS

IN FLORENTINE TERRITORY DURING THE
LATTER YEARS OF COSIMa AND THE EARLY
YEARS OF LORENZO. 1427-1478]
CHAPTER 1
[The relation of Florence to Italy; party strife in Florence. 1434-1455]

Perhaps readers of the preceding book will think that as a writer
on Florentine affairs I have spent too much time in relating what
happened in Lombardy and in the Kingdom.! Nevertheless I have
not avoided and in the future I am not going to avoid such narra~
tives, because, though I have never promised to write on the affairs of
Italy, I do not therefore suppose that I should avoid relating those
that are worthy of observation in this land. Indeed if I do not relate
them, our history will be less understandable and less pleasing,
especially because in the actions of the other Italian peoples and
princes the wars in which the Florentines have to take part often
originate. For example, in the war between Jean of Anjou and
King Ferdinand originated the hatreds and the serious enmities that
later existed between Ferdinand and the Florentines, and especially
the Medici family; because the King complained that not merely he
had no assistance in that war, but aid was given to his enemy.
His anger was the cause of very great evils, as will be shown in our
narrative. Now, because in writing about affairs outside the city I
have reached 1463, if I am to tell ofthe troubles that occurred inside
the city before that time, I must turn back many years.
But first, according to my habit, I wish to some extent to explain
in general why those who believe republics can be united 'are greatly
deceived in their belie£ It is true that some divisions harm republics
and some divisions benefit them. Those do harm that are accom~
panied with factions and partisans; those bring benefit that are kept
up without factions and without partisans. Since, then, the founder
of a republic cannot provide that there will be no enmities within it,
he needs at least to provide that there will be no factions. Therefore
1. Actually the two preceding books deal largely with Italy outside Florence.
Selfish Ambitions Injure States 1337
he must note that in two ways citizens gain reputation in a city:
activity in behalf of the public, and activity for personal ends.
Publicly, they gain reputation by winning a battle, capturing a town,
carrying on an embassy with diligence and prudence, and advising
the state wisely and successfully. In personal ways they gain reputa;
tion by doing favors to various citizens, defending them from the
magistrates, assisting them with money and aiding them in getting
undeserved offices, and by pleasing the masses with games and public
gifts. From these selfish proceedings come factions and partisans; a
reputation so gained injures the state. Yet a reputation gained by
unselfish conduct benefits the republic, since it is not mixed with
partisanship, being founded on the common good, not on private
favor. Even citizens who confer private benefits cannot harm the
republic unless they have partisans who follow them for personal
profit, though no one can in any way provide against their exciting
great hatred. When they have no partisans, even selfishly ambitious
men benefit the state, because if they are to succeed, necessarily they
attempt to make the republic great, and especially watch each other
in order that lawful bounds may not be overpassed.
The enmities in Florence were always those offactions and there;
fore always dangerous. Not even a victorious faction ever remained
united, except so long as the opposing faction was vigorous. But
when a beaten faction was destroyed, since the party in power no
longer felt any fear that could restrain it and had no law ofits own to
check it, the victor became divided. In 1434 Cosimo de'Medici's
party was superior, but because the defeated party was strong and
abounded in powerful men, Cosimo's faction through fear continued
for a time to be united and gracious, suffering no discord within
itself and not rousing the people's hatred by any wicked conduct.
Hence as often as Cosimo's government had need of the people in
order to get a new grip on its authority, it found them always in;
clined to grant its leaders such power and dominion as were asked.
Thus from 1434 to 1455, which is twenty;one years, Cosimo's party
six times, usually through the Councils, took up again the power
of the balia. 2
2. A committee which hadpower to reorganize the Florentine government. Though ostensibly
chosen by popular acclamation, it was in reality the instrument of those in the city who were
strongest, whether the Duke of Athens or the Medici.
CHAPTER 2
[Cosimo's methods. 142 7J 1455J 1466 ]

In Florence, as we have said many times, there were two very
powerful citizens, Cosimo de' Medici and Neri Capponi. Neri had
gained his reputation in public ways, so that he had many friends
and few partisans. Cosimo, on the other hand, for whom both
public and private ways to power were open, had friends and parti"
sans in numbers. Since these two were united while they were both
alive, they always got what they wanted from the people without any
difficulty, because their power was mingled with kindness. But by
the year 1455, when Neri was dead and the hostile party destroyed,
the government found difficulty in grasping its authority again.
Cosimo's own friends, the most powerful men in the government,
were the occasion for it, because they no longer feared the party in
opposition, which was destroyed, and were glad to lessen Cosimo's
power. This dissension started divisions that appeared later, in 1466,
so that the men controlling the government, in the councils where
there was public debate on the conduct of public matters, advised
that the power of the balta not be taken up again, and that the bags l
be locked and the magistrates, on account ofadvantages in the earlier

lists of names, be chosen by lot.
Cosimo, to check this dissension, could use either oftwo methods:
he could reorganize the government by force with the partisans who
were left to him and oppose all the others; or he could let things go
and with time make his friends realize that they were taking power
and reputation not from him but from themselves. Of the two
methods he chose the second, for he knew well that in such a method
ofruling, because the bags were full ofhis friends, he ran no risk, and
that when he chose he could reorganize the government.
The city, having returned, then, to choosing magistrates by lot,
seemed to the generality of the citizens to have got back her liberty,
and the magistrates judged not according to the will of the powerful
but according to their own judgment. Thus now one friend of a
1. These bags contained the names of th"se eligible for various tJjfices. Thus tJjfice was im"
possible to a man whose name was not tlbagged." In this instance no new names were to be put in
the bags, so that only Cosimo's supporters, whose names had been put there long bifore, would
hold tJjfice.
Cosimo's Poptllar Policy 1339
powerful man, now one of another was punished; hence some, who
were accustomed to seeing their houses full ofvisitors and ofpresents,
saw that they were empty of things and of men. They saw also that
they had become equal to those whom they were accustomed to hold
far inferior, and those who were wont to be their equals had become
their superiors. They were not respected or honored, rather they
were many times mocked and derided, and there was talk about
them and about the republic along the streets and in the squares
without any caution. So they quickly found out that not Cosimo
but they themselves had lost control of the government. Cosimo
pretended ignorance of this state of things, and when there came up
any decision that would please the people, he was the first to favor it.
But that which made the rich fear most, and gave Cosimo the best
opportunity to make them take heed, was that the method of the
property tax of 1427 was revived, in which not men but laws levied
the taxes.
CHAPTER 3
[Cosimo will not consent to violence}' Luca Pitti gets a balfa by
force. 1458]
When this law had been enacted, and the magistracy that was to
carry it out had been installed, the rich all drew together, went to
Cosimo and begged him to be so kind as to take himself and them
out of the hands of the masses and give their party a reputation
which would make him powerful and them honored. Cosimo
answered that he was willing, but that he wished the law to be made
by due process and with the consent of the people, and not by force,
which he would not discuss with them in any way. A law to set up
a new haifa was attempted in the Councils, and it did not pass.
Hence the rich citizens returned to Cosimo and with every sort of
humility begged him to give his consent to a parliament. Such
consent Cosimo wholly refused, since he wished to bring them to a
condition in which they would fully recognize their error. And be~
cause Donato Cocchi, who was Gonfalonier ofJustice, tried to call
a parliament without his consent, Cosimo had him so ridiculed by
the Signors who were sitting with him that he became mad and was
taken home as insane.
Nonetheless, because it is not well to let things go over the limit
134'0 THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE, Book 7
so far that they cannot then be brought back to their places, when
Luca Pitti, a courageous and reckless man, had become Gonfalonier
ofJustice, Cosimo thought it the proper time to let Luca control the
affair, so that if by that attempt they became liable to some blame, it
would be charged to Luca, and not to himsel£ Luca, then, at the
beginning of his magistracy, proposed to the people many times to
re-'establish the balia; when he did not get it, he threatened those who
sat in the Councils with insulting words, full of pride. To these a
little later he added actions, because in August 1458, on San Loren-'
zo's eve, after filling the Palace with armed men, he summoned the
people to the Public Square, and by force and with weapons made
them accept what earlier they had not voluntarily accepted.
So when the government had been taken over and the haIfa and
then the chief magistrates selected according to the desire of the few,
in order with terror to give a beginning to the government which
they had set up by force, they banished Messer Girolamo Machiavelli
with some others, and also deprived many of their offices. This
Messer Girolamo, who did not keep the rules ofhis banishment, was
declared a rebel; and as he went traveling around Italy, stirring up the
princes against his own city, he was arrested in Lunigiana through
the treachery of one of those lords; being taken to Florence, he was
put to death in prison.
CHAPTER 4
[The bad government of Luca Pitti; his buildings. 1463]
This sort of government, for the eight years that it lasted, was
unbearable and violent, because Cosimo, already old and weary and
weakened by bad health, was not able to be present at public business
in his usual way; hence a few citizens plundered the city. Luca
Pitti, as a reward for the work he had done for the benefit of the
republic, was made a knight; and he, in order not to be less pleasing
to her than she had been to him, decreed that the officials who earlier
had been called Priors ofthe Gilds should thereafter, in order to have
the name at least of the possession they had lost, be called' Priors of
Liberty. He decreed also that whereas in the past the Gonfalonier
had been seated above the Priors on their right, in the future he
should sit in the midst of them. And that God might seem to be a
Not Cosimo but Luca Pitti Rules 1341
sharer in this business, public processions and solemn services were
arranged to thank him for the regained offices. To Messer Luca, the
Signoria and Cosimo made rich presents, and they were imitated by
the whole city as though in competition; it was believed that these
presents reached the amount of twenty thousand ducats. As a result
he rose to such a reputation that not Cosimo but Messer Luca ruled
the city.
Because of this he became so confident that he began two build~
ings, one in Florence, the other at Rusciano, a place a mile from the
city, both splendid and regal, but the palace in the city was in every
way greater than any that had been built by a private citizen up to
that day. To bring these to completion he did not spare any method
however unusual, for not merely the citizens and individual men
gave him presents and assisted him with things necessary to the
building, but communities and whole peoples gave him aid. Besides
this, all the banished and anybody who had committed murder or
theft or anything else for which he feared public punishment, if only
he were a person useful in that construction, had a secure refuge in
those buildings. The other citizens, if they did not build like Luca,
were not less violent or less grasping than he, so that if Florence had
not had foreign war to destroy her, she would have been destroyed
by her own citizens.
During this time, as we have said, the wars in the Kingdom oc"
curred, and others that the Pontiffcarried on in Romagna against the
Malatesti because he wished to deprive them of Rimini and Cesena,
which they were occupying. So between these attempts and the
plans for an expedition against the Turk, Pope Pius spent his reign.
CHAPTER S
[The career of Cosimo)· his death. 1464]
But Florence continued in her disunions and difficulties. Dis"
union began in the party of Cosimo in 1455, for the reasons given;
through his prudence, as we have related, they were quieted for the
time being. But with the coming ofthe year 1464, Cosimo's illness
became so much more serious that he passed from this life. His
friends and his enemies sorrowed for his death. Even those who for
political reasons did not love him, knowing what the greed of the
citizens had been when he was alive-when respect for him made the
greedy less unbearable-feared when he was dead to be completely
ruined and destroyed. They did not trust much in Piero his son
because, even though he was a good man, nonetheless they judged
that since he too was sick, and new in the government, he would be
obliged to have consideration for the greedy, who therefore, without
a bit in their mouths, could be more immoderate. So Cosimo left
deep regrets on the part of everybody.
Cosimo was the most talked of and renowned citizen, for an
unarmed man, that not merely Florence but any city of which there
is record ever had, because not merely did he surpass every other in
his time in influence and wealth but also in liberality and prudence,
for among the other qualities that made him first in his city, he was
above all other men liberal and munificent. His liberality appeared
much greater after his death, when Piero his son had his property
examined, because there was no citizen of any standing in the city to
whom Cosimo had not lent a large sum of money; many times
without being asked, when he knew the necessity of a noble man,
he aided him.
His munificence appeared in the great number of buildings he
erected, because there are in Florence the cloisters and the churches of
San Marco and of San Lorenzo and the monastery of Santa Verdi;,
ana, and on the Fiesole mountains San Girolamo and the Badia, and
in the Mugello a church of the Minor Friars which he not so much
restored as built anew from its foundations. Besides this, in Santa
Croce, in the Servi, in the Angioli, in San Miniato, he had altars
and very magnificent chapels built; and besides building these
churches and chapels, he filled them with tapestries and everything
needed for the adornment of divine service. To these holy buildings
his private houses are to be added. These were: one in the city, of
such quality as was suited to so great a citizen; four outside, at
Careggi, at Fiesole, at Cafaggiuolo, and at Trebbio-all palaces
suited not for private citizens but for kings. And because it was not
enough for him to be known in Italy by the splendor ofhis buildings,
he built also in Jerusalem a hospital for poor and sick pilgrims. In
these buildings he used up an immense amount of money.
Yet though these dwellings and all his other works and acts were
kingly and he alone was leader in Florence, nonetheless he was so
controlled by his prudence that he never overstepped the decorum of
Cosimo's Foresight 1343
a citizen, for in his customs, his servants, his horses, in all his way of
living, and in his marriage alliances, he was always like any unl'
obtrusive citizen, because he knew that the unusual things that are
seen and appear every day make men more envied than those that are
done once and for all and are protected by their nobility. So having
to give wives to his sons, he did not seek for alliances with princes,
but united Giovanni with Cornelia degli Alessandri, and Piero
with Lucrezia de' T ornabuoni; and of his grandchildren born to
Piero, he married Bianca to Guglielmo de' Pazzi, and Nannina to
Bernardo Rucellai.
No other in his time equaled him for his understanding of the
conditions ofprinces and commonwealths. This was the reason why
in such great variety offortune and in a city so variable and among a
body of citizens so fickle, he maintained one government for thirtyl'
one years. Since he was very prudent, he recognized ills at a distance,
and therefore he was early enough either not to let them grow or to
get ready in such a way that after they had grown, they did not harm
him. Hence he not merely overcame the internal ambition of the
citizens, but he defeated that of many princes with such skill and
prudence that whoever allied himselfwith him and with his country
was either equal to his enemies or superior, and whoever opposed
him lost either time and money or his position. To this strong witI'
ness can be borne by the Venetians, who with his help were always
superior against Duke Filippo, and when not united with him
always, first by Filippo and then by Francesco, were defeated and
humiliated; and when they allied themselves with Alfonso against
the republic of Florence, Cosimo with his credit so emptied Naples
and Venice of money that they were forced to accept the peace he
was willing to grant them.
Of Cosimo's troubles, then, within the city and without, the end
was splendid for him and harmful to his enemies; therefore civil
strife always increased his influence in Florence, and external wars
his power and reputation. Through them he added to the territory
ofhis republic Borgo San Sepolcro, Montedoglio, the Casentino and
Val di Bagno. Thus his ability and his fortune destroyed all his
enemies and raised up his friends.
CHAPTER 6
[The character of Cosimo. 1389-1464]
He was born in 1389, on St. Cosimo and St. Damiano's day.
His early life was full of trials, as his exile, his imprisonment, his
dangers of death show; and from the Council of Constance, where
he had gone with Pope John, he was obliged after the Pope's fall to
flee in disguise in order to save his life. But after he was forty years
old, he lived very happily, so that not merely those who sided with
him in public affairs but also those who had charge of his property
in all Europe shared in his prosperity. From this very great riches
came to many families in Florence, as the T ornabuoni, the Benci,
the Portinari, and the Sassetti; and in addition to these, all who
depended on his advice. and fortune grew rich. Hence, though he
spent continually in building churches and in charity, he lamented
many times with his friends that he had never been able to spend for
God's honor as much as his books showed was due.
He was of ordinary stature, of olive complexion and of dignified
bearing. He was without learning but very eloquent and abounding
in natural prudence; by means of the last he was obliging to his
friends, merciful to the poor, helpful in consultation, cautious in
advice, swift in execution; in his sayings and replies he was keen and
weighty.
Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi, in the first years ofhis exile, sent to
him to say that the hen was brooding, and Cosimo answered that
she couldn't brood very well outside her nest; to other rebels, who let
him know they were not sleeping, he said he believed it, since he had
taken their sleep from them. He said when Pope Pius summoned
the princes for the expedition against the Turk, that the Pontiff was
an old man and was carrying on an expedition for young ones. To
the Venetian envoys who came to Florence with those of King
Alfonso to complain of the republic, he showed his uncovered head
and asked them what color it was; they replied: "White." He then
continued: "No long time will go by before those of your senators
will be as white as mine." When his wife asked him a few hours
before his death why he kept his eyes shut, he replied: "To get them
used to it." When some citizens said to him, after his return from
exile, that the city was ruined and that it was an act against God to
States Are Not Held by Counting Beads 1345
drive out of it so many important men, he answered that a city
ruined was better than one lost, and that five yards of red cloth
would make an important man, I and that states are not held by
carrying rosaries. 2 These sayings gave his enemies a basis for slan.l
dering him, as a man who loved himself more than his city and this
world more than the other. I could repeat many more of his sayings,
which, as not necessary, I omit.
Cosimo was also a lover and patron of learned men; because of
this he brought to Florence a Greek named Argyropoulos, very
learned for those times, so that from him the Florentine youths might
acquire the Greek language and other things he could teach. Cosi.l
mo kept in his own mansion Marsilio Ficino, the second father ofthe
Platonic philosophy, whom he greatly loved, in order that Ficino
might more conveniently carry on the study ofletters; that he himself
might more easily make use of him, he gave him property near his
own at Careggi.
This prudence of his, then, this wealth of his, his way of living
and his fortune made him feared and loved by the citizens of Flor.l
ence, and very greatly esteemed by the princes not merely of Italy but
of all Europe. Hence he left such a structure to his successors that
they were able by their ability to equal him and by their fortune
greatly to surpass him; such influence as Cosimo had had in Flor.l
ence they had not merely in that city but in all Christendom.
Nonetheless in the last years of his life he suffered very great sorrows
because ofhis two sons Piero and Giovanni; the second, on whom he
relied more, died; the other was ailing and, because of the weakness
of his body, little fit for public and private affairs. Hence when
carried through his house by his servants after Giovanni's death,
Cosimo said with a sigh: "This is too big a house for so small
r ·1"
a lam1 y.
It was a further affliction to the greatness of his spirit that he had
not expanded Florentine territory with a conquest worthy of honor.
Of this he complained so much the more in that he believed he had
been deceived by Francesco Sforza, who, while he was Count, had
promised that whenever he became Lord of Milan he would deal
1. In his portrait by Pontormo (Florence, the Ujfizi Gallery) Cosimo himself appears
dressed in red.
2. In anticipation of the Eighteenth Chapter of THE PRINCE, Cosimo realized that state"
craft often conflicted with convention and religious teaching. As the next sentence shows, Cosimo
J
did not anticipate Niccolo s advice to keep such sentiments hidden.
with the business of Lucca for the Florentines. This did not come
about, because that Count changed his idea with his fortune, and
when he became Duke wished to enjoy in peace the state he had
gained with war; therefore he did not try to satisfy Cosimo or any
other man in any affair, and when he was Duke made no other wars
than those necessary for defending himsel£ This to Cosimo was the
source of very great vexation, since he realized he had endured labor
and expense to make a man great who was thankless and deceitful.
In addition, he knew that on account of his bodily infirmity he
could not give to public and private affairs his earlier attention; hence
he saw both of them going to ruin; for the city was damaged by the
citizens, and his property by his employees and sons. All these
things made the last years of his life pass in disquiet.
Nevertheless he died full of renown and with a very great name
in the city and outside. All the citizens and all the Christian princes
lamented his death with Piero his son; he was accompanied to his
grave by all the citizens with the utmost splendor and buried in the
Church of San Lorenzo; by public decree he was described on his
monument as Father of his Country. If when writing of the things
done by Cosimo, I have imitated those who write the lives ofprinces,
not those who write general histories, nobody should be astonished;
since he was a man rare in our city, I have been obliged with an
unusual method to praise him.
CHAPTER 7
[The Duke of Milan occupies Genoa; the King of Naples destroys his
rebellious barons; the Duke and Jacopo Piccinino. 1464-1465]
In these times, when Florence and Italy were in the condition I
have mentioned, Louis the King of France was attacked in a very
serious war which his barons carried on against him with the aid of
Francis Duke ofBrittany and Charles Duke ofBurgundy. This was
ofsuch importance that he could not consider helping Duke Jean of
Anjou in the affair of Genoa and of the Kingdom. Nevertheless,
thinking Jean had need of aid from somebody, since the city of
Savona remained in the power of the French, he made Francesco
Duke of Milan her ruler and gave him to understand that, if he
wished, with royal permission he could undertake a movement
Men Avoid Sure Evils 1347
against Genoa. This offer was accepted by Francesco, who, by
means of the reputation he derived from the King's friendship, and
with the aid ofthe Adorni, made himselfmaster ofGenoa. To show
that he was not ungrateful to the King for the benefits he had
received, he sent to aid the King in France fifteen hundred cavalry
led by his oldest son Galeazzo.
So here were Ferdinand of Aragon and Francesco Sforza, one
Duke of Lombardy and ruler of Genoa, and the other King of all
the Kingdom of Naples; having made a marriage alliance together,
they considered how they might· so establish their states that while
they lived they could enjoy them in security and when they died
leave them in due course to their heirs. To this end, they judged it
necessary that the King should secure himself against those barons
who had attacked him in Jean of Anjou's war, and that the Duke
should strive to destroy the armies of Braccio's successors, natural
enemies to his family. They had risen to a very high reputation under
Jacopo Piccinino, now the first general in Italy. Since he had no
territory, whoever had territory was forced to fear him, and especially
the Duke, who, influenced by his own example, thought that he
could not hold his dominion or leave it as a secure inheritance to his
sons while Jacopo was alive.
Hence the King with all diligence sought an agreement with his
barons, and used every device in securing himself against them; in
this he had excellent success, because those princes, ifthey continued
at war with the King, saw their ruin obvious, but if they made an
agreement with him and relied on him, they were uncertain about it.
Thus because men are always more inclined to try to elude an evil
that is sure, the chief powers can therefore easily deceive the lesser
ones. Those princes trusted in the peace ofthe King, since they saw
the obvious dangers in war, and after they had put themselves in his
hands, they were then destroyed by him in various ways and for
various reasons. This frightened Jacopo Piccinino, who with his
soldiers was at Sulmona; so in order to deprive the King of any
chance to crush him, he negotiated with Duke Francesco, by means
of his friends, about a reconcilement. When the Duke had made
him the greatest offers he could, Jacopo decided to put himself into
his hands; accompanied by a hundred horsemen, he went to visit
the Duke in Milan.
CHAPTER 8
[Tacopo Piccinino treacherously slain. 1465]
Jacopo, under his father and with his brother, had carried on
war a long time, first for Duke Filippo and then for the people of
Milan, so that through long association he had in the city many
friends and general good will, increased by present conditions, beJ'
cause the Sforza family's prosperous fortune and present power had
excited envy against them, while Jacopo's adversity and long absence
had caused the Milanese to pity him and much desire to see him.
These things were all revealed on his coming, because there were
few of the nobility who did not meet him, and the streets where he
passed were full of persons eager to see him; the name of his family
was shouted everywhere. These honors hastened his ruin, because
the Duke's desire to get rid ofhim increased along with his suspicion.
And to be able to act under cover, he had Jacopo celebrate his
wedding with Drusiana the Duke's natural daughter, long before
betrothed to him. Then he arranged that Ferdinand should take
Jacopo into his pay with the title of General of his soldiers and a
hundred thousand Borins for remuneration and expenses.
After this was settled, Jacopo, with a ducal ambassador and
Drusiana his wife, went to Naples, where he was pleasantly and
honorably received and for many days entertained with every sort of
festivity. But when he asked permission to go to Sulmona, where
his soldiers were, he was banqueted by the King in the Castle, and
after the banquet he, with Francesco his son, was imprisoned and in
a short time put to death. Likewise most of our Italian princes
feared in others that military competence they did not possess, and
destroyed it. Thus, since nobody possessed such competence, the
princes exposed this land to the affliction which, not much later,
wasted and tortured her.
CHAPTER 9
[The failure of the crusade and the death of Pope Pius; Duke Fran;,
cesco's death. 146SJ'1466]
Pope Pius in these days had settled the affairs of Romagna.
Hence he thought the time suitable, since general peace had come,
Hungry Crusaders 1349
for rousing the Christians against the Turk, so he resumed those
plans his predecessors had made. All the princes promised either
money or men; especially Matthias King of Hungary and Charles
Duke of Burgundy promised to be with him in person, since the
Pope had made them leaders in the crusade. The Pontiff's hopes
were so great that he left Rome and went to Ancona, where the
army was directed to assemble. The Venetians had promised ships
to take it into Slavonia. So many people gathered in that city after
the arrival ofthe Pontiffthat in a few days all the food in the city and
all that could be brought from neighboring places was used up;
hence everybody was suffering from hunger. Besides this, the Pope
had no money to supply those who needed it and no arms to equip
those who lacked them. Matthias and Charles did not appear,
though the Venetians did send there an officer with some galleys,
rather to show their splendor and to keep their word than actually to
carry the army over the sea. Then the Pope, old and sick, died in the
midst of those labors and vexations. After his death everybody re~
turned home.
On the Pope's death, in the year 1465, Paul II, a Venetian by
birth, was chosen to the papal throne. And so that almost all the
princedoms of Italy should change their rulers, there also died, in
the following year, Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan, after he had
possessed that Dukedom for sixteen years; his son Galeazzo was
declared Duke.
CHAPTER 10
[Dietisalvi Neroni advises Piero de'Medici to collect his debts; this

makes Piero unpopular. 1466]
The death of this prince was a reason why the divisions in Flor~
ence became deeper and produced their effects more quickly. When
Cosimo died, Piero his son, heir to the wealth and the position ofhis
father, sent for Messer Dietisalvi Neroni, a man ofhigh influence and
well reputed among the citizens, in whom Cosimo had such faith
that when he died he charged Piero that with respect to his property
and his position he should conduct himself wholly according to the
advice of that man. So Piero made known to Messer Dietisalvi
Cosimo's trust in him, and wishing to obey his father after death as
he had obeyed in life, Piero asked that man's advice on his inherit~
ance and on the government of the city. To begin with his own
property, Piero planned to have all the accounts of his investments
brought and put in Messer Dietisalvi's hands, who thus could learn
their order and disorder, and when he had learned could advise
according to his wisdom. Messer Dietisalvi promised to apply dili~
gence and fidelity in everything. When the accounts came and were
well examined, he realized that in every part there was much disorder.
Being more affected by his own ambition than by his love for
Piero and the old benefits received from Cosimo, Messer Dietisalvi
imagined he could easily take away Piero's reputation and deprive
him of the position his father had left him as though it were heredi~
tary. Messer Dietisalvi, therefore, came to Piero with advice that
seemed entirely honorable and reasonable, but under it ruin was
hidden. He showed the disorder of Piero's affairs and the sum of
money necessarily to be provided if he did not wish to lose, with his
credit, the reputation of his property and of his position. Then he
explained that Piero could not with more honor provide for his
difficulties than by trying to collect the money owed to his father by
many persons, both Florentines and others, because Cosimo, to gain
partisans in Florence and friends outside, had been very liberal in
sharing his property with everybody; for these reasons, therefore, the
money for which he was creditor rose to a sum not small or of slight
importance. To Piero the advice seemed good and honorable, since
he wished to provide for his difficulties out of his own property.
But as soon as he ordered that money to be collected, the citizens, as
ifhe wished to take away their property, not to ask for his own, be~
came angry and without restraint spoke ill ofhim and slandered him
as ungrateful and avaricious.
CHAPTER I I
[Feeling against Piero de'Medici. 1466]

After that, when Messer Dietisalvi saw into what general and
popular disfavor Piero had fallen through his advice, he allied himself
with Messer Luca Pitti, Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli and Niccolo
Soderini; they determined to take from Piero his reputation and his
position. These men were influenced by various reasons. Messer
Luca wished to succeed to Cosimo's place, because he had become
The Word cc Liberty" 135 1
so great that he disdained having to show regard for Piero. Messer
Dietisalvi, who realized that Messer Luca was not fit to be head of
the government, thought that ifPiero were removed, credit for every;,
thing would in a short time necessarily be given to himself. Niccolo
Soderini loved to have the city live in freedom, governed according
to the decision of the magistrates. Messer Agnolo had a special
hatred for the Medici for the following reason. His son Raffaello
long before had taken as his wife Lessandra de' Bardi, with a very
large dowry. She, either because of her own defects or the short;,
comings of others, was badly treated by her father"in"law and her
husband, so that, moved by pity for the girl, Lorenzo di Larione, one
of her relatives, accompanied by many armed men, one night took
her from the house of Messer Agnolo. The Acciaiuoli complained
about this wrong done them by the Bardi; the case was referred to
Cosimo; he judged that the Acciaiuoli should restore her dowry to
Lessandra, and that then any return to her husband should be left to
the girl's own decision. To Messer Agnolo it appeared that Cosimo,
in this judgment, had not dealt with him as a friend; so since he had
been unable to revenge himself upon Cosimo, he determined to
revenge himself upon his son.
These conspirators, nonetheless, in such a diversity ofinclinations,
made public the same cause, declaring that they wanted the city to
be governed by the magistrates and not by the decision of a few. In
addition to this, hatred against Piero and reasons for speaking ill of
him were increased by the failure of many merchants at this time.
Piero was publicly blamed for this because, since by trying against
all expectation to get his money again, he had made them fail, to the
disgrace and injury of the city. Added to this was the discussion
about giving Clarice degli Orsini as wife to Lorenzo his eldest son.
This gave everybody still more material for slandering him, saying
that they plainly saw, since he was going to reject a Florentine mar"
riage for his son, that the city no longer was big enough to hold him
as a citizen; therefore he was preparing to seize the principate. He
who does not desire his fellow citizens as relatives desires them as
slaves, and therefore it is reasonable that he should not have them as
friends. These leaders of the revolt believed they had the victory in
their hands, because the larger part of the citizens, deceived by the
name of liberty that the conspirators had taken for an ensign in order
to give their affair an honorable appearance, followed them.
CHAPTER 12
[Festivities in Florence; dispute over an alliance with the Duke of

Milan. 1466]
While these disputes were boiling in the city, some of those
grieved by the discords between the citizens decided to attempt to
quiet them with some new pleasure, because people with nothing to
do often are the tool of him who is attempting to cause a revolution.
To do away with idleness then, and to give men something to think
about that would remove their thoughts from the government-a
year already having gone by since Cosimo's death-they found an
opportunity for the city to carryon a celebration and planned two
festivals very splendid in comparison with those generally held there.
One show represented the Three Kings who came from the East
following the star that indicated the birth of Christ; this was so
elaborate and splendid that the entire city was kept busy for many
months in preparing and presenting it. The other was a tournament
(for so they called a show representing a combat by mounted men)
in which the leading young men of the city and the most renowned
knights in Italy took part. Among the young men of Florence the
highest reputation was gained by Lorenzo, Piero's eldest son, who
not by favor but by worth carried off the first prize. After these
shows had been presented, the citizens returned to their earlier
thoughts, and each one followed his own opinion with more zeal
than ever. From this resulted great differences and troubles, which
J
two events greatly increased. One was that the balia s authority
ended; the other was the death of Francesco the Duke of Milan. As
a result ofthe latter, Galeazzo the new Duke sent envoys to Florence
to confirm the treaty that Francesco his father had with the city, in
which, besides other things, it was laid down that every year there
should be paid to that Duke a certain sum of money. The leaders
opposed to the Medici, then, made this request their opportunity, and
publicly opposed this policy in the councils, arguing that their alIi."
ance had been made not with Galeazzo but with Francesco. There."
fore when Francesco was dead the obligation was dead; there was no
reason for reviving it, because Galeazzo did not have Francesco's
ability; hence they should not and could not hope for the same profit
from an alliance; iffrom Francesco they had had little, from this man
Medici Finances 1353
they would have less; any citizens who wished to employ him be;
cause of his power were favoring something opposed to government
by the people and to the city's freedom.
Piero, on the other hand, showed that it was not wise to lose
through avarice a friendship so necessary; nothing was so likely to
bring safety to the republic and to all Italy as an alliance with the
Duke. The Venetians, seeing them united, would not hope to
crush the Duke either through pretended friendship or open war;
but they no sooner would hear that the Florentines were estranged
from that Duke than they would have their weapons in their hands
against him, and finding him young, new in his position and with;
out friends, they could easily gain him over with either trickery or
force; either method would cause the ruin ofthe Florentine republic.
CHAPTER 13
[Conspiracy against Piero. 1466]
These reasons were not accepted, and enmities soon showed
themselves openly; each of the parties met by night in different
companies, for the friends of the Medici met in the Crocetta, and
their adversaries in the Pieta. The anti;Mediceans, eager for the ruin
of Piero, had written down as favorable to their enterprise many of
the citizens. And when, as at various times, they were together one
night, they consulted especially on their way of going to work.
Everybody hoped to reduce the power of the Medici, but they were
divided on the method.
One party, more temperate and moderate, preferred that when
the authority of the baIia was ended they should take measures to
block its being taken up again. When this had been done, every;
body intended that the councils and the magistrates should govern
the city; thus in a short time Piero's influence would be destroyed.
With the loss of his influence over the government, he would lose
also his credit as a merchant, because his property was in such a
condition that ifby strong opposition they kept him from making use
of the public funds, he would of necessity be ruined. If that hap;
pened, there would be no more danger from him, and their liberty
would be regained without exiles and without bloodshed, as every
good citizen ought to desire. But ifthey tried to use force, they might
run into very many dangers, because people will let a man fall when
he falls ofhimself, but ifhe is pushed by somebody they hold him up.
Besides this, so long as something contrary to law was not planned
against him, he would not have cause to provide weapons and seek
allies. If he nevertheless did so, he would be severely blamed and
would excite in all men such suspicion that Piero himself would
make his own ruin easier and would give his enemies new oppor"
tunity for crushing him.
Many others in the assembly did not favor this delay, declaring
that time would favor him and not them, for if they decided to be
satisfied with lawful measures, Piero would run no risk and they
would run many risks; the magistrates, even though they were Piero's
enemies, would let him remain in the city, and his friends-to the
ruin of the anti"Mediceans, as in 1458-would make him prince.
Hence if the advice given earlier was that of good men, this advice
was that of wise men. Therefore, while men's spirits were stirred up
against him he must be destroyed. The method ofPiero's opponents
should be to take arms inside the city and from outside to employ the
Marquis of Ferrara, in order not to be without soldiers. Then when
the lot allowed them a friendly Signoria, they should be prepared to
make sure of Piero. At last they made this decision: to wait for the
new Signoria and according to its attitude to conduct themselves.
Among these conspirators was Ser Niccolo Fedini, who served
them as secretary. Attracted by a more certain hope, he revealed to
Piero his enemies' efforts and carried him a list ofthe conspirators and
ofthose whose names were written down as supporting them. Piero
was shocked on seeing the number and stations ofthe citizens who
were against him; after taking counsel with friends, he decided that
he too would make a list of his friends. Having given the charge of
this to some of those he most trusted, he found such variability and
uncertainty in the minds ofthe citizens that many ofthose who were
written down against him were also written down as his supporters.
CHAPTER 14
[Niccolo Soderini. 1466]
While affairs went on in this way, there came the time when the
supreme magistracy was renewed, and Niccolo Soderini became
Too Great Expectations 1355
Gonfalonier of Justice. It was wonderful to see with how great a
crowd not merely of honored citizens but of all the people he was
accompanied to the Palace; and on the way a garland of olive was
put on his head, to signify that on him the safety and the liberty ofthe
city depended. This and many other experiences show that it is not
a desirable thing to undertake either a magistracy or a princedom
with an extraordinary reputation, because, since it is not possible to
measure up to it with actions-for men desire more than they can
get-at last it brings you dishonor and disgrace.
Messer Tommaso Soderini and Niccolo were brothers. Niccolo
was more violent and spirited; Messer Tommaso wiser. The latter,
who was very friendly to Piero, realizing the disposition ofhis brother,
knew him to wish merely that the city should be free and that without
harm to anybody the government should be established. Hence
Tommaso encouraged Niccolo to make a new selection of eligibles,
by means ofwhich the bags would be filled with citizens who loved
civic freedom; if this were done, it would bring about the establish;
ment and security of the government without disturbance and with;
out damage to anybody, according to his wish. Niccolo easily
believed the advice of his brother and set himself to wasting the time
ofhis magistracy in these vain dreams; the leaders ofthe conspirators,
his friends, allowed him to waste it, since through envy they did not
want the government to be renewed by the influence ofNiccolo, and
always believed that with another gonfalonier they would be in time
to effect such a renewal. Finally the end of Niccolo's magistracy
came; having begun many things and finished none of them, he left
his office with dishonor much greater than the honor with which
he had taken it.
CHAPTER IS
[The parties take up arms; Piero's party is superior. 1466]
This evidence made the party of Piero more vigorous, for his
friends were confirmed in their hope and those who were neutral
joined them. So since the parties were equal, many months were
spent without further disturbance. Nonetheless Piero's party was
always gaining more power, so that his enemies woke up and met
together, and what they had been unable or unwilling to do by
means of the magistrates and easily, they imagined they could do
through force. They decided to assassinate Piero, who was ill at
Careggi. To this end they planned to have the Marquis of Ferrara
come with his soldiers to the city, and when Piero was dead, they
intended to come armed to the Public Square and cause the Signoria
to establish a government according to their will, for though not all
of it was friendly to them, they hoped to make the part that was
opposed yield through fear. Messer Dietisalvi, in order better to
conceal his intention, often visited Piero and talked with him of the
unity ofthe city and advised him. All these plots had been revealed
to Piero; and in addition Messer Domenico Martelli informed him
that Francesco Neroni, the brother of Messer Dietisalvi, had urged
him to join them, demonstrating to him the victory as sure and the
undertaking as certain to succeed.
As a result, Piero determined to be the first to take arms and to
use the opportunity offered by the dealings ofhis adversaries with the
Marquis of Ferrara. He pretended, therefore, that he had received a
letter from Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio, the chief man in Bologna,
which informed him that the Marquis of Ferrara was on the River
Alba with soldiers and was saying publicly that he was going to
Florence. On this notice, Piero took arms and in the midst ofa great
multitude of armed men came to Florence. Then all those who
adhered to his party armed themselves; the opposing party did the
same; but that of Piero was in better order, since his followers were
prepared but their opponents were not yet in order according to their
plan. Messer Dietisalvi, since his mansion was near that of Piero,
did not think himself safe there; he kept going to the Palace to en~
courage the Signoria to make Piero lay down his arms, and kept
visiting Messer Luca to keep him firm in their plans.
Among them all, more active than any other was Niccolo Sode~
rini. He took up arms and was followed by almost all the lower
classes in the quarter where he lived. Then he went to Messer Luca's
mansion and besought him to mount his horse and come to the
Public Square in aid of the Signoria, which was on their side; he
declared that there was no doubt of victory. Then he begged him
not to allow himself, by remaining in his house, to be either basely
overcome by the armed enemy or shamefully deceived by the un~
armed; in the future-when the time for action had gone by-he
would repent not having acted. If he wished Piero's ruin through
war, he could easily have it; if he wished peace, he was better off
Arms Gain Friends 1357
when in a position to give rather than accept conditions. These
words did not stir Messer Luca, who had already abandoned his
purpose and changed his course as a result of Piero's promises of
new alliances and new conditions; indeed a granddaughter of his
had already been joined in marriage with Giovanni T ornabuoni.
So he exhorted Niccolo to lay down his arms and return to his house,
because it should be enough for him that the city was ruled by the
magistrates. So she would continue to be ruled. Every man should
lay down his arms, for the Signors, most of whom favored them,
would be judges of all disputes. Unable, then, to change Messer
Luca's opinion, Niccolo went home, but first he said: "I cannot,
since I am alone, do my city any good, but I certainly can foretell
misery for her. This decision of yours will make our city lose her
liberty, and make you lose power and wealth, and me and others
lose the privilege of living in our native city."
CHAPTER 16
[Piero justifies his conduct; he wishes only to live in peace. 1466]
The Signoria in this confusion had closed the Palace and shut
itself up with its magistrates, not showing favor to either party. The
citizens, especially those who had followed the party ofMesser Luca,
seeing Piero armed and his adversaries unarmed, went to thinking
not how they could attack Piero but how they could become his
friends. Hence the leading citizens, heads of the factions, gathered
in the Palace in the presence of the Signoria, where they discussed
many things relating to the government of the city, many about her
reunification. Piero, being an invalid, could not be present. Hence
all agreed to go to his mansion to visit him except Niccolo Soderini,
who entrusted his children and his property to Messer T ommaso and
went to his farm to await there the end of the affair, which he ex"
pected to be unlucky for himself and damaging for his city.
When the other citizens, then, had arrived at Piero's house, one
of them, to whom the speaking had been entrusted, lamented the
disorders in the city, making plain that he was most to blame who
had first taken arms; yet not knowing what Piero, who had been the
first to take them, wanted, they had come to learn his will, and if it
was in harmony with the good ofthe city, they were going to follow
it. To these words Piero answered that not he who first takes arms is
the cause of strife, but he who first gives cause for them to be taken. I
Ifthey would think further on what their ways toward him had been,
they would wonder less about what he had done to save himself;
because they would see that meetings by night, enrollments, plans to
take from him the city and his life had forced him to arm. His not
having moved those arms from his dwelling gave a clear indication
of his purpose, namely, that he had taken them not to attack others
but to defend himsel£ He did not wish anything else, he did not
ask anything else than his own security and quiet; he had never given
a sign of wishing anything else, because when the authority of the
balta expired, he never considered any extralegal method for turning
it over to himself; he was quite satisfied that the magistrates should
rule the city if that was satisfactory to his audience.
Further, they ought to recall that Cosimo and his sons were able
to live in Florence in honor, with the balia and without the balia; for
in 1458 not his family but they themselves had once more grasped it;
if now they did not want it, he too did not want it; but this was not
enough for them, because he had seen that they did not believe they
could remain in Florence if he remained there. A situation, truly,
that he would never have dreamed of, much less believed: that his
friends and those of his father would not believe they could live in
Florence with him, since he had never given any indication that he
himself was other than a quiet and peaceful man. Then he turned
his speech to Messer Dietisalvi and to his brothers, who were present,
and rebuked them, with words serious and full of anger, for the
benefits they had received from Cosimo, the faith he had had in
them, and their great ingratitude. His words were of such power
that some ofhis hearers were so affected that ifPiero had not checked
them they would have attacked the Neroni with weapons.
At last Piero declared himself ready to approve all that they and
the Signoria might decide; he asked nothing else than to live quietly
and safely. Besides this many things were spoken of but at the time
nothing was decided, except that generally the city must be reformed
and new organization given to the government.
1. These words fit Machiavelli's frequent praise of the foresight that sees an ill in the distance
and provides against it. The speech of the Florentine citizen is designed to enable Piero to make
this reply.
Luca Pitt;'s Failure 1359
CHAPTER 17
[Triumph of Piero; exile and death of his enemies. 1466]
In those days the Gonfalonier of Justice was Bernardo Lotti, a
man Piero did not trust. Piero therefore decided that while Bernardo
was in office he should not attempt anything; this he did not think of
much importance, since the end of the term of office was near. But
when there came the choice of Signors who were to sit in September
and October, in the year 1466, the choice for the highest office was
Roberto Lioni. As soon as he had assumed office, since everything
else was ready, he called the people into the Public Square and made
a new balia, all of the party of Piero, which a little later chose the
magistrates according to the will of the new government.
These actions frightened the leaders of the hostile faction. So
Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli Bed to Naples, Messer Dietisalvi Neroni
and N iccolo Soderini to Venice; Messer Luca Pitti remained in
Florence, trusting in the promises made to him by Piero and in the
new marriage alliance. Those who had Bed were proclaimed exiles,
all the family of the Neroni was scattered, and Messer Giovanni di
Nerone, then Archbishop of Florence, to escape greater ill chose
voluntary exile in Rome. Many other citizens, who speedily de~
parted, were banished to various places. Nor was this enough, for
Piero's supporters prepared a procession to thank God for the govern~
ment's preservation and the city's reunion. During the solemnities of
this some citizens were arrested and tortured, and then part of them
put to death and part sent into exile.
In this change of things there was no instance so striking as that
of Messer Luca Pitti, for he quickly realized the difference there is
between victory and loss, between dishonor and honor. His mansion
was in complete solitude, though earlier it had been thronged by
countless citizens. In the streets his friends and relatives were afraid
not merely to accompany him but even to greet him, because some of
them had been deprived of their offices, some of their property, and
all equally were threatened. The splendid buildings that he had
begun were deserted by the builders; the favors that had been done
him earlier were changed into injuries, the honors into accusations,
so that many of those who had freely given him something of great
value asked it back as something loaned; those who were wont to
praise him to the skies censured him as a man ungrateful and violent.
So he repented, too late, of not believing Niccolo Soderini and
seeking rather to die honored, sword in hand, than to live dishonored
among his victorious enemies.
CHAPTER 18
[Agnolo Acciaiuoli's letter and Piero de'Medici's reply. 1466]
Those who were driven out of Florence at once considered to-,
gether various ways for regaining a city which they had been unable
to hold. Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, however, being at Naples,
decided before he planned any rebellion to test Piero's purpose, to see
if he could hope for reconciliation. So he wrote a letter to this
effect: "I laugh at the sports of Fortune and how at her pleasure she
makes friends become enemies, enemies become friends. You can
remember that when your father was exiled I was more concerned
about the injury to him than about any danger to myself; as a result I
lost the privilege ofliving in my native city and came close to losing
my life. While living under Cosimo, never did I fail to honor and
favor your house; nor after his death have I had any intention ofattack-,
ing you. Itis true that your bad health and the tender age ofyour sons so
dismayed me that I judged we would be wise in giving such form to
the government that after your death our native city would not be
ruined. This beliefaccounts for whatever I have done, not as against
you but for the good of my native city. My actions, however mis-'
taken, deserve to be canceled by my good intentions and my past
deeds. By no means can I believe that after your house had for so
long found in me such great fidelity, I shall not now find in you
compassion, and that my many deserts are going to be canceled by
a single transgression."
Piero on receiving this letter replied thus: "Your laughing out
there is the reason I am not weeping, for if you were laughing in
Florence, I should be weeping in Naples. I grant that you wished
good to my father, and you will grant that from him you received
good, so that your obligation was much more than ours, in so far as
deeds are to be valued higher than words. Since in the past you
have been rewarded for your good, you ought not now to wonder if
you get the proper recompense for your evil. Nor does love ofcountry
Exiles Turn to Their Country's Foes 1361
excuse you, because there never will be anybody who will believe
that this city has been less loved and developed by the Medici than
by the Acciaiuoli. So live dishonored out there, since to live honored
here you have not known how."
CHAPTER 19
[Plots .by the exiles,· Giovan Francesco Strozzi; aid sought from
Venice. 1466]
In despair, then, of being able to get pardon, Messer Agnolo
came to Rome and joined the Archbishop and other exiles, and
with the strongest efforts they could make they tried to destroy the
credit of the Medici business carried on in Rome. Against this
Piero provided with difficulty, yet, since he was aided by his friends,
their plan failed. Messer Dietisalvi and Niccolo Soderini, on the
other hand, with all diligence tried to stir up the Venetian Senate
against their native city, judging that if a new war was made on the
Florentines, they could not resist, since their government was new
and hated.
In Ferrara at that time there lived Giovan Francesco, son of
Messer Palla Strozzi, who in the changes of 1434 had been driven
from Florence with his father. He had great credit and in compari.l
son with the other merchants was thought very rich. These new
rebels showed Giovan Francesco with what ease they could get back
into their country ifthe Venetians would undertake the business; and
they believed the Venetians would gladly do so, if something could
be contributed to the expense, though otherwise they doubted it.
Giovan Francesco, who longed to revenge himselffor the injuries he
had received, easily put faith in what these men advised and said he
was glad to join in their attempt with all his resources.
As a result, they went to the Doge and complained to him of
their exile, which they said they were enduring for no other fault
than that of wanting their native city to live according to her laws,
and wanting the magistrates, and not a few citizens only, to have
power; for Piero de'Medici and others, his followers, who were
accustomed to live like tyrants, had taken arms with trickery, with
trickery had made them lay theirs down, and then with trickery had
driven them from their native city. Not content with this, they had
used God as a means to wrong many others who had remained in
the city because of the pledge that had been given; and in order that
God might be a sharer in their treacheries, many citizens had been
arrested and put to death in the midst of public and holy ceremonies
and solemn prayers-an act very sacrilegious and wicked. In order
to avenge this, they did not know where to come with more hope
than to that Senate which, because it had always been free, ought to
have pity on those who had lost their liberty. They were exhorting
free men against tyrants, then, pious men against impious; and they
should remember that the Medici family had taken from them their
authority over Lombardy when Cosimo, contrary to the will of the
other citizens, aided and supported Francesco against that Senate; so
that if a just cause did not move them, a just hatred and a just wish
to avenge themselves ought to move them.
CHAPTER 20
[A feeble war between Venice and Florence; the battle of Molinella;

peace destroys the hopes of the exiles. 1467]
These last words affected all that Senate, and they decided that
Bartolommeo Colleoni their general should attack Florentine terri,l
tory. So as soon as possible the army was assembled, and was joined
by Ercole da Este, sent by Borso Marquis of Ferrara. At the first
attack, since the Florentines were not ready, they burned the village
of Dovadola and did some damage in the country round about.
But the Florentines, after the party hostile to Piero had been driven
out, made a new league with Galeazzo Duke of Milan and with
King Ferdinand, and employed Frederick Count ofUrbino as their
general. Hence, being ready with friends, they put a lower estimate
on their enemies; for Ferdinand sent Alfonso his oldest son, and
Galeazzo came in person, each with suitable forces. They all assem"
bled at Castrocaro, a town of the Florentines situated at the base of
the mountains that slope down from Tuscany into Romagna. The
enemy, meanwhile, had retired toward Imola, and so between one
army and the other there followed, according to the habits of those
times, some slight combats. Neither one or the other attacked or
besieged cities nor gave any chance to its enemy to come to battle,
A Bloodless Mercenary Battle 1363
but each one remained in its tents and conducted itself with aston"
ishing cowardice.
The Florentines resented this because they saw themselves affiicted
by a war in which much was spent and little could be hoped for;
then the magistrates complained about it to the citizens assigned to
that campaign as commissioners" The latter replied that the cause of
everything was Duke Galeazzo, who, having much authority and
little experience, did not know how to make useful plans and had no
faith in those who did know; and that it was impossible, so long as
he remained in the army, for anything effective or useful to be done.
So the Florentines gave that Duke to understand that it was con"
venient and very useful to them that he had come in person to aid
them, because such a report alone was enough to frighten the enemy.
Nevertheless they estimated his safety and that of his state much
higher than their own advantage, because if his dukedom were safe,
they believed everything else would be prosperous, but if it suffered,
they feared every sort of adversity. They did not, therefore, judge it
very safe for him to be long absent from Milan, since he was new in
that government and had neighbors who were powerful and to be
suspected, so that whoever wished to plot anything against him could
do it easily. Hence they encouraged him to return to his state,
leaving part of his soldiers for their defense. This advice pleased
Galeazzo, who without further consideration returned to Milan.
When the generals of the Florentines, then, were without this
hindrance, in order to show that the reason they had given for their
slow movement was the true one, they approached closer to the
enemy. Thus they came to a formal combat, which lasted halfa day,
without either side yielding. Nevertheless, nobody was killed; merely
some horses were wounded and some prisoners taken on either side. I
Winter had already come and the time when the armies were acol
customed to retire to winter quarters; so Messer Bartolommeo with"
drew to Ravenna and the Flore-ntine soldiers into Tuscany; those of
the King and the Duke each retired into the states of their lords.
But since as a result of this attack no movement had been ob;
served in Florence, such as the Florentine exiles had promised, and
since there was no money to pay the soldiers, a truce was discussed
1. As usual, Machiavelli makes the battles of the condottieri absurd by reducing their small
losses to nothing. Cf HISTORY OF FLORENCE 4. 6; S. 33. This combat} not named by
Machiavelli} is that of Molinella (Mulinella).
and after not much negotiation it was settled. Hence the Florentine
exiles, deprived ofall hope, left for various places. Messer Dietisalvi
retired to Ferrara, where he was received and supported by the
Marquis Borso; Niccolo Soderini went to Ravenna, where with a
little pension supplied by the Venetians he grew old and died. He
was considered a man just and courageous, but uncertain and slow
in making up his mind. This caused him, when Gonfalonier of
Justice, to lose that chance for victory which later, when he was
deprived of it, he wished to regain and could not.
CHAPTER 21
[Partisan oppression by Piero's friends during his illness; the festivities

for Lorenzo's marriage. 1468]
When peace had come, those Florentine citizens who were vic"
torious-since they could not believe they had won unless with
injuries of every sort they persecuted not merely their enemies but
even those whom their party suspected-worked upon Bardo Alto"
viti, who was serving as Gonfalonier of Justice, to deprive many
more citizens oftheir offices and many others ofthe privilege ofliving
in the city. This policy added to their power and to the terror of
their victims. This power they used without hesitation, conducting
themselves as though God and Fortune had given them the city to
be plundered. Of their actions Piero knew about only a few, and
against those, since he was overcome by his chronic disease, he had
no recourse; his body was so stiffened that he could make use of no
member other than his tongue. So he could do nothing except
admonish them and beseech them to live as good citizens and dwell
in a city that was preserved rather than destroyed.
To cheer the city up, he determined to celebrate with splendor
the marriage of his son Lorenzo, whom he had united with Clarice,
of the Orsini family. This wedding exhibited the pomp of enter"
tainment and every other splendor befitting so great a man; many
days were spent in new sorts of dances, in banquets and in attending
ancient dramas. Besides these things, in order to show further the
greatness ofthe Medici house and ofthe state, there were two military
spectacles. One, made up of men on horseback, represented a com"
bat in the field; the other exhibited the storming of a town. These
Papal Ambition and Nepotism 1365
spectacles were carried out with the most extraordinary arrangement
and excellence possible.
CHAPTER 22
[Italian affairs}' Sixtus IV becomes Pope. 1468-1471]

While things were going on in this way in Florence, the rest of
Italy lived quietly but in great fear ofthe power ofthe Turk, who in
his campaigns continued to fight the Christians and had taken
Negropont, with great disgrace and injury to the Christian name.
At this time Borso Marquis of Ferrara died, and Ercole his brother
succeeded him. Sigismondo of Rimini, a lifelong enemy of the
Church, died and left as heir to his state Roberto, his natural son,
then one of the most skilful generals in Italy.
Pope Paul died, and as his successor Sixtus IV was chosen,
earlier known as Francesco da Savona, a man of very humble and
lowly family, but because of his abilities he had become general of
the Order ofSaint Francis and then a cardinal. This Pontiffwas the
first to show what a Pope could do, and how many things earlier
called sins could be hidden under the papal authority. He had in
his household Piero and Girolamo, whom everybody believed to be
his sons; nonetheless he cloaked them with other more decent names.
Piero, because· he was a priest, he brought to the dignity of the
cardinalate, with the title of San Sisto. To Girolamo, Pope Sixtus
gave the city of Forli, taking her from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose
ancestors had for a long time been rulers ofthat city. This ambitious
way of acting made the Pope more esteemed by the princes of Italy,
and everybody tried to make himself his friend; and for that reason
the Duke of Milan gave his natural daughter Caterina to Girolamo
as his wife, and for her dower the city of Imola, of which he had
deprived Taddeo degli Alidosi.
Between this Duke and King Ferdinand a new marriage alliance
was also made, for Elisabella, the daughter of Alfonso the King's
oldest son, was united with Gian Galeazzo the Duke's oldest son.
CHAPTER 23
[Piero rebukes the rapacious rulers of Florence; his death. 1469]
Meanwhile life in Italy was very quiet, and the chief care of those
princes was to watch one another and to make themselves secure
against one another with marriages, new friendships, and alliances.
Nevertheless in the midst ofpeace Florence was severely tormented
by her citizens, for Piero, hindered by his sickness, could not resist
their ambition. Nonetheless, to unburden his conscience and to see
if he could make them ashamed, he called them all to his house and
spoke to them to this effect: "I would never have believed that there
could come a time when the ways and habits of my friends would
bring me to such a pass that I should love and mourn for my enemies,
and victory would turn to defeat; because I thought I had as associates
men who would set some limit or measure to their greed, and that it
would be enough for them to live in their native city secure and
honored and, besides, revenged on their enemies. But 1 know now
that I have greatly deceived myself, since I little realized the natural
ambition of all men, and still less yours. It does not suffice you to be
leaders in so large a city, and for you who are so few to have those
offices, dignities, and advantages with which earlier many citizens
were wont to be honored; it does not suffice you to divide among
yourselves the goods ofyour enemies; it does not suffice you to distress
all the others with taxes, while you, free from them, have all the
public profit, and distress everybody with every sort of injury. You
plunder your neighbor of his goods, you sell justice, you escape civil
lawsuits, you oppress peaceful men, and the arrogant you make
powerful. 1 do not believe that in all Italy there are so many instances
of violence and avarice as in this city. Then if this our native city
has given us life, why do we take it from her ~ Has she made us
victorious so that we can destroy her ~ Does she honor us so that we
can disgrace her ~ I promise you, by that faith that ought to be given
and received by good men, that ifyou continue to conduct yourselves
in such a way that I am forced to repent having been victorious, I
too will conduct myselfin such a way that you will repent of having
used your victory badly."
Those citizens according to the time and the place replied suitably;
nonetheless, they did not draw back from their wicked actions. So
Tommaso Soderini Forestalls Fortune 1367
Piero secretly had Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli come to Cafaggiuolo,
and spoke with him at length on the conditions of the city. And it
cannot at all be doubted that ifhe had not been interrupted by death,
he would have brought back all the exiles to their native city, in
order to restrain the greed of those within her.
But these his most honorable thoughts were thwarted by death.
Overcome by the suffering of his body and the distress of his spirit,
he died in the fifty;,third year ofhis age. His ability and goodness his
city did not have opportunity altogether to recognize, because he had
been accompanied by Cosimo his father almost to the end of his life,
and those few years during which he survived him were wasted in
civil dissensions and in sickness. Piero was buried in the Church of
San Lorenzo, near his father; and his funeral was conducted with the
pomp that so great a citizen deserved. He left two sons, Lorenzo and
Giuliano, who gave everybody hope that they were going to be men
most useful to the republic, but nonetheless their youth dismayed
everybody.
CHAPTER 24
[Tommaso Soderini supports the young Medici. 1469]
In Florence among the first citizens ofthe ruling party and by far
superior to the others was Messer Tommaso Soderini, whose pru;,
dence and influence were known not merely in Florence but among
all the princes of Italy. After Piero's death, the whole city rendered
respect to Messer T ommaso, and many citizens visited him in his
mansion as the head ofthe city; many princes wrote to him. But he,
who was prudent and very well understood his fortune and that of
his house, did not answer the letters of the princes, and gave the
citizens to understand that they must visit not his mansion but that
of the Medici.
To show with action what he had explained with his exhorta"
tions, he brought together all the leaders of the noble families in the
convent of Sant' Antonio, where he had Lorenzo and Giuliano de'
Medici also come. There in a long and serious speech he discussed
the conditions of the city, those of Italy, and the dispositions of her
princes. He ended by saying that if they wished Florence to live
united and in peace, secure from divisions within and from wars
without, they needed to respect these young men and to maintain the
reputation ofthat house; men never complain about doing the things
they are in the habit of doing; new things, as quickly they are taken
up, so quickly they are dropped; to support a power that with length
of time has suppressed envy is always easier than to raise up a new
one that for many reasons can easily be superseded. After Messer
Tommaso, Lorenzo spoke. Though young, he showed so much
seriousness and modesty that he gave everybody hope of his being
what he later became. So before they left that place, those citizens
swore to take the young Medici as their sons, and the youths swore
to take the citizens as fathers. Since, then, the citizens had come to
this conclusion, Lorenzo and Giuliano were honored as the chief
men in the government; and the citizens did not depart from the
advice of Messer T ommaso.
CHAPTER 25
[Bernardo Nardi plans to cause rebellion in Prato and Pistoia. 1470]
While the Florentines were living very quietly inside and outside
the city, without any war to disturb the common quiet, an un,-
expected disturbance came up, like a forewarning offuture calamities.
Among the families which fell with the party of Messer Luca Pitti
was that of the Nardi, for Salvestro and his brothers, heads of that
family, were first sent into exile and then, because of the war started
by Bartolommeo Colleoni, were declared rebels. Among them was
Bernardo, Salvestro's brother, a young man energetic and coura,-
geous. Unable to endure exile because ofhis poverty, and not seeing
any way for his return when peace was made, he determined to
attempt something that would give cause for a new war, knowing
that many times a weak beginning brings forth mighty effects, since
men are readier to carry along a thing already started than to start
something themselves.
Bernardo was well acquainted in Prato and very well in the
country around Pistoia, and especially with the members of the
Palandra family, which though rural abounded in men and was,
like the other Pistolese, brought up in arms and in blood. He knew
they were discontented, because in their quarrels they had been badly
treated by the Florentine magistrates. He knew besides this the dis,-
positions ofthe Pratese, who felt that they were proudly and greedily
Testing Fortune through Another's Risk 1369
governed; and he knew the ill will of some of them against the
Florentine government. All these things, then, gave him hope that
by making Prato rebel he could kindle a fire in Tuscany, around
which so many men would assemble to keep it going that those
attempting to put it out would not be sufficient. He imparted his
idea to Messer Dietisalvi and asked what aid, ifhe should succeed in
taking Prato, he could expect through his means from the princes.
To Messer Dietisalvi the enterprise seemed very dangerous and al~
most impossible of success. Nevertheless, seeing that through an~
other man's peril he could again tempt Fortune, he encouraged him
in the deed, promising him perfectly sure help from Bologna and
Ferrara, if he could manage to hold and defend Prato for at least
fifteen days. Bernardo, full of hope for success because ofthis prom~
ise, thereupon went secretly to Prato; when he imparted the matter to
several citizens, he found them strongly inclined to it. The same
feeling and wish he found also in the Palandra family. So when
they had agreed on the time and the method, Bernardo gave full
information to Messer Dietisalvi.
CHAPTER 26
[Bernardo occupies Prato but cannot rouse the people. 1470]
The podesta of Prato for the people of Florence was Cesare
Petrucci. Such governors of cities are in the habit of keeping the
keys ofthe gates; then, especially in times when there is no suspicion,
if anybody in the city asks for them to go out or to come in at night,
they give them to him. Bernardo, who knew this custom, just before
daybreak, with members ofthe Palandra family and about a hundred
armed men, presented himself at the gate that looks toward Pistoia;
those inside who knew about the matter were also armed. One of
them asked the podesta for the keys, pretending that a citizen was
asking for them in order to get in. The podesta, who on such a
request could have no ground for suspicion, sent one of his servants
with them. The conspirators took them away from him as soon as
they were at some distance from the Palace. When the gate was
open, Bernardo and his armed men were brought inside. According
to their plan they then divided into two parts, one of which, guided
by Salvestro Pratese, seized" the citadel; the other, together with
Bernardo, took the Palace; Cesare with all his staff was given in
charge to some ofthem. Then they raised an alarm and went through
the city shouting the word "Liberty." Day had already appeared,
and at that noise many ofthe people ran to the Public Square; when
they heard that the Castle and the Palace had been seized and the
podesta and his men made prisoners, they wondered what could
have caused this event.
The eight citizens who held the highest rank in that city met in
their palace to consult on what was to be done. But Bernardo with
his followers, having once made a circuit through the city and seen
that he was followed by nobody, when he heard that the Eight were
meeting, went to them and said that the reason for his enterprise was
that he wished to free them and their country from slavery, and that
it would be a great glory to them if they took arms and went along
with him in this glorious undertaking, from which they would gain
lasting tranquillity and eternal fame. He reminded them of their
ancient liberty and their present condition, and showed them that
aid was certain if only for a very few days they would resist whatever
forces the Florentines got together. He affirmed that he had support
in Florence, which would appear as soon as news reached the city
that Prato was united to follow him. The Eight were not moved by
these words. They replied that they did not know whether Florence
lived free or in slavery; to learn such a thing did not concern them;
but they did know well that for their part they wished no other
liberty than to serve those magistrates who ruled Florence, from whom
they had never received such injury that they needed to take arms
against them. Hence they exhorted him to liberate the podesta, free
the city from his men, and withdraw speedily from that danger into
which he had so imprudently entered.
Bernardo was not frightened by these words, but decided to see
if fear would move the Pratese, since prayers did not move them; so
to terrify them he decided to put Cesare to death; taking him from
prison, he ordered him to be hanged at the windows of the Palace.
Cesare was already near the windows, with the noose around his
neck, when he saw Bernardo, who was urging on his death. Turn"
ing to him he said: "Bernardo, you are putting me to death, in the
belief that then the Pratese will follow you; but it will come out the
opposite for you, because the reverence of this people for the officials
whom the Florentine people send here is so great that when they see
A Conspirator without Plans 1371
this outrage done to me, such hatred will be roused against you that
it will ruin you. So not my death but my life can be the cause of
your victory, for if I order them to do what seems best to you, they
will obey me more readily than you; when I carry out your designs,
you secure your purpose." Since Bernardo had no plans, he ac.--
cepted this advice as prudent; so he commanded him, going upon a
balcony that overlooked the Public Square, to order the people to
obey Bernardo. When Cesare had done this, he was put back in
prison.
CHAPTER 27
[Bernardo is defeated and captured. 1470]
The weakness of the conspirators was already revealed. Hence
many Florentines who lived in the city gathered together, among
whom was Messer Giorgio Ginori, Knight of Rhodes. He was the
first to use arms against the invaders. He attacked Bernardo, who
was rushing about in the Public Square, now begging, now threat"
ening the people, ifthey did not follow and obey him. When he was
attacked by many who followed Messer Giorgio, he was wounded
and captured. When this was done, the podesta was easily freed and
the other rebels overcome. Since they were few and divided into
several parties, they were almost all captured or killed.
To Florence, in the meantime, a rumor ofthis event had come-
much bigger than what had happened, since it reported Prato taken,
the podesta and his staffkilled, the town full of enemies, and Pistoia
under arms, with many of its citizens in that conspiracy. Hence the
Palace quickly was full of citizens, and they met with the Signoria
for consultation. Roberto Sanseverino, a general of very high repu.--
tatton in war, was then in Florence; so they decided to send him,
with as many men as he could assemble, to Prato; they charged him
to approach the town and get special information on the affair,
applying to it such remedies as occurred to his prudence. Roberto
had gone only a little beyond the town of Campi when he was met
by a messenger from Cesare, who announced that Bernardo was
taken, his companions put to Right and killed, and all disturbance
quieted. So he returned to Florence. A little later Bernardo was
brought there. When he was examined by the magistrates on the
facts and his undertaking was found weak, he said he had acted
because, having decided rather to die in Florence than to live in exile,
he wished that his death should at least be accompanied by some
action worth remembering.
CHAPTER 28
[Luxury in Florence; the visit of the Duke of Milan. 1471 ]
After this disturbance had arisen and been put down almost at
the same time, the citizens returned to their usual manner of living,
thinking to enjoy without any reservation the government they had
established and made firm. As a result there appeared in the city
those evils that usually are generated in time of peace, for the young
men, more unrestrained than had been customary, spent without
measure on dress, on banquets, on similar luxuries; and being with;
out occupation, they wasted on gambling and whores their time and
their property. Their ambition was to appear magnificent in their
clothing, and to use speech that was pithy and clever; he who most
deftly nipped the others was the smartest and most highly regarded.
Such habits as these gained added strength from the courtiers of the
Duke of Milan, who with his wife and all his ducal court, to satisfy
a vow as some said, came to Florence, where he was welcomed with
the splendor befitting so great a prince and so great a friend of the
city. Then people saw-a thing up to that time never before seen in
our city-that although it was the Lenten season, in which the
Church orders that there shall be fasting without the eating of meat,
his entire court, without regard for the Church or for God, dined on
meat. And because many pageants were arranged to honor him-
among which, in the Church of Santo Spirito, was presented the
giving ofthe Holy Spirit to the Apostles-and because, as a result of
the many fires that are lighted during such a celebration, that church
burned up, it was believed by many that God in anger against us
had wished to show that sign of His wrath. If, then, that Duke
found the city of Florence full of courtier;like luxury and of customs
contrary to all well;ordered commonwealths, he left her much more
so. Hence good citizens thought it was necessary to put a check to it;
so with new laws they set a limit to clothing, to funerals, to banquets.
Belated Remedies Fail 1373
CHAPTER 29
[Trouble in Volterra over the alum mines. 1472]
In the midst of such great peace, a new and unexpected disturb"
ance came about in Tuscany. In the territory of Volterra, some of
the citizens found an alum mine. Realizing its value, they associated
themselves with some citizens of Florence and made them sharers in
the profits from the mine, in order to be aided with money and
protected with influence. As usually happens in new undertakings,
the people of Volterra paid little attention to this at the beginning,
but in time, after its value was realized, they tried, too late and with"
out result, to apply a remedy to a thing which at the right time could
easily have been remedied. They discussed the matter in their coun"
cils, declaring that an industry situated on public lands could not
properly be turned to private gain. They sent envoys to Florence
about it. The case was referred to some citizens, who, either because
they were bribed by the mine company or because they judged it
right, ruled that the people of Volterra were unjust in attempting to
deprive their citizens of their property and business; therefore those
alum mines belonged to private persons, not to the people; yet it was
proper that every year a certain amount of money should be paid, in
sign of recognizing the people as superior.
This reply did not lessen the hatreds and disturbances in Volterra
but made them grow greater; no other matter was discussed not
merely in their councils but in the whole city; the generality asked for
what they thought had been taken from them, and individuals
wished to keep what they had earlier gained and what later had been
confirmed to them by the judgment of the Florentines. Hence in
these disputes one citizen of standing in that city, called 11 Pecorino,
was killed, and after him many others who took his side, and their
houses were sacked and burned. Carried along by that same vio"
lence, the mob scarcely refrained from the death of the officials who
were there on behalf of the Florentine people.
CHAPTER 30
[Force used against Volterra. 1472]
After this first insult, they decided before anything else to send
envoys to Florence. These made it plain that if the Signors there
would keep the old agreements, the V olterrani likewise would keep
their city in her old subjection. The reply was much debated.
Messer T ommaso Soderini advised that it would be best to welcome
the V olterrani in whatever way they wished to return, since he
believed it not the time to build a fire so close that it could burn our
own house. For he feared the disposition ofthe Pope, and the power
ofthe King, and did not rely on the friendship ofthe Venetians or on
that of the Duke, because he did not know how much fidelity there
was in one and how much strength in the other. He brought up that
well-,known saying: "Better a lean truce than a fat victory."l On the
other hand Lorenzo de'Medici, believing he had an opportunity to
show how much he could accomplish with advice and prudence-
being greatly encouraged to do so by those who envied the influence
of Messer Tommaso-advised that they undertake a campaign and
punish the arrogance of the V olterrani with arms, declaring that if
with some noteworthy punishment they were not penalized, others
without any respect or fear would have no hesitation about doing the
same thing for the slightest reasons. When the enterprise was decided
on, then, the reply was given to the V olterrani that they could not
ask for the observance of those conditions that they themselves had
broken, and therefore they either must put themselves in the power of
that Signoria or expect war.
When the ambassadors had returned to Volterra with this reply,
then, the V olterrani prepared for defense, fortifying their city and
sending to all the Italian princes to ask for help. But few listened to
them; only the Sienese and the Lord of Piombino gave them any
hope of assistance. The Florentines, on the other hand, thinking
that the essential requirement for victory was speed, got together ten
thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, who, under the leader-,
ship of Frederick the Lord ofUrbino, appeared in the rural territory
of Volterra and easily took it all. They then laid siege to the city,
which, being situated in a high place and almost cut off on every
1. Cf DISCOURSES 2. 27.
Apparent Gain, Actual Loss 1375
side, could not be attacked except from the direction of the Church
of Sant' Alessandro. The V olterrani had hired for their defense
about a thousand soldiers, who, seeing the vigorous siege the Floren",
tines were carrying on and having no hope that they could resist it,
were slow in defense and very quick in the injuries they did every day
to the V olterrani. So those poor citizens were attacked by their
enemies from without and afflicted by their friends from within.
Hence despairing of their safety, they considered negotiation; not
achieving anything better, they gave themselves into the hands of
the commissioners.
These had the gates opened, and having brought in the greater
part ofthe army, went to the palace where the chiefofficials were and
commanded them to return to their houses. On the way, one ofthe
soldiers, in contempt, plundered one ofthem. From this beginning,
since men are readier to evil than to good, came the devastation and
sack ofthat city, which for all ofone day was robbed and plundered.
Neither women nor holy places were spared, and the soldiers, both
those who had badly defended them and those who had attacked
them, despoiled them of their property.
The news of this victory was received by the Florentines with
very great pleasure; and because it had been altogether Lorenzo's
undertaking, he rose to a very high reputation. So one of his more
intimate friends reproved Messer T ommaso Soderini for his advice,
asking him: "What do you say, now that Volterra is taken~" Messer
Tommaso replied: "To me she seems lost, because if you had taken
her on terms, you would have gained from her profit and security,
but since you will have to keep her by force, in adverse times she will
bring you weakness and trouble, and in peaceful times loss and
expense."
CHAPTER 31
[Rivalry and suspicions in Italy. Sixtus IV. 1473-1474]
In these times the Pope, eager to keep the cities ofthe Church in
subjection, had Spoleto sacked, since on account of factions within
her she had rebelled. Later, because Citta di Castello was likewise
mutinous, he had her besieged. The prince in that city was Niccolo
Vitelli; he was a close friend of Lorenzo de'Medici, so that from the
latter he was not without aid, which was not enough to defend
Niccolo but quite enough to sow between Sixtus and the Medici the
first seeds of enmity, which a little later brought forth very evil fruit.
The appearance of this fruit would not have been long delayed if
Frate Piero, Cardinal of Santo Sisto, had not died, because when
this cardinal made a circuit of Italy and visited Venice and Milan,
with the excuse of paying his respects on the marriage of Ercole,
Marquis of Ferrara, he kept testing the inclinations of those princes,
to see how they were disposed to the Florentines. On his return to
Rome, he died, not without suspicion that he had been poisoned by
the Venetians, who feared the power of Sixtus as long as he could
employ Frate Piero's courage and activity. For the latter, even though
Nature produced him from humble stock and he was then humbly
brought up within the limits ofa monastery, as soon as he came to the
cardinalate showed such great pride and ambition that the cardinal~
ate and even the papacy itself would not have been sufficient to hold
him. He did not hesitate to give in Rome a banquet that would
have been thought marvelous for any king, spending on it more than
twenty thousand florins. After Sixtus was deprived of this minister,
then, he carried his schemes on more slowly.
Nonetheless, after the Florentines, the Duke and the Venetians
renewed their league, leaving a place for the Pope and the King to
enter it, Sixtus and the King also allied themselves, but left a place
where the other princes could enter. And now Italy was divided
into two factions, for every day things came up that caused hatred
between these two leagues, such as the affair ofthe island of Cyprus;
King Ferdinand aspired to it but the Venetians took it. Hence the
Pope and the King kept drawing more closely together.
Frederick the ruler ofUrbino, then considered the ablest general
in Italy, had for a long time carried on wars for the Florentine people.
The Pope and the King, therefore, in order that the hostile league
might be without this leader, determined to get hold of Frederick, so
the Pope advised him to visit the King in Naples and Ferdinand
invited him. Frederick consented, to the wonder and displeasure of
the Florentines, who believed he would fare as did Jacopo Piccinino.
Nevertheless it came out differently, for Frederick returned from
Naples and Rome with high honor and as general of Sixtus and
Ferdinand's league.
The King and the Pope also did not fail to test the intentions of
the rulers of Romagna and of the Sienese, in order to gain their
The Venetians Fish in Troubled Waters 1377
alliance as a means for further injury to the Florentines. Learning
this, the latter furnished themselves with every suitable defense against
the ambition of the two. Having lost Frederick of Urbino, the
Florentines employed Roberto Malatesta of Rimini; they renewed
their league with the Perugians and made an alliance with the ruler
of Faenza. The Pope and the King explained their enmity for Flor"
ence by saying they wished that city to give up her league with Venice
and to enter an alliance with themselves, because the Pope did not
think the Church able to sustain her reputation or Count Girolamo
able to hold the states of Romagna when the Florentines and the
Venetians were united. The Florentines, however, feared that the
two potentates were trying to make them enemies of the Venetians
not in order to gain support from Florence but in order more easily
to damage her. So in these suspicions and factional differences Italy
lived two years before any disorder sprang up. The first to spring up,
only a little one, was in Tuscany.
CHAPTER 32
[Carlo Braccio attacks Perugia. 1476]
Braccio ofPerugia, a man who in war had the highest reputation,
as we have many times remarked, left two sons: Oddo and Carlo.
The latter was in his early years; the other was killed by the men of
Val di Lamone, as we said above. But when Carlo came to military
age, the Venetians, because ofhis father's memory and their hopes for
him, appointed him one of the commanders of their republic. In
these times the end of his term of service had come and he did not
then wish that Senate to extend it. On the contrary, he determined
to see if by means of his name and his father's reputation he could
reoccupy his Perugian territories. To this the Venetians easily con"
sented, since in the vicissitudes ofaffairs they were accustomed always
to increase their power.
So Carlo came to Tuscany. Finding his Perugian attempt diffi"
cult because that city was in league with the Florentines, and wishing
his movement to produce something worth remembering, he attacked
the Sienese, declaring that they were his debtors for services they had
received from his father in the business of that republic, and that he
wished to be paid. With such fury he assailed them that he turned
almost all their territory upside down. Those citizens, seeing such
an attack, since they easily believe ill of the Florentines, were con~
vinced that it was all done with Florentine connivance; so they
showered the Pope and the King with complaints. They also sent to
Florence envoys who bewailed such great injury and cleverly demon~
strated that, without being supported, Carlo could not with such
impunity have injured them. Of this the Florentines tried to clear
themselves, asserting that they were ready to do everything to make
Carlo cease his attacks; so just as the envoys asked, they ordered
Carlo to cease attacking the Sienese. Carlo complained about this,
pretending that the Florentines through not supporting him had
deprived themselves of great gain and had deprived him of great
glory, because he could have promised them early possession of that
city-so much cowardice he had found in her and such slight prepa~
ration for defense. Carlo went off, then, and returned to his usual
salary from the Venetians. Yet the Sienese, though by Florentine aid,
liberated from such heavy afflictions, remained nonetheless full of
anger against the Florentines, feeling no obligation to those who, first
having caused them suffering, had then delivered them from it.
CHAPTER 33
[A conspiracy against Duke Galeazzo formed in Milan. 1476]
While these things were happening, in the ways related above,
between the King and the Pope and in Tuscany, in Lombardy
occurred an event of greater importance, a forewarning ofgreater ills.
In Milan, Cola Montano, a lettered and ambitious man, taught the
Latin language to youths from the leading families ofthat city. This
man, whether he loathed the life and habits ofthe Duke, or whether
some other reason stirred him, in all his discourses execrated life
under a prince who was not good, calling those glorious and happy
whom Nature and Fortune had permitted to be born and to live in a
republic, and explaining that all famous men were brought up in
republics and not under princes; republics cherished able men and
princes destroyed them, since the first profited from the abilities of
men, the second feared them. The youths with whom he was most
intimate were Giovannandrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and
Girolamo Olgiato. With these he spoke many times of the evil
Galeazzo an Unwise Tyrant 1379
nature oftheir prince and ofthe ill fortune ofthose governed by him.
He came to have such trust in the courage and determination ofthose
youths that he made them swear that when they were old enough they
would free their native city from that prince's tyranny.
Since these youths, then, were filled with this desire, which kept
growing with the years, the Duke's habits and ways, and still more
the special injuries he had done to the young men, urged them to put
it into effect. Galeazzo was lustful and cruel, and by frequent in"
stances of these two qualities made himself greatly hated, because he
was not satisfied merely to debauch noble women but also enjoyed
making his successes public; he was not satisfied with putting men to
death unless in some cruel way he killed them. He did not, more"
over, escape the reproach of having killed his mother, because, since
he felt that he was not prince when she was present, he conducted
himself toward her in such a way that she wished to retire to her
dower residence at Cremona. On this journey she was taken by a
sudden illness and died; hence many judged that her death was
caused by her son. This Duke had dishonored Carlo and Girolamo
with regard to women, and to Giovannandrea he had not been
willing to grant the possession of the Abbey of Miramondo, which
had been turned over to a relative ofhis by the Pontiff. These private
injuries strengthened the resolve of these young men to free their
country-while getting their own revenge-from her great ills, for
they hoped, if they succeeded in killing Duke Galeazzo, to be fol"
lowed not merely by many of the nobles but by all the people.
Having determined then on this action, they often met together;
their old friendship kept this from attracting attention. They were
always discussing this matter, and to strengthen their courage for the
deed, they struck one another in the sides and in the breast with the
sheaths of the knives they had chosen for that exploit. They dis"
cussed the time and the place: they thought it unsafe in the Castle;
on a hunt, uncertain and dangerous; at the times when the Duke
walked through the city, difficult and not likely to succeed; at ban"
quets uncertain. Hence they determined to attack him at some
ceremony and public festival, where they would be sure he would
come, and they with various pretexts could bring together their
friends. They settled also that if any of them for some reason were
kept from court, the others, in the midst of weapons and armed
enemies, should be under obligation to kill the Duke.
CHAPTER 34
[Duke Galeazzo murdered. 1476]
It was the year 1476 and Christmas was approaching. Because
on St. Stephen's day the Duke was accustomed to visit the
church ofthat martyr with great pomp, the conspirators decided that
that was the place and the time suited to carrying out their plan.
When the morning of that saint came, then, they had some of their
most faithful friends and servants armed, saying that they intended to
aid Giovannandrea, who against the will of some enemies intended
to divert a watercourse into his property. These who were so armed
they led to the church, indicating that before going they wanted to
take leave of the Duke. Also with various excuses they got many
others oftheir friends and relatives to come to that place, hoping that
when the deed was done all would follow them in the rest of the
affair. They planned when the Duke was dead to unite with those
armed men, go to the part of the city where they thought they could
most easily stir up the people, and get them to arm against the Duchess
and the leaders of the State. They believed that the people, who
were afflicted with hunger, would easily follow them, because they
planned to give them the houses of Messer Cecco Simonetta, Gio"
vanni Botti and Francesco Lucani, all leaders in the government, to
plunder, and in this way to make sure of them and to restore liberty
to the people. Having made this plan and settled their courage for
carrying it out thus, Giovannandrea with the others was at the
church early. They heard Mass together, and after they had heard it,
Giovannandrea turned to a statue of Saint Ambrose and said: "0
patron of this city of ours, thou knowest our purpose and the reason
for which we put ourselves into so many dangers; be favorable to this
attempt of ours, and show, by favoring justice, that injustice is
hateful to thee."
To the Duke, on the other hand, who was to go to the church,
there appeared many signs ofimminent death, for in the morning he
put on a corselet, as he usually did, which he then at once took off,
as if it were uncomfortable or injured his appearance; he wished to
hear Mass in the Castle, and found that his chaplain had gone to St.
Stephen's with all his chapel equipment; the Duke wished the Bishop
of Como to celebrate Mass in place of his chaplain, and the Bishop
Momentary Success of the Conspirators 1381
brought up certain proper objections. Hence, of necessity, he de"
cided to go to the church. But first he had his sons Giovangaleazzo
and Ermes come to him, and embraced and kissed them many times
and did not seem able to part from them. At last, however, having
decided to go, he left the Castle, and placing himself between the
envoys from Ferrara and from Mantua, moved toward the church.
The conspirators, meanwhile, in order to cause less suspicion
ofthemselves and to escape the cold, which was very great, were in a
room belonging to the archpriest ofthe church, who was their friend.
When they heard that the Duke was coming, they went into the
church; and Giovannandrea and Girolamo put themselves on the
right side at the entrance of the church and Carlo on the left. First
those who preceded the Duke entered the church; then he entered,
surrounded by a great multitude, such as was fitting for a ducal
procession on that occasion. The first to act were young Lampognano
and Girolamo. These, pretending that they wanted room made for
the Duke and moving close to him, seized the weapons-short and
sharp"pointed-hidden in their sleeves, and attacked him. The
Lampognano youth gave him two wounds, one in the belly, the
other in the throat; Girolamo also struck him in the throat and in the
breast. Carlo Visconti, because he was stationed nearer the door
and the Duke had moved in front ofhim, was not able to strike him
in front when he was attacked by the others, but with two strokes
pierced his back and his shoulders. These six blows were so prompt
and swift that the Duke was on the floor before almost anybody
realized what had happened; he was not able to do or say anything,
except that when he fell he once only called for aid on the name of
Our Lady.
When the Duke had fallen to the floor, a great noise was made;
many swords were drawn, and as happens in events that have not
been foreseen, some fled from the church and some ran toward the
uproar, without feeling any certainty or knowing the reason for the
affair. Nevertheless those who were nearest to the Duke and saw
him fall and who recognized the slayers, pursued them. Of the
conspirators, Giovannandrea, trying to get outside the church, went
among the women, ofwhom many were sitting on the floor accord"
ing to their custom, and being caught and held by their clothes, he
was overtaken and killed by a Moor, a sergeant ofthe Duke's. Carlo
was also killed by the bystanders. But Girolamo Olgiato, who got
out ofthe church by mixing with the people, seeing his companions
dead and not knowing .where else to escape, went home, where he
was not received by his father and his brothers. Only his mother,
having pity on her son, confided him to a priest, an old friend oftheir
family, who put his own clothes on him and took him to his house.
There he remained two days, not without hope that some disturbance
rising in Milan would save him. Since this did not come about and
he feared he would be found in that place, he attempted to flee in
disguise, but was recognized and came into the power of justice, so
that he revealed the whole course of the conspiracy. Girolamo was
twenty"three years old; in dying he was not less courageous than he
had been in acting, because when he was naked and the executioner
in front ofhim with sword in hand to strike him, he said these words
in the Latin tongue, for he was educated: "Death is bitter, fame ever"
lasting; long will the memory of my deed endure."
This attempt by these unlucky young men was secretly planned
and courageously executed; then they failed when those they hoped
would follow and defend them did not defend or follow them. Yet
princes should learn so to live and in such a way to make themselves
revered and loved that nobody on killing them can hope to save
himsel£ Subjects should observe how vain any hope is which makes
them believe that a multitude, though disconcerted, will follow you
or accompany you in your dangers. I
This event frightened all Italy, but much more terrifying were
those that ~ little later happened in Florence, which broke the peace
that had obtained in Italy for twelve years, as we shall show in the
following book, which at its end will be sad and mournful and at its
beginning bloody and terrifying.
1. The shift to the second person such as occurs here is frequent in THE PRINCE.
BOOK EIGHT
[FLORENCE FROM THE PAZZI CONSPIRACY
TO THE DEA TH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFI~ .
CENT. 1478-1492]
CHAPTER 1
[On conspiracies; Medici rule.]

Since the beginning of this eighth book lies between two con"
spiracies, one already related, which was carried on in Milan, and
the other to be related, which occurred in Florence, it seems proper
to follow our custom by speaking of the nature of conspiracies and
of their importance. I should gladly do so if in another place I had
not spoken ofthem, or ifthey were matters to be treated with brevity.
But since they require much consideration and I have already dis"
cussed them in another place,I I shall omit them.
So passing to another matter, we shall explain that after the
Medici party had overcome all the hostility that openly opposed it,
if that family were to take sole authority in the city and, through its
control ofthe state, detach itselffrom other families, it was under the
necessity of overcoming also those which secretly were scheming
against it. Earlier, while the Medici, on an equality in authority and
reputation with some of the other families, were carrying on their
struggle, citizens who envied their power could act openly against
them without fearing that in their first hostile acts they would be
crushed, because after the magistrates became free, none ofthe parties
had reason to fear except when defeated. But after the victory of
1466, the government was so completely limited to the Medici, who
had seized such great authority, that the discontented were forced
either with patience to bear that kind of government or, if they
did attempt to destroy it, to do so with conspiracies and secretly.
Such conspiracies, because unlikely to succeed, usually produce
ruin for those who form them, but greatness for those against whom
they are directed. Hence almost always the prince of a city, after he
is assailed with such a conspiracy, ifhe is not killed like the Duke of
Milan-which seldom happens-rises to greater power. Many times, -
1. DISCOURSES 3. 6.
indeed, having been good, he becomes wicked, because these con"
spiracies, through their example, give him reasons for being afraid;
fear gives him reasons for making himself safe; making himself safe
gives him reasons for doing harm. Hence feelings of hatred result
from them, and in time often his downfall. So these conspiracies
destroy quickly those who carry them on and, in the course of time
at least, harm him against whom they are carried on.
CHAPTER 2
[Sixtus IV's enmity against Florence; the Pazzi hate the Medici. 1474]
At that time Italy, as we have shown, was divided into two
factions: the Pope and the King of Naples were on one side; on the
other were the Venetians, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines.
Though as yet there had been no outbreak ofwar, nevertheless every
day there were new reasons for starting one. The Pontiff especially,
in all his activities, was trying to harm the state of Florence. Hence,
on the death of Filippo de'Medici Archbishop of Pisa, the Pope,
against the will ofthe Signoria of Florence, bestowed that archbish"
opric on Francesco Salviati, whom he knew to be an enemy of the
Medici family. Hence, because the Signoria did not consent to give
Francesco possession, between it and the Pope the dealings over this
affair produced new reasons for hatred.
Besides this, in Rome the Pope kept granting the Pazzi family the
greatest favors, but the Medici family in his every act he tried to
obstruct. At that time in Florence these Pazzi were for riches and
high position the most imposing of Florentine families. Their head
was Messer Jacopo, whom the people because of his wealth and
position had made a knight. He had no children except one natural
daughter but he did have many relatives in the families of Messer
Piero and Antonio his brothers: the most notable were Guglielmo,
Francesco, Rinato and Giovanni; after them came Andrea, Niccolo
and Galeotto. Now Cosimo de'Medici, on account of the Pazzi's
wealth and position, had wedded his granddaughter Bianca to
Guglielmo, hoping that the alliance would unite the families and get
rid of the feelings of enmity and hate so often caused by suspicion.
Nonetheless, so completely are human plans uncertain and deceptive
that the matter turned out differently, for Lorenzo's advisers showed
Excessive Desires Cause Loss 1385
him that for any of the citizens to combine wealth and public office
was dangerous and adverse to his authority.
As a result, to Messer Jacopo and his nephews Lorenzo did not
grant those positions of honor which in comparison with the other
citizens they seemed to deserve. This policy roused in the Pazzi their
first anger and in the Medici their first fear; each ofthese passions gave
its opposite matter for growing.
In every action, then, in which citizens might compete, the Pazzi
were unfavorably regarded by the city officials. The magistracy ofthe
Eight, when Francesco de' Pazzi was in Rome, without showing
him the regard usually shown to great citizens, for a slight reason
made him come to Florence on their orders. So the Pazzi with
abusive and angry words everywhere kept complaining. These things
increased other men's fear and their own feelings of injury. Gio;
vanni de' Pazzi's wife was the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a
very rich man, on whose de~th without other children, his daughter
claimed his property as heir. Nonetheless Carlo his nephew took
possession of part of his goods. When the affair came to court, a
decree was made by virtue of which Giovanni de' Pazzi's wife was
deprived of her father's estate and it was granted to Carlo. For this
loss the Pazzi held the Medici entirely responsible. Over the affair
Giuliano de'Medici many times expressed griefto his brother Loren;
zo, saying that he feared that through wanting too many things they
would lose everything.
CHAPTER 3
[The Pazzi conspiracy begun. 1478]
Nonetheless Lorenzo, hot with youth and with power, wished
to attend to everything and to have all Florence admit that everything
came from him. Since the Pazzi, then, with such a high position
and so much wealth, could not bear such injuries, they began con;
sidering how to get revenge. The first who began to talk against the
Medici was Francesco. He was more spirited and more sensitive
than any of the others, so he determined either to get what he lacked
or to lose what he had. Because he hated the rulers of Florence, he
lived almost always in Rome, where, according to the custom of
Florentine merchants, he had charge ofa great sum of money. And
because he was very friendly with Count Girolamo, they often I
complained to each other about the Medici. So, after much com~
plaint, they came to the opinion that if one were to live securely in
his territories and the other in his city, they must change the govern~
ment of Florence, but without the deaths of Giuliano and Lorenzo
they thought no change could be made. They judged that the Pope
and the King of Naples would easily consent to it, if only both of
them could find out how easy it would be.
Having come to this conclusion, then, they imparted the whole to
Francesco Salviati, Archbishop of Pisa, who, because he was am~
bitious and a little before had been injured by the Medici, gladly
joined them. Having considered among themselves what could be
done, they determined, in order that the affair might go more easily,
to draw into their plan Messer Jacopo de' Pazzi, without whom they
did not believe anything could be accomplished. They arranged,
then, that Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Florence for this purpose,
and the Archbishop and the Count remain at Rome to be with the
Pope when it seemed time to impart it to him.
Francesco found Messer J acopo more cautious and difficult than
he would have wished; on his making this known at Rome, the
plotters decided that greater authority was needed to influence him.
Hence the Archbishop and the Count told everything to Giovan
Battista da Montesecco, a military officer ofthe Pope's, a man highly
reputed in war and under obligation to the Count and the Pope.
He nevertheless demonstrated that the affair was difficult and dan~
gerous. These dangers and difficulties the Archbishop tried to dispel:
he set forth the assistance to be given by the Pope and the King,
along with the hatred of the Medici by Florentine citizens and with
the many relatives who would support the Salviati and the Pazzi;
moreover the brothers could easily be killed because they went around
the city without companions and without suspicion; as soon as they
were dead the government could easily be changed. Giovan Battista
did not altogether believe these assertions because he had heard many
other Florentines speak differently.
1. Girolamo Riario, made Count of Imola by the Pope, who feared that the Medici might
gd the city away from him.
Lorenzo the Magnificent's Good Qualities 1]87
CHAPTER 4
[The Pazzi conspiracy; its planning. 1478]
While they were engaged in these discussions and debates, Carlo
Fortebraccio, the ruler of Faenza, happened to fall sick, so that he
was in danger of death. The Archbishop and the Count saw that
his illness gave them a chance to send Giovan Battista to Florence
and thence into Romagna with the excuse of repossessing certain
cities that the ruler ofFaenza was unjustly depriving them of. More.-'
over the Count charged Giovan Battista to speak with Lorenzo and
to ask on the Count's behalf advice on the proper course for him in
the affairs of Romagna. Then he was to speak with Francesco de'
Pazzi, and they were to combine in attempting to influence Messer
Jacopo de' Pazzi to support their plan. And so that Giovan Battista
could use the Pope's influence to stir him, they decided that before
his departure he should speak to the Pontiff, who made the largest
offers he could in support of the attempt.
Having come to Florence, therefore, Giovan Battista spoke with
Lorenzo, by whom he was very courteously received, and in the
matters he asked about wisely and kindly advised; Giovan Battista
was astonished, since it seemed to him that he had found a different
man than had been represented to him; he judged him altogether
courteous, wise and very friendly to the Count. Nonetheless he
decided to speak with Francesco; not finding him there, because he
had gone to Lucca, he spoke with Messer J acopo, and found him in
the beginning much adverse to the affair. Still, before Giovan Bat"
tista went away, the influence of the Pope stirred Messer Jacopo
somewhat. He therefore told Giovan Battista to go to Romagna and
return, and meanwhile Francesco would be in Florence, and then
they would talk in more detail about the affair. So Giovan Battista
went and returned. With Lorenzo de'Medici he continued his
pretended discussion of the Count's business. Then he met with
Messer Jacopo and Francesco de' Pazzi; and the two made such an
effort that Messer J acopo consented to the business.
They debated the method. Messer Jacopo believed it not feasible
when both brothers were in Florence; therefore they needed to wait
until Lorenzo went to Rome (for he was reported to be going there)
and then carry out their plan. Francesco was glad that Lorenzo was
to be in Rome. Nevertheless, if he did not go there, Francesco
declared that at a wedding or at a game or in church both the brothers
could be killed. And as to foreign aid, they thought the Pope could
get soldiers together for the affair of the town of Montone, having a
just cause to deprive Count Carlo Fortebraccio of it, for having
made the disturbances already spoken of in the territories of Siena
and Perugia. I Nonetheless, they did not make any other decision
than that Francesco de' Pazzi and Giovan Battista should go to
Rome, and there settle everything with Count Girolamo Riario and
with the Pope. This matter was discussed again at Rome and finally
it was settled, since the attempt on Montone had been decided on,
that Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, a soldier of the Pope, should
go into Romagna and Messer Lorenzo da Castello into his native
district. Each of these, with the people of the country, should hold
their companies in readiness to do whatever should be commanded
by the Archbishop de' Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi, who should
go to Florence with Giovan Battista da Montesecco. There they
were to provide whatever was needed for carrying out the attempt, to
which King Ferdinand, through his envoy, promised some aid.
When the Archbishop and Francesco de' Pazzi came in due course
to Florence, they brought over to their view Jacopo, the son of
Messer Poggio Bracciolini, a young man well educated but ambitious
and very eager for revolution; they also persuaded two men both
named Jacopo Salviati, one a brother, the other a relative of the
Archbishop, and they gained Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone
Franzesi, fiery young men and heavily obligated to the Pazzi family.
As to non~Florentines, in addition to those already named, they
were joined by Messer Antonio da V olterra and one Stefano, a
priest, who lived in Messer Jacopo's house to teach his daughter the
Latin language. Rinato de' Pazzi, a prudent and serious man, who
very well knew the evil that can come from such undertakings, did
not agree to the conspiracy. On the contrary, he loathed it and with
any method he could honorably use he blocked it.
1. See 7. 32} above.
Conspirators Cannot Delay
CHAPTER S
[The final arrangements for the Pazzi conspiracy. 1478]
Up to this time the Pope had been keeping at the University of
Pisa to learn canon law Raffaello de' Riario, Count Girolamo's
nephew; still being there, he was by the Pope promoted to the dignity
of the cardinalate. The conspirators therefore planned to take this
Cardinal to Florence, so that his coming might cover up the con"
spiracy, since among his retinue they could conceal the conspirators
they needed and thus get a chance for carrying out their plot.
Hence the Cardinal came and was received by Messer Jacopo de'
Pazzi at Montughi, his villa near Florence. The conspirators hoped
through him to bring together Lorenzo and Giuliano and then at
once to kill them. They arranged, therefore, to give the Cardinal a
banquet in their villa at Fiesole, where Giuliano, whether by chance
or intentiont was not present. After that, since their plan had failed,
they judged that if they gave him a banquet in Florence, the two
would of necessity be present. Having so decided, they selected for
that banquet SundaYt 26 April 1478. The conspirators, then, sup"
posing that in the midst ofthe banquet they could kill them, met on
Saturday night, where they settled all that was to happen the morning
following. But then when day came, Francesco was informed that
Giuliano would not be at the banquet.
So the heads of the conspiracy again met and decided that they
must not defer putting it into effect, for by no possibility could the
plot, known to so many, escape discovery. They therefore deter"
mined to kill the Medici brothers in the Cathedral Church of Santa
Reparata, to which, because ofthe Cardinal's presence, both Lorenzo
and Giuliano would come according to their custom. The conspira"
tors planned that Giovan Battista should be responsible for killing
Lorenzo, and Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini for killing
Giuliano. Giovan Battista refused to consider doing it, whether the
contact he had had with Lorenzo had softened his purpose or some
other cause moved him. He said that never would he have the
courage to commit such an enormity in a church, thus accompanying
treachery with sacrilege. From his refusal came the conspiracy's ruin
because, time pressing, the plotters were forced to assign the murders
in the church to Messer Antonio da Volterra and Stefano the priest,
although these two were by nature and experience wholly unfit for
such an act. Indeed if any actions require a spirit strong and firm
and resolute in life and in death because of much experience, such a
spirit is essential in actions ofthis kind, in which often men expert in
arms and accustomed to blood have lost their courage. Having then
made this decision, the conspirators determined that the signal for
action should be the taking of communion by the priest who in the
church was celebrating High Mass. Meanwhile Archbishop de'
Salviati with his followers and with Jacopo, Messer Poggio Brae"
ciolini's son, was to seize the Public Palace, so that the Signoria,
whether willingly or under pressure, would be favorable to them after
the deaths of the two young men.
CHAPTER 6
[Giuliano is killed; Lorenzo escapes. 1478]
After making this decision, they went to the Cathedral, to which
Cardinal Riario had already come with Lorenzo de'Medici. The
church was full of people and the divine office had begun, but as yet
Giuliano de'Medicl was not there. Thereupon Francesco de'Pazzi
along with Bernardo, designated for Giuliano's murder, went to his
house to get him and with prayers and craft brought him to the
church. It truly is worth observing that so much hatred, so much
attention to a crime so great, could with such rare courage and such
firmness of mind be kept hidden by Francesco and Bernardo. Even
when they were taking Giuliano to the Cathedral, both on the way
and inside the building, with joking and youthful talk they kept him
occupied; actually Francesco did not fail, under the appearance of
caressing him, to press him with his hands and arms to see ifhe were
wearing a corselet or some such protection. Giuliano and Lorenzo
well understood the bitter feeling ofthe Pazzi against them and their
intention of taking from the Medici the control of the state; but they
did not at all fear for their lives, since they believed that if indeed the
Pazzi were going to attempt something, they would do it according
to law and not with violence. Therefore Lorenzo and Giuliano for
their part, taking no precaution for their safety, pretended to be
friends to the Pazzi.
When at last the assassins were ready, some by the side of Loren"
Inexperienced Assassins 1391
ZO, where because of the crowd in the Cathedral they could stand
easily and without suspicion, and others with Giuliano, the ap~
pointed hour came. Bernardo Bandini, with a short weapon pro~
vided for that purpose, pierced the breast of Giuliano, who after a
few steps fell to the floor. Francesco de' Pazzi, leaping on him,
covered him with wounds; with such zeal he struck him that,
blinded by the madness that carried him on, he severely wounded
himself in one leg. Messer Antonio and Stefano on the other hand
attacked Lorenzo, and after aiming many blows at him, with a slight
wound did injure him in the neck; yet either their ineffectiveness or
the courage of Lorenzo-who, seeing himself attacked, defended
himself with his own weapon-or the aid of those who were with
him, made useless every effort of theirs. Hence, in fright they fled
and concealed themselves, but being later found, they were shame~
fully killed and dragged through all the city. Lorenzo on the other
hand, forming a group with the friends he had around him, shut
himself into the sacristy of the Cathedral. Bernardo Bandini, when
he saw Giuliano dead, killed also Francesco Nori, a warm friend of
the Medici, either because he had hated him for a long time or
because Francesco tried to aid Giuliano. Yet not satisfied with these
two homicides, Bernardo ran to find Lorenzo and to supply with his
courage and readiness what the others through their sluggishness and
impotence had lacked, but finding him withdrawn to the sacristy,
he could do nothing.
In the midst ofthese perilous and confused events, which were so
terrible that the Cathedral appeared to be falling, the Cardinal clung
to the altar, where with difficulty the priests so protected him that the
Signoria, after the confusion was over, could take him to the Palace,
where he remained in the greatest fear until his liberation.
CHAPTER 7
[Events at the Palace of the Sign 0 ria. 1478]
There were in Florence at this time some Perugians, driven by
factions from their home, whom the Pazzi, promising to restore them
to their native city, had drawn into their way of thinking. Hence
the Archbishop de' Salviati, who had gone to capture the Palace
with Jacopo Messer Poggio's son and with some of the Salviati and
their friends, had taken them with him. When he reached the
Palace, he left part of his men below, with the order that when they
heard a noise, they should hold the door, and he went up, with the
greater part of the Perugians. Finding the Signoria eating, since the
hour was late, after a short time, he was brought before Cesare
Petrucci the Gonfalonier of Justice. So, entering with a few of his
men, he left the rest outside. The greater part of these by their own
doing shut themselves up in the Chancellery, because its door was so
made that when it was shut it could not be opened except by using
the key, from the inside as well as from the outside. The Archbishop
meanwhile having gone into the Gonfalonier's room, with the excuse
of wanting to say something to him on behalf of the Pope, spoke
with broken and uncertain words, so that the agitation he showed in
his face and his words aroused in the Gonfalonier so much suspicion
that suddenly, shouting, he thrust him out of the room, and en"
countering Jacopo Messer Poggio's son, he seized him by the hair
and put him in the hands ofhis officers. When the alarm was given,
the Signors took such weapons as chance furnished, and with them
killed all those who had come up with the Archbishop (some of
whom were shut up and some ofwhom lost courage) or threw them
still alive out of the windows of the Palace. Of those seized, the
Archbishop, the two Jacopo Salviati and Jacopo Messer Poggio's
son were hanged. Those who had remained below in the Palace had
overpowered the guard and taken possession of the door and all the
lower parts,l so that the citizens who on this alarm ran to the Palace
could not, if armed, give aid or, if unarmed, give advice to the
Signoria.
1. Machiavelli assumes that his reader is familiar with the Palace of the Signoria (now called
the Palazzo Vecchio). Those lift below were on the groundfloor; the Archbishop went up the
long stairs to the more important rooms.
CHAPTER 8
[Unsuccessful attempt to raise the people in the name of liberty. 1478]
Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, meanwhile, seeing
Lorenzo out of danger and one ofthemselves, in whom all the hope
of the action rested, seriously wounded, were frightened. Hence,
Bernardo, considering his own safety with that same courageous
spirit with which he had cOIlsidered harming the Medici, having
Freedom Unknown in Florence 1393
seen that the business had failed, fled in security. Francesco, re"
turning to his house wounded, experimented to see ifhe were able to
handle himself on horseback, because the arrangement was that he
was to make a circuit ofthe city with armed men and call the people
to liberty and to arms, but he could not-so deep was the wound and
so much blood he had lost from it. Hence, undressing, he threw
himself naked on his bed, and begged Messer J acopo to do what he
himself could not do.
Messer Jacopo, though he was old and not experienced in such
disturbances, in order to make that last test of their fortune, got on
horseback with perhaps a hundred armed men who had been pre"
pared for such an attempt, and went to the Public Square before the
Palace, calling upon the people and liberty for aid. But because by
the fortune and the liberality ofthe Medici the people had been made
deaf and liberty was not known in Florence, he got no reply fromI
anybody. Nothing happened except that the Signors, who were

masters ofthe upper part of the Palace, greeted him with the stones,2
and with threats frightened him as much as they could. As Messer
J acopo stood uncertain, he was addressed by Giovanni Serristori his
brother"in"law, who first rebuked him for the strife they had begun
and then exhorted him to go home, asserting that the people and
liberty were as much on the hearts of the other citizens as on his.
Having lost all hope, then, Messer Jacopo, seeing the Palace hostile,
Lorenzo alive, Francesco wounded, and nobody following him, not
knowing what else to do, determined to save his life if he could by
flight; so with the followers he had with him in the Piazza he went
out of Florence to go to Romagna.
1. A plain saying to put in a history written for the Medici. Moreover, Machiavelli did not
close his eyes to Florentine defects in courage and patriotism.
2. Piles of stones were kept in readiness, to be dropped through holes provided in the over.,
hanging roof of the Palace.
CHAPTER 9
[The punishment of the conspirators. 1478]
Meanwhile all the city was under arms, and Lorenzo de'Medici,
accompanied by many armed men, had returned to his mansion.
The Palace had been regained by the people, and those who had
seized it were all either captured or dead. Already throughout the
city people were shouting the name of the Medici, the limbs of the
dead were to be seen either fixed on the points ofweapons or scattered
through the city, and everybody, with words full of anger and deeds
full of cruelty, was hunting down the Pazzi. Already the~r houses
were in the possession ofthe people, and Francesco, naked as he was,
was dragged from his house and, taken to the Palace, was hanged
beside the Archbishop and the others. And he could not be made
to utter a word through whatever injury was done or spoken to him
on the way or later, but looking fixedly at his captors, without making
any further complaint, mutely he sighed. Guglielmo de' Pazzi,
Lorenzo's brother,in,law, was sheltered in the latter's house, through
his own innocence and the aid of Bianca his wife. There was not a
citizen, armed or unarmed, who did not go to Lorenzo's house in
that emergency, and everybody offered him himself and his prop'
erty-so great were the fortune and favor the Medici family had
gained through its prudence and liberality.
Rinato de' Pazzi, when the event took place, had retired to his
villa. Learning ofits outcome, he tried to escape in disguise. Never,
theless, he was recognized on the road, seized and taken to Florence.
Messer Jacopo was also seized when crossing the mountains, because,
since the mountain people had learned what had happened in Flor,
ence and observed his flight, they attacked him and brought him to
Florence; nor could he, though many times he begged them to do so,
get them to kill him on the way. Messer Jacopo and Rinato were
condemned to death, four days after the event. Among all the
deaths inflicted in those days, when men's limbs filled the streets,
only that ofRinato was looked on with pity, because he was thought
a man wise and good, and not marked with the pride charged to the
other members of his family.
That this affair should lack no sort of extraordinary happening,
Messer J acopo was first entombed in the sepulchre of his fathers;
then, as excommunicated, he was taken from it and buried near the
city walls. But there too being dug up, he was dragged naked
through the city by the rope with which he was executed; and since
on land there was no place for his burial, those who dragged him
dumped him into the River Arno, whose waters were then at their
highest. An example of Fortune's power truly very striking, that
a man of such great wealth and so prosperous should fall into
such great adversity, so destructive and shameful. We are told of
Giuliano de'Medici Unspoiled by Good Fortune 1395
some of his vices, among which were gambling and cursing more
than might be expected even from a desperately wicked man; yet for
those vices he compensated with many charities, because he gave
large gifts to many who were in need and to many religious places.
Another good thing to be said about him is that the Saturday
before the Sunday set for so great a slaughter, in order not to make
others share in his adverse fortune, with wonderful care he handed
over to its owners all the merchandise belonging to any other man
that he had in the customs house or in his own house.
Giovan Battista da Montesecco, after a long examination, was
beheaded; Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by Right; Gug;
lielmo de' Pazzi was banished, and his cousins who remained alive
were imprisoned in the dungeon of the castle of Volterra.
When the tumults were quieted and the conspirators punished,
funeral rites were celebrated for Giuliano, who was accompanied by
all the citizens in tears, as having been more liberal and courteous
than could be expected of anybody born to such fortune. He left
a natural son, born a few months after his death, named Giulio, who
abounded in the virtue and fortune recognized in these present times
by all the world; when we come to present affairs, if God gives us
life, we shall set them forth at length.
The soldiers under Messer Lorenzo da Castello in V al di T evere
and those under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in Romagna united
and set out for Florence to give aid to the Pazzi, but when they
learned of the ruin of the undertaking, they turned back.
CHAPTER 10
[The Pove and the King ofNaples begin war on Florence}· Lorenzo de'
Medici makes apatriotic speech. 1478]
Since in Florence there had not been the change in government
which the Pope and King Ferdinand wished, they determined that
what they had been unable to do by conspiracy they would do by
war. So both of them with the utmost rapidity got their soldiers
together to attack the state of Florence, proclaiming that they did not
wish anything from that city except that it should rid itselfofLorenzo
de'Medici, who alone of all the Florentines they held as an enemy.
Already the King's soldiers had crossed the River Tronto, and the
Pope's were in the territory of Perugia; in order that in addition to
temporal wounds the Florentines should also feel spiritual ones, the
Pope excommunicated and cursed them. Hence the Florentines,
seeing such great armies coming against them, with the utmost care
prepared themselves for defense.
Lorenzo de'Medici decided before everything else, since by re"
port the war was made against him, to bring together in the Palace
with the Signors all the qualified citizens, more than three hundred
in number, to whom he spoke to this effect:
"I do not know, exalted Signors, and you, honored citizens,
whether I lament with you because ofthe things that have happened
or whether I rejoice. And truly when I think with how much deceit,
with how much hate I have been attacked and my brother killed, I
cannot do other than grieve over it and with all my heart and with
all my mind lament it. When I consider then with what speed, with
what zeal, with what love, with what united agreement ofthe whole
city my brother has been avenged and I have been defended, it befits
me not merely to rejoice in it, but altogether to exult and glory.
Truly, if experience has made me realize that in this city I had more
enemies than I thought, it has also proved to me that I have here more
warm and ardent friends than I had believed. I am forced, then, to
lament with you over the injuries of others, and to rejoice in your
merits; but I am compelled to lament the more for the injuries as they
are more unusual, more without example, and less deserved by us.
Consider, honored citizens, that ill fortune had brought our family
to such a situation that among friends, among relatives, in the
Church, we were not safe. They who fear death are accustomed to
resort to their friends for aid; they are accustomed to resort to their
relatives. We found ours armed for our destruction. They who, for
public or private reasons, are persecuted are all accustomed to take
refuge in the churches. But if we do, we are killed by those who
defend others; where the parricides, the murderers are safe, the Medici
find their slayers.
"But God, who never in the past has deserted our house, has still
preserved us and taken up the defense of our just cause. What in"
juries justifying such great longing for revenge have we done to any"
one ~ Truly those who have shown themselves so hostile to us, we
never have privately wronged; if we had wronged them, they would
not have been in a position to wrong us. Ifthey attribute to us public
Florence Has Chosen the Medici 1397
injuries, if any such have been inflicted-I know of none-they
wrong rather you than us, rather this Palace and the majesty of this
government than our house, making it appear that for our sake you
without cause injure your citizens. This is utterly removed from all
truth, because we, if we could have done so, and you, if we had
wished you to, would not have done so, for he who carefully seeks
out the truth will find that you have always raised our house on high
with such complete agreement for no other reason than that it has
striven to surpass everybody in courtesy, in liberality, in conferring
benefits. If we, then, have honored strangers, how have we injured
relatives ~
"If they have been driven to this plot by the wish to rule, as is
shown by their seizing the Palace and coming with armed men into
the Public Square, their cause shows itself ugly, ambitious, and
deserving of punishment, and condemns itself. If they have acted
through hatred and envy of our power, they wrong you, not us, for
you have given it to us. And truly those powers deserve to be hated
which men usurp, not those which men gain through liberality,
courtesy and generosity. You know that our house never rose to any
level of greatness to which it was not impelled by this Palace and by
your united consent. Not with arms and violence did my grand,l
father Cosimo return from exile, but with your agreement and union.
My father, old and ill, did not himself defend his own position
against many enemies, but you with your authority and good will
defended it. Nor would I, after my father's death, when still a boy,
as it were, have kept up the station of my house except for your
advice and aid. My house could not have ruled and cannot rule
this republic unless you together with us had ruled and now rule the
state. I do not know, then, what reason for hate against us they can
have, or what just reason for envy. Let them hate their own ancestors,
who with pride and avarice deprived themselves of the reputation
which ours have known how to gain with quite contrary efforts.
"But let us concede that the injuries we have done them are great
and that with reason they wish our ruin. Why come to attack this
Palace ~ Why make a league with the Pope and with the King
against the liberty of this republic ~ Why break the long peace of
Italy ~ For this they have no excuse, because they should harm those
who harm them, and not mix private enmities with public injuries.
This makes our danger more intense, though the Pazzi are destroyed,
since for their sake the Pope an.d the King are coming to attack us
with arms, in a war they declare they are making against me and my
house. Would God it were true! The remedies would be quick and
sure, for I would not be so wicked a citizen that I would rate my
safety higher than your perils; on the contrary, gladly would I put
out your fire with my ruin. But because the powerful always cover
the injuries they do with something appearing less dishonorable, my
enemies have taken this way for covering their dishonorable injury.
Yet nevertheless, if you believe otherwise, I am in your hands; yours
it is to control me or to abandon me; you are my fathers, you my
defenders; and all that you may entrust to me to do, I shall always do
gladly; nor shall ~I ever refuse, if so you wish, to end with my own
blood this war begun with that of my brother."
While Lorenzo was speaking, the citizens could not restrain their
tears, and with the same pity with which they listened to him, one of
them assigned by the others replied, saying that the city recognized
the many deserts of him and his, that he should be of good courage,
for with the same speed as they had revenged his brother's death and
preserved his life, they would preserve his reputation and his govern~
ment, nor would he lose them sooner than they would be driven
from their native city. That their deeds might fit with their words, for
the protection of his body they provided at public expense a number
of armed men to defend him from domestic plots.
CHAPTER II
[The Florentines censure the Pope; they disregard the interdict. 1478]
Then the Florentines prepared for war, getting together men and
money to the largest total they eQuId. They sent for help, by virtue of
the League, to the Duke of Milan and to the Venetians. And since
the Pope had shown himself a wolf and not a shepherd, and they
hoped not to be devoured as guilty, they showed in all the ways they
could that their cause was just. They filled Italy with reports of the
treachery carried on against their city, showing the Pontiff's impiety
and his injustice, and declaring that as he had obtained the papacy
wickedly, he had exercised his office wickedly, sending those whom
he had put in the highest prelacies to commit treachery in the
Cathedral, in the company ofparricides and traitors, in the midst of
Florence Forces the Clergy to Disobey the Pope 1399
the divine office, in the celebration ofthe Sacrament. Then, because
he had not succeeded in killing the citizens, in changing the govern~
ment of their city and at his will plundering her, he had interdicted
her and, with pontifical curses, threatened and wronged her. But if
God is just and if acts of violence offend him, those of this vicar of
his must offend him, and he must be glad when men who are
injured and find no refuge with his vicar turn to himsel£
Meanwhile the Florentines not merely did not receive the interdict
and obey it, but they forced the clergy to celebrate the divine offices,
and they called a council in Florence of all the Tuscan prelates who
obeyed their authority, in which they appealed from the injuries ofthe
Pope to the coming Council ofthe Church. The Pope also did not
lack arguments for justifying his cause, declaring that it is a Pontiff's
part to destroy tyranny, to put down the wicked and to raise up the
good, and that he ought to carryon these duties with all fitting
measures. But it is not the function of secular rulers to arrest cardi~
nals, to hang bishops, to murder, dismember and mangle priests, and
to kill the innocent and the guilty without any distinction.
CHAPTER 12
[King Ferdinand's army in Florentine territory. 1478]

Nevertheless, among so many complaints and accusations, the
Florentines sent the Cardinal Raffaello Riario, whom they had in
their power, back to the Pontiff; this caused the Pope not to hesitate
in attacking them with all his forces and those ofthe King of Naples.
When the two armies, under Alfonso, King Ferdinand's eldest son
and Duke of Calabria, with Frederick of U rbino as general, had
come into the Chianti with the aid of the Sienese, who were of the
hostile party, they took Radda and many other towns and laid waste
the whole region. Then they led their army to Castellina.
The Florentines, learning of this attack, were in great terror, for
they were without soldiers and the reinforcements sent by their allies
were slow, because though the Duke of Milan sent help, the V ene~
tians denied that they were obligated to aid the Florentines in a
private cause; in a war against individuals, they declared they were
not obligated to give support because individual enmities cannot lay
claim to public defense. Hence the Florentines, to influence the
Venetians to a saner view, sent to that Senate as an envoy Messer
Tommaso Soderini. Meanwhile they hired soldiers and appointed
as general of their armies Ercole-the Marquis of Ferrara.
While these preparations were being made, the hostile army so
hemmed in Castellina that the citizens, despairing ofaid, surrendered
after they had sustained forty days of siege. From there the enemy
turned toward Arezzo and besieged Monte San Sovino. The Floren;
tine army was by then in order; going against the enemy, it encamped
three miles distant from them and gave them so much trouble that
Federigo ofUrbino asked a truce for some days. This was granted
with such great disadvantage to the Florentines that those who asked
it were astonished that it was granted, because if they had not ob;
tained it, they would have been obliged to retreat in disgrace; but
having had those days ofopportunity to reorganize, when the time of
the truce was over, in the face of our soldiers they took that town.
By that time winter had come, so the enemy, in order to winter in
suitable places, retired into Sienese territory. The Florentine soldiers
also went into more suitable quarters, and the Marquis of Ferrara,
having been of little value to himself and less to others, returned to
his state.
CHAPTER 13
[Disturbances in Milan; revolution in Genoa. 1478-1479]
In these times Genoa rebelled against the government of Milan
for these reasons. Since Duke Galeazzo was dead and Giovan
Galeazzo his son was ofan age unfit for rule, there rose strife between
Sforza and Lodovico and Ottaviano and Ascanio his uncles, and
Madonna Bona his mother-for each of them wished to take charge
ofthe little Duke. In this dispute Madonna Bona, the old Duchess,
through the advice of Messer T ommaso Soderini, then envoy for the
Florentines in that state, and of Messer Cecco Simonetta, who had
been secretary to Galeazzo, remained victor. Then as the Sforzas
fled from Milan, Ottaviano was drowned in crossing the Adda, and
the others were banished to various places along with Signor Roberto
Sanseverino, who in those troubles had left the Duchess and sided
with them. Then when the disturbances in Tuscany followed, those
princes, hoping to find new fortune in new events, broke the bounds
Roberto Sanseverino) Condottiere 1401
set for them, and each of them tried rebellion in order to return to
his position.
King Ferdinand, who saw that the Florentines in their necessity
had been aided only by the state of Milan, in order to take that help
also away from them, planned to give the Duchess so much to think
of in her own state that she could not furnish aid to the Florentines.
And by means ofProspero Adorno and Signor Roberto Sanseverino
and the Sforza rebels he got Genoa to revolt against Duke Galeazzo.
Only the Castelleto remained in the Duke's power; hoping in that,
the Duchess sent many soldiers to regain the city, but they were
defeated. So seeing the danger that could come to the government of
her son and to herselfifthat war went on-since Tuscany was upside
down and the Florentines, in whom alone she was hoping, were in
trouble-she determined to have Genoa as an ally if she could not
have the city as a subject. Hence she made an agreement with
Battistino Fregoso, the enemy of Prospero Adorno, to give him the
Castelletto and make him prince in Genoa, if only he would drive
out Prospero and would not give aid to the Sforza rebels. After this
agreement, Battistino, with the help of the castle and of his party,
became master of Genoa and, according to their custom, made him~
self doge. Hence the Sforzas and Signor Roberto, driven from
Genoese territory, came with their followers into Lunigiana.
From this the Pope and the King of Naples, seeing that the
troubles of Lombardy were quieted, took the opportunity offered by
these men driven out from Genoa to upset Tuscany in the vicinity of
Pisa, so that the Florentines, dividing their forces, would be weak~
ened. To this end they so managed that Signor Roberto Sanseverino,
since the winter was already over, left Lunigiana with his men and
attacked Pisan territory. He stirred up a great deal of trouble and
sacked and took many towns in the Pisan country, and raided as far
as the city of Pisa hersel(
CHAPTER 14
[Attempts to save Pisa)· Venetian aid. 1479]
In these days envoys came to Florence from the Emperor and from
the King of France and from the King of Hungary, who had. been
sent by their princes to the Pontiff, and they persuaded the Floren~
tines to send ambassadors to the Pope, promising that they would
make every effort with him to put an end to that war with a favorable
peace. The Florentines did not refuse to make this experiment, in
order in everybody's view to be excused, since for their part they
loved peace. After going, however, the ambassadors came back
without any decision. Hence the Florentines, to get honor for them,l
selves from the reputation of the King of France, since by Italians
they were partly attacked, partly deserted, sent to that King as an
envoy Donato Acciaiuoli, a man thoroughly versed in Greek and
Latin letters, whose ancestors had always held high positions in the
city. But on the way, having reached Milan, he died. Hence, his
native city, to reward his descendants and to honor his memory,
buried him at public expense very honorably, and gave his sons
exemptions and his daughters suitable dowers for their marriages.
In his place as ambassador to the King, Florence sent Messer Guid,l
antonio Vespucci, a man highly skilled in civil and canon law.
Signor Roberto Sanseverino's invasion of Pisan territory greatly
upset the Florentines, as unexpected things do. Having in the direc,l
tion of Siena a very serious war, they did not see how they could
provide for places near Pisa, yet with conscripts and other like
expedients they relieved the city of Pisa. To keep the Lucchese to
their promises, so that they would not aid the enemy with either
money or provisions, the Florentines sent there as envoy Piero di
Gino di Neri Capponi. Because of the hatred of Lucca for the
Florentine people-the result ofancient injuries and continual fear-
he was received with great suspicion and many times was in danger
of being killed by the people. Hence his visit gave cause for new
hatreds rather than for new union. Thereupon the Florentines re,l
called the Marquis ofFerrara, employed the Marquis ofMantua, and
with great importunity gained from the Venetians Count Carlo,
Braccio's son, and Deifebo, Count Jacopo Piccinino's son. These
commanders were at last yielded. by the Venetians after many objec,l
tions; yet having made a truce with the Turk, and therefore not
having an excuse that would shield them, they were ashamed not to
keep their faith to the League.
Hence Count Carlo and Deifebo came with a large number of
men,lat,larms; with these they united all the men,lat,larms they could
detach from the army under the Marquis of Ferrara that was con,l
fronting the Duke of Calabria's forces. They then moved toward
Followers of Sforza and of Braccio at Enmity 1403
Pisa to attack Signor Roberto, who had his soldiers near the River
Serchio. Though he had given the appearance of intending to wait
for our forces, nevertheless he did not wait but retired to those quarters
in Lunigiana which he had left when he entered Pisan territory.
After his departure, Count Carlo recovered all those cities in the
territory of Pisa that had been taken by the enemy.
CHAPTER IS
[Troubles within the Florentine army; the papal army defeated. 1479]
Then the Florentines, freed from attacks in the direction of Pisa,
united all their soldiers between Colle and San Gimignano. But
since in that army, through the coming of Count Carlo, there were
followers of Sforza and of Braccio, at once their ancient enmities
were revived, and it was believed that ifthey were long together they
would come to blows. Hence, as the lesser evil, it was decided to
divide the soldiers and send one part of them, under Count Carlo,
into the territory ofPerugia, and to keep the other part at Poggibonsi,
where they were to prepare a fortified camp in order to block the
enemy from entering the territory about Florence. They supposed
that by this decision they would force the enemy also to divide his
soldiers; because they believed either that Count Carlo would take
Perugia, where they thought he had many partisans, or that the Pope
would be obliged to send many soldiers there to defend her. They
arranged also, in order to bring the Pope to greater necessity, that
Messer Niccolo Vitelli-an exile from Citta di Castello, where the
ruler was Messer Lorenzo Vitelli his enemy-should approach that
city with soldiers, to make an effort to drive out his adversary and
take her from under the Pope's sway.
It seemed, when these movements began, that Fortune intended
to favor Florentine affairs, because Count Carlo made great progress
in the region ofPerugia. Messer Niccolo Vitelli, though he did not
succeed in entering Castello, had such superior forces that he plun."
dered the open country around the city without any opposition. So
also the soldiers left at Poggibonsi every day raided the country up to
the walls of Siena. Nonetheless, at last all these hopes turned out
fruitless. First, Count Carlo died, in the midst of hopes for victory.
Yet his death improved the situation of the Florentines, if they had
known how to use the victory that came from it, because the soldiers
of the Church assembled at Perugia, learning of the Count's death,
at once became confident of defeating the Florentine forces. Going
into the field, they encamped near Lake Trasimene three miles from
their enemies. On the Florentine side Jacopo Guicciardini, com"
missioner with the army-on the advice of His Excellency Roberto
Malatesta of Rimini, who after Count Carlo's death was the ablest
and most esteemed leader in that army-knowing the cause of the
enemies' haughtiness, determined to wait for them. When they
joined combat near the Lake, where once Hannibal the Cartha"
ginian so memorably defeated the Romans, the soldiers ofthe Church
were vanquished.
When this victory was reported in Florence, everybody rejoiced
and praised the leaders. It would have made Florentine policy ap"
pear both honorable and profitable if disturbances in the army at
Poggibonsi had not upset everything. So the good done by one
army the other entirely destroyed, because aftet the soldiers at Pog"
gibonsi had taken booty in Sienese territory, the Marquis of Ferrara
and the Marquis ofMantua quarreled over its division. Then coming
to blows, with every sort of outrage they assailed each other. Hence
the Florentines, judging they could no longer make use of both,
agreed that the Marquis of Ferrara and his men should go home.
CHAPTER 16
[Difeat of the Florentine army; fall of Colle. 1479]
Since this army then was weakened and leaderless and was in
every way conducting itself with disorder, the Duke of Calabria,
who had his army near Siena, took courage to attack it. And when
he did as he planned, the Florentine soldiers, knowing they were to
be attacked, showed no faith ill their arms, none in their numbers,
which were superior to those of the enemy, none in their position,
which was very strong; without even so much as waiting to see their
foes, they ran away at the sight of their dust, abandoning to the
enemy their supplies, baggage and artillery. To such universal pol"
troonery and disorder were those mercenary armies then subject that
a horse's turning its head or its tail determined defeat or victory in a
campaign. This rout weighed down the King's soldiers with booty
Incompetent Warfare 1405
and the Florentines with terror. Their city was not merely at war,
but also was distressed by a very severe pestilence, which so took over
the city that all the citizens, to escape death, retired to their country
houses. This condition made the defeat more terrifying, because
immediately after it citizens who had gone to their estates in the V al
di Pesa and Val d'Elsa, taking not merely their children and their
property but their laborers, hurried to Florence as best they could, as
though fearing that at any hour the enemy would appear before
the city.
Those in charge of the war, seeing this confusion, commanded
the soldiers who had been victorious in the Perugian. territory to
abandon their campaign against the Perugians and come to the Val
d'Elsa to check the enemy, who, after the victory, without any
opposition were looting the country. Although they had hemmed in
the city of Perugia in such a way that at every hour they expected
victory, nonetheless the Florentines preferred first to defend their own
city rather than to capture that of others. Hence that army, taken
from its successful actions, was brought to San Casciano, a town
eight miles from Florence, since to resist elsewhere was thought im;
possible until the remnants ofthe routed army were brought together.
The enemy, on the other hand-those who were at Perugia-set free
by the departure of the Florentine soldiers, became so bold that every
day they took quantities of booty in the territory of Arezzo and of
Cortona. The enemy under Alfonso Duke of Calabria, who had
conquered at Poggibonsi, first mastered Poggibonsi and later Vico,
and sacked Certaldo. Having carried out these assaults and plunder;
ings, they marched to the town ofColle,which in those times was con;
sidered very strong, and since its men were faithful to the state of
Florence, it could hold the enemy off until soldiers could be brought
together.
The Florentines, then, having assembled all their men at San
Casciano, while the enemy were attacking Colle with all their
might, decided to approach them, to give the men of Colle courage
to defend themselves. And so that the enemy, having their adver;
saries near, would be more cautious in attacking the town, the
Florentines, on making this decision, took their army from San
Casciano and stationed it at San Gimignano, five miles from Colle;
then with light cavalry and other light;armed soldiers they annoyed
the army of the Duke every day. Nonetheless, for the people of
Colle this relief was not sufficient. Hence, since they lacked things
necessary to them, on the thirteenth of November they surrendered,
to the griefofthe Florentines and to the great joy oftheir enemies and
especially of the Sienese, who, besides their general hatred for the
city of Florence, hated the men of Colle in particular.
CHAPTER 17
[The Florentines decide for peace; the nature of the Papacy; Lorenzo
determines to visit King Alfonso. 1479]
It was already midwinter and the weather bad for war, so that the
Pope and the King, moved either by the wish of giving hope for
peace or wishing to enjoy more l?eacefully the victories they had won,
offered the Florentines a truce for three months and gave ten days'
time for their reply; the offer was accepted at once. But as it happens
to everybody that when the blood grows cold, wounds are felt more
than when they are received, this short repose made the Florentines
realize more the troubles they had borne. The citizens, freely and
without caution, blamed one another and pointed out the mistakes
made in the war; they showed the money paid out in vain, the taxes
unjustly laid; and these things they spoke of not merely in groups,
among individuals, but boldly in the public councils. And one
man gained so much courage that turning to Lorenzo de'Medici, he
said to him: "This city is tired out and wants no more war"; therefore
it was necessary for him to give attention to peace. So Lorenzo,
understanding this necessity, consulted with the friends he thought
most faithful and wisest. First of all they decided, seeing the Vene"
tians cold and untrustworthy and the Duke of Milan a child and
involved in civil disturbances, that they must seek new fortune with
new allies. Yet they were doubtful in whose hands they should put
themselves, those of the Pope oI-those of the King of Naples.
When they had examined everything, they approved alliance
with the King as more stable arid more secure. The short lives ofthe
popes, the variations among those chosen, the Church's slight fear of
the princes, the few scruples she has in making decisions, are reasons
why a secular prince cannot wholly rely on a pontiff and cannot
securely share his fortune with him. He who is the Pope's friend in
wars and in dangers will in victory have a companion but in defeat
Court Intrigue 1407
will be alone, since by his spiritual power and reputation the Pontiff
is supported and defended.
Having decided, then, that it was more to their advantage to gain
the King's support, they judged they could not better and with more
certainty do so than by Lorenzo de'Medici's presence, because in
dealing with the King, the more generous they were the more they
believed they could find correctives for past hostilities. So after
Lorenzo had determined on this journey, he gave over the city and
the government to Messer T ommaso Soderini, who was at that time
Gonfalonier ofJustice, and at the beginning of December left Flor;
ence. On reaching Pisa, he wrote to the Signoria, giving the reason
for his leaving. And those Signors, to honor him and in order that
he could with more authority negotiate the treaty of peace with the
King, made him ambassador of the Florentine people and gave him
power to make an alliance with the King as he should think best
for their republic.
CHAPTER 18
[Changes in Milan)· war with Genoa. 1479]
In these same times Signor Roberto Sanseverino together with
Lodovico and Ascanio Sforza, because Sforza their brother was
dead, once more attacked the state of Milan in order to return to its
control. And since they had taken T ortona, and Milan and all that
state were under arms, the Duchess Bona was advised to bring the
Sforzas back into the country and, in order to get rid of these civil
conflicts, to receive them into the government. The chief person of
this opinion was Antonio Tassino of Ferrara. Sprung from a hum;l
ble family, he came to Milan and got into the service of Duke
Galeazzo, who gave him to the Duchess his wife as chamberlain.
Either because he was handsome or because of some secret ability,
after the death of the Duke he rose to such influence with the
Duchess that he almost ruled the state. This greatly vexed Messer
Cecco, a man of great prudence and long experience. Hence in
every way he could, both with the Duchess and with others in the
government, he strove to lessen Tassino's influence. On learning
this, Tassino, in an attempt to revenge himself for these injuries and
to have at hand somebody to protect him from Messer Cecco, en;
couraged the Duchess to bring back the Sforzas. Following his
advice, and without discussing the matter with Messer Cecco, she
brought them back. Whereupon the latter said to her: "You have
made a decision that will take away my life and your power." In a
short time these things happened, because Lodovico put Messer
Cecco to death, and some time after, when Tassino was driven from
the dukedom, the Duchess was so angry that she left Milan and gave
into Lodovico's hands the control of her son. After that, Lodovico
Sforza, as sole ruler of the Dukedom of Milan, caused the ruin of
Italy, as will be shown.
Already Lorenzo de'Medici had left for Naples, and the truce
between the parties was in effect, when, against all expectation,
Lodovico Fregoso, having a sure understanding with some Sarzanese,
by stealth entered Sarzana with armed men, took the city and made
the agent for the Florentine people a prisoner. This event gave great
offense to the chief men in the government of Florence, who were
convinced that everything had been done on the instance of King
Ferdinand. So they complained to the Duke of Calabria, who was
with the army at Siena, that during the truce they had been attacked
in a new war. He gave every evidence, both through letters and
through envoys, that such a thing had come about without his
father's agreement or his own. Nevertheless, the Florentines realized
that they were in a very bad situation, for they were out of money, the
head oftheir republic was in the hands ofthe King, they had an old
war with the King and with the Pope and a new one with the
Genoese; and they were without friends, because they had no hope
in the Venetians, and of the government of Milan they rather felt
fear, since it was variable and unstable. Nothing was left to the
Florentines except their one hope in what Lorenzo de'Medici was
to negotiate with the King of Naples.
CHAPTER 19
[Lorenzo in Naples; his success: the Pope and the Venetians indignant.
1479-1 480 ]
Already Lorenzo had arrived by sea in Naples, where not merely
the King but all the city received him with honor and with great
expectation because, since so important a war had been begun only
to crush him, the greatness ofhis enemies had made him appear very
Lorenzo de'Medici a King's Friend 1409
great. Coming before the King, he so discussed conditions in Italy,
the tendencies of her princes and peoples, and what could be hoped
in peace and feared in war, that the King on hearing him wondered
more at his mighty spirit, his dexterous intellect and his solid judg;,
ment than he had before wondered at his ability to carryon such a
war alone. Hence he redoubled the marks ofrespect shown Lorenzo
and soon decided that he had rather send him away as a friend than
detain him as an enemy. Nonetheless for various reasons he kept
him waiting from December to March, in order to make a double test
not merely of Lorenzo but of Florence, for in that city Lorenzo did
not lack enemies who hoped the King would imprison him and
treat him like Jacopo Piccinino. Under cover oflamenting about it,
they spoke of it throughout the city, and in public discussions they
opposed whatever would help Lorenzo. With these methods they
spread the rumor that if the King kept Lorenzo a long time in
Naples, Florence would change her government. Hence the King
for the time mentioned postponed Lorenzo's departure, to find out if
in Florence any disturbance would come about. But having seen
1
that things went on quietly, on 6 March 1479 he let him go. Yet
first with every sort of favor and display of love Ferdinand gained
Lorenzo's good will; and between them they made lifelong agree;,
ments for the preservation of both their states.
So at last Lorenzo returned to Florence exceedingly great, if he
had left it great; and he was received by the citizens with such joy as
his great qualities and his new deserts merited, since he had exposed
his own life to bring his native city peace. Two days after his arrival,
he announced the agreement made between the republic of Florence
and the King. By this each one was bound to the preservation of
their two states; as to the cities taken in the war from the Florentines,
the King should follow his judgment about restoring them; the Pazzi
imprisoned in the tower ofV olterra should be freed; and to the Duke
of Calabria, for a certain time, certain amounts of money should be
paid. This peace, as soon as it was announced, greatly offended the
Pope and the Venetians, because the Pope thought he had not been
respected by the King, and the Venetians thought they had not
been respected by the Florentines, so that, since both of them had
been allies in the war, they complained at having no share in the
peace. When the Florentines heard and credited the report of this
1. According to the present reckoning, 6 March 1480.
anger, they at once feared that from this peace would rise a greater
war.
Hence the leaders of the Medici party decided to restrict the
government, and to assign important decisions to a smaller number.
So they made a council ofseventy citizens, with the greatest authority
in important matters that they could give. This new body checked
the purpose ofthose who wished to attempt revolution. And to give
themselves reputation, before anything else, the Seventy accepted the
peace made by Lorenzo with the King; they assigned Messer Anto~
mo Ridolfi and Piero Nasi as ambassadors to the Pope and to King
Ferdinand.
Nonetheless, notwithstanding this peace, Alfonso Duke of Cala~
bria, did not leave Siena with his army, pretending that he was
detained by the dissensions of the citizens; these were so great that,
though he had been camped outside the city, the Sienese took him
inside and made him judge of their differences. The Duke, seizing
this opportunity, punished many of the citizens with fines, con~
demned many of them to prison, many to exile and some to death,
so that his methods led not merely the Sienese but the Florentines
also to suspect him of intending to make himself prince of Siena.
Nor was any remedy known for it, since Florence was in a new
alliance with the King, and hostile to the Pope and the Venetians.
This suspicion made its appearance not merely in the mass of the
people of Florence, subtle interpreters of all things, but in the chiefs
of the government; and everybody asserts our city never to have been
in such great danger of losing her liberty. But God, who always in
similar extremities has had special care of her, caused an unexpected
event which gave the King, the Pope and the Venetians something
to consider more serious than Tuscan affairs.
CHAPTER 20
[The Turks capture Otranto. 1480]

A little earlier Mahomet the Grand Turk had besieged
Rhodes with a very large army and assailed the town for many
months. Nonetheless, though his forces were great and his persist~
ence in his attack on the city very great, he found still more in the
besieged, who with such vigor defended themselves against so
"This Year" the Turk Invades Italy 1411
mighty an attack that Mahomet was obliged to leave the siege with
disgrace. So when he left Rhodes, part ofhis fleet, under Achmet a
Pashaw, went toward Valona; and whether he observed the ease of
the undertaking or his lord actually gave him orders, as he coasted
along Italy, he all at once put four thousand soldiers ashore; attacking
the city of Otranto, he quickly took it and sacked it, and killed all
the inhabitants. Then, with the best means he had at hand, he
fortified himself both in the city and in the harbor; and having
brought good cavalry there, he raided and plundered the surrounding
country. The King, considering this attack and knowing how
powerful a prince had undertaken it, sent agents everywhere to make
it known and to ask for troops to assist him against the common
enemy, and with great urgency called back the Duke of Calabria
and his men who were at Siena.
CHAPTER 21
[The capture of Otranto relieves the Florentines; peace made with the
Pope. 1480]
This attack, in proportion as it troubled the Duke and the rest ot
Italy, pleased Florence and Siena, since the latter believed she had
regained her liberty, and the former that she had emerged from those
dangers that made her fear losing it. This opinion was strengthened
by the lamentation the Duke made in leaving Siena, blaming For,
tune, who with an unexpected and unreasonable event had taken
from him the lordship of Tuscany. This same event made the Pope
change his plan; and whereas before he had never been willing to
listen to any Florentine envoy, he became so much milder that he
listened to anybody who spoke to him ofuniversal peace. Hence the
Florentines were assured that ifthey would bend to seek pardon from
the Pope, they would get it.
It did not seem wise, then, to let this opportu·.nity go by; so they
sent the Pontifftwelve ambassadors. When they had reached Rome,
the Pope, before he gave them audience, by various schemes kept
them waiting. Yet at the end the parties decided how for the future
they were going to live, and how much each was to contribute in
peace and how much in war. The ambassadors then came to the
feet of the Pontiff, who, in the midst of his cardinals, with exagger,
ated ceremony awaited them. The Florentines made excuses for the
things that had happened, now blaming necessity, now the wicked;
ness of others, now the fury of the people and their just anger; and
pleading how unlucky they are who are obliged either to fight or to
die. Yet because everything ought to be endured in order to escape
death, they had endured war, the interdicts and the other hardships
that past events had brought with them, in order that their republic
might escape slavery, which is wont to be the death of free cities.
Nevertheless, if, even though forced, they had committed any sin,
they were ready to turn to repentance; and they trusted in His
Clemency, who, after the example ofthe Supreme Redeemer, would
be ready to receive them into his most merciful arms.
To these excuses the Pope replied with words full of pride and
wrath, bringing up against them what in times past they had done
against the Church. Nevertheless, in order to keep the precepts of
God, he was glad to allow them that pardon they asked, but he gave
them to understand that they would have to obey, and if they broke
away from obedience, that freedom which they had been on the
point of losing they would lose, and justly; for they are deservedly
free who are engaged in good not evil works; for freedom badly used
injures oneselfand others; to be willing to show little respect for God
and less for the Church is not the conduct of a free man but of a
licentious one, more inclined to evil than to good, whose reproof is
the duty not only of princes but of any Christian whatever. So
that in relation to the past he complained of those who with evil
deeds had given cause for the war and with very wicked ones
had kept it going; it had been ended more through the goodness
of others than through the deserts of those who caused it. He then
read to them the formula of agreement and of blessing, to which the
Pope added, beyond the things discussed and settled, that if the
Florentines wished to enjoy the benefits of his blessing, they must
furnish money for fifteen armed galleys as long as the Turk was
assailing the Kingdom.
The ambassadors complained greatly ofthis burden, added to the
agreement that had been made, but they were not able in any way,
by any means or favor, or through any complaint, to lighten it. But
after they returned to Florence, the Signoria, to make this peace
reliable, sent to the Pope as envoy Messer Guidantonio Vespucci,
who a short time before had returned from France. He through his
Florence Judges Policy from Results) Not from Wisdom 1413
prudence brought everything to endurable terms, and obtained from
the Pontiff many favors-which was a sign of greater reconciliation.
CHAPTER 22
[Florence recovers the Tuscan towns; Lorenzo regains his reputation;

the Turks abandon Otranto; the Venetians prepare to conquer Ferrara.
1480-1482]
At last, the Florentines had settled their affairs with the Pope
and, with Siena, were freed from fear ofthe King through the Duke
of Calabria's withdrawal from Tuscany, and the war with the Turks
was continuing. Hence the Florentines pressed the King in every
way for the restitution of their towns which the Duke of Calabria,
on withdrawing, had left in the hands of the Sienese. As a result,
the King feared that the Florentines in his great necessity would
detach themselves from him and, by starting war against the Sienese,
would hinder the assistance that he was hoping for from the Pope
and the other Italians. Therefore he agreed to the restitution of the
towns, and with new bonds again bound the Florentines to him.
Force and necessity, therefore, not writings and obligations, make
princes keep their agreements.
When the towns had been got back, and this new compact was
established, Lorenzo de'Medici regained the reputation which first
the war and then the peace, when there was' fear of the King, had
taken from him. There had not been lacking, in those times, men
who had openly spoken evil of him, saying that to save himself he
had sold his native city and that in war Florence lost towns, and in
peace she would lose liberty. But when the cities were regained and
an honorable agreement with the King established, and the city had
recovered her old reputation, talk changed in Florence-for that city
is greedy of speaking her mind and judges public matters according
to their outcome and not according to their wisdom. So they praised
Lorenzo to the sky, saying that his prudence won in the peace what
wicked Fortune took from him in the war, and that his advice and
judgment were stronger than the arms and forces ofthe enemy.
Recently the attacks by the Turk had delayed that war which,
because the Pope and the Venetians were indignant over the peace,
was ready to break out. But as the beginning of that attack was
unhoped for and caused much good, so its end was unforeseen and
caused much ill. For Mahomet the Grand Turk died, contrary
to all expectation, and discord appeared among his sons. Hence the
Turks in Apulia, abandoned by their lord, by treaty yielded Otranto
to the King.
On the removal, then, of this fear, which kept the plans of the
Pope and the Venetians at a standstill, everybody was afraid of new
disturbances. On one side were leagued the Pope and the Venetians;
with them were the Genoese, the Sienese, and other minor powers.
On the other side were the Florentines, the King, and the Duke of
Milan; with them were associated the Bolognese rulers and many
others. The Venetians wished to make themselves masters ofFerrara,
and thought they had a reasonable ground for such action and a
certain hope of carrying it through. The ground was that the Mar~
quis declared he was no longer bound to accept from them the
visdomine and the salt,I for according to the agreement, after seventy
years his city was to be free from both burdens. On the other hand,
the Venetians answered that as long as he kept the Polesine, he must
accept the visdomine and the salt. Since to this the Marquis would
not agree, the Venetians believed they had just cause for taking up
arms and a suitable time for doing so, because the Pope was very
angry with the Florentines and the King. Still further to gain the
Pope's favor, when Count Girolamo went to Venice, they received 2
him with the utmost respect, granting him the freedom of the city
and their rank of gentleman-always a sign of the greatest honor to
any man on whom they bestow it. In order to be ready for that war,
they had levied new taxes and appointed as their general Signor
Roberto Sanseverino who, angry with Duke Lodovico, ruler of
Milan, had fled to T ortona, and after making some disturbance there
had gone to Genoa. While there, he was summoned by the V ene~
tians and made commander of their armies.
1. The visdomine had jurisdiction in Ferrara over disputes involving Venetians. The Fer,,-
rarese were forbidden to make salt and obliged to buy it from Venice.
2. Girolamo Riario nephew of Pope Sixtus IV; see 7. 22; 8. 3) above.
J
God Must Be Grateful to the Pope's Condottiere 1415
CHAPTER 23
[Roberto Malatesta of Rimini wins at Campo Morto a victory for the
Pope over the Duke of Calabria. 1482]
When these preparations for new movements were known, they
caused the op.posing League also to prepare for war. The Duke of
Milan chose for his general Frederick ofUrbino, and the Florentines
Costanzo Sforza of Pesaro. In order to test the intention ofthe Pope
and to make clear whether the Venetians with his consent were
making war on Ferrara, King Ferdinand sent Alfonso Duke of
Calabria with his army to the Tronto, and asked passage from the
Pope in order to go into Lombardy for the relief of the Marquis of
Ferrara. This the Pope absolutely refused. Hence, since the King
and the Florentines felt they had made sure of the Pope's intention,
they determined to hem him in with their forces, so that of necessity
he would become their ally, or at least to impede him so much that
he could not send the Venetians reinforcements. Already the latter
were in the field and had started war against the Marquis, and had
first plundered his territory and then laid siege to Ficarolo, a town
very important to that lord's state. So then, the King and the Floren"
tines having determined to attack the Pontiff, Alfonso Duke of
Calabria raided toward Rome and with the aid of the Colonna
family, who had joined him because the Orsini had sided with the
Pope, did great damage in the country. On the other hand the
Florentine people, with Messer Niccolo Vitelli, attacked Citta di
Castello, took that city and drove out Messer Lorenzo Vitelli, who
held it for the Pope, and set up as its prince Messer Niccolo.
As a result, the Pope was in great distress, because Rome was
disturbed inside by parties, and outside the country was overrun by
the enemy. Nonetheless, being a spirited man, and one who intended
to conquer and not to yield to the enemy, he engaged as general the
Magnifico Roberto Malatesta of Rimini. And having him come to
Rome, where the Pope had brought together all his men"at"arms, he
showed Roberto how much honor he would gain if, against the
troops ofa king, he would free the Church from her present troubles,
and the great obligation the Pope and all his successors would feel,
and that not men only but even God must be grateful to him. The
Magnifico Roberto, first having examined the Pope's men"at"arms
and all his munitions, urged him to gather as many infantry as he
could; this advice with all zeal and speed the Pope put into effect.
At that time the Duke of Calabria was so near Rome that every day
he raided and plundered up to the city gates. His conduct so
angered the Roman people that many oftheir own free will offered to
join with the Magnifico Roberto for the liberation of Rome. These
were all thanked and accepted by that commander.
The Duke, knowing of these preparations, drew away from the
city somewhat, thinking that if he were at a distance the Magnifico
Roberto would not have courage to attack him. And in part he was
expecting his brother Federigo, who with fresh troops had been sent
him by his father. The Magnifico Roberto, seeing that he was almost
equal to the Duke in men;at;arms and superior in infantry, went out
from Rome with his forces in order, and made his camp about two
miles from the enemy. The Duke, seeing his adversaries close to
him, contrary to all his expectations, judged that he must either fight
or run away as though defeated. Hence, almost compelled, in order
not to do anything unworthy of the son of a king, he determined to
fight. Turl1ing their faces toward the enemy, each general arranged
his soldiers in the order then usual, and led them to the combat,
which lasted until midday. This battle was contested with more
courage than any other that had been fought for fifty years in Italy,
because on both sides together more than a thousand men were
killed. The result was glorious for the Church, because the multi;
tude ofher infantry attacked the ducal cavalry in such a way that the
latter were obliged to turn their backs; and the Duke would have
been a prisoner if many Turks (some of those who had been at
Otranto and now were fighting for him) had not rescued him.
After winning this victory, the Magnifico Roberto returned in
triumph to Rome. His success he enjoyed but a short time because,
drinking a large amount of water as a result of the day's labor, he
was attacked by a diarrhea that in a few days killed him. His body
was honored by the Pope with every sort ofhonor. When the Pontiff
had won this victory, he at once sent Count Girolamo Riario against
Citta di Castello, to see about restoring that town to Messer Lorenzo,
and partly to attempt the city ofRimini, because after the death ofthe
Magnifico Roberto, since his little son was left in charge of his wife,
the Pontiff supposed he could easily take the city. His plan would
have succeeded if the Florentines had not defended the widow, 0p;
Pope Sixtus IV Forced to Favor Peace 1417
posing their armies to Count Girolamo in such a way that he could

not effect anything either against Castello or against Rimini.
CHAPTER 24
[The Venetian war on Ferrara. 1482]
While in Romagna and at Rome these things were going on, the
Venetians had taken Ficarolo and their soldiers had crossed the Po.
And the army of the Duke of Milan and of the Marquis of Ferrara
was in disorder because Frederick ofUrbino fell sick and, after being
taken to Bologna to be cared for, died. Hence the affairs of the
Marquis kept going down, and in the Venetians the hope of taking
Ferrara grew stronger every day.
On the other hand, the King and the Florentines made every
effort to get the Pope where they wished him, and not having suc;
ceeded in making him yield to arms, they threatened him with a
Council, which already the Emperor had announced for Basel.
Hence, through the King's ambassadors, who were at Rome, and
through the leading cardinals, who wished peace, the Pope was
persuaded and forced to think of peace and the union of Italy.
Thereupon, through fear and also through seeing that the greatness
ofthe Venetians was the ruin ofthe Church and of Italy, the Pontiff
attempted to form a pact with the League; and he sent his nuncios to
Naples, where a league for five years was made by the Pope, the King,
the Duke ofMilan, and the Florentines, who reserved a place for the
Venetians if they accepted it. When this had been done, the Pope
let the Venetians understand that they must desist from the war
against Ferrara. To this the Venetians would not consent. On the
contrary, with greater effort they prepared for war, and defeating the
soldiers ofthe Duke ofMilan and the Marquis ofFerrara at Argenta,
they came so close to Ferrara that they put their tents in the Marquis'
park.
CHAPTER 25
[The war at Ferrara and in Venetian territory. 1483]
Since the League believed it could no longer put off giving
vigorous help to that lord, it had the Duke of Calabria go to Ferrara
with his soldiers and those of the Pope, and likewise the Florentines
sent there all their soldiers. In order better to arrange the plan ofthe
war, the League held a meeting at Cremona, where the Pope's
legate met with Count Girolamo, the Duke of Calabria, Signor
Lodovico Sforza and Lorenzo de'Medici, with many other Italian
princes. At this meeting, these princes divided among themselves
all the activities of the future war. Because they judged that Ferrara
could not be better relieved than by making a strong diversion, they
wished Signor Lodovico to consent to undertake a war against the
Venetians on behalf ofthe Duke of Milan's government, but Signor
Lodovico would not consent, fearing that he would draw down on
himself a war that he could not get rid of when he wished.
And therefore they decided to assemble their soldiers at Ferrara,
and having got together four thousand men~at~arms and eight thou~
sand infantry, they moved against the Venetians, who had twenty~
two hundred men~at~arms and six thousand infantry. The League
decided, as its first action, to assail the fleet the Venetians had in the
Po, and having assailed it near Bondeno, they defeated it with the
loss of more than two hundred boats; there they took prisoner Messer
Antonio Giustinian, the overseer of the fleet.
The Venetians, when they saw Italy all united against them, to
give themselves more prestige had hired the Duke of Lorraine with
two hundred men~at~arms. So, having suffered this loss with their
fleet, they sent him, with part of their army, to hold the enemy in
check. And Signor Roberto Sanseverino with the remainder of
their army they sent across the Adda and close to Milan, shouting the
name of the Duke and of Madonna Bona his mother, for they be~
lieved that in this way they would stir up rebellion in Milan, thinking
that in the city Signor Lodovico and his government were hated.
This attack at first roused great terror and put the city under arms.
Nonetheless, it produced a result opposed to the Venetian plan,
because what Signor Lodovico had not been willing to accept this
injury drove him to accept. Therefore, leaving the Marquis of Fer~
rara to the defense of his possessions with four thousand horsemen
and two thousand infantry, the Duke of Calabria with twelve
thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry entered the territory of
Bergamo, next that of Brescia and finally that of Verona, and with~
out possibility of defense by the Venetians, he deprived those three
cities of almost all their country districts, for Signor Roberto and his
Generals Disagree 1419
soldiers were hardly able to save the cities themselves. On the other
hand the Marquis ofFerrara also regained a great part ofhis territory,
because the Duke of Lorraine, who was opposing him, was not able
to resist, having not more than two thousand horsemen and a thou,
sand infantry. So all that summer of the year 1483 the League
fought successfully.
CHAPTER 26
[Venice regains by negotiation what she lost by war. 1484]
In the spring of the next year, then-for the winter went by
quietly-the armies took the field. The League, in order more rapidly
to overcome the Venetians, assembled its entire army as a unit.
Easily, if the war had been carried on as in the preceding year, the
League would have taken from the Venetians all the territory they
held in Lombardy, because the Venetians sent out six thousand
cavalry and five thousand infantry, and were opposed to thirteen
thousand cavalry and six thousand infantry, because the Duke of
Lorraine, having finished his year's contract, had gone home. But
when many of equal authority are working together, it almost at-,
ways happens that their disagreement gives victory to the enemy.
After the death ofFederigo Gonzaga, Marquis ofMantua, whose
influence kept the Duke of Calabria and Signor Lodovico united,
differences came up between them, and from differences came jeal"
ousy. Giovangaleazzo, Duke of Milan, was now old enough to
take over the government of his state, and since his wife was the
daughter of the Duke of Calabria, the latter wanted not Lodovico
but his son,law to rule the state. Knowing, then, this wish of the
Duke's, Lodovico decided to preclude his effecting it. Knowing
Lodovico's fear, the Venetians seized it as an opportunity; they
judged that, as always, they could win with the treaty what they had
lost with the war. So having secretly discussed a settlement between
themselves and Lodovico, in August 1484 they confirmed it. When
the other allies found this out, it disturbed them greatly, especially
since they saw that they would have to restore to the Venetians the
captured cities, to leave in their hands Rovigo and the Polesine,
which they had taken from the Marquis of Ferrara, and even to let
them have again all those powers over Ferrara which for many years
they had enjoyed. So everybody realized that they had carried on a
war in which they had spent much, and in waging it had gained
honor, and in ending it, shame, since the captured towns were given
back and the lost ones were not regained. But the allies were forced
to accept it, being exhausted by the expense and unwilling, for the
sake of the sins and ambition of others, to make any further trial of
their fortune.
CHAPTER 27
[The Pope tries to regain Citta di Castello; he puts down the Colonna
family. 1484]
While things were being managed in this way in Lombardy, the
Pope, by means of Messer Lorenzo, blockaded Citta di Castello in
order to drive out Niccolo Vitelli, whom the League, in order to
draw the Pope to their way ofthinking, had abandoned. And while
the city was blockaded, those inside who were partisans of Niccolo
made a sortie and, coming to blows with their enemies, defeated
them. So the Pope recalled Count Girolamo Riario from Lom~
bardy and had him come to Rome to renew his forces and return to
that attempt. But then deciding that it was better to win Messer
Niccolo's support with peace than again to attack him with war, he
made an agreement with him; as well as he could, he reconciled him
with Messer Lorenzo, his adversary.
To this he was forced more by fear of new disturbances than by
love of peace, because he saw between the Colonna family and the
Orsini family an outbreak of malevolent dissension. The King of
Naples, in the war between him and the Pope, had taken from the
Orsini the country ofTagliacozzo and had given it to the Colonnesi,
who took his side. Then when peace was made between the King
and the Pope, the Orsini, by virtue of the agreements, asked for it.
Many times the Pope indicated to the Colonnesi that they should
give it back, but neither for the requests of the Orsini nor for the
threats of the Pope would they consent to its return. On the con."
trary, they did fresh injury to the Orsini with plundering and like
damages. At last the Pope, since he could not bear them, assembled
his forces and those of the Orsini against the Colonnesi; and he
sacked the houses they had in Rome, killed and arrested those who
tried to defend them, and deprived them of the greater part of their
Pope Sixtus IV Hated Peace 1421
towns, so that those disturbances, not through peace but through the
crushing of one party, were quieted.
CHAPTER 28
[Death of Sixtus IV; peace in Italy; the election of Pope Innocent
VIII. 1484]
Not yet were affairs quiet at Genoa and in Tuscany; because the
Florentines kept Count Antonio da Marciano with soldiers on the
frontiers of Sarzana, and while the war lasted in Lombardy, with
raids and similar light combats they annoyed the Sarzanese. In
Genoa, Battistino Fregoso the doge of that city, confiding in Pagolo
Fregoso the Archbishop, was with his wife and children captured
by him; Pagolo made himself prince of the city. The Venetian fleet
also had attacked the Kingdom and seized Gallipoli and harassed
the other cities in the region. But when peace came in Lombardy,
all the disturbances stopped, except in Tuscany and Rome. The
Pope, after peace had been proclaimed, in five days died, whether
because the limit for his life had come or because his sorrow at the
peace that was made-for he was an enemy to peace-killed him.
So at last this Pontiff left in peace that Italy which, while alive, he
had always kept at war.
On his death, Rome was instantly under arms. Count Girolamo
Riario retired with his soldiers to the Castle; the Orsini feared that
the Colonna family would try to revenge their recent injuries; the
Colonnesi again demanded their property and their towns; the result
was that in a few days there were murders, robberies, and fires in
many places in that city. But the cardinals having urged the Count
to restore the Castle to the power of their College and to go to his
estates and free Rome from his soldiers, he obeyed, since he wished
to make the next pontiff well disposed to him; and restoring the
Castle to the College of Cardinals, he went off to Imola.
Thereupon, since the cardinals were freed from this fear and the
barons were deprived of the aid in their quarrels which they hoped
for from the Count, the cardinals proceeded to the choice of a new
pontiff. And after some differences they elected Giovanbattista Cibo,
Cardinal ofMalfetta, a Genoese, who called himself Innocent VIII.
He, through his pliable nature, for he was a kindly and quiet man,
had arms laid down and made Rome for the time peaceful.
CHAPTER 29
[The Florentines attack Sarzana)' the Bank of San Giorgio in
Genoa. 1484]
The Florentines, after the peace in Lombardy, could not remain
quiet, since they thought it shameful and disgusting that a private
gentleman had deprived them ofthe town ofSarzana. And because
I
the articles of the peace stated that not merely was it proper to ask
again things that had been lost but to make war on anybody who
hindered their acquisition, they quickly provided money and men
for carrying on that expedition. Hence Agostino Fregoso, who had
taken Sarzana, knowing that with his private forces he could not
sustain so great a war, gave that city to San Giorgio.
Since of San Giorgio and the Genoese I shall many times make
mention, it is not out of place to explain the organization and ways
ofthat city, one ofthe chiefin Italy. When the Genoese made peace
with the Venetians, after that very important war between them
many years ago, their republic, unable to repay those citizens who
had lent her great sums of money, granted them the income of the
customs house and decreed that, as the receipts permitted, every man,
according to the amount of his principal sum, should share in that
income until the commonwealth completely repaid him. And that
they might meet together, the palace above the customs house was
handed over to them. These creditors then organized a method of
procedure, choosing among themselves a council of a hundred,
which was to decide their affairs of business, and a magistracy of
eight citizens which, as the head of all, was to carry them out. They
divided their receipts into parts, which they called shares, and their
entire body they named after San Giorgio. After in this way they
had arranged their administration, new needs came upon the govern.,
ment of the commonwealth, which again applied for assistance to
San Giorgio. Being rich and well managed, the company could
give it. The commonwealth, on the other hand, as at first she granted
the customs, later, as a pledge for the money she had had, granted
San Giorgio some of her cities.
And the matter has gone so far, derived from the needs of the
commonwealth and the services of San Giorgio, that it has under its
1. See 8. 18) above.
Liberty and Tyranny within One Wall 1423
administration the greater part of the towns and cities subject to
Genoese rule; these towns it governs and defends, and every year by
public vote it sends its governors, without the commonwealth in any
way taking any trouble. The result is that those citizens have aban"
doned their affection for the commonwealth, as a tyrannical thing,
and given it to San Giorgio, as a group that is well and fairly con"
ducted. This permits easy and frequent changes in the city govern"
ment, and sometimes they obey a citizen, sometimes a foreigner,
because not San Giorgio but the commonwealth changes its gov"
ernment.
Hence, when between the Fregosi and the Adorni there was a
fight over the princedom, since they were fighting over the govern"
ment of the commonwealth, the greater part of the citizens drew to
one side and left it as the spoil of the conqueror. When anybody
takes over the government, the company of San Giorgio simply
makes him swear to observe its laws, which up to this time have not
been changed. Because it has weapons and money and organiza"
tion, they cannot be changed without danger ofa sure and dangerous
rebellion. A condition truly strange, and one that philosophers,
among the many republics they have dreamed ofand observed, never
have found: that is, to see within the same wall, for the same citizens,
liberty and tyranny, government fit for citizens and corrupt govern"
ment, justice and disorder. That organization alone keeps that city
full of ancient and venerable customs, and ifit should come about-
and with time it surely will come about-that San Giorgio should
take over that entire city, she would be a republic memorable beyond
the Venetian.
CHAPTER 30
[War with Genoa. 1484]
To this San Giorgio, then, Agostino Fregoso granted Sarzana.
San Giorgio accepted her gladly and undertook her defense, at once
sending a fleet to sea and dispatching soldiers to Pietrasanta in order
to hinder anybody who tried to go to the Florentine army, already
near Sarzana. On the other hand, the Florentines wished to take
Pietrasanta, for without her, since she was between Sarzana and
Pisa, the capture of Sarzana was less valuable. But they could not
justly besiege Pietrasanta unless her people, or somebody in the town,
hindered them in the capture of Sarzana. To bring this about, they
sent from Pisa to the army a large amount of munitions and victuals,
under a weak escort, in order that the men in Pietrasanta should fear
less because ofthe small guard, and because ofthe large booty should
be more eager to attack the convoy. The outcome was entirely ac-'
cording to plan, for the men in Pietrasanta, seeing so much booty
before their eyes, took it. This gave the Florentines a lawful cause for
undertaking the business; so abandoning Sarzana, they besieged
Pietrasanta, which was full of soldiers who vigorously defended her.
Stationing their artillery in the plain, the Florentines made a fort on
the mountain, so they could close her in on that side. The commis-'
sioner of the army was Jacopo Guicciardini.
During the fighting at Pietrasanta, the Genoese fleet took and
burned the castle of Vada, and their soldiers, stationed on land,
raided and plundered the country round about. Against these Flor-'
ence sent Messer Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, who with cavalry and
infantry in part checked the insolence of the Genoese, so that they
plundered with less freedom. But their fleet, continuing to annoy
the Florentines, went to Livorno and with pontoons and other appli-'
ances approached the new tower and attacked it for many days with
artillery, but since they made no progress, the assailants withdrew
with shame.
CHAPTER 3 I
[Pietrasanta taken; the Lucchese claim the town. 1484]
Meanwhile the fighting at Pietrasanta was sluggish, so that the
enemy, taking courage, attacked and captured the fort. This brought
them such reputation and caused the Florentine army such fear that
it was on the point of defeating itsel£ It withdrew four miles from
the city and its leaders judged that since the month of October had
come, they should go into winter quarters and put off the siege of
Pietrasanta until spring.
This dereliction, when known in Florence, made the leaders of
the state very angry. At once, in order to restore the army's reputation
and power, they elected as new commissioners Antonio Pucci and
Bernardo del Nero. With a large sum of money these two went to
the army and reported to the generals the indignation ofthe Signoria,
ofthe ruling party and ofthe entire city. They requested the generals
Lorenzo de'Medici Seeks Military Reputation 1425
to go back to the walls with their forces, and avoid being disgraced
by the report that so many officers, with so large a force, having op,l
posed to them only a small garrison, could not take a city so unim,l
portant and weak. They showed the present profit and the future
hope from such a capture, so that they stimulated the spirits of all the
soldiers to return to the walls. First of all they determined on cap,l
turing the fort. Its capture revealed the effect of kindness, courtesy,
and pleasant manners and words on soldiers' spirits, because Antonio
Pucci, exhorting one soldier, promising something to another, ex,l
tending his hand to another, embracing still another, got them to
make that attack with such vigor that they gained the fort in a
moment. Yet the gain was not without loss, for Count Antonio da
Marciano was killed by a cannon shot. This victory so terrified
those in the town that they began negotiations about surrender.
Hence, in order that the affair might be finished with more acclaim,
Lorenzo de'Medici decided to go to the army; after he arrived, in a
few days the town was gained.
Winter had already come; hence the generals decided not to go
on with the business but to wait until spring, especially because that
autumn, on account ofthe bad air, the army had got sick, and many
of the officers were seriously ill. Among them Antonio Pucci and
Messer Bongianni Gianfigliazzi fell ill and died, lamented by every,l
body-such was the good opinion Antonio had gained by his
actions at Pietrasanta.
After the Florentines had captured the town, the Lucchese sent
envoys to Florence to claim her, as belonging to their republic, for
they indicated as an article of their treaty with Florence that any city
belonging to the other that one of them recovered from a third party
must be restored to its first master. The Florentines did not deny the
terms; but they answered that they did not know whether by the
treaty under negotiation between them and the Genoese they would
be obliged to restore that town. Therefore they could not before that
time make a decision. If when the treaty was made, they did not
have to restore her to Genoa, the Lucchese would need to consider
repaying them for what they had spent and for the damage received
from the deaths of so many Florentine citizens; and if the Lucchese
would do this, they could well hope to have Pietrasanta back again.
All that winter, then, was spent in discussing the treaty of peace
between the Genoese and the Florentines, which, with the mediation
of the Pontiff, was done at Rome. Since the treaty was not con~
cluded, the Florentines would in the spring have attacked Sarzana if
Lorenzo de'Medici's sickness and the war that broke out between
the Pope and King Ferdinand had not hindered them. Lorenzo
was attacked not merely by the gout, which afflicted him as an
inheritance from his father, but by severe stomach pains, so that he
had to go to the baths to be cured.
CHAPTER 32
[War between the Pope and the King of Naples. 1485-1486]
But a more important cause was the war, which originated as
tollows. The city of Aquila was in such a way subject to the King~
dom of Naples that it lived almost independent. The Count of
Montorio had great influence in it. At that time, the Duke of
Calabria, with his men~at~arms, was near the Tronto River, under
the excuse that he wanted to quiet certain uprisings among the
peasants in those regions. Planning to bring Aquila entirely into
subjection to the King, he sent for the Count of Montorio, as if he
wished to make use of him in what he then was doing. The Count
obeyed without any suspicion; when he reached the Duke's camp,
he was arrested and sent to Naples. When this was known at
Aquila, it angered that entire city; the people took up arms and killed
Antonio Concinello, the King's commissioner, and with him some
citizens who were understood to be His Highness' partisans. And
that the people of Aquila might have someone to protect them in
their rebellion, they raised the banner ofthe Church, and sent envoys
to the Pope to give him the city and themselves, begging that he
would aid her, as his property, against kingly tyranny.
Courageously the Pontiff assumed their defense, for he hated the
King for private and public reasons. Since Signor Roberto Sanse~
verino was hostile to the state of Milan and without employment,
the Pope engaged him as general and had him with the utmost haste
come to Rome. He urged, in addition, all the friends and relatives
ofthe Count ofMontorio to rebel against the King; so the Princes of
Altamura, of Salerno and of Bisignano took up arms against him.
The King, seeing himself attacked so suddenly, applied to the
Florentines and to the Duke ofMilan for aid. At first the Florentines
Mercenaries Slain by Peasants 1427
doubted what they ought to do, because they were reluctant to
abandon their own affairs for those of another state, and to take up
again arms against the Church seemed dangerous. Nonetheless,
being in a league, they put their promise ahead of their convenience
and their dangers, and hired the Orsini; in addition they sent all their
soldiers, under the Count of Pitigliano, against Rome, to the assist."
ance of the King.
So the King formed two armies: one, under the Duke of Cala."
bria, he sent against Rome; this army, together with the Florentine
soldiers, opposed the army of the Church; with the other, under his
own command, he opposed the barons. In both places this war was
carried on with varying fortune. At last, the King being everywhere
superior, in August 1486, a treaty was settled by the intervention of
the King of Spain's ambassadors. The Pope agreed, beaten down
by Fortune and unwilling to tempt her further. In making peace all
the potentates of Italy united, leaving out only the Genoese, as rebels
against the state of Milan and in possession of Florentine cities.
Signor Roberto Sanseverino, when peace was restored-since in
the war he had been to the Pope a friend little faithful, and to the
others an enemy little dangerous-as though driven out by the Pope,
left Rome. Being pursued by the soldiers of the Duke and the
Florentines, when he had passed Cesena and saw that he was over."
taken, he fled, and with fewer than a hundred cavalry got to Ravenna;
of his other soldiers, part were taken into the Duke's service, part
destroyed by the peasants. The King, when peace was made and he
was reconciled with his barons, put to death Jacopo Coppola and
Antonello d'Anversa with their children, because during the war
they had revealed his secrets to the Pontiff.
CHAPTER 33
[The Pope becomes friendly to Florence; Lorenzo de'Medici receives
in person the surrender of Sarzana. 1487]
The Pope, with this war as an object lesson, realized with what
great promptness and zeal the Florentines observed their alliances, so
that whereas earlier his love for the Genoese and the Florentine aid to
the King had made him hate them, now he was ready to love the
Florentines and showed more than accustomed favor to their ambas."
sadors. This inclination Lorenzo de'Medici recognized and with
every effort encouraged, because he judged it would give him a high
reputation if to the alliance he had with the King he could add an
alliance with the Pope. The Pontiff had a son named Francesco.
Hoping to provide him with states and with friends through which
he could maintain himself after his father's death, the Pope did not
know with whom in Italy he could more securely unite him than
with Lorenzo. Therefore he worked in such a way that Lorenzo
gave Francesco one of his daughters as wife. Having made this
alliance, the Pope urged the Genoese to cede Sarzana to the Floren~
tines by treaty, arguing that they could not retain what Agostino had
sold and that Agostino could not give San Giorgio what was not
his. Nevertheless he never had any success.
On the contrary the Genoese, while these matters were under
discussion at Rome, armed a large number of ships and, before any
report reached Florence, landed three thousand infantry and attacked
the castle ofSarzanello, situated near Sarzana and held by the Floren~
tines; the adjacent village they sacked and burned. Next, placing
their artillery before the castle, they assailed it with the utmost zeal.
This attack was entirely unexpected by the Florentines, who quickly
assembled their soldiers at Pisa under Virginio Orsini. They also
complained to the Pope that while he was negotiating peace, the
Genoese had begun war on them. Then they sent Piero Corsini to
Lucca to keep that city to her agreement; they sent Pagolantonio
Soderini to Venice, to test the intentions of that republic; they asked
auxiliary forces from the King and from Signor Lodovico Sforza.
They got none anywhere, because the King said he feared the Turk's
fleet, and Lodovico, with various quibblings, put off sending any.
The Florentines in their wars almost always are alone, and do not
find those who support them with that courage with which they aid
others. But this time they were not bewildered when deserted by their
allies, since it was not new to them. So having assembled a large
army under Jacopo Guicciardini and Piero Vettori, they sent it
against the enemy; the Florentines encamped on the River Magra.
Meanwhile Sarzanello was hard pressed by the enemy, who besieged
her with mines and every other method, so that the commissioners
decided to relieve her. Nor did the enemy refuse battle, and when
they came to blows, the Genoese were defeated; the Florentines took
prisoner Messer Luigi dal Fiesco, with many other officers of the
Lorenzo de'Medici as General 1429
hostile army. This victory did not frighten the people of Sarzana to
such an extent that they were willing to surrender. On the contrary,
they stubbornly prepared for defense, and the Florentine commis,
sioners for attack. Hence she was vigorously attacked and defended.
Since this siege was long drawn out, Lorenzo de'Medici de,
cided that he should go to the army. When he got there, our soldiers
took courage and the men of Sarzana lost it, because, seeing the
stubbornness of the Florentines in attacking them and the coldness
of the Genoese in aiding them, they put themselves, freely and with,
out any conditions, in Lorenzo's hands. When they had come into
Florentine power, all except a few responsible for the rebellion were
humanely treated.
During that siege, Signor Lodovico Sforza sent men,at,arms to
Pontremoli, to give the appearance of coming to our aid; but since
he had a secret understanding in Genoa, the party opposed to those
in power rebelled and, with the aid of those soldiers, put themselves
in the hands of the Duke of Milan.
CHAPTER 34
[War between the Venetians and the Germans}· Count Girolamo
Riario assassinated at Forli; revenge by his widow. 1487]
In those days the Germans started war against the Venetians. In
the Marches, Boccolino da Osimo led a rebellion against the Pope
and took sole authority in Osimo. After many strange events, he
consented, on the persuasions of Lorenzo de'Medici, to surrender
that city to the Pontiff. Coming to Florence under Lorenzo's pledge,
for a long time he lived there very honorably; later he went to Milan
where, not finding the same integrity, he was put to death by Signor
Lodovico.
The Venetians, attacked by the Germans, were defeated near the
city of Trent and their general, Signor Roberto Sanseverino, was
killed. After that loss, the Venetians, in accord with their usual
fortune, made a treaty with the Germans not as losers but as con,
querors-so greatly was it to the republic's honor.
In those days very serious disturbances broke out also in Romag,
na. Francesco d'Orso of Forli, a man of great influence in that
city, became an object of suspicion to Count Girolamo, who many
times threatened him. Hence Francesco, living in great fear, was
encouraged by his friends and relatives to forestall his danger and,
since he feared to be killed by the Count, to kill him first and thus
with another man's death to escape his own danger. Having, then,
made this decision and settled their courage to this attempt, Fran.l
cesco and his friends chose as the time the day of the fair of Forli;
since on that day many of their friends came into the city from the
country, they thought that without having to ask them to come they
could get help. It was the month of May and the greater part of the
Italians have the custom of dining by daylight. So the conspirators
decided that the suitable hour for killing him would be after his
dinner, for at that time, while his servants were eating, he would be
in his chamber almost alone. Having made this plan, Francesco
at the hour set went to the Count's palace. Leaving his companions
on the first floor, he came to the Count's chamber, where he had
one of the chamberlains tell the Count that he wished to speak to
him. Francesco was let in, and finding Count Girolamo alone,
after a few words of pretended talk, he killed him. Then he called
his companions, who killed the chamberlain also. By chance the
Captain of the city came to speak with the Count, and coming
into the hall with a few ofhis men, he also was killed by the Count's
assassins. When these murders had been committed and a great
outcry made, the head ofthe Count was thrown out ofthe window.
Shouting "Church and Liberty," the assassins called to arms all
the people, who hated the Count's avarice and cruelty; then they
sacked his palace and made the Countess Caterina and all her
children prisoners.
Only the fortress was left to take, if their attempt was to succeed.
Since the castellan would not give it up, they asked the Countess to
influence him. This she promised to do, if they would let her enter
the fortress; as a pledge of her faith, they were to retain her children.
The conspirators believed her talk and allowed her to enter. When
she was inside, she threatened them with death and with every sort of
punishment in revenge for her husband. When they threatened to
kill her children, she answered that she had with her means for
producing more. Then the conspirators became terrified, for they
were not supported by the Pope and they heard that Signor Lodovico
Sforza, the Countess' uncle, was sending men to aid her; so they
took such property as they could carry and went to Citta di Castello.
Confidence in Florence 1431
Then the Countess, reassuming power, with every sort of cruelty
revenged her husband's death. When the Florentines heard of the
Count's death, they took it as an opportunity to regain the castle of
Piancaldoli, which in the past the Count had taken from them.
Sending their soldiers there, with the death of Cecca, the famous
architect, they regained it.
CHAPTER 35
[The murder of Galeotto Manfredi) ruler of Faenza; that city put in
the hands of the Florentines. 1488]
To this disturbance in Romagna, another in that region, not of
less importance, was added. Galeotto Manfredi ruler ofFaenza had
as his wife the daughter of Messer Bentivoglio, the chief man in
Bologna. Either through jealousy or through her husband's bad
treatment of her or through her wicked nature, she hated her hus;,
band. And in her hatred she went so far that she determined to take
from him his position and his life. So pretending she was sick, she
went to bed, arranging that when Galeotto came to visit her, certain
of her co·nfidants whom she concealed in her chamber should kill
him. This woman shared her plan with her father, who hoped to
become ruler ofFaenza after his son;,in;,law's death. When the time
planned for the murder came, Galeotto went into his wife's chamber
according to his habit, and after he had talked with her a while,
from the secret places in the chamber his murderers came out; since
he found no way to escape, they killed him. After his death, there
was great confusion. His wife, with her little son named Astorre,
fled into the castle; the people took arms; Messer Giovanni Benti;,
voglio, together with one Bergamino, an officer of the Duke of
Milan, first getting ready enough armed men, entered Faenza. An;,
tonio Boscoli, a Florentine commissioner, was also there.
While in the midst ofsuch disturbance the leaders just mentioned
were meeting and talking about the government of the city, the men
of the V al di Lamona, many of whom hastened to this scene of
confusion, turned their weapons against Messer Giovanni and Ber;,
gamino; they killed Bergamino and took Messer Giovanni prisoner.
Shouting the names ofAstorre and ofthe Florentines, they entrusted
the city to the Florentine commissioner. This event, when known at
Florence, greatly vexed everybody. Nevertheless, they had Messer
Giovanni and his daughter set free, but with the approval of all the
people, the Florentines assumed the guardianship of the city and
of Astorre.
Besides these, after the chiefwars between the greater princes were
settled, there were for years many disturbances in Romagna, in the
Marches and at Siena; since these were of little import, I judge it
superfluous to relate them. It is true that those in Siena, from the
time when the Duke of Calabria left after the war of 1478, were very
frequent; after many changes, in which now the people, now the
nobles were in power, the nobles were victorious. Among them
Pandolfo and Jacopo Petrucci gained the greatest influence; these-
one through his wisdom, the other through his courage-became
virtually princes in that city.
CHAPTER 36
[The death of Lorenzo de'Medici; his career. 149 2 ]
The Florentines, on ending the war over Sarzana, lived in the
greatest happiness until 1492, when Lorenzo de'Medici died. When
Italian arms, which through Lorenzo's wisdom and influence had
been made inactive, were laid down, he turned his mind to strength."
ening himself and his city. To Piero, his eldest son, he married
Alfonsina, daughter of the Cavaliere Orsino; then Giovanni, his
second son, he brought to the dignity of the cardinalate. This was
the more noteworthy in that contrary to all past examples, Giovanni-
not fourteen years old-received so high a rank. This was a ladder
to enable his house to rise to the skies, as in following years it did.
For Giuliano his third son, because of his tender age and the short
time that Lorenzo lived, he could not provide any extraordinary
fortune. As to his daughters, he married one to Jacopo Salviati,
another to Francesco Cibo, the third to Piero Ridolfi; the fourth,
whom he married to Giovanni de'Medici in order to keep his house
united, died.
In his private mercantile affairs he was very unlucky, since
through the irregularities of his employees, who administered his
affairs not as private persons but as princes, in many places much of
his portable wealth was lost; hence his native city had to assist him
Lorenzo Favors Men of Letters 1433
with large sums of money. Therefore, in order not to tempt such a
fortune further, laying aside mercantile activities, he turned to landed
property as more fixed and solid wealth; so near Prato, near Pisa and
in the Val di Pesa he formed estates which in income and in type of
buildings and of magnificence were not those of a private citizen
but kingly.
After this he turned to making his city more beautiful and larger;
therefore, since she contained many spaces without dwellings, in
them he planned new streets, to be filled with new buildings, so that
the city might become more beautiful and larger. And in order that
in his state he might live more quietly and safely and that his enemies
could be fought or resisted at a distance, in the midst of the moun",
tains toward Bologna he fortified the town of Firenzuola; toward
Siena he started to erect Poggio Imperiale and make her very strong;
toward Genoa, by the conquest of Pietrasanta and of Sarzana he
closed the road to the enemy. In addition, with pensions and stipends
he supported his friends the Baglioni in Perugia and the Vitelli in
Citta di Castello; of Faenza he had control in person. All these
were like strong fortifications for his city.
Then in these peaceful times he kept his native city always cele",
brating festivities, in which jousts and presentations of ancient deeds
and triumphs were to be seen. His purpose was to keep the city
rich, the people united, and the nobility honored. He greatly loved
whoever was excellent in any profession. He favored men of letters,
as Messer Agnolo da Montepulciano, Messer Cristofano Landino,
and Messer Demetrio Chalcondylas the Greek bear strong witness.
For this reason Count Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, a man al",
most divine, rejected all the other parts of Europe he had visited and
made his abode in Florence, because of Lorenzo's liberality. In
architecture, in music, and in poetry Lorenzo took the greatest
pleasure; many poetical compositions are extant which he not merely
composed but commented on. That the Florentine youth might be
trained in the study ofletters, he opened in the city ofPisa a school in
which he placed the most excellent men then in Italy. Because Fra
Mariano da Ghinazzano ofthe order of Saint Augustine was a very
excellent preacher, Lorenzo built him a monastery near Florence.
By Fortune and by God, Lorenzo was greatly loved; hence all
his enterprises ended successfully and all those of his enemies were
unsuccessful even though, in addition to the Pazzi, Battista Fresco"
baldi in the Carmine and Baldinetto da Pistoia in Lorenzo's villa
attempted to murder him. But each of these, together with those
who knew their secrets, suffered just penalties for their wicked con"
spiracies. His way of living and his prudence and good fortune
were observed with admiration and highly respected not merely by
the princes of Italy but by those at a distance. Matthias King of
Hungary gave many signs of love for him; the Soldan sent him
ambassadors and presented him with gifts; the Grand Turk put in
his hands Bernardo Bandini, his brother's murderer. These things
made Italy regard him as marvelous.
His reputation, because of his prudence, daily increased, since in
discussing affairs he was eloquent and penetrating, in settling them
wise, in carrying them out prompt and courageous. Nor can any
vices be brought up against him that soiled his great virtues, even
though in affairs of love he was wonderfully involved, and he de"
lighted in witty and keen men and in childish plays more than
seemed fitting for so great a man, so that he was often seen among his
sons and daughters, taking part in their sports. Hence, observing
both his frivolous and pleasure"seeking conduct and his serious con"
duct, we see in him two different persons joined in an almost im"
possible combination. He passed his last days in the severest suffering,
caused by the disease that kept him incredibly distressed, because he
was afflicted with unbearable stomach"pains, so violent that in April
1492 he died, in his forty"fourth year.
Never did any man die not merely in Florence but in all Italy
who was so renowned for prudence and so deeply mourned by his
native city. That his death would lead to the greatest calamities, the
Heavens showed by many evident signs: among these, the very
highest point of the Church of Santa Reparata was struck by
lightning with such fury that a great part of the pinnacle fell, to the
awe and wonder of everybody. His death was mourned, then, by
all Florentines and by all the princes of Italy. Of this grief the
princes gave clear signs, for there was not one who did not declare to
Florence through his ambassadors the sorrow he felt at so great
an event.
Whether they had just cause for mourning was soon after shown
by the result, for when Italy was deprived of his advice, those who
Lorenzo's Death Frees Lodovico's Ambition 1435
were left found no way either to satisfy or to check the ambition of
Lodovico Sforza, the guardian of the Duke of Milan. No sooner
was Lorenzo dead than Lodovico's ambition stimulated the growth
of those evil seeds that not long after, since no living man could
destroy them, devastated-and are still devastating-Italy.
THE NATURES OF FLOR.ENTINE
MEN
[Generally supposed to have been intendedfor the HISTORY OF FLOR;

ENCE, after the eighth book; hence written in the 1520'S.
The four sections make up an autograph manuscript with the title: THE
NATURES OF FLORENTINE MEN AND IN WHAT PLACES I CAN
INSERT THEIR PRAISES. The reference to insertion fits the title codas of
the sections on Giacomini and the two ambassadors. Evidently Machiavelli
did not compose in chronological order.]
PIERO DI GINO CAPPONI

Thus died Piero Capponi, a man of high reputation because of
the abilities of his grandfather and great;grandfather, whose fame,
extinguished in his father, by his courage and his eloquence he had
for himself regained. In these two qualities he was of the highest
excellence. He was nevertheless varied in his actions, so much so
that, speaking of him, Lorenzo de'Medici said that Piero seemed to
him sometimes his father and sometimes his grandfather. His fortune
was not less varied than his nature, because by his fortune he was in
every sort of public office in various ways now raised up, now
brought down. One can praise him, above everything else, for this:
that he alone supported what all the other citizens had abandoned,
when before the King's face he tore up those articles of agreement
that took away the liberty ofhis native city; and he was not frightened
by the arrogance and power of the French, nor by the cowardice of
his fellows; and only through him it was that Florence did not live
as the slave of the French, as through Camillus it was that Rome
did not live by being bought from them.
ANTONIO GIACOMINI WHEN HE WAS

CHOSEN COMMISSIONER FOR THE FIRST
DEVASTATION
This man in his boyhood, on account of the parties of Messer
Luca and of Piero de'Medici the elder, had limits assigned to him
A Florentine Soldier 1437
with his father, I outside the city. And having gone to a country
house of his, his father sent him to Pisa into mercantile business, in
which all the nobility ofFlorence labored as in a thing very profitable
and very well regarded in their city. In this he did not remain long,
because, having directed his thoughts to a higher fortune, he went to
live in the courts of princes, and with Lord Roberto da Sanseverino,
then the first general in Italy, he spent part of his youth.
He returned to Florence a little before 1494. With the help of
Francesco Valori, he was, as an able man, early brought into public
affairs; and in the first commissions that were given him he carried
himself in such a way that he was constantly thought worthy of
higher rank. Hence the people gave him all those offices at home
and abroad which at his age could be given to the most honorable
citizen.
Especially in matters of warfare Antonio was skilled far beyond
all the other Florentine citizens: cautious in making his decisions,
bold in carrying them out, an enemy to the wicked and cowardly, a
lover and supporter of good and courageous men, strict in keeping
the dignity ofthe government and-something that is admirable and
unusual-he was very liberal with his own property and altogether
refrained from that of others. Not even when he was in control of
an army or a province did he ask from his subjects other than obedi."
ence, yet on the disobedient he had no mercy. He was, in private
life, without partisan feeling and without any ambition; when in
public life, he was eager only for the glory ofthe city and for his own
reputation. These qualities soon caused the people of Florence to
believe that under other management they could neither attack their
enemies nor defend themselves from them; nothing hard, bold, or
dangerous was entrusted to any other than to him, nor did any other
more willingly accept such a task. As a result his name grew great
not only in Florence but in all Tuscany; and so Antonio, unknown
at the beginning and obscure, gained esteem in that city where all the
other important and esteemed citizens had lost it.
1. In Florentine banishment} geographical limits were assigned which the banished man could
not pass; he might be excluded from Florence)· he might be required to live in some distant city}
such as Bologna.
1438 THE NATURES OF FLORENTINE MEN
OF MESSER COSIMO DE' PAZZI AND MESSER

FRANCESCO PEPI, MADE AMBASSADORS TO
THE EMPEROR
The ambassadors chosen were Messer Cosimo de' Pazzi, Bishop
of Arezzo, and Messer Francesco Pepi, a lawyer. Besides being
nobles, these men were distinguished and prudent; in them the new
government had much confidence because it had given to the first
his native city,2 and to the second the government, and, though
Messer Francesco was a mere advocate, had called him to that high
place which in a free state, as a result of his ability, could not be
denied to him.
OF FRANCESCO V ALORI
Francesco Valori met this death unfitting his life and his good,.
ness, because no country ever had a citizen who more desired her
good than he did or who was so much and with fewer scruples her
defender. 3 This, because it was not understood by many, made him
hated by many. As a result, his special enemies determined to kill
him. His courage and good character are proved by his always
holding high office and dying poor, to such an extent that his grand,.
children refused their inheritance from him. 4 They are proved by his
never having been the cause or the originator ofany revolution, but a
staunch defender ofthe existing organization ofthe city. It was by no
fault ofhis that the Medici government did not continue, for after the
death of Lorenzo he defended it against its detractors. It was not his
responsibility that the free government did not stand firm; and all its
safeguards and laws must be attributed to his courage and resolution.
2. His banishment was revoked.
3. He was one of those men Machiavelli admiredfor loving their native city more than their
own souls.
4. They refused to accept a bequest burdened with debts
WOR.DS TO BE SPOKEN ON THE
LAW FOR. APPR.OPR.IATING MON~
EY, AFTER. GIVING A LITTLE IN ~
TR.ODUCTION AND EXCUSE
[The date ofthis work has been consideredfixed by anote in Machiavelli's

hand on the autograph manuscript: (( Is03, March. Oration." He used the
system ofdating in which the year begins on March 25; hence this date refers to
the end of March, 1503. It cannot refer to the earlier part of the month in
1504, as we now reckon, because Pope Alexander VI, mentioned as alive,
died in 1503. On 1 April ISO] Machiavelli wrote a letter announcing the
passage in the Great Council of a measure providing money for the army.!
It is commonly assumed that this speech was written for delivery before
some Florentine body, by aspeaker other than Machiavelli. But the wordfor
oration (concione) used in his note is the same as he applies in the Dedication
of his HISTORY OF FLORENCE to the invented speeches in that work. So
closely does this speech resemble some of them as to indicate that it was pre~
paredfor some never~completed book of the HISTORY; the title~coda is, then,
anote for its insertion. If so, though 15°3 is the date of the events themselves,
the composition of the speech was late in Machiavelli's life.]
ALL THE CITIES THAT EVER AT ANY TIME HAVE BEEN

ruled by an absolute prince, by aristocrats or by the people, as is this
one, have had for their protection force combined with prudence,
because the latter is not enough alone, and the first either does not
produce things or, when they are produced, does not maintain them.
Force and prudence, then, are the might of all the governments that
ever have been or will be in the world. Hence any man who has
considered change ofkingdoms and the destruction ofprovinces and
of cities has not seen them caused by anything other than failure
in arms or in good sense. If Your Excellencies grant me this as
true, as it is, of necessity I deduce that you desire in your city both of
these two things, and that you try hard, ifthey are there, to maintain
them, and if they are not there, to provide them.
1. Cantstrini, SCRITTI INEDITI Dl MACHIAVELLI, 1857, p. 49.
1440 WORDS ON ApPROPRIATING MONEY
And truly, up to two months ago I was very hopeful that you
were moving toward this end, but then having seen how great is
your obstinacy, I am much alarmed. And seeing that you can learn
and see, and yet that you do not learn and see things about which
even your enemies are astonished, I am convinced that God has not
yet punished us as he intends, and that he is keeping us for greater
chastisement. The cause that, up to two months ago, gave me
reason for high hope, was the example you saw in the risk you ran a
few months earlier, and the measure you took after it. Because I
saw that after Arezzo and the other towns were lost and then re~
gained, you gave a head to the city; and I believed you understood
that, because there was among you neither force nor prudence, you
had been in danger of losing Arezzo; so I judged that as you
gave a place to prudence through the ability of that head, you were
going also to give a place to force. This same belief was held by our
exalted Signors; it was held also by all those citizens who so many
times have striven in vain to make provision for you. I do not intend
to debate whether that which is now current is good or bad, because
I rely for it on him who is in a position to arrange it and on him who
later has approved it. I hope strongly that you too may be of the
same opinion and give credit in the matter to him who tells you that
it is necessary.
Again I repeat that without forces cities are not preserved but
come to an end. That end is either destruction or servitude. You
have been close this year to both of them; and you will return to the
same place if you do not change your opinion. I declare it to you.
Do not say, then, "It was not said to me." And if you answer,
"What need do we have for forces~ We are under the King's pro~
tection; our enemies are destroyed; Valentino has no reason for
attacking us," I answer you that no opinion could be rasher than
yours, because every city, every state ought to consider as enemies all
those who can hope to take possession of her territory and against
whom she cannot defend hersel£ Never was princedom or republic
wise that was willing to let her territory stand in the power of others
or which, so letting it stand, thought she held it securely.
Let'''''us not deceive ourselves deliberately; let us examine a bit, if
you will, our situation; and let us begin by looking within. You find
yourselves unarmed. You see your subjects without fidelity; and a
few months ago you had experience with them. It is reasonable
Open the Temple of Mars 1441
that it should be so, because men cannot be, and ought not to be,
faithful servants of that master by whom they cannot be either de~
fended or punished. How you have been able and are able to
punish them is known to Pistoia, Romagna, Barga-places which
have become nests and refuges for every sort ofthie£ How you have
been able to defend them is known by all those places that have been
attacked. And not seeing you now in better condition than in the
past, they have not, you must believe, changed either opinion or
purpose. You cannot call them your subjects, but rather those ofthe
first who attacks them.
Leave home now, and observe whom you have around you.
You find yourself in the midst of two or three cities that are more
eager for your death than for their own lives. Go farther; leave
Tuscany and consider all Italy: you see her controlled by the King of
France, the Venetians, the Pope and Valentino.
Begin by observing the King. Here it is necessary to tell the
truth and I am going to do so. As to him, either he will find no
other obstacle or check in Italy than what you offer (and then there
is no remedy, because all forces, all attempts at preparation, will not
save you); or he will find some other obstacle, as it appears that he
has, and in this instance there will be a remedy or no remedy, as you
decide or do not decide. The remedy is to get your forces into such
order that he will need in all his decisions to have regard for you as
he does for others in Italy; you must not, by remaining unarmed,
rouse the courage ofsome powerful man to ask you from the King as
plunder; you must not give such an opportunity to the King that he
can leave you among the abandoned, but must act in such a way
that he has to respect you, and that nobody will suppose he can
conquer you.
Observe now the Venetians. Here you do not need to take much
trouble. Everybody knows their ambition, that they are to get
from you a hundred and eighty thousand ducats, that they have
waited a long time, and that it is better to spend the money in
making war on them than to give it to them so that they will injure
you with it.
2
Let us go on to the Pope and his Duke. This side does not need
comment. Everybody knows their nature and their ambition, of
2. Almost ((this Duke of his." It is Izard to feel that Machiavelli did not intend some con,-
tempt} at least such as appears in THE PRINCE 7: ((Duke Valentino gained his state with the
1442 WORDS ON ApPROPRIATING MONEY
what sort it is, their procedure, of what kind it is, and what fidelity
can be given or received. I shall say this only, that nobody has up
to now made any exact agreement with them; and I say further that
it is not left for you to do so. But let us assume that one should be
settled tomorrow. I have told you that these princes will be your
friends when they cannot attack you; and again I say it to you, be'"
cause among private men laws, writings and agreements make them
keep their word; but among princes nothing but arms makes them
keep it. And if you say, "We shall apply to the King," it seems to
me that already I have said to you this: that not on all occasions will
the king be in a position to defend you, because not on all occasions
are the times the same; it is not always possible to put your hand on
another's sword, and therefore it is good to have a sword at your side
and to gird it on when the enemy is at a distance, because afterward
another man is too late and you have no resource.
Many of you can remember when Constantinople was taken by
the Turks. That Emperor foresaw his ruin. He called upon his
citizens, not being able with his organized forces to make proper
provision. He showed them their dangers, showed them the pre'"
ventives; and they ridiculed him. The siege came on. Those citizens
who had before had no respect for the exhortations of their lord,
when they heard within their walls the thunder of artillery and the
yells of the army of their enemies, ran weeping to the Emperor
with their bosoms full of money; but he drove them away, saying:
"Go to die with this money, since you have not wished to live with",
out it." But it is not necessary that I go into Greece for instances,
having them in Florence. In September I 500, Valentino with his
soldiers left Rome; it was not known whether he was going to march
into Tuscany or into Romagna. This whole city was in anxiety
because she was unprepared, and everybody prayed God to give us
time. But when he showed us his back by going in the direction of
Pesaro, and the dangers did not seem immediate, you shifted to rash
confidence, so that it was not possible to persuade you to pass any
appropriation. There was no failure to bring before you and to name
over and predict all the dangers that later came about, to which you
stubbornly would not listen. Finally in this place, being assembled
on 26 April 1501, you learned ofthe loss ofFaenza and saw the tears
fortune of his father, and with that lost it." If this oration was written for the HISTORY OF
FLORENCE) it is one of MachiaveUrs late expressions on Cesare.
~oL~ 146
ofyour Gonfalonier, who wept over your unbeliefand obstinacy and
forced you to have mercy on yourselves.
But you were not in time because, though if the provision had
passed earlier by six months it would have been effective, when it
passed six days earlier, it could do little for your safety. Because, on
the fourth day ofMay, you learned that Firenzuola had been reached
by the hostile army; the city was in confusion; you began to find out
the results of your obstinacy; you saw your houses burned, your
goods plundered, your subjects killed, led prisoners, your women
violated, your property laid waste, without being able to give any
protection. And those who, six months before, had not wished to
agree to pay twenty ducats had taken from them two hundred, and
they had to pay the twenty just the same. And though you should
have blamed your own unbelief and stubbornness, you blamed the
maliciousness of the citizens and the ambition of the wealthy-for
you are like those who, wrong all the time, do not admit that they
have ever been wrong, and when you see the sun, do not believe that
it is ever going to rain. So it happens now. For you do not consider
that in eight days Valentino can be with his army in your territory,
and the Venetians in two days; you do not take into account that the
King is engaged with the Swiss in Lombardy; you do not take into
account that he also does not have his affairs settled with Germany or
with Spain, and that he is at a disadvantage in the Kingdom. You
do not see your weakness when so placed, or the uncertainty of
Fortune.
Other people often grow wise through the dangers oftheir neigh~
bors; you do not grow wise through your own, you put no faith in
yourselves, and you do not see the time that you are losing and that
you have lost. That too you will weep for, and without result, if
you do not change your views. Because I tell you that Fortune does
not change her decision when there is no change in procedure; and
the heavens do not wish or are not able to support a city that is deter"
mined to fall in any case. Such a fall I cannot believe in, when I
see that you are free Florentines and that in your own hands rests
your liberty. For that liberty I believe you will have such regard as
they always have had who are born free and hope to live free.
THE DECENNALI
[Florentine contemporary history. 1494~1504]
[The first of these poems, dealing with the preceding ten years in Floren~
tine affairs, was written in 1504. The second, left unfinished, was presumably
written in 1514, though dealing with events only to 1509.
The FIRST DECENNALE was put on paper in fifteen days. It was,
however, truly composed during ten years, while Machiavelli with intense
interestfollowed the events ofhis time, and in some ofthem had ashare. Such
observation and brief characterization of current history were for him a neces~
sary preoccupation. Moreover, poetry sometimes accepts chronicle, unless we
are to reject the Roman chronicle in the sixth canto of Dante's PARADISE
and the Hebrew chronicle in the last book of PARADISE LOST. A reader
who frees himselffrom preconceptions about the subject of poetry will find
here something of the artist. If the lines be taken merely as prose comment,
they form a supplement to Machiavelli's other works; note, for example, his
references to Cesare Borgia, Duke of Valence.]
FIRST DECENNALE
[Ten years of Florentine contemporary history]
Dedication*
Niccolo Machiavelli's greetings to Alamanno Salviati,
a pre,.eminent man.
Read, Alamanno, since you wish to, the vexations of Italy for
ten years and mine for fifteen days. I know that you will sorrow for
her and for me, seeing her borne down by such misfortunes and me
trying to include so many great things within such narrow limits. I
am sure also that you will excuse us both: her because of fate's
necessity and me because of the short time allowed me for such
avocation. And since you, by preserving the liberty of one of her
* There is also a Latin form of this dedication, generally equivalent to the Italian here trans"
lated. The Latin says, however, that the DECENNALE was written on Salviat;'s invitation:
these words have been overlooked by those thinking Salviati unfriendly to Machiavelli. See the
note on line 357.
Florence Will Ring Her Bells 1445
chief members, have supported her, I am certain you will support
me too as the narrator ofher vexations, and will be willing to impart
to these my verses so much spirit that they may be worthy of their
serious subject and of your reading. Farewell.
S November 1504
1 I shall sing Italian hardships for those two lustres now just over,
under planets hostile to her good.
4 Of how many mountain paths, of how many swamps I shall
tell, filled with blood and dead men by the vicissitudes of
splendid states and kingdoms!
7 0 Muse, hold up this harp of mine, and you, Apollo, come to
give me aid, companioned by your sisters.
10 The swift sun over the surface of our world had run full a
thousand, four hundred ninety~four courses
13 after the time when Jesus first visited our cities and, with the
blood he spent, quenched the sparks of devilish fire,
16 when discordant Italy opened into herself a passage for the
Gauls and suffered barbarian peoples to trample her down.
19 And because to comply with them your city was not prepared,
he who held her reins was scourged by their violence.
22 So all Tuscany was in confusion; so you lost Pisa and those
states the Medici family gave to the French.
25 Thus you could not rejoice as you should have done at being
taken from under the yoke that for sixty years had been crushing
you,
28 because you saw your state laid waste; you saw your city in great
peril, and in the French arrogance and pride.
31 Nor was it your role, for escaping the talons of so great a king
and not becoming his vassals, to show small courage or less
wisdom.
34 The clangor ofarms and ofhorses was not loud enough to keep
unheard the voice of one capon among a hundred gamecocks;
37 so the proud King left, after he learned that the city, in main~
taining her freedom, was united.
40 And when he had moved into the Sienese country, Alexander,
I. 19 Tht words your and you riftr to the Florentines, especially those in the government.
1. 23 To the French, Piero de'Medici gave up Sarzana and other places.
1.36 Piero Capponi (Capon) defied the French (Galli, Cocles).
1446 FIRST DECENNALE
making no account of shame, turned wholly against the Ara.l

gonese.
43 But the Gaul, who aspired to pass on securely, determined to
have the Pope's son with him, not trusting Catalonia's promise.
46 So with his conquering army he moved upon the Kingdom like
a falcon that swoops or a bird of swifter flight.
49 When the report of a victory so great and so easy came to the
ears of that first mover of Italy's distress,
52 well he learned his folly clear, and afraid of falling into the
trench that with so much sweat he had dug,
55 and aware that his own might did not suffice, that Duke,
striving to save the whole, along with the Pope, the Empire and
Saint Mark, formed a huge army.
58 Even with this he was not entirely safe, because Orleans by
leaping into Novara gave him the first fruits from his seeds.
61 When that became known to Charles, over the Duke and over
the Pope he greatly lamented, and over the Pope's son who
escaped,
64 and not at all would he consent to remain in Apulia longer.
Leaving many soldiers to guard the Kingdom, toward Tuscany
with the rest he retreated.
67 You meanwhile, full of anger, sent troops into Pisa's country
against that people filled with such hatred,
70 and after some dissension, you found new methods for your city
government, and such they were that you set up a citizens'
republic.
73 But being more than a little wearied of the French with their
disgraceful ways and purposes, and the weights they had crushed
you with,
76 when you learned of Charles's return, in your desire to avoid so
great a throng, you furnished the city with arms and men.
79 And so, when with his host he reached Siena, being pushed on
by a matter more urgent, he went off by the road which took
him to Pisa,
82 where at once he heard of Gonzaga's ardor, and that to oppose
him on the Taro he had brought the forces of Saint Mark.
1.5J Lodovico Sforza, called the Moor (Moro) because of his dark complexion and the
pomegranate (moro) in his coat of arms. He invited the French invasion.
1. 84 Gonzaga led the forces opposing Charles VIII at ForHovo, on the Taro River.
The Battle on the Taro 1447
8S But those strong and ardent men with such vigor charged the
Italic squadron that over its belly they marched onward.
88 A stream of blood the river seemed to beholders, full of men and
arms and horses fallen under the Gallic sword.
91 So the Italians let them go, and without fearing hostile soldiers,
the French reached Asti without further afflictions.
94 There they settled their treaty as though in a race, not regarding
Orleans' outcry nor thinking of Novara's hunger.
97 And since the French returned to their own soil, after bringing
you to new agreements, Ferdinand leaped into his pleasant nest.
100 From that resulted his compacts with the Venetians so they
would aid him, and he granted them more than half Apulia
and made them lord ofher.
1 03 Then the League united itself afresh to resist the Gaul, and you
all alone were left in Italy, as his ensign,
106 and in order to be good sons to France you did not object, as
you followed her star, to enduring a thousand distresses and a
thousand pains.
1 09 Yet while in the Kingdom there was strife between Saint Mark
and France with undecided issue, until the French starved in
Atella,
112 you stood here with open mouth to wait for someone coming
from France who would bring you manna in the desert,
115 and would restore to you the castles in Pisa, Pietrasanta and the
other towns, as many times the King had promised you.
118 At last there came Lanciaimpugno and he of Lille, Vitelli and
many others, who deceived you in certain things it is better not
to mention.
121 Only Beaumont gave you Livorno, but the others, traitors in
revolt against Heaven, of all the other towns deprived you,
124 and from your Lion, the Wolf, along with Saint George and
the Panther, tore away some fur. So much it seems that Fortune
smites you!
127 After Italy drove the French troops from her, and without long
delay became free through Fortune and Wisdom,
1. 94 In a race: with speed.
1. 124 The Lion (Marzocco) of Florence; the Wolf of Siena)· St. George for Genoa)· the
Panther of Lucca.
130 she turned her breast and her face entirely against you, and said
her reason was merely that she might take you from France.
133 You, favored only by right, against their skill and force for a
time held erect your banner,
136 because you knew well that through hatred your debasement
was sweet to your neighbors, and the others wanted you with"
out expense.
139 Whoever feared your greatness was coming against you, and
those others were deaf, since every man set high value on being
lord of Pisa.
142 But as Heaven determined, among these gluttons ambition
sprang up, and Saint Mark and the Moor on that acquisition
were not of one mind.
145 This distrust that rose among them made the Empire come to
your land and go away without result;
148 so that at last the Viper, in anger, encouraged you not to fear
resisting Saint Mark and his armies;
151 and the latter brought against your walls your mighty exile;
from this came burial for five citizens.
154 But that which to many was far more distressing and brought
on disunion, was that sect under whose command your city lay.
157 I speak of that great Savonarola who, inspired with heavenly
vigor, kept you closely bound with his words.
160 But many feared to see their country ruined, little by little, under
his prophetic teaching;
163 hence no ground for your reunion could be discovered, unless
his light divine continued to increase, or unless by a greater fire
it was extinguished.
166 Nor of less moment at that time was King Charles's death,
which made the Duke of Orleans that kingdom's master.
169 So because by himself alone the Pope had no strength to do
anything great, he set out to win the new king's favor,
172 granted his divorce, and gave him Brittany; and in return the
King promised him the lordship and the states of Romagna.
I. 148 The Viper of Milan) from the arms of the Visconti.
I. 1Sl Piero dlMedici.
I. 163 Florentine factions could not be suppressed unless Savonarola was overthrown or
obtained greater authority.
The Turkish Lance 1449
175 And since Alexander lacked a man to hold his banner aloft
after Candia's death and defeat,
178 he turned to his son who had a place among the great clerics and
withdrew him from them, changing the cardinal's hat to the
soldier's cap.
181 Meanwhile the Venetian, with those forces of men he had
brought together in Pisa, moved his standard against you.
184 Hence when the Count's defeat at Santo Regolo followed, you
were forced to give the truncheon and command to Vitello.
187 Then believing you were virile, strong and mighty through the
force of those weapons, you moved your army against those
unjust men;
190 and not lacking the help ofSforza, you determined to be seen on
the wall of Pisa with the standard of Vitello.
193 But Saint Mark's soldiers, to keep your plan from succeeding,
attacked Marradi first and then the Casentino.
196 You put the Calf on that road, so that under his banners were
defeated the Bear andUrbino.
199 And still worse would have befallen them if you had not been
divided by dissension between the Calf and the Cat.
202 After Saint Mark was so defeated, he made a treaty with Louis
in France to get revenge for the blow he had suffered.
2 OS But because the Turk put his lance in rest against them, such
great fear of making their balance squeak overcame them
208 that it drove them on to make peace with you, and in great
confusion to abandon Pisa; and the Moor compelled you to
approve a treaty,
211 to see if with this benefit he could regain Venetian friendship,
judging other ways defective.
214 But this plan of his still was useless, because in secrecy they had
partitioned Lombardy with the great Christian King.
I. 184 Count Rinuccio da Marciano J Florentine general.
1. 196 Calf: the mercenary general Vitello J whose name means cal( Cf. lines 186, 201 J
228,347,352,386. His younger brother Vitellozzo;s Big Calf or Ugly Cal£ or the calfJs otlY
er horn (line 402).
1.198 The Bear (Orso) is Carlo OrsiniJgeneralfor the Venetians. Others of the family
are referred to in the same way (lines 321) 38S} 400).
1. 201 The Cat is Count Rinuccio da Marciano} the Florentine general defeated at St.
Regolo (line 184).
I. 207 A very heavy burden when weighed would make the balance squeak; if. INFERNO
23. 101.
217 So his shrewdness was mocked, and you without fear of any."
thing surrounded Pisa with your army,
220 where you remained for the circuit of one moon without any
fruit, because to strong beginnings Fortune made violent op'"
position.
223 Long would it take to tell all the injuries, all the deceits en."
countered in that siege, and all the citizens dead from fever.
226 So seeing no resource for her capture, you withdrew your army,
to escape the trouble of that campaign and Vitello's delay.
229 Soon after, for the trick he played, you took revenge in full,
inflicting death on him who had caused you such great harm.
232 At this time the Moor as well did not encounter better luck,
because the crown of France already was before his gates;
235 from which he fled to save his person, and Mark without any
hindrance planted his standards in Ghiaradadda and in ere."
mona.
238 And the Gaul, to keep his promises to the Pope, was forced to
yield Valentino some of his soldiers.
241 That duke, beneath the flag of the three lilies, mastered Imola
and Forli and took away from them a woman and her sons.
244 But you found yourselves in great fear, having been a little
sluggish in complying with the victor Gaul.
247 Yet after his victory over the Lombards, he consented to receive
you, not without effort and cost as the price of your slackness.
250 Scarcely was he back in France when Milan recalled Lodo."
vico-thus to follow the people's custom.
253 But the Gaul, swifter than I can tell, in less time than you can
say "Ecco" rose up against his enemy.
256 From Romagna, the French gamecocks turned their beaks
toward Milan to rescue their fellows, leaving the Pope and
Valentino high and dry.
259 And in order that then the Gaul might carry off, as he did, the
palm with the olive, you also did not fail to give him aid;
1. 231 Vitello was executed.
1. 243 Cesare Borgia took ForIl from the widow of Girolamo R;ar;o. See THE PRINCE
20) ~nd.
I. 252 Th~ populace ;s fickle.
I. 256 Cf line 36.
1. 260 The palm indicates victory) tht olive peace.
Cesare Borgia Conquers Romagna 1451
262 so that the Moor, lacking all aid, at Mortara came to blows with
the Gauls, and then went offinto France wretched and captive.
265 Ascanio his brother, though he escaped from the mouths of the
dogs, suffered greater injury when he tested the Venetians'
fidelity.
268 Then the Gauls turned to enter your lands, solely to overcome
the Pisans and bring them to render you homage.
271 So they came onward, and as he passed along with his soldiers,
Beaumont pulled from the Saw more than one big tooth.
274 But when they confronted the Pisans, the Gauls, full of con-'
fusion, struck by fear, did not show their forces at all prepared,
277 but went away almost defeated and marked with severe dis-'
grace; so the truth was known that the French can be conquered.
280 And it was not an affair to pass over lightly, because if it made
you groveling and servile, upon the French was the chief re-'
proach;
283 but you were not free from blame, although the Gaul tried to
cover his shame with the failures of others;
286 and your government too did not understand how to make
decisions, and while it stood between two opinions, not well
pleased with the King,
289 Duke Valentino again spread his sails to the wind, and toward
the Upper Sea turned his vessel's prow;
292 and with his soldiers did wonders, storming Faenza in short
order and turning Romagna upside down.
295 After that, when he descended upon Bologna, with great effort
the Saw sustained his soldiers' furious assault.
298 Leaving that place, he came into Tuscany, reclothing himself
with your garments, while he kept his army opposed to yours.
301 Thereupon, to avoid so many distresses, since you could not do
otherwise, you yielded in some part to his wishes.
304 And so his soldiers marched on, but as they marched by, it
pleased him who rules Siena to remodel Piombino with a new
master.
307 Behind these came a new horde that set its foot in your domain,
not held back by restraint or by law.
I. 266 Turning to the Venetians for help, he was injured even more than by the French.
1. 271 The Saw is from the arms of the Bentivogli family, of Bologna.
I. 290 Toward the Adriatic Sea, that is, toward Romagna.
310 The King was sending these soldiers against the heir of Ferdi,.
nand, and to make sure of his flight, half of that Kingdom he
gave to Spain;
313 so that Frederick departed, after observing his men at the Capuan
test, and turned to put himself in the power of France.
316 Since at this time Rouen was in Lombardy, you bargained with
him about a new league to be made with the King.
319 You were unarmed and always in great terror of the horn that
was left to the Calf, and feared the Bear and the Pope.
322 And since you knew you were living quite haphazardly, and
feared to be undefended if there came upon you some bad luck,
325 after the circling of many days and months, not without heavy
spending, once more you gained the French king's protection.
328 Supported by his favor, you rashly expected to take from the
Pisans the grain in the leaf, and spread your banners abroad.
331 But Vitellozzo and his arrogant soldiers, bursting with anger
against you because of your bitter stroke at his brother,
334 by treachery broke the unbridled Stallion's bridle, and took
from you in a Rash all Valdichiana and the other cities.
337 The war that had ruined Florence and the citizens' confusion
made this wound very ugly for you,
340 and to free yourselffrom so many injuries by your neighbors and
from such a savage attack, you summoned the Gauls to cross
your bounds.
343 Yet since Valentino halted at Nocera with his soldiers, and then
seized the duchy ofUrbino at a single leap,
346 you stood with heart and soul in suspense lest he unite with
Vitello and come with him to distress you.
349 Whereupon the one was commanded to halt-through your
supplications-by the King of Saint Denis; for the other his
plans were useless.
352 Vitello marched away from Arezzo; the Duke appeared at
court in Asti to justify himself before King Louis.
I. 320 Vitellozzo Vitelli, brother of the executed general (line 231).
1.329 Capture the fields of the Pisans, on which they depended for food, before the grain
couldform.
I. 334 The unbridled stallion rampant appears on the arms of Arezzo. The bridle indicates
Florentine rule.
I. 350 The King of France.
Alamanno Salviati and Piero Soderini 1453
355 Yet even such great aid would not have been in time, except for
the effort of him who then was ruling your city.
358 Perhaps you would have come under another's power, because
four mortal wounds you had, three of which were healed by
that ruler.
361 Pistoia was in part rebellious, Florence was full of confusion,
and you were not holding Pisa and Valdichiana.
364 That man placed a ladder leading up to the loftiest ensign, by
which any soul worthy of such a climb could move upward;
367 that man brought Pistoia back to perfect peace; that man led
Arezzo and all Valdichiana back beneath their ancient yoke.
370 The fourth wound ofthis body he could not heal, because when
he tried to cure it, the climate was opposed to so skilful a hand.
373 On the coming, then, of that day so tranquil, on which your
people, made bold, chose the bearer of its standard,
376 the two horns of a single deer were not so strong that on their
solid rock you could erect your peace.
379 And ifany man from such a decision draws back for any cause,
he must be not a good surveyor of this world.
382 When Valentino had cleared himselfand returned to Romagna,
against Messer Giovanni he hoped to complete his campaign;
385 but when news of it was received, it seemed that the Bear and
the Calf would not consent to join him in such an attack,
388 and, turned against one another, these serpents full of poison
began to use their claws and with their talons to tear one an~
other, and with their teeth,
1. 357 Alamanno Salviati, to whom the DECENNALE is dedicated. He was officially only
one of the Sign 0 ria. Yet Guicciardini says that uhe can be said to have controlled (governassej
Machiavelli's word ;s governava) everything," and that uhe could be called head of the city"
(HISTORY OF FLORENCE, 22, 2]). Machiavelli's account through line ]69 is in agreement
with the narrative of Guicciardini, who emphasizes Salviat;'s part in making the law that the
Gonfalonier should hold office for life (lines 364-366). Guicciardini's concluding paragraph is
similar to lines 367-369; to Salviati he gives three10urths of the glory for making peace in
Pistoia, regaining Arezzo, and reorganizing the government of Florence herself.
1. 359 For thisfigure of speech, see the LEGATIONS, 8 November 1502.
1. 364 Salviati stabilized Florentine government by providinl that the Gonfalonier, the chifj
city official, should hold office for life.
1. 376 Three horns, not two only, were required. ((Three horns of a white deer in a redfield/'
(Tommasini, MACHIAVELLI 1, ]10) were the arms of Piero Soderini, in 1502 chosen Gon"
falonierfor life. Machiavelli puns also on his name; sodo means solid, and Piero, Peter" means
rock; if. Matthew 16:18.
1. 384 Giovanni Bentivoglio.
391 and since Valentino could not escape, he was forced to cover
himself again with the shield of France, that he might avoid
the hazard,
394 and to catch his enemies with birdlime, and to get them into his
den, sweetly this basilisk whistled.
397 He did not lose much time in bringing them there, because the
traitor of Fermo and Vitellozzo and those Orsini who were so
hostile to him
400 rushed quickly into his snares, where the Bear left more than one
paw, and the Calf's second horn was cut off.
403 Perugia and Siena also felt the hydra's fire, and each of those
tyrants got away by fleeing before his fury.
406 And Cardinal Orsini could not escape the woes ofhis wretched
family, but lay dead after trying a thousand tricks.
409 In these times the Gauls, full of daring, turned their swords
against the Spanish, hoping to divide the Kingdom to their
liking,
412 and they would have destroyed the hostile soldiers and taken
every part of the Kingdom, if other forces had not come upon
them;
415 but having grown strong and powerful, the Spanish party with
hostile blood made Calabria and Apulia bloody.
418 Therefore the Gaul enraged turned against Italy, longing to
recover lost realm and honor.
421 The lord of Tremoille, a man of great reputation, rushed into
that land to avenge him by relieving Gaeta, which called him;
424 but not far forward he pushed his soldiers, because Valence and
his wily father raised his suspicions of their support.
427 They were seeking once again a companion who would give
them other states as booty, since with the Gaul they saw no
further winnings.
1. 394"402 Se~ Machiavelli's DESCRIPTION OF THE METHOD USED BY DUKE
VALENTINO IN KILLING VITELLOZZO VITELLI, OLIVEROTTO DA FERMO, etc.
e! line 320, abov~.
1. 396 The basilisk was supposed to cause death by its whistle. Machiavelli seems to giv~ it
the power offascination or even ofenticement. The latterfits Cesare Borgia's effect on Vitellozzo
Vitelli in the DESCRIPTION OF THE METHOD USED BY DUKE VALENTINO IN
KILLING VITELLOZZO VITELLI, etc.
1. 403 The hydra is Duke Valentino.
Cesare Borgia's Folly 1455
430 You, in order not to be Valentino's booty, as you had been
daily, and that he might not be Marzocco's heir,
433 had put on your payroll the Bailey of Can, with a hundred
lances and many men besides, believing yourself securer so.
436 With these soldiers, for a second time you took from Pisa any
hope that she might enjoy her harvest.
439 While Tremoille was coming, and between the Pope and France
concealed dissension and malicious ire were boiling up,
442 Valence fell sick, and the soul of splendid Alexander, that it
might have rest, departed to the blessed spirits;
445 his sacred footsteps were followed by his three dear and intimate
handmaids: Luxury, Simony, Cruelty.
448 But when in France he had the news, Ascanio Sforza, that
tricky fox, with speeches elaborate, sweet, and beautiful,
451 urged Rouen to go into Italy, promising him the mantle that
helps Christians mount to Heaven.
454 The Gauls at Rome were motionless meanwhile, and were not
willing to cross the honored river while the Holy Seat stood
empty.
457 And so Pope Pius was installed, but for a few days only he
supported the weight laid on his shoulders by God.
460 With full agreement, then, Julius the Second was made gate.-'
keeper of Paradise, to heal the world of its affiictions.
463 When Alexander was slain by Heaven, the state of his Duke of
Valence was broken and divided into many pieces.
466 Baglioni, Vitelli, Orsini, and the race ofMontefeltro went back
to their homes, and Mark seized Rimini and Faenza.
469 Right into Rome, the Baglioni and the Orsini pursued Valen.-'
tino, to make him suffer, and with his garments they reclothed
themselves.
472 Julius alone fed him with many hopes; and that Duke believed
he would find in another such pity as never he knew himsel£
475 But after at Ostia he spent some days with the purpose of
escaping, the Pope made him come back to Rome and gave
him in charge to his soldiers.
1. 452 The Pope's mantle.
1. 472 Compare Julius' conduct in LEGATIONS, 4 November Is o3, ff., especially th~
Duke's belief that another man's promises will be surer than his own have been.
1456 FIRST, SECOND DECENNALI
478 Meanwhile the captains of the eager Gaul, having reached the
banks of the Garigliano, made every effort to cross it,
481 but after spending there in vain many nights and days with
great distress, afflicted by the cold and stung by ignominy,
484 and never being assembled in one body, but dispersed in various
places and in many positions, by the weather and by their
enemies they were defeated.
487 So having lost honor and money at Salsa, at Rome and there,
the Gaul, full of sadness, bewailed his adverse fortunes.
490 And since the Spaniard knew that in this strife he had won the
victory and he did not wish to wager the rest with the Cauls,
493 perhaps hoping more from a peace, he put a stop to war's conil'
fusion, and with the truce was entirely happy.
496 And you did not keep your valor hidden but with stronger
weapons equipped yourself, so you could better oppose all
outrage.
499 Nor did you desist from assailing the Pisans; instead, you took
their third harvest away and attacked them by sea and by land.
502 And because they did not fear your swords, with various
schemes you tried to turn Arno aside through different courses.
505 Then, to take the bitterness from spirits full of it, you opened
your arms to every one who deigned to come asking pardon.
508 Meanwhile the Pope, after many attempts, gained Forli and her
castle, and Valence escaped by paths concealed;
511 and though Consalvo looked upon him with a pleasant face,
he put on him the burden deserved by rebels against Christ,
51 4 and to make even such great pride submissive, he sent into
Spain bound and chained the man who once forced you to
tremble and Rome to shed tears.
517 For the second time the Sun has finished the fifih year's time
above these happenings cruel and savage, and with blood has
seen the world imbrued;
520 and now he is giving his coursers double barley that speedily
speedily such a thing may be heard that these will seem to you
slight.
523 By no means is Fortune yet satisfied; she has not put an end to
Italian wars, nor is the cause of so many ills wiped out;
526 and the kingdoms and the powers are not united and cannot be,
because the Pope is trying to cure the Church of its wounds;
Unarmed Florence 1457
529 the Emperor with his only son intends to present himself before
the successor ofPeter; the Gaul feels pain from the blow received;
532 and Spain, who holds Apulia's scepter, keeps setting snares and
nets for his neighbors, in order that his projects may not move
backward;
535 Mark, full of fear and full of thirst, between peace and war is
wholly in suspense, and you for Pisa have too strong desire.
538 Hence easily we understand that as high as heaven the flame
will rise, if among these new fire is kindled.
541 Therefore my spirit is all aflame; now with hope, now with fear,
it is overwhelmed, so much that it wastes to nothing bit by bit;
544 because it seeks to know where your ship can sail, weighted with
such heavy weights, or into what harbor, with these winds.
547 Yet we trust in the skilful steersman, in the oars, in the sails, in
the cordage; but the voyage would be easy and short if you
would reopen the temple of Mars.
1. 547 The steersman is the Gonfalonier, Piero Soderini.
I. 550 Best explained as meaning that if Florence wouldform her own citizen army, instead
of relying on mercenaries, she would be more likely to prosper in her foreign policy.
SECOND DECENNALE
[Five years of Florentine contemporary history. 1504,115°9]
1 The lofty events and insane actions that in ten succeeding years
have occurred since, falling silent, I laid down my pen,
4 the shifts in kingdoms, empires and states brought to pass in
Italian lands only, by divine wisdom foreordained,
7 I shall sing; and in singing, bold I shall be amid much weeping,
though I have become through pain almost bewildered.
10 Oh Muse, if ever I have trusted in you, lend me such favor that
my verse may rise to the greatness of the events themselves,
13 and from your fountain may I derive such powerful favor that
my song may content at least those now living.
16 The world was altogether in suspense; everyone was holding
slack in his hand the reins of his charger so greatly fatigued,
1. 2 This DECENNALE was planned to give events of 150 4-1513J· it breaks off in 1509.
SECONDDECENNALE
19 when Bartolomeo, named from Alviano, with his company left
the Kingdom, not well contented with the Great Captain,
22 and to give scope to his warlike nature, or for whatever cause it
may have been, to enter Pisa was his plan;
25 and though vvith him he had small forces, nevertheless of the
future game he was the first pawn moved.
28 But you, trying to put out this fire, made ready well and speedily;
hence his plan was not achieved,
31 because when he came to Torre San Vincente, by the strength
of your Giacomino his force was overthrown and defeated.
34 And Giacomino, through his virtue, through his fate, attained
glory and renown as much as ever did private citizen.
37 For his native city this man bore much, and long he sustained
with great justice your army's dignity.
40 Covetous of honor, generous with money, and capable of such
virtue he is, that he merits honor much higher than I give him.
43 Now neglected and scorned he lies in his house, poor, old and
blind. So greatly displeasing to Fortune is he who does well.
46 Then, if to my remembrance I bring quite everything, you
moved against the Pisans with the hope which that defeat had
brought with it,
49 but because Pisa feared little or nothing, no long time you kept
the field there; thus it was the beginning ofvery evil seed.
52 And if you there lost money and honor by following the uni.-'
versal belief, you satisfied the popular desire.
55 Ascanio meanwhile had died, for whom great princes had
risen in rivalry to put him back in his natural territory.
58 Dead was Ercole Duke of Ferrara, dead was Frederick, and, in
Castile, Isabella the famous queen.
61 Hence the Gaul adopted the plan of making peace with Ferdi.-'
nand, and granted to him as his consort di Foix's daughter,
64 and his part of Naples ceded as her dower, and to him the King
of Spain made many large promises.
67 Meanwhile the Archduke had left Britain, and with him had
taken many soldiers from Germany,
1. 21 Gonsalvo of Cordova, the Spanish general in the Neapolitan kingdom.
1.34 In the same strain, at greater length, Machiavelli speaks of Antonio Giacomini in the
fragment called THE NATURES OF FLORENTINE MEN.
1. 55 Ascanio Sforza, a cardinal, eager to succeed his brother in the rule of Milan.
1. 67 Philip the Fair, Archduke of Burgundy and King of Spain.
The Fiery Pope Julius II 1459
70 because he planned to seize control of the kingdom of Castile,
which to him and not to his father."in."law of right belonged.
73 But when he reached the open sea, by the winds his fleet was
battered; so he came into another's power,
76 because his ship, tossed by the winds, made shore in England-
a thing that the Duke of Suffolk looked upon with displeasure.
79 Leaving that country with his soldiers, he arrived in Castile in
person, where Ferdinand no longer resided;
82 for having entered the kingdom of Aragon, he departed with
his galleys from Barcelona, to visit his state of Apulia.
85 Meanwhile Pope Julius, unable longer to hold in check his
ardent spirit, gave to the winds his sacred banners,
88 and full of natural wrath and raging madness, against the
usurpers of everyone of his cities first poured out his first poison,
91 and, to throw all their tyrants to the ground, leaving unoccupied
his holy throne, against Perugia and Bologna he carried on war.
94 But since the Baglioni yielded to his will, they remained in their
dwelling, and only from Bologna's domain he drove the ancient
house of Bentivoglio.
97 Meanwhile, too, a greater fire blazed up from that harsh dissen."
sion arising between the nobles and the populace of Genoa.
100 In order to check this, the King of France determined to cross
the mountains and aid the party that for his love lay prostrate
and conquered,
1 03 and with cleverness and with force and with skill he brought
the Genoese state entirely beneath his banners.
106 Then wholly to take from Pope Julius suspicion that he
would attack him, to Savona he went at once,
109 where he awaited the coming of Ferdinand, who was going
back to govern Castile, from which a little before he had
departed,
112 because that kingdom already was in disorder, since Philip was
dead; and on his way back he spoke with the King ofFrance,
where he was waiting for him.
115 The Emperor meanwhile, wishing to cross the mountains to
Rome, in accord with the ancient custom, since he wished to
be crowned,
118 had held a diet in Constance of all his barons, where he pre."
1460 SECOND DECENNALE
sented the injuries done by the Gaul, and those by the barons
of France;
121 then he gave command that, without fail, everyone should be
on horseback, with his men,lat,larms and his infantry, on Saint
Gall's day.
124 But France and Mark, who learned of this, brought together
their soldiers, and uniting near Trent, they closed his road.
127 And Mark with defense did not rest satisfied, but struck him at
home, and from the Empire took Gorizia and Trieste in a
single moment.
130 Hence Maximilian wished to make a truce, seeing against his
army so much opposition, and by agreement gave up the two
cities,
133 which later were that repast, that bad morsel, that poisonous
food that has spoiled Saint Mark's stomach,
136 because the Emperor, quite as I am writing for you, was
offended, and to the good King of the Gauls he seemed to be
the Venetians' credulous fool.
139 Hence, that Mark's intention might fail, the Pope and Spain
both together joined with the Empire and the Yellow Lilies.
142 And they did not stop with truces between two, but quickly
agreed at Cambrai that everyone might 'go for his own property.
145 Meanwhile you had made full preparations, because toward
Pisa you kept your eyes turned always,
148 not being able to rest in any fashion ifyou did not have her; and
by Ferdinand and Louis the road for reaching her had been
blocked,
151 and your neighbors were following their tracks, making large
their offers to them, starting with you every day a thousand
disputes,
154 so if you wished to make your undertaking sure, you needed to
fill every man's throat, and the mouth he was keeping open.
157 Then, since Pisa was left alone, suddenly you surrounded her,
not letting anyone enter there save him who flew;
160 and four months you remained around her with great sufferings
and much toil, and with much expense you starved her.
1. 157 Though Machiavelli did not hold high oJfice in Florence, the tJperations against Pisa
were partly administered by him. Yet here and in THE PRINCE 5 he shows sympathy for the
conquered.
One Defeat Breaks Venetian Power 1461
163 And though she was a stubborn enemy, yet, by necessity com"
pelled and conquered, she went back weeping to her ancient
chain.
166 In France also the desire for making war was not ended, and
according to the agreement made, she pushed a great host into
Lombardy.
169 Pope Julius too came speedily into Romagna with his soldiers,
and Brisighella he assailed and Faenza first of all.
172 But after France and Mark had had some slight encounters at
Treviso and certain other towns, now with good, now with
bad news,
175 Mark at last lay prostrate. Then when, wretched, he rose up at
Vaila, he fell from his station that had been so high.
178 What will happen to the others ifthis one burned and froze in a
few days only ~ And ifjustice and force and union for so great
an empire did not avail ~
181 Oh proud men, ever you have arrogant faces, you who hold
the scepters and the crowns, and of the future do not know a
single truth!
184 So blinded are you by your present greed which over your eyes
holds a thick veil that things remote you cannot see.
187 From this it comes that heaven, shifting from this to that, shifts
your states more often than the heat and the ice are changed,
190 because if you turned your prudence to learning the ill and
finding its remedy, such great power from heaven would be
taken.
193 I could not be so quick in telling you of it as after their defeat
that Venetian domain was quick in vanishing.
196 Of Lombardy the great King of the Christians seized half, and
the rest he who held in name alone the seat of the Romans;
199 and Romagna to the Great Shepherd passed without resistance,
and the King of the Aragonese as well went to occupy his
towns in Apulia.
202 But since into those countries the German had not yet come,
Saint Mark at once retook both Padua and Treviso.
205 Hence Maximilian, learning this, with great assemblage of
forces came soon to capture them and not to lose the rest.
208 But though he was helped by you and by France and by Spain,
nonetheless he managed this like his other actions,
1462 SECOND DECENNALE
211 because after with courageous spirit he had remained at Padua

some days, then, full of misery, he took his force away, worn out
and tired;
214 and being deserted by the League and eager to return to Ger"
many, he lost Vicenza as a greater injury.
EPIGR.AMS
I. PIERO SODERINI
[The playful tone of this epigram, sometimes incorrectly interpreted as
full of bitter contempt, suggests composition during the prosperity of Soderini,
before the return of the Medici in 1512.]
That night when Piero Soderini died, his spirit went to the
mouth of Hell. Pluto roared: "Why to Hell ~ Silly spirit, I go up
into Limbo with all the rest of the babies."~
1. Dante, INFERNO 31• 70.
2. As Dante knew) Limbo is the uppermost circle of Hell where no punishment is inflicted.
There medieval belief put the souls of unbaptized infants. The Italian word for babies is
bambini, aperfect rime for Soderini that Machiavelli could not resist.
In his AI PALLESCHI (TO THE MEDICEANS) Machiavelli suggests that Soder;n;
might return, again to be important in the government of Florence.
2. ARGUS
[The dramatic speaker is Popt Clement VII, who has outwitted the
Emperor Charles V and his viceroy, Lannoy, by getting them to release
Francis I, captured at Pavia. The date must be after Francis received his
freedom in 1526.]
Understand that I am not Argus, as I seem, and these eyes that I
have never belonged to Argus, but they are truly many eyes that from
Christian princes everywhere I have extracted. And so it happens
that brainless Charles King ofthe Romans and the Viceroy, because
they cannot see, have released the King.
The End
INDEX
The index has been especially designed to supply cross references) so that all passages in
which Machiavelli deals with any topic can easily be brought together. 1 have omitted factual
matters of secondary importance in order to devote more space to the presentation of Machiavelli's
thought.
A
ABILITY cancels errors) brings success by any method 478/; able man not blamed 935;
sought in difficulty 468/; versus Fortune 25; knowing one's own 554;feared by princes 622;
prince dependent on others' ability 1236; honored by republics 622; ofpoor men recognized
486; tranquilizes countries 763; not friendly to Guinigi 554. See also FORTUNE;
WISDOM
ACCUSATIONS legal a. necessary in state 211/; by frightened citizens 1443
ACCIAIUOLI, AGNOLO banishedfor writing to Cosimo 1226; wishes revenge on
Cosimo 1350/; exile 1359; letter to Piero de'Medici 1360; secret interview with Piero
de'Medici 1367
ACTION better than inaction 941) 998) 1161; not to be delayed 1084
ADAPTATION to times 896; defense against Fortune 91) 897) 1443; success requires 91;
of battle array to conditions 617) 648/ See also TIMES
ADMIRAL See GENERAL(S)
ADMONITION factional weapon 11431; regulated 1155; dealt with by Ciompi 1164)
of Guelfs 1171; by popular party 1178; of Medici and otherfriends ofpeople 1185
ADVERSITY preparedfor 39; causes republics to seek ability 386; ruins weak 498
ADVICE given indirectly 118; danger in giving 508jJ.; from many 719; not to be judged by
outcome 1193/; selfish 1197
ADVISER duty to prince or city 509; to general 658. See also MINISTER
AFFAIRS, HUMAN do not remain fixed 210) 322) 534; contrary issue 900; gradual
movement 924
AFRICA (on Mediterranean) few republics)few able men 622
AGATHOCLES wickedness and ability 351; invasion of Africa 353ff.
AGE, OLD effects 323; judgment of times 323; opinions on war 573
AGITATOR See REFORMER
ALAMANNI, LODOVICO letter to 966
ALAMANNI, LUIGI Art of War dedicated to 533f.; auditor in Art of War 569
ALBERTI, BENEDETTO DEGLI advises surrender to Ciompi 1165; almost prince
1169/; love of liberty and power 1173; dislikes violence 1175; farewell speech 1177; above
party 1177; slandered 1178
ALBIZZI, MASO DEGLI defects of his gov)t 101; gonfalonier 1179; like head of
Flor. 1181f.
ALBIZZI, PIERO DEGLI leader of Guelfs 1143; uses admonition against lower
classes 1.144; opposes Eight Saints 1150; advises conspirators to delay 1151/) 1154; ruin
and death 1170; fortunate unfortunate 1170
ALBIZZI, RINALDO DEGLI fictitious speech 1028; aristocrat 1188; speech after
INDEX
Zagonara 1193f; sptech against popular rule 1195)· and Giovanni de'Medici 1197)· com~
missioner to subdue Volterra 1205)· ambitious, favors war on Lucca 1206jJ.; commissioner
for Lucchese war 1210; honest, accused of peculation 1213; violent opposition to Cosimo
1221JJ.)· for Cosimo's execution 1224jJ.; speech predicting ruin through Cosima 1225).
takes arms 1227ff.; fatal delay 1228f; ruined and banished 123°f; speech to Pope who
failed him 1230; asks F. Visconti for aid against Flor. 1241jJ.)· aids attack on Flor. 1268;
favors battle at Anghiari 1278). death 1281; threat to Cosimo 1344
ALEXANDER VI, POPE ambition 18, 1441f; handmaids: Luxury, Simony, Cruelty
1455; shameless 144Sf; knew time to act 162; deceiver 65, 144 1f, 1446; agreement with
Louis XII 18f, 1450; suspected by French 1454; Florentine policy 1441f; suppressed
Roman barons 4~· makes Cesare prince 29jJ., 45; power in Italy 1441; drove tyrants from
Church cities 1070; breach with France 1455)· will not overrule Cesare 139; death 33,
1439, 1455
ALEXANDER THE GREAT his empire 20; imitated Achilles 57; liberality 60;
refused Mt. Athos as site 194f; followed able father 246; armed people 925; siege of Tyre
402; siege of Leucadia 711; Philotas' conspiracy 434; as orator 661; too ambitious 725;
Fortune's favorite failed 748
ALFONSO, KING OF ARAGON 1238f; conquers Naples 1238f, 1290; cam~
paigns in Tuscany (1447"1448) 1301}f., 1316ff.; prisoner of F. Visconti, gains his
support 1239; assists Visconti 1298f; accepts peace (1454) with reservations 1327!
ALLEGORY not plain enough 939; Achilles and Charon 64; Hercules and Antaeus 354)·
Saul's armor 53)· fox and lion 64[, 73
ALLIANCE maintained with arms 132; difficulties 105; broken for profit 319). weaker
than one prince 135; not with prince of more reputation than power 352; with France for
Leo X 958
ALLIES choice 83; how gained 34, 68; cannot be bought 409)· uncertain 1442; weakness
457f)· disagreement 1419,. dealings with 82)· political, treacherous 1197; stronger princes as
83; weak princes as 83; opponent must disunite 458
AMBASSADOR requirements for success 116jJ.; how to give advice 118, 127, 130
AMBITION verses on 735~739; of rich dangerous to prince 68; of rich, checked by prince
309; of wealthy, improperly blamed 1443; excessive, of Caesar and Alexander 725; to rule
426, 432; never ceases 272, 290, 1309; dangerous to state 213, 216) 482f, 762; directed
against common good 1146; of citizens should benefit state 492, 1337; making a citizen
powerful 29 of; of republics, foolish 379f; of Flor. 460; has ruined Florentines 1204;
causes war 383, 1206, 1255; causes strife 272; ofparty, to be checked 457; of condottieri,
causes war 1328; of Flor.'s enemies 1448; of Duke of Athens 1122; of F. Visconti 1244;
of Lodovico Sforza devastates Italy 1435; of Roman populace 272jJ.
AMBOISE, GEORGES DI See ROUEN, CARDINAL
AMMIRATO, SCIPIO History of Florence 782
ANAXARETE story of 1016jJ.
ANCESTORS descendants desire fame not goodness 1°32
ANGHIARI situation, Florentine victory 1278jJ.
ANIMALS Circe's 754; qualities 765.ff.; how superior to man 770fJ.
ANJOU, JEAN OF does not realize that limbs follow head 1334
ANJOU, RENE OF aids Flor. 1325f.
ANTIQUITY Mach.'s delight in 321f, 929; inferior and superior 321f; superiority in
war 702; ideas from 191; good habits lost 707f; military methods for subjects or citizens
only 582; imitated by Swiss 597,639; to be imitated 19 of, 324,454,49°,5 67, 570ff., 1233;
methods difficult to bring back 58o, 721f; cruelty of 623; like present 521
ANXIETY fears Fortune 747
INDEX
APHORISMS attributed to Castruccio 555. See also RULES, GENERAL
APPEARANCES majority judge by 66, 252
APPIUS an imprudent tyrant 280;288
ARBEDO (Bellinzona) battle, Carmignuola and Swiss 376, 599f
ARCHERS simile 24,· English and Parthian 378
ARDINGHELLI, PIEhtO Leo X's secretary 930,· political power 93 2; regards to 968
ARETINO (BRUNI), LIONARDO History of Florence 1°31, 1088
AREZZO rebellion against Flor. (1502) 122, 16..1, 390, 1133, 1176, 1440; conspiracy
against Flor. 447,· bought by Flor. 1176; added to Florentine empire 1186; French give to
Flor.276
ARIOSTO, LUDOVICO to appear it1 Golden Ass 750; Mach. reads Orlando
Furioso 967; Orlando Furioso 827, 851; Orlando Furioso 11.26: 367; Orlando
Furioso 31.89: 736
ARISTOCRACY good form of gov't 196f.; of popular origin, haughty and careless
(1381;1434) 1188; ruling Flor. are hated 1188f; policy (1423) brings hatred 1198. See
also GENTLEMEN
ARISTOTLE understood free gov't 114; on disunited states 924
ARMIES of well ordered state 48; their discipline 510f; size (1452) 1320; Italian, un;
reliable 925; Italian, led by lesser princes or men without states 1079. See also ARMY;
MERCENARIES
ARMOR value 597, 601, 635, 64 1, 1280; modern 638f
ARMS necessary to protect cities 1439.ff.; foundation of state 3; unproductive 1439; for
people 410; prince's own 134, 137; prince dependent on others' 1236; good, indicate good
gov't 46, 202, 500; holy, when no other hope 94, 1242; maintain alliances 132; used after
failure of other ways 385;first to take not cause ofstrife 1358; and equipment, Roman 595.
See also ARMY; MILITARY; etc.
ARMY essential to state 585; easily formed if men not lacking 516; of prince's subjects 88,
500; best of armed people 925; size 694, 1320; brigade 608f, 629; mercenary, good with
able leader 925; discipline required 465; made brave by discipline 611; discipline by kindness or
punishment 474; training essential 501; undisciplined described 511; Italian useless, without
ardor or discipline 511; punishment in 69of; dijJers from crowd 465; undisciplined not a
real army 510; good leader, bad leader 463f; without leader 505; words of command 464fJ.,
669f; invincible not possible 585; valor from religion 503; its courage guarded by general
513; valor when trusting general 502f; new, how to strengthen courage 515; rewards for
bravery 690; timid not to fight 658; victorious, formidable 387f; powerful after defeat 1285;
flight checked 655; tactics 365, 648;668; marching tactics 674j; flexible array 642; how
to receive attack 666.ff.; escape from defile 667; ambush 653, 673; sentinels 688f; camp
678;93; stratagems 694;698; health 692; provisions 670f; pioneers 670; booty 671f;
gaming itt 691; women in 691; needed to regain lost fortress 393jJ.; friendly more damaging
than hostile one 1011; Mach.'s from Greeks and Romans 629; Mach.'s,jtmctions of weapons
629f; weapons, modern 597; Roman, a model for world 510; battle array from ancients
626; retreat 675. See also DISCIPLINE; RESERVES; WAR; etc.
ARMY, CITIZEN payment 590; leaders shifted to avoid partisanship 593; formed by
prince 88, 500; not wholly drafted 584; most effective 54; Florentine 583, 1275, 1457;
failure in 1512: 585; Florentine (13th cent.) 1086; against Castruccio I111f; keeps statefree
585; only foundation for republic 587; does not cause disorder 592; of F. Visconti 1244;
Roman destroyed liberty 585; censures 584; tried by Venice and Ferrara 725; abandoned by
Venice 586; French 53; selection 590f; size 590; training 607f See also ARMIES
ARNO flood (1333) 1118; bridges (1343) 1136ff.; attempt to divert from Pisa 1456
ARQUEBUS See FIREARMS
1468 INDEX
ARROGANCE See HOPE; PRIDE
ART OF WAR See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
ARTILLERY Mach. valued 120, 563f; imperial army lacks, hence vulnerable 1010;
cannon first seen 1°72; effective 649; tactics 371., 634, 635ff.; effect on tactics 65 1; fury
597, 638ff.; its fury against small forts 705jJ.; breaks embrasures 708; siege 63 2, 703f)
710, 716, 729; effect on infantry 371f, 636, 639, 651; field 632, 636, 651; annulls for~
tresses 393, 703; needs infantry support 372; must be protected 372, 619, 632, 639.ff.;
begins battle without effect 634; how negated 636~641; ineffective at Brescia 368; defense
of cities 369, 729; ancient equivalents 711; and Roman methods 366jf.) 370; on com~
manding hills 730; how placed 665.ff.; on two fronts 668; position in camp 685, 686f;
bastions for 72B~734; embrasures 73 1; and courage 367, 37of; and the offensive 367f;
does not kill generals 371; are cannoneers soldiers? 686; Borgia's 124, 140f; Florentint
127; German cities' 43; Vitellozzo's 126; French wheels for 70Bf See also FIREARMS
ARTIST See SCULPTOR
ARTS timeless 321
ASIA few republics, few able men 622
ASS, THE [GOLDEN] See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
ASSASSINATION See CONSPIRACY
ASSAULTS See FORTRESS(ES); SIEGE
ASSISI Mach. at 142
ASSYRIA excellence 322; conqueror 748; wise shift ofgenerals 593
ASTROLOGERS frighten Flor. 881
ASTUTE meaning 58
A THENS origin 192; small 334; ruined by expansion 762; gov't 199; infirm decisions 975;
factional strife 1°3 1; ingratitude to citizens 255!, 743; people support Sicilian expedition
304; conquered 748}' Pisistratus tyrant 445
ATHENS, WALTER, DUKE OF rules Flor. as vicar IllS!; wanted as prince
1122; pretended virtues 1123; subjugated Flor. 1157; tyranny 1126jf.; violence upon women
1127; folly about conspiracy 447f, 1129; expelled 1130f.
ATTENDULO, MICHELETTO hero of Anghiari 1279; Venetian general 12871
13°5
AUDACITY favored by Fortune 92, 746; gains what mildness does not 522
AUDIENCES ofprince 114,926
AUGURIES See AUSPICES
AUSONIUS On the Statue of Occasion 747
A USPICES prudence and imprudence about 232f; political use in Rome 231) 699
AUTHORITY how to be given 270; taken, not given, brings hate 1204
AUXILIARY ARMIES dangerous 51jJ.) 381f
AVARICE See GREED
B
BAGGING See BAGS
BAGLIONI flee from Perugia 1454; pursue Borgia to Rome 1455; return to Perugia on
Borgia's death 1455; yield to Julius 11 1459
BAGLIONI, GIANPAULO (GIANPAOLO, PAGOLO) hostile to
Borgia 134; hostile to Flor. 135; at Magione 164; tyrant of Perugia attacked by Julius 11
254; cowardice 255
BAGS with names offuture magistrates 102,921, 1114
BALfA in Flor. 109; (137 8, 1381, 13 87) 1174, 1177f; (1393) 1179; (1400) 1185;
(1426) against people 1195; to destroy Plebeian Party 1222; deals with life or death of
INDEX
Cosimo 1223; restores Cosimo 1230; for Meaici (1444) 1292; ten years for 1293; by
Cosimo's party 133Zff.; ana Medici 1358,' favoring Piero dlMedici 1359
BANDELLO Novella 1.37: 791; Novella 46: 869
BANISHMENT See EXILE
BARBADORO, NICCOLO asks Uzzano to help drive out Cosimo 1219; opponent
of Cosimo, supporter of Rinalao aegli Albizzi 1219, 1221, 1227, 1229; exiled 1230
BARBARIANS (ancient) in Italy 54, 192, 344ff, I034ff; (moaern) 5°,93,96, 998,
1233, 1445
BARDI rebellion by 1118!; return from exile 1126; defense of Ponte Vecchio and Rubiconte
1137/
BASTIONS Mach.'s early notion (twisting or concave wall) 703; not rejected by Mach.
705; on city walls 728~734,0 in Mach.'shead 997
BATTLE Mach.'s army in 635; forced by necessity 35of; as last resort 1278; forced by
determinedfoe 659; invader cannot avoid 457; how avoided 455!, 658f; unwisely or wisely
avoided 455jJ.; before surrender 350; fight with advantage or in necessity 657; in defile 547;
at river~crossing 550, 657, 659; at mountain~pass 249!, 950; eagerness for 660; battle
prohibited by princes and republics 454; new devices in 464jJ.; devices in antiquity 652/;
devices for encouraging soldiers 654; importance 564, 1275; wise in some conditions 456,'
at night 51, 415; one may take aprovince 1005; purpose of war 581; preparation for 1279!;
advantages given by enemy, devised by general 657; army arrayed for 63off,' .flexible order
of 642; attack or defense 524; frightened army not to enter 658; prepared for by small
combats 512; test of military action 58of; bloodless, Zagonara 1192f; bloodless, Anghiari
1280; bloodless, Molinella 1363; bloody, Campomorto 1416. See also DEFEAT;
RESERVES; TOPOGRAPHY; VICTORY; etc.
BEAUTY details of 759!
BECHI, RICCIARDO Mach.'s correspondent 886
BEGINNING weak, produces great results 1368; of evil 16, 54, 264.ff.J 492, 1188, 1195,
1218/ See also FORESIGHT; ORIGINS
BENEFITS gradual38; done by prince in person 70; not to be deferred 263f; new, do or do not
erase injuries 426,9°8,917, 1197, 1208, 1261; prince's, follow earlier ones 987; do not wipe
out party feeling 1275; to people, road to tyranny 492. See also REVENGE
BENTIVOGLI conspiracy against 69; Borgia's relations with 131, 165, 1451; driven from
Bologna by Julius II 523, 1459
BENTIVOGLIO, ANNIBALE established in Bologna 1291, 1294.ff.
BENTIVOGLIO, GIOVANNI attacked by Julius II 91,' his party 134; alliance
with Borgia 137/; Borgia's enmity 163; Borgia plans to attack 1453; disarmed Bolognese
846; fears Venice 151)' in Faenza 1431
BENTIVOGLIO, SANTI illegitimate son of Ercole 69; courage and vigor against
rebels 1318; from obscurity to power in Bologna 1295
BERGAMO, BARTOLOMMEO DA condottiere 50
BLONDUS, FLAVIUS Decades, sourcefor Mach. 376; on parties in subject cities 491
BOCCACCIO Decam. 2.7: 800; Decam. 4. 2: 972; Decam. 6: 811; quoted 941; on
the plague 1138
BOLOGNA gov't 69; dissensions in (1445) 1294jJ.; people avenge Bentivogli on Can~
neschi 1295; Borgia's designs 121, 123!, 131; repels Borgia 1451; expedition ofJulius II
against 66, 91, 254, 1459; papal politics 139; Venetian conspiracy against Bentivogli 1318
BONIFACE VIII sends Charles of Valois to Flor. 1101; sends Matteo d'Acquasparta
to Flor. 1102; attacks Colonna 1063; at Alagna 1064
BORGIA, CESARE not Italy's deliverer 93f; Mach.'s contact with 120~162; Mach.'s
late refereme to 161; nature 136; qualities 128; knew time to act 162; transactWn of business
INDEX
129; ambition for kingdom 161; cruelty 61; secretive 142; confident of success 148; popular
in Romagna 158,' dissembler 165; his career 28jJ.,· marches through Tuscany 276; plans
against Bologna 163,' apology to Louis XII 163, 1452; captures Arezzo 491; captures
ForIt Bo, 706J' surprises Urbino 712; power in Italy 1441; contempt for 1441; prisoner of
Charles VIII 1446; abandons cardinalate 1449; assisted by France 1454; Florentine
general 125, 129, 131; accuses Flor. 145; threatens Flor. 154; frightens Flor. (15 00)
1442f, 1455; no reason for attacking Flor. 1440; Flor.'s foolish dealings with 131, 276; in
Romagna 20; conquers Romagna 145of; in Urbino 81, 1452; deception of Sinigaglia
163.ff., 1454; destroys Orsini and Vitelli and Liverotto 163.ff.;forces dispatchedfor Romagna
154; influence on choice ofpope 34, 143; sickness at crucial time 33, 1455; believes to find
such pity as he did not show 1455; arrested by Julius II 156, 1455; failure 34; lack of
sh,.ewdness 144; inconstant, timid, confused 15of; mistake with Bentivogli 151; laughed at
154; collapse 157ff.; and Julius II 143f, 149f; a prisoner in Spain 1456; experience
with auxiliaries and mercenaries 52f; soldiers his own 130, 165; disciplines soldiers 169;
favors soldiers above people 124; prince through Fortune 28; lost his state through Fortune
28ff., 150; fortune and courage 142; state ruined by Alexander VI's death 1455; model
new prince 33,52,962; wise policy 134; laidgoodfoundations 29; could have defeated Venice
92 4
BaRGO" CIRIACO DAL Florentine infantry leader 366
BRACCESCHI mercenary faction 1234; in Florentine army 1403
BRACCIO" CARLO Venetian condottiere 1377; Venetian and Florentine condottiere
1402f; attacks Siena 13771
BRACCIO" ODDO Florentine condottiere 1194; death 1077, 1200, 1377
BRACCIO OF MONTONE mercenary 49f; ambitious 575; did damage 579; in
service of Queen Joanna 1077; war against Queen Joanna 1077; war with Sforza 1°77,.
successors hostile to Sforza 1347; his sons 1377
BRACCIOLINI" POGGIO History of Florence 1°31
BRAINS three levels 85; originality 935. See also REASON
BRANCACCIO" GIULIANO 899
BRIBERY easily accomplished 285; French masters in 992
BRUNELLESCHI, FILIPPO statue in cathedral 1214; planforfiooding Lu~ca 1214
BRUNI See ARETINO
BRUTUS, LUCIUS JUNIUS delivery of Rome 423ff.
BRUTUS, MARCUS JUNIUS conspiracy against Caesar 430, 442; could not free
corrupt Rome 239; sons of 236, 424f.
BUONDELMONTI, ZANOBI Discourses dedicated to 188; Life of Castruccio
dedicated to 533f; auditor in Art of War 569
BURCHIELLO sonnets 983, 1014
c
CAESAR, JULIUS imitated Alexander the Great 57; liberality 60; ambitious 725;
general 99,' brave but not good 575; on army with good or bad leader 463;firmness of troops
717; dismounted cavalry 6°4,' assaults besiegers 717; averted bad omen 699; speed after
victory 655; stratagem for river,l'crossing 676; attacked enemy crossing river 657; rise to
tyranny 266; tyrant 221, 274J 302; made tyrant by Ingratitude 743; deceived Romans 239;
made soldiers his partisans 486; in France 637, 649; Rome's obligations to (ironical) 223;
conspiracy against 430J 442; Fortune's favorite murdered 748; iust payment in Gaul 701
CAMBRAI league 117, 4581, 1460
INDEX 1471
CAMILLUS, FURIUS slandered 214; severity hated by soldiers 484; plan for defending
city 497
CAN, BAILEY OF condottierefor Flor. 1455
CANNAE Roman disaster 262J; result of popular liking for courageous plans 304;
Romans did not despond after 498)' Romans abandoned defense of subjects 514)' not decisive
411; ifJect in Carthage 402
CANNON See ARTILLERY
CAPITAL PUNISHMENT See DEATH
CAPPONI, NERI gained power by public ways 1338; honored in Venice after speech
126off.)· heads soldiers against Piccinino 1275; honored for victory 1283; wishes three
powers in Lombardy 1313; feared by Cosimo 1291; murder of Baldaccio injures reputation
1293
CAPPONI, PIERO defiance of Charles VIII 1436) 1445
CAPUA trust in money in war 351; senate versus people 292J; luxury injured Romans
and Hannibal's soldiers 381)' conspiracy of Roman garrison 382} 447; Roman mutineers
not to be taunted 401
CARMIGNUOLA Venetian condottiere 50; tactics against Swiss at Arbedo 376f.)
599f; efficient general 1200f; relations with Milan and Venice 1200; not trusted by Venice
12°3
CARNIVAL in Flor. 832) 838) 872) 878ff.
CARPI Mach. in 971~977
CARTHAGE mercenary armies 48; rebellion of mercenaries 502; and Rome 326; hopes
after Cannae 402; conquered 748
CASAVECCHIO, FILIPPO 899)' sees Prince 929
CASTIGLIONCHIO, LAPO DA opposes conspiratorl delay 1152; in exile}
laments delay 1154J
CASTIGLIONE, BALDASSARE Courtier 4.32: 58
CASTLES strong by nature or art 703; bad and good 706; forbidden by Flor. 1120. See
also FORTRESS(ES)
CASTRACANI, CASTRUCCIO Life 533~559; ruler of Lucca and chief GhibeI",
line 1111) 1209; holds Pisa and Pistoia 1116; war on Flor. 348) 548) 1065) I111f.}
1114f) 1157; Flor. could not resist 355; union of Italy 533; military organization 542;
military tactics 539) 547) 55off.
CATASTO tax on all property 1201J; hated by rich 1201J; attempt to apply to past
1201f; subjects required to list property 1203
CATULLUS imitated 805
CAUTION brings both success andfailure 91)' not fortunate 92; in making decisions 1437
CAVALCANTI, BARTOLOMMEO letter to 1003
CAVALRY proportion in army 51) (145 2) 1320) (1483~1484) 1418/; of mercenaries
51; number in brigade 680; of citizen army 594; Roman selection 594; of ideal army how
armed 624f; Roman arms 596; defeated by infantry 599~602) 641/; inferior to infantry
373ff.; need infantry aid 140; Parthian against Roman infantry 376jJ.; limitations 603;
impeded by rough country 604; effective in open country 650; without servants 625) 682;
a ((lance)) 165) 1271; tactics against 650) 675; in battle 665; not to disorder infantry 665;
less degenerate than infantry 720; modern equal to ancient 601) 625; modern can charge a
rock 378; as scouts 602) 663ff.) 673f; supplying horses 720
CECCO aprudent minister ruined 407
CERTAINTY of victory to be chosen over doubt 958; sacr!ficedfor uncertainty 1294
CESENA Mach. at 139~14z
1472 INDEX
CHANCE Mach.'s enemy 757; injuries to Mach. 969}' in Buondelmont~Amidei feud 1083;
Ferdinand V uses 909; at gates of Fortune 747. See also FORTUNE
CHANGE according to times 896; in gov't dangerous 26, 1197f See also REFORM;
TIMES
CHARACTER See NATURE
CHARITY prince acts against 66; Ambition expels 736; of Giovanni de'Medici 1204;
Mach. on 170ff.
CHARLES V, EMPEROR to be observed 119; ambition 990; not inJured by bad
decisions 992)' tricky diplomacy 990/; stupid? 992; will he release Francis I? 99of;
releases Francis 11463; crazy to put Francis I in Italy (1526) 993;fails to reinforce army
1002)' army does not observe Viceroy's treaty 1oo7} 1009; his Italian army (1527) 1008;
what to learn about him 119
CHARLES VIII, KING OF FRANCE Italian expedition 45,50, 1°3, 598, 708,
724, 779, 826, 1445f; takes Italy with chalk 47; enters Flor. 1000
CHARLES OF ANJOU in Italy 1060; aids Flor. 1090; defeats Manfred 1088!;
Vicar of Tuscany 1°91
CHARLES OF CALABRIA rescues and oppresses Flor. 111S!
CHARLES OF DURAZZO feared as ally of Florentine exiles 1170; bribed by Flor.
1171; asks aid from Flor., retair'Ss Naples 1175
CHIRON centaur, educated Achilles 64
CHOICE inevitable 896
CHRIST example 422; example of mercy 1412; to watch over G. Vernacci 964, 967J 970
CHRISTIANITY effect of 191; mild 331; slothful interpretation 331; destroyed pagan
records 340; mercy lessened needfor defense 623; and patriotism 331. See also RELIGION
CHURCH how to keep influence 948; temporal power 19, 44, 50; bad example 228;
failure in Italy 226ff.; corrupts Italy 228; divides Italy 228f; made strong by France 20 ;
lack of scruples 1406; Flor. under interdict 1100; Flor. does not observe interdict 1396,
1399; cry of conspirators in ForU 1430; East and West union mooted 1254. See also
CHRISTIANITY; POPE; RELIGION
CIBO, CARDINAL Mach. hopes aid from 1006
CICERO on people 203; on Caesar 266; hoist with his own petard301; affiicted by Fortune
749; De Oratore 997; Familiar Letters 903!
CIOMPI revolt of 1161;1169; demands of 1163f; organize a gov't 1167; turn against
Michele di Lando for favoring rich 1166f; gains diminished 1169
CIRCE her animals once men 755, 765, 768
CIRCUMSTANCES determine value offortresses 80,397; alter rules 355f. See also
TIMES
CITIZEN(S) three classes 107; should be poor 272JJ.; should be content with any gov't
428; weak curse tyrant 431; uncorrupted} needed for army 722; ambitious rise to power
z65f, 29of; able but neglected seek revenge 4691; foolish despise city 726; ready to sell Flor.
12Z1; support Lorenzo the Magn!ficent 1398; fellow, more rapacious than enemies 1243
CITY origin free or slavish 192jJ.; free German 43; site barren or fertile 193; desirable for
safety 1230; mixed body 1242; simple body 1242; six miles of territory ideal extent 762;
of servile origin,freedom impossible 295!; free, liberty hard to keep 295!)· corrupt cannot be
reorganized 240/; corrupt qualities 450; how to unite 489; divided, how unified 489;
divided easily lost 491; great, not firm in decisions 975; to be loved which loves people
equally 1242; capital does not fear destruction 624; system for defense 497; large, hard to
defend 998; strong by nature or art 703; to be surrounded by unobstructed land 709J.; taken
with difficulty when defended 1005; capture does not decide war 1272; in war to be abandoned
or defended with whole army 513; preservation better than useless defense 1z66; EuropeanJ
INDEX 1473
does not defend self 6231; taken by stratagem 415; how captured by Romans 413; Flor.
gains Tuscan cities by allowing independence or tyranny 1133, 1209; new, renown to founder
1080; native (see COUNTRY). See also REPUBLICS; STATE
CITY WALL See WALL
CLASSES of people in Flor., enmity 107, 1141
CLEMENT VII, POPE (Medici, Giulio de') supervises Flor. 111, 114; approves
writing of Hist. Flor. 971; Mach.'s Hist. Flor. presented to 1027.ff.; to feed flock 880;
getting money from 985ff.; outwits Charles V 1463; can he hold Charles v? 998; on
walls of Flor. 998; fears Imperial army 727; treaty with viceroy of Charles V 1008f;
wishes to fortify Flor. 99S./J.; incapacity 1010,' like a baby 1004; mistakes in war 1oo3!;
failure to raise money 1004; trust in ink rather than arms 1002
CLERGY ambition 46; how estimated 255; bad influence 228; wickedness 422, 794. See
also CHURCH; POPE
CLIZIA See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
COLLEONI, BARTOLOMMEO Venetian condottiere attacks Florentine territory
1362f
COLONIES value 1080/; to hold conquests 14!, 19,378; Roman 342f
COLONNA FAMILY mercenaries 29; pope's enemies 45; against Sixtus IV 1415;
crushed by Sixtus IV 1420; demands on Sixtus lV's death 1421; Cardinals 46
COLONNA, FABRIZIO speaker in Art of War 568'726; military experience 569
COMEDY theory of 81 4, 823f; of Florentine life 928; by Mach. 101 4; in Greece 725;
staging 777
COMMAND prolonged, dangerous to state 486; words of (see ARMY)
COMMERCE prince encourages 84; price of wheat and spices (15 12) 134; in German
cities 43; in Flor. 87 1./J., 1159, 1437; labor troubles in Flor. 1158. See also POOR;
RICH; VERNACCI
COMMODUS conspiracy against 437f)' assassination 446
COMMON GOOD Mach.'s devotion to 1028; gov't for 1027; and patriotism 1145;
arts and laws for 566; esteemed above private 572; of Italy 31, 38, 93; in free city 236,329;
sought in founding state 218f; prince respects 506; esteemed above private feeling 1106;
versus partisanship 458; desired by Salvestro de'Medici 1153; love for, basis of reputation
49 2; desired by Valori 1438; sought in reform 1158; officials love (1378) 1155,' citizens
loving (1382) 1172; advanced by Giovanni de'Medici 1204; served by historian 190;
Borgia desires 149; not attacked 461, 1146; neglected in Flor. 296, 1140; opposed by
Medici 1030,' Alcibiades forgets 468; not sought in Flor. 103; individual passions oppose
general interest 1276. See also PEOPLE; RULES, GENERAL
COMMYNES, PHILIP DE 47
COMPETENCE destroyed throughout world by Roman Empire 623; not understood 941,
1363
COMPROMISE See HALFWAY MEASURES
CONCORD Ambition drives away 736
CONDITIONS See CIRCUMSTANCES
CONDOTTA explained 51
CONDOTTIERE See MERCENARIES
CONFIDENCE soldiers' causes for 662. See also HOPE
CONIO, ALBERIGO (LODOVICO) DA first condottiere So
CONIO, LODOVICO DA his company of St. George 1074
CONQUEROR advice for 13f, 426; writers subservient to 321; never disgraced 1160
CONQUEST how retained 131; treatment 17; natural 18; new princedom 25,' harmful
1474 INDEX
to weak republics 335, 377JJ.; by peoples 344f; by republics and princes 344; i,,!;ured Rome
381; not the best way to gain subjects 1133; conquered to be destroyed or benrfited 389JJ.
CONSALVO See GONSALVO
CONSCIENCE should not frighten the oppressed 1160
CONSPIRACY discussed 68/, 428"448; conditions for 1129; against prince 68/, 429"
444; against republic 444.!J.,· by men of rank 432ff.; by weak men infrequent 431; by one man
escapes danger 430; by many 433, 1184; rapidity of 785; courage ofplotters 434f, 1390/;
dangers of 428, 430, 433, 438jJ.; how to avoid discovery 435; to write isfatal 436f.; conspiracy
against two, difficulty 441, 1391; how foiled 68, 446, 1382; ruins prince 1384; brings
assailed prince power 1383; cannot long be secret 1389; how revealed 433f, 549, 1113,
1119, 1129, 1184, 1323, 1354; evil results 428, 442, 1383, 1388; usually ul1successfu1428;
plottersfiee 1185,' in Bologna early success 1295; at Cennia by Alfonso successful 1301; in
Cortona revealed 1277; Venetian in Cremona discovered 1299; in Faenza 1431; in Genoa
1429; in Genoa against Visconti rule 1240; in Forlt 1429JJ.; in Prato fails 1369; in Pisa dis"
covered 1217; in Sarzana against Flor. 1408; in Volterra successful 1206; against Maso
degli Albizzi 1183; against Duke of Athens 1128JJ.; by Bardi and Frescobaldi 1119; by
Catiline 221, 445; against Caracalla 438; to receive Castruccio in Flor. 548; of Ciompi
revealed 1161j.; against Commodus 74; against Iacopo Gabriegli 1118jJ.; of Gambacorti
thwarted 1324f; by Guelfs (1378) 1151fJ.; against Pagolo Guinigi 1216; by Duke of
Milan and Florentine exiles 1184; Pazzi against Medici 1383"1395; of Stefano Porcari
1322/; against Piero dlMedici 1351, 1354, 1356; against Galeazzo Sforza 1378jJ. See
also RULES, GENERAL
CONSPIRATORS cry ((liberty" (1397) 1183; blinded by lust to rule 432
CONSTANTINOPLE employs Turkish mercenaries 52; Emperor favors Flor.
against Venice 1319; citizens too late with defense against Turks 1442
CONSTITUTIONS See GOVERNMENT
CONTEMPT prince must avoid 67.!J., 74,954,957; for Emperor 75; avoided by able men
481; through poverty 61
CONVENIENCE not to be broken for others' convenience 927
CORNO, DONATO DEL 900; eligibility for olfice 921, 931fJ.; hopes for olfice 959;
loan to Giuliano de'Medici 966
COSIMO See MEDICI, COSIMO DE'
COUNCIL OF CHURCH Flor. appeals to 1399
COUNCILS, FLOR. 109, 1°91, 1152
COUNTRY to be defended without regard to justice, cruelty or disgrace, without scruple
519; no sort of defense to be censured 1242. See also CITY; PATRIOTISM
COUPLERS put eligible names in bags 921; political use of 1237
COURAGE against Fortune 92; loss of ruins conspiracy 440; failure in 441/; in defending
own property 1191f; does notfear strange events 504; admired by enemies 1199; in executing
decisions 1437; of Francesco Pazzi 1390; of the Bishop of Volterra against the mob 306;
of Maffeo da Carrari in the Bardi rebellion 1120; of Biago del Melano at Monte Petroso
1199. See also FORTUNE; RULES, GENERAL; VIRTU
COURTESY prince's 84,99,926
COVETOUSNESS See GREED
COWARDICE bad result 540; is Sloth 737; in Italy 737; scorned 1199. See also
COURAGE; FEAR
CRIMES not atoned for by good deeds 248
CROSSBOW light cavalry weapon 625
CRUELTY well used, badly used 38; dangers and benrfits 61.fJ.; of generals 63, 474;
injures ruler 75; weakens prince 236; price ofprince's survival 254; ofpriJ1ce, ofpeople 317;
INDEX 1475
private life better than cruel reign 254; of Philip of Macedon 254; with Ambition 736;
ofdestroying quarter Santo Spirito 996; ofsetting up prince in Flor. 107
CRUSADE exhortation to 880; (1521) 974; brief account 1054; against Christians 1063,.
by Calixtus Ill, Florentines interested 1329; planned by Pius 111333, 1349
CUPID See LOVE
CUSTOMS do not vary 241; bad, overcome good laws 1146
CYCLE ofpower and weakness 763; of human affairs 1232. See VARIATION
CYRUS amazing as prince 25; liberality 60; example 93J.; virtuous conduct 476; armed
people 925; trained victorious army 722; sport of Fortune 749; use offraud 357
D
DANGER taken in time 16, 54, 264; in opposing strong abuses 291; brings reward 1161;
not escaped without danger 1161; better remembered than favor 1208
DANTE Conv. 1.11: 303; 4. 2 7: 48, 58; Inf. 1.10: 753; 4. 16"18: 900; 21.41:
558/; 31.70: 1463; Purge 7.121: 226; 20.86: 987)' Par. 54 1: 929; 6.133ff.: 988/;
32.29: 880; Mach.'s reading 928; in politics 1101.ff.; exile confirmed 1109
DAVID and Goliath 53; strong king 241; made great changes 253
DE REGIMINE PRINCIPUM writers on 57, 481/; ruler's mirror 428
DEATH with scythe 753; stronger to save Flor. than her own power 1186; death penalty
in Rome and Flor. 297; execution offather forgotten 63
DECEIT See DECEPTION; FRAUD
DECEPTION by princes 58, 64jf.; successful, deemed honorable 1160; gains glory 1145/;
gains wealth 1160; no shame in gaining by 1304; used by Italian rulers 1233; with Ambition
736; of Venetians about Sforza's crossing Po 1250; by King Ferdinand 909. See also
FRAUD
DECISION impossible in weak republic 490; Florentine rulers fail in 1451
DEFEAT avoid loss of what you plan to defend 513; expedients in 655f
DEFENSE prince's 68; country needs 566; by men not by gold 349; freedom sacr!ficed to
348; of city, system for 497; better than attack 1191/; requires less expense than attack
1194. See also RULES, GENERAL; WAR
DEIFEBO See PICCININO
DELAY (hesitation) danger in 16f., 38) 42, 361 1151, 1354; causes vain regrets 879;
J
fatal to Rin. Albizzi 1228; foolish 1443; in applying remedy 1373; fatal to plans 1364;
in military preparation (1512) 891; in war 1106; causes loss of Constantinople 1442,.
in war possible for Louis XII 958,. by Flor. as to Louis XII 1450; by republics 361;
lacks words 360. See also TEMPORIZING
DEMOCRACY gives power to stupid 1187; objections to 198JJ.
DESIRES human, insatiable 323; excessive, frequent 1355
DESPAIR See DESPERATION
DESPERATION prince does not cause 70, 438; not to be provoked 289; political results
205; makes army formidable 699; enemy to be kept from 700f; power of 1096; man in,
dangerous 1429/; finds remedies 1010; Cassiul suicide 472
DESPISED See CONTEMPT
DEVIL in human body 870.ff., 933; in carnival 878; not so black as painted 881
DICTATOR decision in emergency 264; service to Rome 267.ff.; essential to safety of
republic 269; last resource 487; limitations 268
DIODORUS SICULUS History 340
DIOGENES, LAERTIUS Lives of Philosophers, sayings from 555.ff.,559
DION OF SYRACUSE good prince 221; kept Syracuse free 238; conspiracy against 448
1476 INDEX
DISCIPLINE atones for lack of spirit 694; supplies Nature's lacks 737)' and ardor 510,
718)' preserves courage 511) 608; more important than numbers 694; importance to republics
and princes 619!; of infantry 374; demands punishment 698; impossible in winter campaign
702; makes good soldiers 581 , 584; of army essential 592, 608f, 610f.. 669; Roman 689,
737; of mercenaries 1267, 1281
DISCOURAGEMENT Mach. overcomes 904
DISCOURSES ON LIVY See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
DISEASE of state 489; hectic fever 16, 54. See also REMEDY
DISSENSIONS IN FLOR. 1086, 1139; in 13th cent. 1083!, 1094; (1295) 1°96;
(1343) 1134) 1136.ff.; caused by malcontents (1378"1380) 1169; cause slander 1213;
good in Rome, bad in Flor. 1140f; in Corcyra 330. See also DIVISION IN CITY;
FACTIONS; PARTY
DITCH with embankment behind battered wa1l703ff., 7°7, 715!, 730; chief defense of cities
729; defending city 733; frozen) no defense 1192
DIVINATION See AUSPICES
DIVINER See PROPHET
DIVISION IN CITY damage men's good qualities 1282; in republics, harmful and
helpful 1336; in state exploited by enemy 398f; damage to Flor. 1157; in Flor. (1429)
even in families 1219; caused by Savonarola 1448; of hostile armies, means 697. See also
DISSENSIONS IN FLOR.; PARTISANS
DOLCE, LUDOVICO on good minister 86
DONATI, CORSO kills man of people 1095; assists Pistoian Blacks 1099ff.; militant
leader of Blacks 1100; returns from exile 1101f; seeks popular favor 1106; ambition 1107;
last fight 1107!
DOMINIC, SAINT reformer 422)' his order 1058
DONNE, JOHN Satire 4. 1 34: 791
DRAMA See COMEDY
DRAWBRIDGES construction 706f; French 709
DREAMS See FANTASIES
E
EDUCATION feeble modern 490; bad, unfits men for either fortune 500; gives knowledgt
of world 500; makes family uniform 525
EFFORT See SELF"RELIANCE
EGYPT laws produced excellent men 194; conqueror 748
EIGHT OF WAR remain in Palace (1378) 1165; dismissed by Michele di Lando 1166
EIGHT SAINTS carryon war against Pope 1150; take church property, force clergy to
function 1150
EMPEROR (modern) keeps peace in Germany 379; not considering common good 578. See
also PRINCE; ROMAN EMPERORS
EMPIRES See KINGDOM
ENEMIES become prince's friends 79; fostered by prince 79; to be divided by concessions 360;
new) oldfriends 543) 744; fear of in soldiers allayed by general's device 514; all able to take
territory 1440
ENGLAND military training 247; attack on France 411; French and Spanish relations 911.
See also HENRY VIII
ENVY universal 736f.; ofgreat men 27; extinguished by need for great man, or by deaths of
envious 49~' with Ambition 73 6; nurse of Ingratitude 74of; causes hate 321; nourishes
Suspicion 741; not felt for old gov't 1368; attacks Anxiety 747; envied man cannot reform
INDEX 1477
city 495; reformer must kill those who envy him 496; not excited by Camillus 495; in city
politics 1213; may ruin country 496. See also HATE; REVENGE
EPAMINONDAS training of troops 247, 463, 515, 722; on general's knowledge of
enemy 472). liberated Thebes 463; kept Thebes strong 240; taught military organization to
Philip 725
EQUALITY human 1160; value in cities 240; in TuscaHy 106, 309; in Sparta 208; in
Flor. 106; in Germany 308; forbids princedom 309; Milanese inequality 106f.
ESTE, ERCOLE D' Venetian condottiere 1362; becomes Duke of Ferrara 1365;
Florentine condottiere unsuccessful 14°°, 1402; confronts Duke of Calabria 1402; quarrels
with Gonzaga) leaves Florentine service 1404
ETRUSCANS See TUSCANY
EUGENE IV, POPE mediates between Rinaldo degli Albizz; and Cosimo's party
1229; driven from Rome, lives in Flor. 1234; yields cities to condottieri 1234f; recovers
towns from Fortebraccio 1235!; tries to end Visconti~Florentine war 1244; deceived by
Piccino 1256; attacks Sforza territory 1290
EUROPE many republics) many able men 621jJ.; few countries 623
EVIL present in everything 457; choice oflesser evil 84) 209, 276, 793,954,959; to letgrow) to
oppose? 1219; sure avoided 1347; everybody avoids 888; do not linger over 759; desires not
to be revealed 287; and good, sequence of 763; to be resisted 911; unexpected, returned for
unexpectedgood 1309; how to be successfully so 285; always mixed with good 512
EX POST FACTO LAWS dangerous 1143
EXAMPLE to be avoided 1233; bad, not to be followed 485; mirror for princes 428. See
also PRINCE
EXERCISE and health 692
EXILE nature of 1437; with liberty better than slavery 1230; worse than death 1372;
injury to Flor. 1230) 1243
EXILES promises by 1243, 1363; vain hopes 1144; difficulties 1368; not trustworthy 412f;
typical 53~; weaken Flor. 1248; promise rebellion in Flor. 1268; feared by Florentine
gov't 1266; Flor. after Anghiari 1281; Flor. at Bologna 1182f; urge Visconti to attack
Flor., hoping to return 1242/, 1268; regulated by Medici party 1238
EXPANSION requirements 209; dangerous without Roman methods 380) 762
EXPERIENCE Mach.'s 10, 57, 895, 1029). wisdom through 1443)· lack of brings error
386). military normal in Rome 486
EXPLOSIVES See ARTILLERY; FIREARMS; MINES
F
FABIUS MAXIMUS prudent delay in Hannibalic war 303, 453/; awaited Hannibal's
attack 659; methodfitted times 452; on Scipio 63; segregates newcomers to Rome 529
FACTIONS dangerous among subjects 78, 491; danger from 102,· in subject city infect
ruling city 491; fostered by weak rulers 491; in Flor. 296, 1027ff., 1085, 1337; in
republics 1336; ruinous in cities 203, 207.!J., 1145; disorder from 592/; to be avoided 572;
negated by legal accusations 211; reading about profitable 1°31; slanders used by 217; blind
men 284; hypocrites in using worduliberty" 1146; Benedetto Alberti above 1177; Roman 274;
See also CITY; DISSENSIONS IN FLOR.; DIVISION IN CITY; PARTIES
FAGGIUOLA, UGUCCIONE DELLA allied with Corso Donati 1107!-;
defeats Flor. in Val di Nievole 538, 1109; and Castruccio 538ff.
FAITH ofprince in minister, of minister in prince 86; not regarded 9°7; ruinous to Rinaldo
degli Albizzi 1230. See also PROMISES
FALSEHOOD See DECEPTION; FRAUD
1478 INDEX
FAME not gained through wickedness 36; types 220; prince's 223; prince gains in war 260;
gained in any action, victory pr defeat 52o; influences general 457; descendants desire for
ancestors 1 °32
FANTASIES on politics 57) 991
FARMS See TUSCANY
FATE of Italy (I494ff.) 1444; malice of 929; hard on Mach. 758; blamed by men who fail
896; wisdom could rule 897; provided varied experience 895. See also FORTUNE
FEAR effects of 20, 201!, 212; value to prince 61.!J.; power of 477, 1250; secures prince
62; ofprince 225; by prince, by people 317; desired by Duke of Athens 1133; causes hate
321; not to be roused in subjects 289; stronger than greed 1250; makes men dangerous 1430;
prince should not yield to 359; of revenge prevents treaty 502; makes rebels resist 460;
causes war 210; causes injury 34; banishes justice 989; military organization expels 608;
causes surrender 710;felt by tyrant 1124; natural to princes 258; when men try to escape!
they cause others to f290; rulerfears successful general 257; unites army 698; to be banished
880; result of party strife 1144; large state causes 210; in Flor. 1443; moves Venice to
ask aid 1258; of states of each other 622; makes Medici injure Pazzi 1385; when Visconti
not feared, Sforza not valued 12g8. See also HATE; SUSPICION
FERDINAND OF NAPLES hostility to Flor. 1376f.) 1395jJ.; aid in Pazzi conspiracy
1388; treachery to ]. Piccinino 1348; advice on defense 354; said men like small birds of
prey 284
FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC rise to greatness 81) 909; roused great ex"
pectations 909; hypocrisy 67, 81; persecutes Moors 81; did not see end of enterprises 909;
unreliable 913; ingratitude 258). stingy, greedy 922; economy 60; wisdom 904jJ.; tricks
942; crafty and fortunate 904.ff.; mover of disturbances 941.; his risks 904!) 90zff.;
Italian ambitions 11,913; brought into Italy by Louis XII 18; put in danger all his territory
904.!J.; danger after defeat at Ravenna 905; assistsJulius 1151,91; in Apulia 1457,1461; in
Naples 50f, 1447; attacked Lombardy 84; wise policy for 916f.,0 attempt to assassinate
431; Coppola's conspiracy against 432
FERMO [O]LIVEROTTO DA See LIVEROTTO
FERNANDEZ See CONSALVO
FERRANTE See CONSALVO
FERRARA strong by river and swamp 703; citizen army 725; danger from Venice 45,
141 4f, 1417
FESTIVITIES in Flor. 12531, 1359, 1364!, 1372; planned by Lorenzo the Magnificent
1433; to occupy public mind 84) 1352
FICINO, MARSILIO father of Platonic philosophy 1345
FIREARMS normal weapons 607; harquebuses effective 638; harquebuses necessary
607; noise important 654; in battle 635; ineffective for cavalry) frighten peasants 625. See
also ARTILLERY
FLATTERY protection from 86f.,0 ofprinces 188; of Medici 1030
FLOOD simile 340f; described 748; of barbarian invaders 920
FLORENCE satire of 871; magnet for imposters 933; offers more confusion and sorrow
than Hell 878; low life in 938jJ.; gov)t 101jJ.; desirable changes 108JJ.; difficulties in gov't
114; control ofgalt needed for security of citizens 788f) 1151; poor constitution imperiled
city 196; confusion in 1174; violence (1387) 1181; people control gov't (1343) 1135;
stable gov)t 1274f; gov't reorganized 1133!, 1138; Ordinances of Justice 1095) 1138,
1152f; courts corrupt 297; few powerful 297; death penalty badly handled 297; gov't in
13th cent. 108Sf; provost and councils 1152; prosperity (1298) 1097; empire ( 129 8 )
1097; quiet under Cosima's party 1275; anarchy (1494) 293f; gonfalonierfor life 125, 1453;
gov)t of Soderini 425; no method for dealing with political slander 216; financial dealings
INDEX 1479
872; bloodless revolution (1494) 448; servile origin 296)' liberty in danger 1410; a slave
1177, 1184)' slave to Cosimo or to Rinaldo degli Albizzi 1221; cannot keep liberty) cannot
endure servitude 1128)' suited for republic 1°7)' never a true republic 296)' lost liberty
through Medici promises 461)' wise lawgiver could give any form of rule 1141)' citizens'
republic 1446)' complaints against aristocratic rulers 1193)' difficulty ofprincedom 1°7; and
popes (see name ofpope); unarmed 27~ 1440)' military power in Cosimo's time 104)' power
in Italy 1233; unprepared for Charles VIII 1445)' military difficulties 137; soldiers dis~
posable 126f.)· soldiers employed 129; defended by Robert of Naples 348; mercenaries 49;
employs French auxiliaries 52)' hampers generals 418; Mach.'s citizen army 3; citizen
army imperfect 585, 590; citizen army bad showing 583f, 585, 725; failure in war 1002;
destroys military virtues 1138; vigor, military 1°32; to be defended (1527) 1008; weakly
bought allies 409; usually alone in wars 1428; fruitless alliance with France 352; expects
French aid 1447; makes King Robert of Naples lord 548; hates Orisini and Vitelli 164
(see also MERCENARIES); campaign against Uguccione 538; defeated at Serravalle
547; Castruccio near 548; Guelf aid against Castruccio (1328) 549; war on Visconti
355; repelled F. Visconti 399; war with Visconti 521; avarice 63; ambition 1366; fickle
278f, 1343; hesitating 361f; subtle 1410; ungrateful 740; free speech in 1128 1413; 1
people's good opinion of themselves 226; citizens thinking themselves wise 78, 392; cannot
learn by experience 1147; in necessity respected ability 470; produces few lion;like men 765;
weak at heart 411; life of a sober citizen 835f; discontent at war (1479) 1406; over~
confidence (1512) 403; ability of citizens 1°32; vigor, financial 1°32; great in spite of
factions 1°32; power and stubbornness 1243; population (1298) 1097; weak (1435)
1243; dress 872; defeat (1479) 1404; cost of Visconti war 1°32; poorer through Visconti
war 1203; peace treaty with F. Visconti (1435) 1238f; deceived by French and Germans
at Pisa against Visconti 521f;fears union ofSforza and Visconti 1251; alliance with Sforza
1316jj.; devotion to in Tuscany 1211; gentleness and reluctance win subjects 1133, 1209;
name shouted by men of Val di Lamona 1431; bad policy in Tuscany 385, 460; foolish
mercy to rebels 61; hostility of neighbors 1448; does not instruct Mach. 150; halfway
measures at Arezzo 390; cruelty and avarice toward Lucca 1248; failure to gain Lucca
1252f.; loss of Pisa 278; tried to hold Pisa with fortresses 396; folly about Pisa and
Arezzo 276f.; war with Pisa 782; popular support for foolish siege of Pisa 304; roused
hatred of Pisa, Lucca, Siena 385; two wounds: Pisa, Vitellozzo 131; four wounds: Pisa,
Pistoia, Valdichiana, internal trouble 1453; effect of Pistolese factions 49of; like brothers
to Pistolese 385; wise policy in disunited Pistoia 399; weaker by her conquests 380; danger
in expansion 763; threatened by Ambition 739; fortifications visited, from San Niccolo Gate
going down the Arno, back to start (names ofgates, etc., are not indexed) 727~734; walls
to be more or less extensive 995.ff. See also BAGS; BALlA; DISSENSIONS IN FLOR.;
DIVISIONS IN CITY; FACTIONS; MEDICI; WALL; etc.
F0 IX, DE killed by steel 371; speedy action 397; promptness with Marquis of Mantua 523f.
FOLCHI, GIOVANNI 740
FORCE versus fraud 65, 357; gains wealth 1160; keeps princes to agreements 1413;
kingdoms gained by 11; to be used by strong ruler 480; force does not hold people down 393,
1181; brings trouble to conqueror 1375,' preserves states 1440. See also ARMS
FOREIGN AID good laws make unnecessary 214; dangerous in domestic trouble 212)
21 4, 489
FOREIGN RELATIONS of conqueror 15.ff., 68, 82f; aggression 81; of unarmed 352;
internal importance 68, 1°32) 1336; Flor. with Borgia 121~162; in Italy 1232;1335,
1444~1461. See also ALLIES; CHARLES VIII; FLOR.; NEUTRALITY; etc.
FORESIGHT of prince 14, 16f., 32f, 39, 42] 54156,90, 264f; brings success 1161; takes
power from heaven 1461; of dangers to state 16) 242, 264.1J.] 911, 1189) 1218f.) 1358;
INDEX
seldomfound 897; in war 716fJ.; general's 472, 674;failure of aristocrats in 1196; arrogant
princes lack 1461,. Count of Poppi's failure 1282; Venetian failure in 459; attempted by
Guelf nobles 1151; lacking (1372) 1148; developed by reading history 278; men live day
by day 920. See also BEGINNING; PLANS; TIME; WISDOM
FORLl taken by Borgia 70~ 1450; lady of (see SFORZA, CATERINA)
FORM AND MATTER 92.ff.; in Italy 72 4; ofgood soldier 723
FORNOVO See TARO RIVER
FORTEBRACCI 0, NICCO LO attacks Luccafor Flor. 1206f.;general against Lucca
1210; attacks Rome 1234; a Braccesco 1234; defeat and death 1236. See also BRACCIO
FORTRESS(ES) construction 703~708,· do not hold city for ruler 392f, 3951,1244, 1401;
not built by Romans 392; less secure than subjects' love 80, 394ff.; make prince feel sure in
oppressing subjects 392}f.; generally harmful 392.JJ.; useful or not? 77, 80; value depends on
conditions 896; useful on frontier 397; useless without good army 3971; in Genoa could
not hold city for French 395; of Brescia assisted in recapture of city 396f.; lost through
treachery or enemy's attack 394; annulled by artillery 393; fortified camp at Ravenna 369/,.
in war attacked by both subjects andforeigners 393; needs defense byfield army 394; foolishly
built by republics 396; tyrant's 544; dangerous to liberty 1000; Pretorian soldiers like
578; assaults 368,. construction 368/; in Genoa held for F. Visconti 1244; in Pisa 78;
destroyed by prince 80, 165,3941; Monaco 703; San Leo 703. See CASTLES
FORTUNE versus ability 324, 327; depends on ability 9ojJ., 477,· strong men can rule 412;
must aid achievement 95, 512; aids those who can adapt to her 91, 1443; ruins Benedetto
Alberti 1177; variable, may restore Rinaldo degli Albizzi 1230; arbiter of human things
553, 763; Venetians arrogant in good, abject in bad 499/; good, intoxicates weak 498; can
be assisted not thwarted 408; aids attack 1192; prince to consider what bad! will bring
954; least bad to be chosen 959; not to be blamed 89; blinds men 406; blows of 757; bold
face to 899, 937, 1194; Borgia's 125, 128, 137, 142, 162; used Camillus 408; varied of
Piero Capponi 1436; hostile to Castruccio 552; Castruccio trusts 549; unifies Life of
Castruccio 533/; ofPope Clement VII 1395; many devices of1288; offers chance to poor
(1378) 116of; danger in change 1283; chooses able men at right time 407!; chooses men for
failure 407!; in conspiracy 446; content with gov't she gives 428; cowards rely on 624; allows
happy death 1281; of defeated can rise 83, 954; least dependence on/ best 25; favors diverse
methods 895; doubiful 959; aids by removing enemies 496; exiles tempt 1182; Santi
Bentivoglio shows face to 1318; favor of 940; favorable and unfavorable 763, 783; favoring
or not, strong men and states are unchanged 498; of Ferdinand the Catholic 904jJ., 909;
fickle 135,4°3; (occasion) isjleeting, not to be allowed to escape 1161; aids Flor. 1116, 1269;
caused Flor. to gain through loss 1200; friend to venal Flor. 1221; friend of Florentine
dissensions 1222; saves Flor. and Siena 1411; uncertain for Flor. 1443; goods of, not
spiritual goods 1204; hostile to Flor. 1141, 1156, 1447; generous 957; good and bad 1281;
and the Heavens 989, 407; gives honor 964; gives little 323; Riero's debt 27; historians
subservient to 622; hostility 568; dislikes the good 1458; good, from good laws 225; in~
gratitude to 746,. frees Italy from French 1447; prepares more woe for Italy 1456; Michele
di Lando not indebted to 1166; of Leo X in French defeat at Novara 911; controls more
than half of life 89/; cuts life 553; determines life 900; brings low 826; malicious to
Mach. 11; to give Mach. employment 960; leaves Mach. little 964; Mach. awaits 964;
mastered by impetuous 92; failure to measure 1282; invoked by Cosimo de'Medici 1224;
Cosimo de'Medici's 1343, 1345; of Cosimo's sons 1345; made Lorenzo the Magnificent
lose war 1413; loved Lorenzo the Magnificent 1433J.;favors Lorenzo de'Medici (Urbino)
11; of Medici 1393; brought Francis 1 into prison and out 997; good, necessary to maintain
unstable state 1187; in misfortune 882; gives opportunity 25,324; opposes Pisan campaign
1450; power over Iacopo de' Pazzi 1394f; power and measures against it 89~92, 501,
INDEX
533!, 745;1749; power over ancient peoples 762; power over weak 411f, 498; masters most
men 739; permits poetry 750; princedom without citizen soldiers depends on 54; makes a
man aprince 25; may give position to prince 27,515,726; gaining ecclesiasticalprincedoms 44;
prince's dependence on 25; withstood by prince 57; prince adapts to 66; aids prince 79;
prince dependent on others' f 1236; power over weak princes 498; bad, to be born under
prince 1378,' permits life in repuhlic 1378f; reverses 862)' will not aid rigid 91, 1443;
favored Rome 200, 409; caused Rome's greatness 408; rjJect on Romans 324; supplied
Rome's defects 202; Romans same in good or bad 498; gives princedom 27; favored Spurius
Postumius 520; Sforza's enemy 1263; aids Sforza 1294; understood by Tommaso Soderini
1367; sports of 1360; surrender to 759; not to be tempted too .lar 453, 648, 1112, 1131;
to be tempted 1240; when not to tempt 456; tested before surrender 350, 456, 657; demands
adaptation to times 452, 897; wishes men to await right time 927; uses utility or fear 960;
variable 412,998; ofwar3°5,351,718,948,1218; gets tired 896; not to be risked without all
forces 248ff.; 3541, 512, 950, 1004; only onefor modern armies, threefor Roman 366, 627;
varies friends and enemies 1242; beliefin based on human variation 90; variation in Tuscany
1176; of Venice 1429; wheel 1170; will of 761; versus human wisdom 89,327,5°1,533,
1148, 1285; causes new woes 1139; like woman 92; yielding to 1008; keeps men under
yoke 897; favors young men 92, 452) 896. See also CHANCE; FATE; HEAVEN;
RULES, GENERAL; TIME
FOUNDATION state's 47, 210, 238,962; prince's 27, 28, 41; Cesare Borgia's 33, 130,
161; Louis XII's 131; Ferdinand the Catholic's 81; of Christianity 228; of Macedonian
power, the army 725
FOUNDER of state one man 217ff.; of state will establish republic or princedom 310; of
state to provide against factions 1336f. See also ORGANIZER OF STATE
FOX prince as 65, 73; and lion, fable 922
FRANCE Mach. in 120; Mach. not influenced by affection for 958; Mach. plans visit 967;
askedfor aid to Flor. 1325; Florentine alliance with 1257, 1316, 1320; Flor.loyal to 1447;
in Italy 17ff., 104; ambition in Italy 736f.; power in Lombardy dangerous to others 908;
gov't 14,21,7°,9°,1°7; excellence322f; kings under law 237!,314,422; kingfears Church
45; all men support king 49 2; maintained by old institutions 245,' Parliament 70; pays
tribute 410; disarming ofpeople 410,584; mercenary army unwise 580,586, 925; weakness
411; conquest of 2if.; king (see LOUIS XII; etc.)
FRANCIS I crossed Alps by unexpected pass 250; will Charles V release himl 990!,'
not benefited by good decisions 992; will lose by keeping promises 992; released by Charles V
992, 1463; favor sought by Alexander VI 1448
FRANCIS, SAINT penance 174; riformer 422; trod in muddy places 972; his order 1058
FRAUD by princes 65, 73)' versus force in advancement 357; promise;lbreaking does not
deserve fame though it may gain position 518; generally detestable, in war praiseworthy
518,' victory by 555; and her crew 747; judged by outcome 67. See also DECEPTION
FREE WILL versus Fortune 90; left to man 94
FREEDOM See LIBERTY
FRENCH (Gauls) in Italy 344/; showed ardor undisciplined 511,' invade Italy 13JJ.,I7.!f.,
145, 738, 911, 942, 1445; fail at Pisa 276f.; attacked by Swiss in mountains 950,' in;l
jluence under Duke of Athens 1127; on Garigliano (1503), defeated by winter 702J., 1456;
arrogance in Flor. 1445,' assist Borgia 16Sf.; have kept same qualities from antiquity 521;
pride, greed 920; more than men, less than women 51o,' furious charges 368; unskilful in
politics 20; nothing disgraciful for king 519. See also CHARLES VIII; FRANCIS I;
LOUIS XII
FRIAR(S) in Mandragola 777, 795;1821; at the Serv; 794; miraclt 835; Franciscan at
Carpi 971.fJ.; Minor, Mach.'s miss;"n to 976; Rovaio 97Z,974.ff.
1482 INDEX
FRIEND old, new enemy 13, 20,543,558, 744, 1333; haughty, bend whom enemies cannot
1289; unrewarded, enemies saved 1289. See also ALLIES
FRIENDSHIP mercenary 62; ancient, stronger than money 1171; among rivals, difficult 1295
G
GAETA Abbot of, mock triumph 766
GAIN hope for political results 204jJ.; men moved by hope ofg. rather than fear of loss 1204
GARIGLIANO campaign on (1503) 120, 702f,9 09, 1456
GATES, CITY when locked 1369; how defended 707
GATTAMELATA Venetian condottiere 1235,1257
GAULS See FRENCH
GENERAL(S) advice to 459;472, 566;647, 648;662, 718;721; qualities and conduct of
5°3,512;519; dignity of305; methods and devices of 648.ff., 695; followed by philosophers
1232; anxieties of 262; able, successful by any method 478f, 565; foresight of 472, 656;
successful, feared by prince 257.ff.; becomes prince 49, 54 1}· victorious envied and hated 540;
g.'s double glory of training and winning 464; victorious with trained army 722; Roman,
prolonged command ruinous 485, 593; good and bad, with army bad and good 462.ff.; pop"
ularity dangerous to state 483; needs full power 417f; more than one damaging 467f;
must adapt methods to enemy 472, 658} 674f,· must be inventive 721; must think enemy
intelligent 673f; his reputation makes soldiers confident 662; must be orator 504, 539,
648, 66of; gets advice 658; must have maps 674; prompt (see SPEED); observes justice
701; harshness verstls kindness 479.ff.)· competent not recognized in Italy 94f, 1363; lack
opportunity in Italy 620; abilities needed in Italy 722; goes easily from sea to land 586;
unsuccessful Roman 261f See also ARMY; LEADERS; MERCENARIES; PRINCE;
WAR
GENOA granted se1f;gov't by French 384; rebellion against Louis XII 705; civil wars 1240;
successful rebellion 1241; stubborn defense (1436) 1244; Bank of San Giorgio and gov't
1422
GENTLEMEN defined 308; accomplishments and manners 536; in Rome, Naples,
Romagna, Lombardy 308f; hostile to free gov't 308f; essential to prince 309; Venetian 310
GERMAN AFFAIRS} REPORT ON See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
GERMANS infantry at Ravenna 95; honest 307; have kept same qualities from antiquity
521f; wise gov't of90, 322f;free cities of379,762; good armies of582
GHIARADADDA See VAlLA
GHIBELLINES in Flor. 108S} 1088f, 109of, 1105f, 1142f; in Lombard cities 78;
C astruccio champion of 542
GIACOMINI, ANTONIO Florentine general 782; ability and character 470,· ruined
by one failure 305; Mach. writes to 163; military skill, virtues, misfortunes 1436f., 1458
GILDS in Flor. (1266) 1089; organization (1378) 1158; power of 1169
GIOTTO builds Tower 1118
GIROLAMO, RAFFAELO ambassador, Mach. advises 116ff.
GLORY See FAME
GOD Mach. prays to 899; invoked by Mach. 938; thanked by Mach. 898; has not abandoned
Mach. 915; saved Mach.'s life 913f; gives Mach. life 1395; assists Flor. 1410; Flor.
begs to defend her 1442; wrath against Flor. 1372; chastises Flor. 1440; inspires Savonarola
886jJ.,0 defends Medici 1396; made to share Medici treachery 1362; loved Lorenzo the Mag.
1433; to aid Italy against Spain 1005; will punish Sforza's treachery 1309; saves Lucca
1247; grateful to papal condottiere 1415; given share in gov't 1340f; procession by
partisans to thank 1359)· citizens arrested and tortured during thanks /() 1359; fear of
INDEX
abandoned 1145; presumptuous to discuss works 44; directing providence 1457; no difense
against will 989; weapons of 1329JJ.,· supports men unjustly injured 1399,· judgment
revealed by outcome 1310,. favor of 945; displeased by human woe 88o; loves the strong and
activt 555, 764; may bifriend wicked 1310,. protects against sickness 990; thanked for reliif
from hardship 964; praise from deserved 890; mercy 881; and Fortune trusted by wicked
1364; made stealing more profitable than labor 1160. See also HEAVEN; RULES,
GENERAL
GONFALONIER for life 1°3, 125, 425, 1440, 1453
GONSALVO, FERRANTE conquered Naples 258; treated ungratefully 258, 743,·
use of shield"bearers 600f,· prudent on Garigliano (1503) 7°3,. sends Borgia prisoner
to Spain 1456
GONZAGA, FREDERICK, MARQUIS OF MANTUA Florentine con~
dottiere 1402; quarrel with Ercole d'Este 1404
GONZAGA, GIOVAN FRANCESCO Venetian condottiere 586, 1245f;
leader of Italians at Fornovo 1446; deserts Venice for Milan 1249, 1258; faithful to
Visconti 1259; at taking of Verona 1266
GOOD and evil 58; to be not good 58; same as least bad 84; may bring hatred 72,. may cause
harm 810; unexpected, paid with unexpected evil 1309; always mixed with bad 457, 512,
763; for largest number (see COMMON GOOD)
GOOD MEN destroyed by bad 58; to be assisted 911; rare 254; always poor 1160;
Florentine magistrates 1°91; advise Signors 1111; Mach. good (see VIRTUE)
GOVERNMENT origin 197; cycle of 197.fJ.; mixed form 199; best form 199; perfect
210; founded on prudence and ability 395; good where arms are good 47, 202, 500; benefits
ofgoodg. 9, 222, 236; three good kinds, three bad 196f.; control by the arrogant or the stupid
1187; solid, republic or princedom 106; men should be content with any 428; established
accepted 1368; processes not to be blocked by one man 298; bad, afflictions 222f; difects of
102; good in Germany, France, Spain 90; bad in Italy 90, 737; new suspicious 930;
violence by (1387) 1178; basis must be reformed when bad 241; by factions not by laws
1146; ten yearsfor g. in Flor. 105, 1293; power in for personal security in Flor. 788f, 1151.
See also KINGDOM; REPUBLICS; RULES, GENERAL
GRATITUDE people show more than prince 316,. is dull ofhearing 750; causes loss 1197;
weaker than revenge 1197; Venetian, to Ostatio 1287. See also INGRATITUDE
GREAT MEN humble origin 533; to be untouched or destroyed 1225; not arrested to be
freed 1270
GREECE degeneracy 323; conquered by Turks 14,52; conquered by Macedonia 725; acted
comedies, did not form army 725
GREED (avarice) greater than power to get 272,. despicable 1146; causes loss 1131, 1204;
versus fear 1250; keeps man from well"doing 771; father of Ingratitude 740; with Ambition
735"737; blinds princes 1461; in Flor. 1366
GREEK LANGUAGE known to Donato Acciaiuoli 1402; taught by Argyropoulos 1345
GREEKS arms 596, 628; conquerors 748
GREGORY, SAINT destruction of pagan art and history 340
GROWTH See EXPANSION
GUELFS in Lombardy 78; in Flor. 1085"1113; power in Flor. (1371~1378) 1142"1158;
power in Flor. (1381) 1169"1178; oppose Cosimo 1218jJ.,· and Ghibellines) beginning
1052, 1059; in Tuscany 1064j.; in Flor. 1084
GUICCIARDINI, FRANCESCO Mach.'s letters to 971"1001,. papal governor 776,·
efforts in papal army 1004f.; Mach. loves 1010; his farms 978jJ.
GUICCIARDINI, JACOPO victory at Lake Trasimene 1404; commissioner 1424,
1428
1484 INDEX
GUICCIARDINI, LUIGI (fl. 16th cent.) Ambition written to 735; Mach.'s aearest
brother 889
GUICCIARDINI, LUIGI (.fl. 14th cent') gonfalonier 1155,· speech on peace 1156f.
GUINIGI, PAGOLO ruler of Lucca 1214; conspiracy against 1216
GURK, BISHOP OF Maximilian's minister 890, 906
H
H meaning ((little" 788
HABITS same kept by nations and families 521, 525; not controllea by mind 752; men
accept the habitual 1368
HALFWAY MEASURES Romans avoided 389; hurtful to Samnites after Caudine
Forks 391, 519; ruinous 15, 254, 519; victorious general avoids 260
HANNIBAL mercenary leader 63, 925; and Scipio 713, 896; loyalty of army 478f;
cruelty and duplicity, ability 63, 476J!.,· Rome to be overcome in Italy 353; found suitable
times in Italy 897; youthful fortune in Italy 45 2; crossing of Alps 250; injured by Capua
381; at Cannae 262f; sluggish after Cannae 655; reasons for failure 411; unwilling to
attack Fabius 659; adaptation to sun 650; use of ground 651; on cavalry 373; siege of
Casalino 711; victory of Lake Trasimene 1404; at Zama 65 1f, 657; not ashamed to ask
peace 403f; and an arrogant Greek 997
HARQUEBUS See FIREARMS
HASDRUBAL defeat at Metaurus 350,· and Claudius Nero 471; tactically outwitted by
Cornelius Scipio 650, 657
HATE incurred by extortion 61; prince should avoid 61JJ., 67"'76, 8o, 475, 957; less im'"
portant to prince than contempt 67"'76, 954; for emperors 74f; avoided by able men 481;
against tyrant 1124; for old enemy stronger than anger against allies 1258; old not easily
canceled 1261; for Countess of ForIl 80; not to be hated, ruler's best fortress 8o, 394ff.;
causes war 460; with Ambition 736; from fear or envy 321; results from good deeds 72;
caused by suspicion 1384; permanent by Flor. 1261. See also LOVE
HAWKWOOD, JOHN Florentine mercenary 49; defeated 1°72,. hired by Flor. 1171
HEAD(S) and tails in Switzerland 925; of state followed by limbs 1334
HEAVEN enables good to be done 324; wishes to save 881; roads to open 880;firm purpose
758; punishes sin 881; gives temperament 747; decrees power of Fortune 747; blamed for
failure 896; blamed rather than human folly 1226; does not aid those determined to fall 1443,·
directed Roman history 406; deprived ofpower byforesight 1461; shifts states 1461,. influence
9371; prodigies 1434; slays Alexander VI 1455. See also FORTUNE; GOD
HELICON as poet'sfountain 740, 750
HELL as a well"'ruled state 869,. good company in 558, 805; easy road to 557, 971.; gates
of 759
HENRY VIII OF ENGLAND young, wealthy, ambitious 906, 922, 955; pride 917;
energy 923; French campaign 916, 923; continental interests 916.fJ. See also ENGLAND
HERCULES AND ANTAEUS fable ofpoets 354
HEREDITY hereditary rulers often bad 197,218, 222, 226, 246; gives ruler strength 12,74
HESITATION See DELAY
HIERO OF SYRACUSE model for princes 27; princely qualities 189; destroyed
mercenaries 53
HIERONYMUS tyrant murdered 330
HIGH BIRTH See NOBILITY
HISTORIANS will not offend by telling of ancestorl wicked deeds 1°32; pagan 340;
inconsistent 63; praise Caesar 221;free,praise Caesar's enemy 221. See also WRITERS
INDEX
HISTORY value of 190; value to general 56; delights and teaches through details 1°31;
not understood 191)' aids foresight 278)' repetition in 278)' records destroyed by men and
nature 339; succession of great states 748)' of onls own city 1°31; life of Maximinus
589)' of Lucullus in Armenia 602
HISTORY OF FLORENCE See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
HONESTY necessary to ambassador 116f.)· Mach.)s 930. See also DECEPTION; FRAUD
HONOR subjectl) ruler respects 62f) 430)'from native city 113; infree state 236
HOPE ~r excessive gain brings loss 401; never to be abandoned 408. See also RULES,
GENERAL
HORACE quoted 1278
HORSE for cavalry 594/; spirited perceiving animal 603
HUMAN AFFAIRS uniformity and variation 322)' cycle 1232
HUMAN NATURE See MAN
HUMANITY conduct contrary to 3~ 107) 254; to conquered 1429; war contrary to 880
HUMBLE ORIGIN ofgreat men 533!
HUMILITY does not overcome pride 359
HUNTING as military training 55) 516; teaches topography 5~ 516f.
I
IGNORANCE less difficult than corruption for reformer 225)' will destroy party opposed
to Cosimo 1226
IMITATION ofgreat men by prince 24) 57. See also ANTIQUITY
IMOLA Mach. at 121"'138; food scarce 134
IMPETUOSITY See RASHNESS
IMPOSTERS Flor. magnet for 933
INDEPENDENCE necessary to accomplishment 218) 417f) 935
INDIVIDUAL must be alone to found state 217) 238; keeps state free 238. See also
CITIZENS; KINGLY HAND; REFORMER
INDUSTRY See COMMERCE
INFANTRY Provision for 3)' might and substance of army 625; neglect of has ruined
Italy 602; discipline 374; defeat cavalry 373.!J.) 597",6°4) 1416; ground suited to 650;
pikes repel cavalry 641)' best equipment 601)' artillery against 371)' taking cover 638)' at
Ravenna 95; power at Novara 377.!J.)· number in army 51) 680)' France hires 925; of
mercenaries 51. See also ARMY
INFORMATION, OBTAINING See SECRECY
INGRATITUDE to God 173)' verses on 740"'744; of men generally 62)' of princes and
republics 257.!J.) 318) 1175)' by republics 258f.)· populace subject to 741)' makes citizen tyrant
743)' ofprince or republic; how avoided 260; lives with princes 74of; to successful general
257; of ally 83; from avarice or fear 257) 259)' from love of liberty 25 8f; Athenian 743;
Roman 255"'260) 315/of Belfagor 876)'~of Duke~of Milan~1240)' Venetian to Flor. 1319)' to
Mach. 757)' Roman 47 1
INJURIES by prince 429; erased by benefits 917)' not erased by benefits 42~ 908)' rather
than favor remembered 1208)' old) and new benefits 34)' new do not cancel old love 1261; to
be inflicted all at once 38, 289; powerful cover with mask ofjustice 1398; wronged man not
to have high office 471
INSULTS to enemy 400; excite enemy U> revenge 400
INTELLIGENCE See BRAINS
INTELLIGENCES airy 311
1486 INDEX
ITALIANS unskilful in war 20)' superiority in combat 94,' poor soldiers 723f.; poor,
ambitious, cowardly 922
ITALY political divisions 45; chiefpowers 1029; organization in 10th and 11th cent. 1050;
states (ca. 1434) 1078}' will not unite 919) 953, 1456f.; unified under warlike prince 725;
un!fied by Lucumnians 924; arraignment of 323; could not form gov't 1233; lacks leaders
94; cowardly 694, 737) 926; may purge some sins 993; degradation of 93, 323; generally
wicked 1146; sorrows (I494ff.) 1444.ff.; wounds and sores 93; sea of troubles 737; confusion
in 90; princes' follies and vices 724; lofty and insane actions 1457; vicissitudes 1029;
changes from ancient times 1040; suffering from barbarians 96, 339} 344, 1039j]., 1233;
cities repelled barbarians 1233; armies unreliable 925; bad armies 582, 619f.; military
vigor lost 94; neglect of military training 608, 624; ancient habits of war lost 708; requires
general who can train army 722; neglect of infantry 374; servitude coming 926; princes, not
people, blameworthy 724; mercenaries in 47.ff. (see also MERCENARIES); redeemer 9zff.,
724, 998,' born to raise dead poetry} painting, sculpture 726
J
JAVELIN (pilum) of Roman legion 563!, 637; of Castrucdo's army 551
JEROME, SAINT penance 174
JESTS love for in Flor. 1372
JOANNA, QUEEN OF NAPLES deserted by Sforza 49, 1077
JOSEPHUS on Roman training 611
JOVE great men sons of 533; seized rule 755; in love 937
JUDGMENT from results usual 508; should accompany Ambition 739; difficulties in 923
JULIUS II ardent spirit 1459; fidelity 147; feared and respected 954; strengthened Church
46, 948; drove tyrants from Church's cities 254; for temporal power of Church 1471;
fortunate 91f, 896; adapted to his time 91f, 453; election 142f; impetuous 91, 254, 523,
905,' stingy 59; unstable, hasty, rash, stingy 910; neglected hate 954; on necessitated pledges
66; promises to supporters 143, 144, 148; in the midst offactions 148; tries to cure Church's
wounds 1457; dealings with Cesare Borgia 341 149"158, 1455; campaigns 12,51, 84, 91j.,
386, 523, 705, 9°4, 1456, 1459, 1461 ; failure to protect Italy 926; not Italy's deliverer 94;
fortress in Bologna harmful 395; gives up mercenaries 51
JUSTICE basis of state 3; in punishment 63, 315; strengthens case 947; begins tenure of
Michele di Lando 1166; deddes outcome of war 1310; general observes 701; preserves army
from hunger 693; in checking Cosimo 1222; and injustice not now regarded 1209; obstructed
(1382) 1172; violated by Salvestro de'Medici against Guelfs 1222; of Visconti war on Flor.
1242; of Venetian hatredfor Flor. 1362; did not avail Venice 1461; invoked by conspirators
1380; of Flor. against Sixtus IV 1398; and disorder in Genoa 1423; Roman failure 405
JUVENAL 930; Satires on Roman luxury 3 81; on tyrants 430
K
KINDNESS See MERCY
KING See PRINCE
KINGDOM types of 20; reform of 422; modern not well ordered 577; rise andfall of762;
pushed on by energy 763)' from Ninus to Sardanapalus 763. See also GOVERNMENT;
NAPLES; STATE
KINGLY HAND 21 9, 243) 264J 3°9, 493
KING;MAKER feared by prince 20, 744, 1287
INDEX
L
LAMONA, VAL DI men warlike 141, 1200, 1377, 1431; men shout ((Florence" 1431
LAND See TOPOGRAPHY
LANDINa patronized by Lorenzo the Magn!ficent 1433
LANDO, MICHELE DI 740; ruler of city 1165"'1168; sagacious, nattlrally able 1166;
not indebted to Fortune 1166; fights and defeats Ciompi 1168; prudence and goodness,
devotion to common good, pure patriotism 1168; ingratitude to 1175
LANG See GURK, BISHOP OF
LATENESS See DELAY
LAWS make men good 201f.; provide vent for ills 213; to preserve freedom 295/; better
than weapons for reform 1148; new, introduction of 26, 34; lawgivers deserve fame 114;
repressing internal strife make city free 1187; honors that laws give do not cause hate 1204;
magistrates according to I. not dangerous 284; to suppress ambitious citizen 213,. to counteract
luxury 194; good I. useless against bad customs 1146; good 1. and bad customs destroy city
763; inadequate, dangerous 212f.; founded on arms 46, 500; to deal with political slander
21S!; not to be broken for good ends 268; inadequate to difficulty 274; dealing with past
foolish 275; do not avail against corruption 239.f.; sustained by good morals 241; broken give a
bad example, esp.for maker 288; less powerful than men 1230; oppression by not dangerous to
state 212; provide for prince's power 237; can be applied in Flor. 1148; provide outlet for
anger 212; of nations 404.!J., 420; Mach.'s nephew's legal troubles in Flor. 970
LAZINESS See SLOTH
LEADERS notfound in Italy 94f., 925; able, make mercenaries good 925; none able to unite
others 94f., 1005; many, at variance 94f, 925, I004f; natural may endanger state 593;
shift of to prevent excessive influence 593. See also GENERAL(s)
LEAGUES of states 335.!J.
LEO X (Giovanni de'Medici) enters Flor. (1512) 894; Mach.'s letter to 63; Cardinal at
thirteen 1432; wisdom 910,. wise, serious, cautious 922; virtues 46). will not move against
Christians 910; eager for glory 912; French policy 911; refuses to aid Francis 1 against
Milan 386f.; dependent on Fortune 911; wisest policy for 912/,951; how to keep Church
strong 948; shall he ally with Swiss or France? 952f; results of defeat as ally of France
954j; should not be neutral 956ff.; better to lose with France than with Spain, etc. 959;
results of defeat as ally of Swiss, Spain or Germany 954f; needs Guicciardini 991;
attempt to make his relatives princes 962; shall Mach. approach? 9°1,. requests Mach. to
write on Flor. 101, 1027
LETTERS (communications) how to write 914, 915; lost 964, 968f; Letters to the Ten
(see MACHIAVELLI, WORKS)
LETTERS (poetry, etc.) importance to Mach. 1006; honorable laziness,following arms 1232.
See also POETRY
LIBERALITY princes' 59.ff., 84, 299; timely 263f)· gains ends 475!; of Medici 1393f.,
1397; Cosima's 1342; of Giacomini 1436; in Fortune's palace 747; stinginess 59.!J. See
also PRINCE
LIBERTY benefits 236, 329, 332; people desire 237; best guardians 204; name of, strong 24,
1124, 1187; makes conquest difficult 13, 23, 460; regained, jealously guarded 24, 256, 1124,
1132; in free city 1187; depends on good institutions 1187; may depend on one man 238;
preserved with difficulty by free cities 295/; impossible for cities of servile origin 235, 295f.;
loss 330, 448; not regained in slavish state 45 1; in corrupt city 235, 238J!., 451; defense of
23, 623, 1124; difficult after tyranny 235, 1208; encroachments of ambition 281, 291, 13°9,
1351; often not in republics 1187; word usedfor bad ends 1146, 1340; conspiracy to restore
1380; both parties endanger 1221; Florentine 1147, 1353f, 1410, 1443, 1445)· unknown in
INDEX
Flor. 1184, 1393; Flor. loses to Medici 1413; cry of Pazzi 1393; allowed to subject
cities 1133; in antiquity 329f; Roman 239; Latin love for 328.ff; early Italian 328; cry of
conspirators in ForU 1430; the word rouses the Genoese 1241}f.; German 328; of Lucca,
Florentine war to destroy 1207; Milanese 239; does not interest Prato 1370; in Syracuse 330;
moderns do not love 331f; aphorisms on by Sixtus IV 1412
LICENSE in gov't displeases wise men 1187; republics vary from slavery to 1187; of
democracy 1187, 119sf
LIES by Mach. 973
LIFE in Renaissance Italy, the public square 536; more life from more souls 628; uncertain
33, 90, 749; aJJlictions of 77 6
LION prince as 6S, 73; Florentine symbol 1447
LIVEROTTO DA FERMO treachery 36f.; success as ruler 37; Borgia destroys 164JJ.,
1454
LIVORNO Mach. in 96S; part of Florentine empire 1186
LIVY History 83,94, 18SjJ., S96f.
LOGIC opposites 888
LOMBARDY wars in 19, 997, 1232~1335, 1461; cities do not wish Milanese rule 1300
LOSS fear of, political effects 204jJ.; fear of, weaker than hope of gain 1207, 1252f; not
imagined 1207. See DEFEAT
LOUIS XI, KING OF FRANCE disarmed people, hired mercenaries 53, 925
LOUIS XII in Italy 13, 17.ff., 29JJ., lOS, 1441; in Lombardy 1449, 1461; mistakes in Italy
18f)· and Flor. 133,362, 1440jJ., 14S0jJ.; and Cesare Borgia 32, 122f, 126; and]ulius II
91,9°4; promises to Alexander 1450; takes Milan, promises Pisa to Flor. 276; expedition
against Milan 362; plundered Italy So; gives half Naples to Ferdinand 18.ff., 909, 1452;
divorce granted by Alexander VI 19, 29, 1448; tried to hold Genoa with fortress 39S;
irascible, timid 922; economy 60; war with Swiss 1443;forces preparedfor war (15 14) 948;
size of army 923. See also FRANCE; FRENCH
LOVE his power 78S, 8°4, 878, 937; mythological 945; his chains 961; his tempests and
wars 881)· pains worse than hell's 879; pleasures and sorrows come from devils 878; Mach.'s
sonnet on 960; poetry of 1016,· old, not easily canceled 1261; prince should gain 61.fJ.; for
ruler, Lorenzo de'Medid, Duke of Urbino 926; for new prince result of un!fied rule 962;
weakness of 62; of soldiers for general dangerous to state 482f; men deceived about love for
themselves 433; by Flor. permanent 1261; love of country (see PATRIOTISM; PRINCE)
LUCCA republic 309; Castrucdo in 533~559; aids against Blacks 1104; wars against 1117,
1207!, 1210~1218, 1246~1252; hostile to Flor. 385, 1247, 14°2, 1447; when free never
injured Flor. 1208; Flor. refuses to buy 1117; failure to gain vexes Flor. more than loss
1252f; spirit offreedom 5S3
LUCK has troubled Mach. 898; at gates of Fortune 747. See also FORTUNE
LUXURY bad rffects 194; in Flor. 1372; ofprinces 55, 197, 724; Roman 381 . See also
SLOTH
LYCURGUS lawgiver 114, 199, 208; founder of state 219; restricted Sparta 334
LYNCHING in Flor. 1132, 1166
M
MACEDONIA See ALEXANDER THE GREAT; GREECE; PHILIP; PIKES; etc.
MACHIAVELLI GIROLAMO banished, executed 1340
t
MACHIAVELLI, GUIDO letter to 1006

MACHIAVELLI, NICCOLO advice to son 1006; advises Sign 0 ria 139; practice
as Florentine agent 116; archives of Flor. 1 027; failure ofhis Tuscan army 725; unreolistic
INDEX
military tactics 564; contact with C. Borgia 120~160; calls on Protonotary Bentivoglio
150/; caution 136, 898; rapid composition 1444; fictitious conversation 130; pleasure in
conversation 903; confined to Florentine territory 901; energy 904; accustomed to evil 759;
his political exertions useless 903; experience 10, 188, 895; family 945, 1006,' his fate
758j,964; loves Flor. 971, 1010; not twenty days in Flor. (1513) 927; fears and hopes
for Flor. 1457; flexibility 101; mission to Minor Friars 976,' on farm 9°3, 910, (15 13)
927; farm advice 1006; good 930; must talk of gov't 900f; loves Fr. Guicciardini 1010;
hero of Golden Ass 753!, 757; as historian 221, 1027; proved honest by poverty 930;
humble plans to earn 945; ignorance of affairs (15 1 3) 910; income and taxes (15 1 4) 943;
gets information 140; innovater in adt1ising princes 57; tried to get instructions 153; il1telli~
gence as Flo.rentine agent 129; knowledge of letters and music 1006; romantic love 946;
loyalty to Medici 103; relation to Medici 101, 103; flattery of Medici 1029f; danger on
Medici return 913; wishes Medici employment 898, 901f, 960; modesty as author 97f, 567,
740, 1444; modesty 127, 139; misfortunes 11, 778, 966, 968; asks for money 140; use of
mythology 97jJ.; observation of men 136, 901f; literary style 10, 163; regard for tempera'
ment oforators in Hist. Flor. 1030; patience 899; shifts in person, number, etc. (examples)
10, 13f,39, 289, 29 1,3 12,348,377, 45 2, 484, 49 1, 496, 50S, 1382; member of Company
of Piety 170; poverty II, 899,93°,945,947,966,969; not hearer of sensational preaching
933; in prison 898,914; purpose as author 1of, 57, 188, 19of, 1°31; reading 10, 188,357,
774, 929f (see authorl names); realist 57,' religion 17of (see CHURCH; GOD); satirist 752,
778; sickness 136,' sources 376 (see DroGENEs; TEGRIMI; and other names); at the tavern,
St. Andrea 929; tortured 1013; tragic writer 987; writer of verse 97/; overseer of walls
727; pretends to wisdom 938. See subject desired.
MACHIAVELLI, WORKS Art of War, date of 382; The [Golden] Ass, to
mention Ariosto 967; Clizia, comedy 1014; Discourses on Livy, subjects of books 186,
subject of Book 1: 195, subject of Book 2.' 324, subject of Book 3: 423, structure 234, 256,
432,461 ,514, date 371,386,398,5°0,5°7,518, nature and method 186; not limited to repub,
lies35, relations to Prince 186f., address to prince 254, 283, 28Sf, 289, 312j, 318,348, 3SSf.,
385,393, 410, passages dealing with prince 221ff., 225/, 236jJ., 243ff., 246f., 253jJ., 257j,
26o, 263!, 283!, 314.ff., 318, 329!, 248f, 353!, 356f., 359, 377, 381}f., 384,388, 39 2ff.,
396JJ., 404!, 413, 422, 426JJ., 428'444, 446jJ., 474, 483!, 493!, 506f., 52o, 523; Report
on German Affairs 43, 87, 116, 351; Expedition II to Guicciardini 85; History
of Florence, comic ref to 976, contract for 971, orations 1027, orations ((quoted" in,
1123.ff., 1144.ff., 1156f, 1159.ff., 1177J 1197, 1204, 1210, 1219ff., 1230, 1241.ff., 1246jJ.,
1260.ff., 1282f, 1308JJ., 1366, 1370, 1396.ff., orations in summarized, 1153, 118o, 1183,
1193!, 1195!, 1202, 1208jJ., 1213J 1222, 1225, 1272f, 13 10, 1316, 13 17f, 1357f,
1367f, 1412, pay for 987, plans 1027, 1°31, 1033, 1336, 1439, revisions 1028, work on
978; Historical Fragments 782; Legation II: 32; Legation 13:34; Legation 20: 66;
Legation to M~ntova 1265; letter from Pisan campaign 166; Letters to the Ten 811;
letters to Florentine gov't from Verona (1509) 735; comic letter 971; letter to Leo X 63;
Mandragola, 981, referred to in Clizia 835, nature 774!, to be staged 984, 989f, passages
explained 983f; Words to Be Spoken on Providing Money 29; Discourse on Pisan
Affairs 470; Prince, a poem 9, nature 9, analysis 8, composition 8, 9 29, date 8, 500,
5°7, 518 (see Discourses, date), pastoral counterpart 97, relation to Discourses 75,
312f, shall it be presented? 930, realism in 57f; Republic 35; Sonnet on Love 960
MAGISTRATES, FLORENTINE how chosen 1113!, 1338; respected 1142. See
also BAGS; OFFICERS
MALATESTA DA RIMINI, MESSER ine.ffectivegenerall121f
MALATESTA (family) condottieri of League 1259; desert Venetians for Duke
Filippo 1272
1490 INDEX
MALATESTA, GISMONDE Florentine condottiere 13°1, 1321
MALATESTA, PANDOLFO Venetian condottiere 1314
MALATESTA, ROBERTO Florentine condottiere 1365, 1377, 1404; condottiere
for Sixtus IV 141Sf.
MAMELUKES control Egypt 76; well organized 194; courtiers so called 890
MAN createdfor God'sglory 172; world createdfor 172,735; ofsame nature always 226, 278,
315, 521 ; defects 920; evil tendencies 62, 172, 201 , 736,' bored with good 897; desires
insatiable 323; envious 190; greedy for food 771; varying beliefs 935; miseries 880; more bad
than good 1375; defects of mind 920. See ·also CITIZEN; LIFE; PEOPLE; RULES,
GENERAL; YOUNG MEN
MANDRAGOLA See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
MANFRED, KING OF NAPLES, SON OF FREDERICK II hostile to
Church 1060f; tyranny in Flor. 1087; aids Ghibellines 1087f
MANFREDI (Lord of Faenza) condottiere 1259
MANKIND See MAN; PEOPLE
MAPS 10; general must have 674; of walls of Flor. 996. See also TOPOGRAPHY
MARCIANO, ANTONIO DA condottierefor Flor. 1421; killed by cannonfire
1425
MARCIANO, RINUCCIO DA condottierefor Flor. 1449
MARIGNANO Swiss infantry at 376; Swiss think themselves victors 472; French
victory 387
MARK, SAINT See VENICE
MARRADI topography 1274; comic victory 473f.
MARRIAGE of convenience 944; advised 968f; to be dissolved 947,· in Flor. 969, g8if.,
984f.'988, 1000
MARTINELLA Florentine war"belll086
MARZOCCO Florentine symbol 49 1, 1447
MATHO AND SPENDIUS Carthaginian mercenaries 574
MAXIMILIAN I, EMPEROR foolish liberality 61;fickle 87,352, 917, 922, 949, 955;
Italian ambitions 942, 1448; to visit Rome 1457; diet at Constance 14S9f; joins League of
Cambrai 1460; seizes part of Lombardy 1461; forces in Verona 386; ineffective at Padua
1461f; his court 890
MEDICI to deliver Italy 93JJ.; as citizens 100; compassionate, helpful, liberal, loved 1220;
popular 1394; powerful by general voice 1396f; yoke on Flor. 1445; ambitions 1030; good
fortune 911; gov't in Flor. 101ff., 110,894,921,93°, 1383, 1410; expelledfrom Flor. 448,
1446; return to Flor. 135,894; restortltion (15 12) 4°3,893; prosperity (15 14) 947; and
Mach. 120,93°, 1027; Mach. not to flatter 1029; Pazzi conspiracy 430, 434, 1383"1394;
believed hated (1478) 1386; loan to, in Flor. 932; conspire against Duke of Athens 1128jf.;
favor people (1304) 1104; fight for people (1343) 1136; against Guelfs 1151; banished
(1395) 1182; admonished and banishedfor favoring populace 1185; ofpeople's party 1188;
party 1198; favor war on Lucca 1207; Ferdinand of Naples' enmity 1336; Borgia does not
favor 121; credit in Rome attacked 1361; united Flor. 1029
MEDICI ALAMANNO AND ANTONIO banished for popular views 1182;
Alamanno exhorts Giovanni de'Medici to violence 1198
MEDICI, ALFONSINA ORSINI DE' 890
MEDICI, A VERARDO DE' Cosimo's agent 1218; banished 1224
MEDICI, BERNARDETTO war commissioner 1302
MEDICI, BERNARDO honored for military service 1283
MEDICI, COSIMO DE' career 1198, 1217"1231, 1236J!., 12Sl, 1313!, 13l7, 1336~
1346; favor with masses 1219f, 1275, 1339; riches will make him prince 1222; feared as
future tyrant 1221; saved by his money and venal minds of enemies 1221; liberality 1218ff.1
INDEX
1342; gainea power by befriending people 300; qualities 134if.J.; prudence ana related
qualities 1°3, 265f., 1029, 1217f., 1343f.; union of ability and fortune 1343; rise to power
by private ways 265.fJ., 1338jJ.; keen sayings 1344f; called worldly 1345; understoodpolitics
1343,' private life unobtrusive 1342f; portrait by Pontormo 1345; his gov't 101}f., 106, 1027;
opponents imprudent 1226
MEDICI, GIOVANNI (ofthe Black Bands) high military reputation 994; to be employed
by Flor. ~95; leaving army lOOS
MEDICI, GOIVANNI DE' See LEO X
MEDICI, GIOVANNI DI BERNARDO DE' probity 1029; enters Luccafor Flor.
1121; executed by Duke of Athens 1122
MEDICI, GIOVANNI DI BICCI DE' abler than Salvestro de'Medici 1188; becomes
prominent through wealth and kindness 1189; does not meet with aristocrats 1195; on
Florentine gov't 1197; for union and peace 1198; calms tax dispute 1202; dying speech
1203f; admirable qualities 1204
MEDICI, GIULIANO DI LORENZO, DUKE OF NEMOURS no ex~
traordinary provision byfather 1432; Prince writtenfor 8,929; in Flor. (1512) 894; Mach.
hopes for aid from 898, 1015; Mach.'s debt to 899; activity in Flor. 921; in Florentine
affairs 931f; as prince of Parma, etc. 962; Mach.'s sonnets to 1013.fJ.
MEDICI, GIULIANO DI PIERO DE' short life 1030; father of Clement VII
1030; virtues in spite offortune 1395; politicalforesight 1385; killed by Pazzi 1391. See
also MEDICI, LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT
MEDICI, GIULIO DE' See CLEMENT VII
MEDICI, LORENZO DE' (Duke of Urbino) poet's ideal prince 97.ff.; Prince
dedicated to 10; resembles Lorenzo the Magnificent 926; ruler in Flor. 932; excellence as
ruler 926; delegates business 943
MEDICI, LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT career 1383~1435; prudence 103;
on ruler's example 494; on control of Flor. 788; disarmed Flor. 896; high;"mindedness and
prudence 1029; ambition 1385,' marriage to Clarice degli Orsini 1351, 1364; first prize in
tourney 1352; accepted, with Giuliano, as ruler 1367f; wishes to attack Volterra 1374;
enmity with Sixtus IV 1375!; gov't 101;fears rich citizens 1385; and Giuliano,fearless in
Flor. 1386; speech on Pazzi conspiracy 1396f.; realizes need for peace 1406; enemies in
Flor. 1409!; prudence wins in peace 1413; with army 1429; marriages of children 1432;
made son Giovanni cardinal 1432;financial losses 1432)'financial aidfrom publicfunds 1432f;
planned new streets in Flor. 1433; fortified Firenzuola and Poggio Imperiale 1433; festivals
planned by 1433; patronized learned 1433; delight in arts 1433; himself a writer 1433;
prudence and capacity 1434; as ideal prince 1433; estimate 1434
MEDICI, PIERO DI COSIMa DE' career 1349;"1367; not trusted for sickness and
youth 1342; censured for trying to collect money due 1350; charged with desire to become
prince 1351; conspirators will assassinate 1356; takes up arms 1356; visited by leading
citizens 1357.fJ.; peaceful and patriotic wishes 1358 enemies fiee from Flor. 1359; letter
J'
to Agnolo Acciaiuoli 1360; exiles complain of his tyranny 1361f; patriotism 1364, 1366f.;
warning speech 1366
MEDICI, PIERO DI LORENZO DE' yields to French (1494) 1445; attack on
Flor. 1448; not favored by Borgia 121
MEDICI, SALVESTRO DE' popular sympathies 1152,' revival of parties 1188;
supports gov't by gilds 1169; opposes Guelfnobles (1378) 1151jJ.J 1222; gonfalonier 1152;
provost 1152; knighted by Ciompi 1162; favored by Michele di Lando 1166; decree of exile
revoked 1174
MEDICI, VERI DE' good, not ambitious 1180; refuses to seize rule 1179f; advises mob
to disperse 1180; Guelfs treacherous to 118of
1492 INDEX
MEDICINE See REMEDY
MENACES make enemy cautious 400
MERCANTILE BUSINESS honored in Flor. 1437
MERCENARIES (generals; condottieri) listed 1°79,' ineffective 1°75,' made war a
technique 51,1°79; (ca. 1434) 1078; history in Italy 50; cavalry not infantry 374;foreign in
Italy 1°74, 1141f; Piccinino, Carmignuola, Agnolo della Pergola 1200; nature and defects
46jJ.; vices 723; cannot be selected 582; cannot be trained 723; desire war 574, 1234, 1286,
1328; cowardice 1°79, 1362f, 1404!; ineffective 3, 286,9 24, 128of, 1284f, 1320f, 1424;
sluggish 1214; unreliable 12°3, 1457; can be bribed 1149, 121 5; bad qualities 574,582; turn
against employers 538, 585, 1375; unhappy defense of liberty 1309; unwisely employed 454;
costly 137; maIer country hostile 141; beggars 138,' country people attack 140, 1427; de"
structive 138; dangerous when lazy 52; cannot defend prince 77; dangerous to state 381; few
excellent armies 925; wise treatment of 1424j; Florentine 1427; bad conduct in Romagna
139; why Swiss and Aetolians 338; unsuccessful for France 925; indiscipline at Verona
1267; German take Lucca 1117; Borgia's 141; Venetians suspicious of 1286; Carthaginian
rebellion 502. See also BRACCIO, COLONNA, ORSINI, PICCINO, SFORZA,
VITELLI, etc.; ARMIES; ARMY; AUXILIARY; GENERAL(S); SOLDIERS; WAR
MERCY excessive 63; dangers and benefits 61.ff.; general's policy 480; by prince and general
474; or harshness, which better? 481; gains friendship 475. See also HUMANITY;
PRINCE
METAPHOR (representative instances) animal-people 235; architect-ruler 29; ass-
man 937; basilisk-Borgia 1454; birdlime-deception 1454; bit and bridle-fortress 80; body
-state 1334; bridle-restraint 924; house,.builder-prince 12; chalk-without weapon
47; cocks-soldiers 1450)' den-power 1454; dogs-leaders at variance 10°5,' dyke-army
90) 920; fever-political difficulty 16; fire-danger 1398;fiood-Fortune 90; foundation-
good policy 28f, 41, 95; fox-prince 64f, 73, 1455; gambler-city in danger 403!; gate-
means to power 327; grain sowed-good deeds 74 1, 743; grease-profit 974; heads-leaders
724,919; health-good gov't 459; hobble-be uncertain 1010; horse-war 1457; journey-
life 553; jump-move rapidly 33; ladder-law 1453; ladder-means to power 79,327,920;
lion-violent prince 64f) 73; magnet-assembly place 933; Mamelukes-courtiers 890,'
manna-aid 1447; medicine-ruler's action 16 (see ((sickness,') this entry); olive-peace
1450; palm-victory 1450; poison-danger to state 1148) 1298, 1317; poison-injurious
success 1460; raking-plunder 919f; river-invasion 90) 920; roots-established power
28f,920, 1062; roots torn up-conquest 923; saw-Bentivogli 1451; sculptor-lawgiver
724; serpents-mercenaries 1453; sea of troubles 737,' ship-policy 1451, 1457; sickness-
troubles of state 14, 54, 419, 489) 528, 1083, 1148, 1242; snarled skein-confused affairs
1004; spear-way of dealing 982; sword in hand-cruelty 38; sword-preparation 1442;
halj,.sword-serious talk 988; tails-partisans 125, 919; thickets and thornbushes-city
troubles 763; trees-civic excellence 572; trench-ruin 1446; veil-lack offoresight 1461;
wall-army 620,' weather-political conditions 42, 8gf, 501, 1443; wound and healing
ofstate 13 1, 1240,1453; wound-loss ofterritory 1456f See also SIMILE
METHODS diverse bring similar results 895[.; must be adapted to times 896; should
accompany Ambition 739
MICHELANGELO David 867
MICHELOTTO employed as general by Flor. 1217
MIDDLE COURSES See HALFWAY MEASURES
MIGRATION ofpeoples 193; caused by invasion 344.ff.
MILAN Visconti family 1065; and the Sforza 11,393, 13°4, 13°7"1316; rebellion against
INDEX 1493
French 13,' inequality in 106; becomes a republic 1299f; injured by ambition 73~' occupied
by Swiss 942,' contestfor 948,' rivalryfor (I5 I 4) 949JJ.; overthrown 987;fears Venice 1304
MILAN, CASTLE OF encouraged Sforzas' oppression 8o, 394; built by Sforza 89~'
held by Swiss 923,' taken by Spanish 10°3; lost 10°5
MILAN, DUKE OF See SFORZA; VISCONTI
MILITARY affairs in Italy 323,' architecture learned from French 708; courage corrupted
by letters 1232,' organization in city 542,' policy: ancient example 572, good in Germany
624, in 13th cent. Flor. 1086,' power, prince's 42f, 54f, 68, 77, 89; spirit destroyed in Flor.
1141; training: abandoned in Italy 48, in German cities 43, provides good soldiers everywhere
194, necessary 56ff. See also ARMY; CAVALRY; DEFENSE; MERCENARIES; WAR;
etc.
MINES make fortresses weak 703; in attacking cities 705; with explosives 716f.
MINISTER prince's dealing with 85ff.; qualities 85f, 580; faith in prince 86; prudent but
ruined 1407
MIRACLES in pagan religion 227
MOAT See DITCH
MOB destruction and theft by 1138, 1155, 1158, 1162, 1174; sack Bardi houses 1138; seeks
immunity 11591; condemned by Luigi Guicciardini 115~' rule by 1971; resolute man checks
306. See also PEOPLE; RULES, GENERAL
MONEY See WEALTH; MACHIAVELLI, WORKS (Words to Be Spoken on Provid,.
ing Money)
MONK See FRIAR(S)
MONREALE mercenary general in Tuscany 1142
MONTE in Florentinefinance 9431, 1164
MONTEFELTRO, FREDERICK general for Flor. 1301; general against Flor.
(I45 2 ) 1320; assists Ferdinand ofNaples 1334; Florentine condottiere 1362; condottiere
at sack of Volterra 1374; deserts Flor. for Sixtus IV 1376; Neapolitan condottiere
against Flor. 1399f; condottiere for Milan 1415; death 1417
MONTEFELTRO, GUIDOBALDO (Duke of Urbino) destroys fortresses 8o,
165,394; condottierefor Venice 1449; and Borgia 144, 165; tries to recover dukedom 123;
returns to Urbino 164, 1455. See also URBINO
MOSES founder of state 25, 219; opportunity as prince 931; conqueror 93; killed opponents
49 6
MULTITUDE See PEOPLE
MUSES aid poet 740, 75 0, 759, 1445, 1457
MUSIC signals to soldiers 621, 646f.; Mach.'s knowledge 1006
MYTHOLOGY in Mach.'s verse 97.ff.; Apollo 1445; Argus 752; Chiron 64; Juno and
Aeolus 1005; Pluto and Proserpina 878; Pomona 1017.ff.; Vertumnus 1017.ff.; Leda 937,'
Danae 937; Daphne 961; Leander 761. See also POETRY
N
NABIS had popular support 41; virtue 68; bad prince 221; conspiracy against 435; set
fire to Sparta 67sf
NAPLES, KINGDOM conquered by Spain 11,' lost by King 88; injured by ambition
736; easy to take 1005; war in qffects north 1289f; French and Spain fight over 1454.
See also FERDINAND
NATIONS temporal variations 521, 763; retain habits 521; law of 404jJ., 420
NATURE beauty 172; variable 961, 1232; man's unchangeable 747,920; same in all men
315; makes man insatiable 323; inclines to boredom with good 897; made hearts ungrateful
1494 INDEX
743)' rules inclinations 45 2f) 1281; gives individuality 896f.; gives insight without power
726; man's mind cannot master 752; has men take sides 491; determines ageneral's method
480JJ.; men conduct themselves in accord with 897; permits men to be born in republics 1378;
not to be blamedfor Italian ills 737; made stealing more profitable than labor 1160; Michele
di Lando indebted to 1166; teaches animals 771; destructive cataclysms 341
NAV ARRO, PIETRO examines walls of Flor. 727'734; advisor on fortifying Flor.
995JJ.
NAVY See WAR
NECESSITY a teacher 1159; makes men good 201; makes boldness prudence 1161; forces
men on 924; overrules intention 924; compels dangerous action 908; puts world in order 747;
pushes states to conquest 763; forces rapid action 438; brings success to conspiracy 437;
forestalled 299; action without 904; favors caused by 263f; forces decisions of weak rell'
publics 275, 277; forces prince into evil 58, 84; causes fulfilment of promises 1258) 1413J'
brings prince into another's power 1298f; neither praise nor blame for acting in 1247;
alliance caused by 84; makes soldiersfight 355, 459f, 461, 662; used by wise generals 459f,'
wise general removes from enemy 462; justifies war 94, 461,576, 1242; reason for battle 657,
719; through fate 1444; drives Mach. to present Prince 930)' will make Swiss rulers of Italy
952; Ferdinand V taught by 909; that Lucca resist Flor. 1248
NEIGHBOR duty to 174
NERO, EMPEROR Piso's conspiracy against 434, 436f. See also EMPEROR
NERO, FRANCESCO DEL Mach.'s brother;,in;,law 971,977
NERONI, DIETISALVI hopes to control Flor. 1351; against Piero de'Medici 1349f.,
1356; rebuked by Piero de'Medici 1358; unhappy exile 1364; encourages Prato to rebel 1369
NEUTRALITY bad policy 82f; brings hatred and contempt 82, 954, 957; not for weak
prince 954, 956ff.; cannot avoid difficulty 957fJ' dangerous to Flor. 124; best policy 1221.
See also ALLIES
NEW See NOVELTY
NICHOLAS III, POPE bold and ambitious 1061; power in Flor. 1092
NICHOLAS V, POPE works for peace 13oo!
NOBILITY impossible to weak republic 490; does not fight 1096. See also RICH
NOBLES, FLORENTINE military value 1096; forbidden to have walled to·wns 1120;
ruined 1138,1141; laws against 1094!; excludedfromgov't 1093; enmity with people 1093,
1136.ff.J 1140; arrogant 1°94, 1134; attempt to recover power with arms 1°96; angered by
tyranny 1120; ancient, Guelf (1378) 1151)' humble (1426) 1196; try to make Duke of
Athens prince 1122. See also RICH
NORTHERNERS example to Italians 322, 708. See also BARBARIANS; FRENCH
NOVARA Swiss infantry victory 372, 376ff., 457
NOVELLO (Count of Andria) general for Flor. 1110
NOVELTY distrusted 190; not reckoned on 920; hard to bring in 26, 1368; transitory
1368; liked 12. See also PRINCE (New)
o
OATHS mercenary's disrespect for 723; used to deceive 65, 1145
OBSCURE ORIGIN See HUMBLE ORIGIN
OCCASION See FORTUNE
OFFICERS oj prince 14, 2of, 85; function 620f; Mach.'s army 645. See also MAGISII'
TRATES; MERCENARIES; MINISTER
OFFICES low office may follow high 271; never vacant in Venice 298; eligibility in Flor.
931; choice for 102; desire for 1197. See also BAGS; CORNO; HONOR
INDEX 1495
OGIER THE DANE 799
OLIVE for peace 1450
OLIVEROTTO See LIVEROTTO
OMENS See PORTENT
ONE MAN must found state 217.ff., 467.ff.; can organize liberty 1187,' ability essential to
maintain unstable state 1187. See also INDIVIDUAL
OPPORTUNITY recognized by able men 251; limited by country 559, 128if.; given by
Fortune 25; sports with Fortune 747; lost by Clement VII 998. See also FORTUNE
ORACLES pagan 226f.; political use by Romans 230
ORATIONS See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS (History of Florence)
ORATOR should make dignified appearance 305; general as 661
ORCO, RIMIRRO DE Cesare Borgia's agent 31,962; imprisoned 141; executed31,142
ORGANIZER OF STATE 25f,93f, 217.!J., 322. See also FOUNDER
ORIGINS republics and religions must go back to 419JJ.
ORSINI (family) mercenaries 29JJ.; pope's enemies 45f; and Borgia 52, 121f, 128, 132JJ.,
163ff; Flor.'s enemies 131f, 164; aids Sixtus IV 1415; fear on Sixtus lV's death 1421;
hired by Flor. 1427; return home on Alexander VI's death 1455; pursue Borgia into Rome
1455; cardinals 46
ORSINI, CARLO Venetian condottiere 1449
ORSINI, PAOLO (PAULO, PAGOLO) pretends offer from Flor. 138; at
Magione 163; and Cesare Borgia 31, 165, 168.ff.; capture and execution 163JJ., 1454;
Flor. fears 1452
ORSINI, PIETRO (PIERO) GIANPAOLO in employ ofLeague 1259; mercenary
for Flor. 1272)' escapes to Tuscany 1273; wise preparation of battlefield 1279f
ORSINI, VIRGINIO condottierefor Flor. 1428
OTHERS help from cannot be relied on 1442; not to be in power of 30, 54, 84, 89, 1440;
their aid does not secure prince 1236. See also POWER; PRINCE
OTTONAIO, GIOVAMBATTISTA Carnival Songs 796
OVID Met. 1.504"'7: 961; Met. 2.846: 937; Amores 1.9: 829; Art of Love 941; Met.
14.623"'771: 1016; read 928
p
PAGEANT See FESTIVITIES
PAINTINGS historical, in palace 748
PALACE OF SIGNORS built 1097; doors 1391.ff.; Hall of Grand Council 111;
occupied by Ciompi 1165
PALLA, BATISTA DELLA auditor in Art of War 569
PARADISE road to 972
PARLIAMENT French 70, 422; Florentine 1°3, 1126, 1174, 1179, 1223, 1337f See
also BALlA
PARTHIANS undisciplined cavalry 375, 602; Marc Antony's tactics against 375, 678;
deceive Crassus' soldiers 461; archers 637
PARTIES conflict39,' weaken prince 78; in Pistoia 78; fostered by Venice 78; selfish, oppose
common good 1°3, 1146f.; injure honest men 1213; love of, powerful 1275. See also
DISSENSIONS; DIVISIONS; FACTIONS
PARTISANS of leaders long in command 486; how gained 493; dangerous to state 493;
danger in 1337,' wickedness 1364
PARTY Medicean: 1198, methods for securing power 1237!, severity in keeping power 1275;
Niccolo da Uzzano's 1198. See also MEDICI; PARTIES
PAST See ANTIQUITY
1496 INDEX
PASTORAL literary form 97
PA TIENCE strength of 747
PATRIOTISM and Christianity 331; overcomes private feeling 526; lack in Flor. 989;
not in Italy 1233; hated and slandered 1178, 1213; moving force 1145; of Benedetto
Alberti 1177; Francesco Valori's 1438. See also COMMON Goon; COUNTRY;
FLORENCE; RULES, GENERAL; SOUL
PAZZI conspiracy against Medici 430, 434, 439, 44if., 1384, 1394; speech by Lorenzo
the Magnificent on 1396f. See also CONSPIRACY
PEACE end of war 578; pleases God 880; blessed spirits exhort to 880; desired by citizen
soldiers 578; people long for 461; disgraceful better than dangerous war 1234, 1289; how
to test its security 917; and change 758; evils from 763, 1232, 1372; employs few soldiers
578f; Flor. loses liberty in 1413; demanded by Florentines (1479) 1406; Ambition expels
73 6; unlikely (1513) 923; not in Italy 1233; Pius II desires 1332. See also TRUCE
PELOPIDAS liberated Thebes 442, 463; trained victorious army 463, 722
PENALTIES See PUNISHMENTS
PENITENCE Mach. on 170ff.; attacks Anxiety 747
PEOPLE guard liberty 204; importance in state 292; rule by 102, 119S!; loyalty to prince
39, 41, 44)· bold) then weak 312,. arrogant 1196; iniffective without head 287, 119~·
dangerous only when led 312; dangerous after loss of liberty or death of loved prince 312;
will not support liberator 41) 1382; evil 62; wish what kings wish 949; happiness 93;
wisdom 203, 29if.) 3131, 315ff.) 507; often right 994; often wrong 385f; credulous
66j., 29if., 302jJ.,3 85f) 461 ) 121 3; regret hasty action 314; unreliable 41f, 313, 994, 1°95,
1124) 1172!, 1343, 1450; moved by accidents 1315; condemn failure in foolish enterpris~
they approved 305; ungrateful 741, 1173; covetous 206, 1207; not more foolish than prince
31 4.fJ.; do not elect incompetents 291!, 505, 1169; wish security 237; wish liberty 237;
political desires 40; affectgov't 1196; corrupt cannot befree 238jJ., 243; not interested in liberty
1393; foolish, produce tyrant 3 1 7; cruelty 31 7; favor bold policy 303.!J.; can be advised 317,
507; influenced by wisdom and dignity 305!; can be censured 318,. need way of expression
203; refuse military training 624; to be armed 410; should not trust in numbers 1097; ruined
by tyranny 235; prince)s foundation 41, 62; prince to occupy attention 84, 909; as enemies
overthrow prince 236; friendly strengthen prince 236; controlled byfavors or punishment 474;
favor sought by Duke ofAthens 1122; versus aristocrats 237,3°0, 1093, l096f,1140, 1196;
Athenian support Sicilian expedition 304; Florentine: censure rulers 1193; subtle 1410,
worship Cosimo 1222; German) honesty 307; Italian) not blameworthy 724; Roman 200,
202, 274) 307. See also MAN; MOB; POOR; RULES, GENERAL
PERSIAN EMPIRE under Greeks 20; excellence 322; conqueror 748
PETRARCH Triumph of Eternity 927) 1016; Canzone 16: 96; Canzone, Noble
Spirit 1322; Cesare, poi che 902; Mach.'s reading 928
PETRUCCI, PANDOLFO road to tyranny of Siena 445; prince in Siena 1432}·
had Venafro as minister 85) 127; supported by former enemies 79; hostile to Borgia 134;
conspiracy against 430) 443; represented at Magione 164; remodels Piombino 1451; flees
before Borgia 1454
PHILIP OF MACEDON mercenary 48; military policy 54) 725,. use of fraud 357;
powerful through good army 725; sweeping changes in state 254}· general, then tyrant, of
Thebes 1309; assassinated 405/) 430f
PHILIP V OF MACEDON unaware of Roman power 327; retained kingdom against
Romans 16) 89; avoidance of battle 455!;forced tofight 659
PHILOSOPHERS later than generals 1232}· hold world eternal 339
PHYSICAL TRAINING See TRAINING
PICCININO, DEIFEBO DI JACOPO Venetian and Florentine condottiere 1402
INDEX 1497
PICCININO, FRANCESCO AND JACOPO Milanese generals 1310/
PIGCININO, JACOPO private war 1328; changes sides twice 1334f.; and Ferdinand
and Sforza 1347; treacherously honored and slain 1348
PIeCINO, NICCOLO pupil of Braccio 1078, 1234; deserts Flor. for Milan 1200;
urges campaign of diversion 1268; ambitious and haughty 1288,' more powerful after defeat
128S; menaces employer 1288; able, unfortunategeneral 1294; employed by Flor. 1194, 1200;
deceives pope 1255f; campaigns 1216f., 1235f, 1245, 1255f, 1263.ff., 1268, 1288f, 1293f;
campaign against Flor. 1269;1281; defeated at Anghiari 1279.ff.
PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA patronized by Lorenzo the Magnificent 1433
PIKES Macedonian and Swiss 9S, S96f., 600, 628, 641. See also INFANTRY
PILUM See JAVELfN
PISA growth 1°49,1081; added to Florentine empire 118S[; held withfortresses 78,392,49°;
enmity to Flor. 38S; Florentine wars 52, 276f., 47of, S27, 782, 1121, 118S, 144Sff., 1449jJ.,
14S3ff.1 14S8.JJ.; Mach.'s work in war against 467/, 1460; Charles VIII promises to
Flor. 521, 1447; repels French 14S1; Florentine ((wound)) 131, 1453; Venetian designs on
1448; Lodovico's designs on 1448; men fickle and deceitful 553; consults Antonio da
Venafro 85; University: canon law at 1389, opened by Lorenzo the Magnificent 1433,
authorizes Mach.'s Hist Fior. 971
PISAN AFFAIRS, DISCOURSE ON See MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
PISTOIA ruined by Flor. 61; factions 49°,544,554, 1098; held with parties 78,399, 490;
her factions affected Flor. 491; revolt and return 1133,' discontent with Florentine rule
1368f., 1441, 1453; pacified by Salviati 1453
PITIGLIANO (Count of) condottiere 50; for Flor. 1427
PITTI, LUCA pretends devotion to liberty 1340; splendid building 1431; ambition to
succeed Cosimo 135of; won by Piero de'Medici 1357; disgrace 1359
PLAGUE symptoms of 843; (1353) 1138; (1479) 1405
PLANS danger and value to be weighed 301; deceptive 399; sudden changes dangerous 439;
comt to active man 1299; human, deceptive and uncertain 1384. See also FORESIGHT
PLATO understoodfree gov't 114
PLAUTUS Amphitryo 928; Stichus 930
PLEASURE carpe diem 776; in evil 878; what has pleased will please 879; when to
take 941; an evening of 936; recreation for grave men 935
PLEBEIAN PARTY of lesser gildsmen 1169; power and overthrow (13 82) 1171.ff.;
loses power (1381) 1174f; crushed (1382) 1175; wicked gov't (1378"'13 81) 1195
PLUTARCH on Roman fortune 324
POETRY cOt11.forts affliction 740; no rewardfor 750; varieties of 1444; Mach.'s reading 928;
Christian opposition to 340; fabulous 354; prophetic spirit 1322; invocation 750. See also
MYTHOLOGY; READING
POISON concealed under bad policy 54, 302/; concealed under promises 1298,' concealed, of
diplomacy 1317. See also EVIL; FORESIGHT
POLICE AGENTS examine letters 1270
POLICY circumstances determine 41; the least bad to be adopted 276,' good may have bad
outcome 1194;firm,finds words 360. See also ADVICE
POLIZIANO (Agnolo da Montepulciano) patronized by Lorenzo the Magnificent 1433
POLYBIUS Mach.'s source 597
POMPEY and Caesar 266, 717; brave but not good 575; sport of Fortune 749
PONTANUS quoted 960
POOR did not have own gilds 1158f; must offend on grand scale to get pardon 1159.ff.;
troubles 1159.ff.; fearing hunger need not fear He1l1160. See also PEOPLE
POPE reverence for 957; his states 44; temporal power 4sf, 140 6f.; length of rule 32, 45,
162, 1406; like Soldan 76; damage to Italy 1045, 1°91; court, bad example 228; wickedness
INDEX
422, 1398f.,· greed 1063,' nepotism 1062; stirs up dissensions 1061; against any powerful
man in Italy 1°9 1; not feared (1372 ) 1148; enemies 45; hostility of Roman people 1°51;
political sufferings 958; power at a distance 1°51, l056f.; aids ally in victory, abandons in
defeat 1406; why prince cannot rely on 1406f.; cities of, ruled by tyrants 1070; Angelico, the
perfect pope 975. See also CHURCH; name ofpope
POPPI, FRANCESCO (Count of) Poppi will aid invaders of Tuscany 1268; supports
Rinaldo degli Albizzi against Flor. 1268, 1275; wishes battle of Anghiari 1278; expelled
from territory by Flor. 1282
POPULACE See PEOPLE
POPULARITY dangerous to state 291; leads to tyranny 492; from piety to father S04;
how secured 1197. See also GENERAL; PRINCE
PORTENT ofgreat event 311; Santa Reparata struck by lightning 1434
POVERTY of citizens desirable 272f., 378, 486f.; djd not prevent high office in Rome 486;
to be esteemed 572. See MACHIAVELLI
POWER lawful does not harm states 267; unlawfully taken brings hatred 1204, 1397;
cycle of 763; giver of, hated 20, 1287; another's, wise prince not in 84,9°8, 1236, 1298f.;
wise state not in 1440; wickedly gained well used 243; gained by violence and deceit 1160;
by increasing raises enemies 1261; powerful can deceive weak 1347; gained by merit not
hated 1397
PRAISE Uby praised man" 903f.
PRATO sack (15 12) 403, 893, 928; discontented under Flor. 1368jJ.; loyalty to Flor.
1370/,' fair at 782
PREACHER Savonarola 886JJ.; wonders proclaimed by 933; for Flor. 971, 976,' to teach
way to Hell 972; favored by Lorenzo the Magnificent 1433
PRESENT affects men 88; superior and inferior 32 if.; little love for freedom 331,' like past
521 ; blamed 32if.; feeble 490
PRIDE ofcitizen dangerous to state 25 1; in rejecting terms 403; not overcome by humility 359;
of masses (1426) 1196; causes hatred 484f; with Ambition 736,' Lucifer's 871; drove
devils from heaven 878; proud and base haughty in prosperity, abject in adversity 1306
PRIESTS See CLERGY
PRINCE Mach.'s like heroes of poetry 9; perfect 9; function expressed by debbe 38;
broad application of word 490; dealt with in Discourses 236; books advising 8, 57, 476;
his example 493/; advisers 86f., 50 7.ff.; books on lives of1346; hereditary 11,72,74,76, 88,
197, 1368; necessary in corrupt city 243; reads history 56; imitatesfamous men 56, 428; wise
and strong 38, 56f., 66, 68f., 8o, 84, 87, 221, 225, 245,3 27,3 60, 393ff., 409J., 459, 722,
926,908,1125; good, list of221,428; virtues 58,66; does notfear 359; ability brings success
478J., 492, so6f.; adapts actions to conditions 41, 57!, 66, 8o, 84, 9oJJ., 896 (see FORTUNE);
new, Mach.'s first interest 8, 24,929; conquering, resides in conquered land 14, 19, 25,962;
treatment of conquered cities 333,384; must destroy family he supplants 14, 426; uses wise
cruelty 38; his foresight 42, 54; liberality 264; gains territory without power 949; new,
discussed 8~42, 66, 71~81, 88~96; new, can be glorious 88,92,96, 223; new, needs people's
favor 13; new, cannot satisfy partisans 12; new, difficulties 12, 27.ff., 66, 1368; new, loved
for unified rule 962; new, to imitate Borgia 29,34,962; new, Borgia 132; new, to imitate
Romans 76; self~reliance 30, 42, 54, 64, 89, 554; difficult road to power 26f., 41; rises
through force and craft 541; seeks advice 86f., 870; advised well when wise 87; ethics 36, 57,
66; under necessity not good 58, 64, 72, 254; forced to be wicked 72; use offraud 357, 541;
ready to abandon virtues 66; to avoid contempt 60,957; how to become powerful 378; methods
for becoming powerful 1220; duplicity with rebels 543; when better than republic 310; less
prudent than people 31S.ff.; better than people as founder 316f.; less trustworthy ally than
republic 318!; subject to error like multitude 315; less grateful than republics 259; early
INDEX 1499
partisans becomefoes 12f, 79; two strong princes in succession 240, 244.fJ.; sustains siege 43,
68; rouses great expectations 81,9°9; occupies subjects' minds 81,9°9,. reputation protected
58; reputation how secured 81; reputation among subjects 68, 506f.; steady in policy 39;
loved by subjects 41, 43, 62, 69, 80, 444, 475, 1382; death avenged by people 444; estimates
his own and others' forces 42, 388, 948; military policy 42ff., 46"57, 377, 383, 566"72~
584f, 6191; forms army of subjects 95, 286, 577f; warfare his profession 55ff.; acts as
general 48, 5S.ff., 26o, 454, 1429; support by subjects 40JJ., 72,88, 236f., 312,3°9,398, 444,
483; must appear religious 66, 81; to use religion in gov't 227; Duke of Athens appears re",
Jigious 1123,. gains security 131,27,41,54,68,88,426, 1125; dignity 68, 84,44°; avoids in'"
juries to groups and individuals 405; i~;uries by 429; to do i~;uries all at once 38,289; refrains
from subjects' property and women 62f, 429; feared 61.ff., 2891, 438, 475, 477; dealings with
rebellion 312; avoids causing desperation 289, 438; gains power wickedly, uses it well 243;
subject to law 254, 314, 577, 869; test of supporters 40; must punish properly 390, 405;
avoids subjects' hate 59, 61.ff., 64, 67.ff., 70, 75,39 2, 429,954,957; how to avoid assassins
74, 1382; avoids hate ofpowerful groups 71.ff., 744; dealings with rich 391J 70; must under'"
stand nature ofstate 962; does favors personally 70; gives new favors after old 987; chooses
less injurious courses 954; supported by former enemies 79; prudent in usingforce 480; thinks
victory enough 401; strengthened by overcoming enemies 78f; divides enemies by concessions
to some 360; not to reject concessions by stronger enemy 403,· his officials 14,3 1, 70, 851;
gives officials limited authority 43 2; weak, can exist after strong 244f; encourages industry
and arts 84; Roman emperors as examples 70ff., 222; how to deal with 424; force and
necessity keep to agreements 65, 52o, 1413, 1442; destroys enemies 544; cruelty 38, 236,
254,3 17,. arrogant 1461 ; follies and vices 52,55, 61,89, 197, 221, 245,349,377, 49°,516,
624, 723, 724ff., 1132, 1236, 1348; bad list of 221; peaceful, dependent on Fortune 245;
cowardly 89,378,498,7241; wicked, be remedied with steel 317; must please corrupt subjects
72;fears able men 622,1348,1378; ungrateful 258,316,318, 741, 7431; how hefizlls 55,72,
88f,374, 427f, 1132f; friend of whom he cannot attack 1442,. Satan 8S 8691 See also
INDIVIDUAL; KINGLY HAND; PRINCEDOMS; ROMAN EMPERORS; TYRANT;
topic desired as CONSPIRACY; LIBERALITY; OTHERS; POWER; RULES, GENERAL
PRINCEDOMS hereditary II, 427f; new 12, Z4ff.; tyrannical and limited 20; in Europe
22; gained with difficulty, held with ease z6; gained with other's power 27; how gained,
kept, lost 929; gained through Fortune 27; gained wickedly 35; gained with deception, ends
with scorn 1310; civil 39JJ.; lawfully gained 39; ecclesiastical 44; without own armies
weak 54; where (onditions favor 106; goodform ofgov't 196f.; difficult infree city 23, 1124.
See also KINGDOM; STATE
PRINCE"MAKER See KINC"MAKER
PRISON Flor.l014f. See also STINCHE
PRISONERS safe in mercenary war lz80f; released 1284
PRIVATE concerns to be abandoned by rulers 1145; good, to yield to public good 572,. feeling,
to yield to patriotism 526; forces, ruin states 212; life, desired by conquering Romans 576
PRODIGY See PORTENT
PROMISES princes' not kept 64.fJ., 520, 1413, 1442; not regarded (15 13) 9°7,. deceptive
delude Flor. and others 461; under compulsion invalid 529. See also OATHS; PRINCE
PROMPTNESS See SPEED
PROPERTY See WEALTH
PROPHET armed 26; Florentine preacher 933; in Modena foretells suffering for Flor.
1002; diviners threaten horrors 881
PROVERB Albanese 975; August cucumber 768; Pagolo Bertini and the dinner table 930;
when blood is cold, wound more felt 1406; better than bread of wheat 133; bit and pack
saddle 753; have carriage only 13 Z; cancels debts with cotton of inkstand 157; what's
INDEX
done is ended 1084; eating leads to drinking 907; fair weather hardens ground 126)' not
to build afire to burn own house 1374)' head like basket 932)' tear up by roots 923; touch
with hands 66f; waited for hood 987; one mind in piazza) another in palace 294; with
polished tools 157)' Sienese madness 1002; 16 soldi to lira 990) 1008; Time the father of
Truth 201)' Time works wonders 781)' better lean truce than fat victory 1374; reputation of
wine 905~' war makes thieves 575. See also APHORISMS; RULES, GENERAL
PRUDENCE See WISDOM
PUBLIC GOOD See COMMON GOOD
PULCI :LUIGI Morgante 1.38: 963) 20.48: 902
PUNISHMENT not to be cancelled by reward 251; for oJJences to state or individual 404;
decimation terrifying 528
PYRRHUS conqueror 23)' in Italy 478; frightened Roman horses with elephants 654; on
size of army 694; mercenary leader 925
R
RANGONE, GUIDO papal condottiere 1002)' foolish military opinion 1011
RAPIDITY See SPEED
RASHNESS as policy 91f, 522.ff.; ofJulius II 52, 9if.) 254f; is prudence under necessity
1161
RAVENNA Spanish defeat 52, g05)' battle, Spanish infantry at 95, 601; battle} poor
tactics 365; battle., artillery at 369
READING Mach.'s 895. See also author's name)' MYTHOLOGY
REASON free under good gov't 222; applied to everything 240; always to he used 313;
man's duty to use 911; mind cannot control nature 752; itiflexibility 920. See also BRAINS
REBELLION against tyrant 542; how to suppress 543; caused by leaders 592; must be
punished 390, 447, 489f See also REVOLUTION
REFORM Remodeling of Florence 101"115; in Flor. every few years 103) 105, 421}
1292,1337; demands kingly power 219, 243; demands unlawful violence 243; should
preserve ancient appearances 252; of republics and religions 419jJ.; attempt unsuccessful
1148f See also CHANGE; REVOLUTION
REFORMER must be alone 217!, 420j; conservative when in o.ffice 293f; must know
nature of state 449; must kill those who oppose 42 4JJ., 496. See also KINGLY HAND
RELIGION prince)s 58, 66f.; used by Ferdinand 81; Mach.'s 170; Christian) decline of
228; pagan and Christian 331; pagan vigorous, fierce 331; pagan oracles 227; relics 874;
new sects destroy records of old ones 339f; founders famous 220,' reformers of 422; must go
back to origins 419jJ.; strong prince substitute for 225; prince to preserve even if false 227;
sustains state 225jJ., 764; and patriotism 1145,' made Rome prosper 225; renewed in Rome
420; will not save country 764; aids army discipline 5°3, 567, 661, 691, 723; Roman use in
gov)t 223JJ., 229) 503; useful to lawgivers 225; political use by Samnites 233f.,· in Italy
323, 880, 1040f; resort of wicked 1145; cloak for bad men 972; arrests and executions
during ceremonies 1362. See also CHRISTIANITY; CHURCH; CONSCIENCE; GOD;
ORACLES; etc.
REMEDY for ills of state 14, 16f, 44, 265f, 278, 291, 419, 489, 528, 917, 1222, 1242,
1373, 1440f, 1461 ·;for political ills, too late 1089, 1189, 1196, 1219; against rebellion 312;
demanded by emergencies 457f; none for public ingratitude 471; Roman against ambitious
tribunes 459)' for Florentine ({wounds)) 1453
RENAISSANCE Italian 726
RENOWN See FAME
REPUBLICS good early laws give long life 101, 196; more durable than princedoms 453;
INDEX
allow succession of able rulers 246; varied talents of citizens 452/; reorganization dangerous
196; must be brought back to origins 419ff.; degenerate to tyranny or license 1187; ancient~
good laws gave long life 1187; for freedom need steady foresight 527; prudent think victory
enough 401~' use citizens as soldiers 48, 261,580; good, reject professional soldiers 576; goodJ
reject auxiliary troops 383; must estimate forces 388; good form ofgovJt 196f.; where they
are pO,)'sible 106; growth of 3J 379; discussed II, 195; cherish able men 1378; encourage
beneficial actions suppressing tyranny 493; strongJdo not buy friends 409/; loyalty in danger
318f; how to make great 33SJ 378; move slowly 268,318, 360ff., 444, 453J 924; irresolute
275J 277/, 490; emergencies dangerous to 268; make bad decisions 303; use fraud 357/;
lawful authority does not harm 270; impossible where there is inequality 309; should reward
good deeds 251f; should appear liberal 299; not permanent 471; unarmed cannotform empires
339; small cannot sustain empire 335,378; when inferior to princedom 310; ingratitude 318;
more grateful than princes 259; corrupt employ good men only in distress 38SJ 468jf.;
corrupt subject to conspiracy 444)' should not give office to injured man 471; conspiracies
against 444; do not adapt to times 453; strong, alliance sought 409; weak buy allies 409f;
foolish to build fortresses 396; must punish properly 404; should be rich 272}f.; Roman
methods necessary 378; get subjects 336; slavery to 333; composed ofmany states338fJ 1336.
See also CITY; STATE
REPUTATION prince's 36, 59!J 68) 73) 79J 81}f.) 96, 909; of citizens) essential to state
492; in cities how gained 1337; how increased in city 1204; by service to state 1337; to be
gained early S06f.; derivedfrom habits, associates, deeds 505; maintained by new wonders 506;
dangerous to state) how gained 493; by public means) by private means 492f; from deeds)
not quickly lost 50S!; secured by striking conduct 897; general's lost with loss of what he
defends 513; lost by failure in office 515; extraordinary, damaging to new official 1355; ally
needs more than 352
RESERVES essential in battle 551) 627, 642) 719; Greek method 627/; Roman practice
627; Roman and Greek 633; Swiss method 628; modern failure in 365) 641; at Anghiari
1280
RESULT men judge by 67,5°8, 1413; political affairs judged by 895; policy not to be judged
by 1193!; good may excuse evil deed 218
RETIREMENT impossible for man of rank 424
REVENGE more powerful than gratitude 1197; brings profit and pleasure 1197; heavy
injury does not fear 15; of old injuries 34; for brother's death 74; ruins states 212; satisfied
in spite of danger 406; for injuries by princes or states 405; private reason for killing tyrant
1379; possible to destitute 430; by neglected or injured citizen 469jJ.; in revolution terrifying
448f;for liberty, horrible 1132; on Guelfs desired (1378) 1156; by mob 1162, See also
ENVY
REVOLUTION injurious 12, lIS, 235, 428; opposed by patriot 1438; men naturally
discontented 477; conditions favoring 451; bloody or not 448; cannot be regulated 1154;
slanders used in inciting 217; in small city 547; through return of exiles 545; with foreign
aid 544; typical in Italian city S38jJ.; in Flor, (1378) 1154.fJ.; result of idleness 1352;
suppressed in Rome 493
REWARDS excessive) expected by supporters of new prince 79; for good citizens 251; for
public service 493; for good citizens and soldiers 493, 690
RIARIO, GIROLAMO lord of Forli 1365) 1377, 1450; in Pazzi conspiracy 1386ff.;
fears Medici 1386; alarm on Sixtus lV's death 1421; makes threats, dangerous to himself
1429f; assassinated 444) 1430
RICH support prince 39; shrewdness 40,' ruined by prince 40; in gov't 70)' prince secures
himself against 40, 70~ 88; party of 203/; fears 206; unruly under tyrant 237; conspiracies
by 432; their ambition ruins city 274; economic importance 1157; not better than poor 1160;
1502 INDEX
selfish in setting up prince 1122; start wars selfishly 1202J·how they heldpower (1340) 1118;
beg Cosimo's aid 1339. See also NOBLES; WEALTH
RIVER See FLOOD
ROBERT OF ANJOU (King of Naples) in Flor. 1064/; lord of Flor. 11°9,. seNds
Duke of Athens to Flor. 1122
ROMAGNA Borgia's good gov't 61; Borgia's courts 31, 137J· sufferings 139; Cesare
Borgia30f., 62,145 1; bad rulers destroyed by Alexander VI493J.; Venetians covet 147,9°8;
passes toJulius 11144,1461; Florentine rule bad 1441; war (1434) 1235; war (1446) 1297
ROMAN EMPERORS as examples 70fJ.; good 221; bad 222
ROMAN EMPIRE in conquered lands 22; lost Italy So; fell on hiring mercenaries 54;
people versus soldiers 71; under bad rulers 222J.; under good rulers 222; lasting results for
freedom 332; conquered by barbarians 345; corrupted worlcl623;faIl410, 748
ROME (ancient) overpraised in Discourses 324; vigor from early organization 192;
organization of republic 3 2 4; regress to origins 419JJ.; fortune in early kings 244f; perfect
state 20of; patriotism and goodness ofall classes 239,3°7, 449f; nobility and humility 487;
modest in prosperity 499; firm after Cannae 498; dignity before Fortune 498, 501; virtue
771,. religion 503; incorrupt people refuse bribe 449; early laws versus site 195J· indebted to
Fortune or to ability 324, 408; arms and freedom 48; rise to power 266, 322; gave low
office after high 271; Senate faced facts 275f.; stronger at center of territory 411; gave laws
880; citizenship for foreigners 528f.; entrance into foreign lands 16, 327; allowed selj-'gov't
to conquered 383; expansion 334f., 337; made more powerful by opposition 266, 269; used
no halfway measures 389; policy with Latins 358; foreign policy 326; in Greece 16, 82;
aestroyed conquered cities 23; factional strife 148, 20ojJ., 239, 274, 1°31, 1140; effect of
necessity 461J.; firm against Hannibal 717f.; free because armed 585; won by arms not by
money 409; stronger by conquest 341,380; short and profitable wars 342; gave generals full
power 417J.; ability in war 332; organization of army 364, 630; cavalry 375; infantry did
not fear cavalry 604; size of armies 334; preferred discipline to number 694; severity in
punishment 527; soldier's equipment 595!, 599; selection of soldiers 588jJ.; training of
soldiers 60S!; stubborn soldiers 363; array of battle 643; unsuccessful generals 261f;
citizen army ruined liberty 584; while good, had no professional soldiers 577; fought Hannibal
on plains 250; built no fortresses 396f.; sea war 586; artillery would have aided 367.ff.;
discipline made ]lourish 737; forbade taunting of slaves 401; kept appearance of aiscarded
institutions 253; made slaue 486; reformers 421f,' degeneration ofgou't 24tJJ.; corrupt and
incorrupt 238f.,· people unstable like Florentines 279; infirm decisions 975; causes offall of
state 485, 593; corruption in 242; lost regard for ability of officials 469; up to 146 B.C.
good 575; end ofgreatness, 186 B.C. 2°7, 488; gratitude to citizens 255f.; seldom ungrateful
259; ungrateful to Scipio 743; injured by conquest of Capua 381; failure to punish Fabii
404. See also ANTIQUITY
ROME (modern) Mach. in 142-'160; Castruccio in 545; sacked (15 2 7) 727
ROMULUS grasped opportunity 25; his murders 217; riformer 223; warlike 244; prepared
for peaciful rule of Numa 245
RONCESVALLES battlefield 1013
ROOTS See FOUNDATION
ROUEN, CARDINAL hat secured by Louis XII 19; candidate for papacy 34, 1455;
at election ofJulius II 143; wishes Romagna for pope or French king 146; and Borgia 123,
144.ff., 148, 153, 159)· treats with Flor. 1452
ROVERE, FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA destroyedfortresses 896; disregarded
hostile cities 398; timid general 1004; papal condottiere 1011
RUCELLAI gardens S69J.,· Cosimo: Discourses dedicated to 188 high qualities 568
1
R DIN by self, not prevented, by others brings support 1354

INDEX
RULES, GENERAL (representative instances)
Conspiracies usually fai11323; for conspiracies, few men not enough, many reveal 1184,.
prince should avoid assassination by being loved 1382; all men have power to conspire 428,.
assassination requires men resolute in bloodshed 1390
When men able to conquer do so, they are praised 18; states must be organized by one man
218; men change ruler, believing they will gain 12; a conqueror must damage his new subjects 12;
injuries to be done all together, benefits slowly 38; the new master of afree city must destroy her
or be destroyed 24; conqueror best supported byformer enemies 79; conquerors never disgraced 1160
Better disgraceful peace than dangerous war 1234; no truce so bad as to lack all value 4°3,.
good defenses depend on yourself 89; strong prince can fight any attacker 42; princes able to keep
army are secure 88/; allies by disagreement give victory to enemy 1419; union ofmany against one
difficult 953; durable alliances advantage both sides 135; powerful states betray weak allies 1121;
the forcer must be stronger than the forced 183; forces get names; names do not get forces 267;
expansion poisons weak states 210; traitor to country traitor elsewhere 1240; fools fall, hoping to
be raised 89; war made through greed, through fear 210
Fortune mistress ofhalfour actions 90; Fortune is awoman 92; Fortune friends the bold 92,.
Fortune varies 497; Fortune matches bad and good 1116; the good man displeases Fortune 1458;
there is never aperfect time 1152; time harms the right time 1151; who lets time pass, regrets 879;
Time drives along good and bad 17; time awaits no one 487; delay dangerous 1152
Prudence uses men according to times 1196; prudence is to choose the least evil 84, 954;
the less evil ;s agood 276; plans reveal themselves to the active, not to the slothful 1299; choose
the course having fewest evils 209; do not judge a plan by its outcome 1193; do not accept too
dangerous a plan 301; human plans deceptive and uncertain 1384; under necessity rashness ;s
prudence 1161,· an injury must be such that it does not fear revenge 15; human affairs always in
motion 210; affairs move gradually 924; human affairs cannot be balanced 211; no blame or praise
deservedfor necessary acts 1247; he cannot keep who does not gain 206; who wishes to learn must
te11117; falling man allowed to fall 1354; apushed man is supported by others 1354; where there
are men there is a way 131; everyone helps man who helps self1006; better to act and repent than
not to act 941; he who stands at last must.fa1l759;good men always poor 1160; goodness not enough
497; malice cannot be mastered or placated 425, 497; desperation comes back on him who despairs
146; no escape from danger without danger 1161; what cannot be resisted must be dodged 641;
weak start may produce big result 1368; opposites clarify each other 888; riches comefrom force or
fraud 116o; the weakestfare worst 116o; littlefaults punished, big ones rewarded 1159!; new things
soon dropped 1368; what has pleased cannot displease 879; to run away from things the way to get
them 1133; the best gift the means of learningfrom another's experience 10; discord produces good
laws 203; verifying takes time 133; truth wars on its teller 760; afirm gov't tither aprincedom or a
republic 106; to keep oldgov't easier than to form new one 1368; states go from good to bad, from
bad to good 1232; backward-'looking law dangerous 1143; be content with half apolitical victory
1202; there are no secure courses 84
Men desire the impossible 1355,· thinking to gain, men lose 399; those promising benefit
believed 751; men moved by hope ofgain rather than fear of loss 12°7; men want what they cannot
get 1117; not satisfied to get own, men covet more 1156; men do not limit their hopes 404,. men
feel obligation for benefits they confer 44; men blind to own vice, persecute vices ofothers 934; men
readier to ill than good 1375; everybody avoids evil 888, 1374; men bad except by necessity 88;
the inexperienced deceived 386; showy things feared at distance 1057,. men in fear try to gain
safety 289; revenge preferred to gratitude 1197; revenge seems profitable 257J' gratitude a bur"
den 257; no gratitude to him giving up convenience for others 927; those ungrateful to God are
unfriendly to their neighbors 173,· men not insane about life and property 431; the proud and
base are haughty in prosperity, abject in adversity 1306; man wise by day not held foolish by
night 557, 935; necessity makes men good 201; men do not return to old habits lOS; free man
INDEX
respects God and Church 1412; the more authority, the worse use 1120; courage admired
cowardice scorn~d 1199; no one can promise certainty in courage 441; men yield to those not eager
to take 385; good to be praised by praised man 903f.
No defense of country to be censured 1242; country loved more than soul 1010, 1150, 1438;
common good esteemed above private friendship 1106
Free men do good, not evil 1412; desires of free people aid liberty 203; men deceived in
generalities, not in particulars 292; where rtligion is, arms easily brought 224/; multitude fickle
26, 994, 1172, 1173, 1450; masses set in motion by accident 1315; weak men hesitate 361 ;
decisions find words 36of.; crowd readier to take other's property than to defend own 1207;
vexation at failure to gain as great as at loss 1252f.; property is more esteemed than honor 274;
victory causes thirstfor more 952; men better suited to keeping than to devising improvements 1148;
necessity drives men to the unintended 924; those who attempt more than victory often lose 1202;
men follow policy without knowing hidden perils 54; bad men abandon right through fear 1125,'
people will not follow liberator 1382; dangerous to try to free men preferring slavery 1184; men
never complain of habitual 1368; regainers of liberty more savage than preservers 256; the good
ruined among the many wicked 1177; two able kings in succession exalt a state 244; after strong
prince weak one can survive 245; individual passions act against public good 1276; powerful mask
evil with justice 1398; rivals easily make marriages but not friendship 1295
Men well ruled seek no other liberty 428; ruler's bestfortress not to be hated 8o; princes lose
positions when they break laws 427 gov't is to make subjects unable to harm or not to wish to 389
J' J'
princes who do not punish are held worthless 390; prince must have policy not needing change 39;
the strong prince can rely on his people 41 wise pri,1ces take thoughtfor future discords 16; he who
J'
has his own arms gets good effects 137,' good arms mean good gov't 202; only freely given authority
durable 1125; do not defer liberality 263; ruler must not make men despair 1096; do not risk all of
fortune, part offorces 248f, 950; to gain dominion without strength ruinous 380; no wise prince
puts himselfin another's power 1299; without necessity, prince should not endanger everything 904;
limbs ofstate follow head, not the reverse 1334; people wish what kings do 949; a lawgiver sup~
poses all men evil 201; unexpectedfavors secure peoples' support 41; the powerful easily deceive
weak 1347; do not take what cannot be held 133; do not spend your own money 61; foolishly cruel
princes cannot last 38; force and necessity keep princes to agreements 1258, 1413, 1442; benefits
do not erase injuries 34, 426; new benefits erase old injuries 917; he who makes another power~
fu1 is destroyed by him 20; prince~maker feared by prince 1240; a prince dependent on others
falls without support 1236; aprince attacked can hope for aid 1354; great men ashamed to lose,
not to gain by trickery 1304; men forestall rulers' ingratitude 1175; great men must be either
untouched or destroyed 1225; great men not arrested to be released 1270; do not injure aprince,
then trust him 166; subjects do not forget loss of property 484; rulers defend own property
with most courage 1191f; princes give new favors after old 987; not prudent to wish complete
victory 1096; do not negotiate the same thing in two places 139; aprince needs nobles 107; what
the ruler does his subjects do 494
Gov't firm when all have parts 115; a citizen has right to offer, uninjured, new laws 296;
good laws, good armies 47; afree state keeps citizens poor 486; pernicious in a republic to consult
non~oJficials 109; after emergency laws changed 1113; people and rich cannot agree 1093f.; no
tyrants rise in armed republic 48; cities surrender after experiencing tyrannical rule 1209; when
present desire satisfied,future ills not imagined 383; certain peace better than doubtful victory 1289;
offices do not renown men, men renown offices 515; power seized, not powergiven, causes hate 1204;
if no foreign enemy, one appears at home 379; to test security ofpeace, find the discontented 91 7;
on~ magistrate must not block public business 112; perilous to undertake office with high reputation
1355; objectionable customs hard to remove 594; republics are slow 92 4
By penitence men rise to Heaven 171; those fearing hunger and prison need not to fear Hell
1160; pope's ally is abandoned in defeat 1406; those ungrateful to God are ungrateful to their
INDEX
neighbors 173; one must imitate Saint Francis and Saint Jerome 174; men have interpreted our
religion according to sloth and not according to vigor 331,' the prelates do the worst they can, not
fearing God's punishment 422
Good man does not become tyrant 243; a wicked tyrant will not rule well 243; hostile damage
ends, tyrants oppression never 1242; people mOfe injured by domestic than by enemy's oppression
1243
Many rules for warfare 718ff.; mercenary armies dangerous 47; mercenaries give slow gains,
rapid losses 50; mercenaries live by war 1234,' mercenaries can be bribed 1215; wise princes choose
to lose with their own soldiers 52,' he who plans not to conquer should employ auxiliaries 52;
princes and republics with own arms make advances 48; best armies are those of peoples 925,'
where there are men there are soldiers 247; wars begun but not ended at will 1148; victory not to be
lost in hope ofgreater 402; victorious army formidable 387; do not give up certain victory for
uncertain good 1294; war won by defeating hostile army 1272; army brave through discipline
611; necessary wars just 94, 1241; war made where hostile army is 1272,' fortresses useful or not
according to times 80,392; infantry is the strength of an army 374; good infantry beaten only by
infantry 375f; stubbornness brings victory 363; movements succeed that enemy thinks impossible
1266; army with reserves must have Fortune unfavorable thrice 365; delay takes away opportunity
1106; speed takes away strength 1106; best remedy to do willingly what enemy tries to compel 656)'
leader to be obeyed must know how to command 480; artillery useless without valor 372; is attack
or defense better? 1191.; who gives cause for arms causes strife 1358. See also PROVERB
RULER See PRINCE
RUSCELLI, GIROLAMO editor of Mandragola 789, 80S
S
SAINT DOMINIC reformer 422; his order 1058
SAINT FRANCIS penance 174; reformer 422; trod in muddy places 972; his order 1058
SAINT JEROME penance 174
SAINT MARK See VENICE
SALI able sultan 245
SALLUST Jugurtha 344
SALVIATI, ALAMANNO requests Decennale 1444; preserved Florentine liberty
1444,' healed Flor.'s wounds 1453
SALVIATI, GIOVANNI DE' (Cardinal) Mach.'s friend 967
SAN CASCIANO topography 1330
SAMNITES turn to religion in distress 233f; religion fails 234; halfway measure after
Caudine Forks 391
SAN GIORGIO, BANK history, organization 1422f.
SAN GIOVANNI GUALBERTO his mantle 874
SAN LEO loyal to Montefeltro 137; captured from Borgia 123, 141, 164; strong by rock
and height 703
SAN MINIATO hill to be fortified 996f., 999
SAN PIERO AD VINCULA See JULIUS II; POPE
SAN SEVERINO, RUBERTO DA condottiere 50, 145, 1437; Florentine
condottiere 1371; condottiere at Genoa and Pisa 140off.; Venetian commander 1414;
condottiere for Innocent VIII against Naples 1426; flight to Ravenna 1427; killed 1429
SAN SISTO, CARDINAL See RIARIO
SANT' ANDREA IN PERCUSSINA Mach.'s farm 915,929, 1330
SAN ZANOBI his skull 874
SARACENS crusades against 1054; in Italy 1049, 1°52; in service of Frederick 111059;
attack Genoa 1081. See also TURKS
1506 INDEX
SATIRE natural to Mach. 752; offashionable society 865
SAVONAROLA unarmed prophet 27; Italian sins 48; Great Council 101; his gov't
111; able 22~ 288; broken own laws 288; ambitious and partisan spirit 289,' could not over"
come envious 497; voice of God 886JJ.,· prophecies 311, 886JJ.; sermon 886jJ.; to strengthen
his party 887f.; attack on Pope 889; adaptation to times 889; lies 889; crafty 972; power in
Flor. 1448
SAYINGS pithy in Flor. 1372. See also PROVERB; RULES, GENERAL
SCALI, GIORGIO deserted by mob 41, 1222; haughtiness rouses hatred 1171
SCIPIO AFRICANUS imitated Cyrus 57,' exacted oath to remain in Italy 224,' great
deeas 742; virtues 477f.; envied and ungratefully treated 259, 742f.; too compassionate 63f.;
found suitable times in Spain 897; reputation 221, 506; chastity in Spain 476, 701; out"
generaled Hasdrubal 657f; compared with Hannibal 896; plan for invading Africa 304;
and Hannibal in Africa 713; tactics at Zama 651f., 657; tactics of superior force 650;
tactics copied by Castruccio 539
SCULPTOR compared with statesman 225; good 724
SCULPTURE ancient 190; pagan, destroyed by Christians 340
SECRECY Borgia's 127; in war 674, 695f, 718; governmental, how penetrated 117
SECTS See RELIGION
SECURE prince to make himself 13!, 24, 34, 38, 40, 88, 89, 283, 438; secure policy ;m"
possible 84. See also EVIL
SEDITION See REBELLION
SELF",GOVERNMENT Romans allowed to conquered 383; by conquerea, advantages 384
SELF",RELIANCE Roman 17; Riero's 27; Borgia's 30; prince's 54, 64, 89; brings aid
from others 1006
SELIM, SULTAN killed bad adviser 508
SERRAVALLE site 54~' battle (fictitious) 547f
SERVITUDE See SLAVERY
SEVERITY policy for general 479JJ.; general's safer for state 482f.; Roman in punishment
527! See also CRUELTY
SFORZA (family) damaged by Castle of Milan 80; lose Milan 55
SFORZA, (MUZIO) ATTENDULO condottiere 49f.; duplicity 574; did damage
579; abandons Queen Joanna 1077
SFORZA, CATERINA (Countess of ForU) usedfortress 80; unpopular 157!; gesture
444, 1430; defense of ForIi 706; courage 1430; drivenfrom Forli 1450
SFORZA, COSTANZO condottierefor Flor. 1415
SFORZA, FRANCESCO career (1434) 12341J., (1434"'1440 ) 1245"1278, (144 1 '"
1466) 1289"1349; injured heirs with Castle of Milan 80) 393f, 896; keeps war alive
1258f., 1298; cruel, ambitious, arrogant 1308; evil deeds 574, 579; ingratitude to Milan
1308; treachery 1304, 1307, 1309, 1348; trickery 121 5, 1251) 1312) 1345f,' Viscontifavors
him when fearing him 1258). Fortune aids 1294, 1299; attempts to live peacefully as Duke
1346
SFORZA, GALEAZZO (Duke of Milan) military incompetence 1363; violates Lent
1372; evil life 1378f.; Piero de'Medicifavors alliance with 1352f; assassinated 443f, 1380jJ.
SFORZA, LODOVICO (Duke of Milan) loses Milan 13, 55, 88, 1450; regains
Milan 13, 1450; relations with France 105) 1446,' treachery 1419, 1429; his ambition
devastates Italy 1408, 1435; mover of Italy)s distress 1446
SFORZESCHI mercenary faction 1234; in Florentine army 1403
SIEGE discussed 7°3"718; how resisted 43; less profitable than field victory 416; Roman
methods 413ff.; may last years 1005; impotent (1452) 1320f See also DITCH; MINES
SIENA enmity to Flor. 385, 399, 1378) 1447; firm in Flor. friendship 1301; accepted only
INDEX 1507
weak Florentine aia 399; republic 309)' rulea by Petrucci 1432; quarrels in Petrucci family
735,738
SIGNS See PORTENT
SIMILE ( representatives) archers-imitation 24f.; army-falcon 1446; criminal-timid
lover 761; eagle-Fortune 749; Echo-a speaker without regardfor meaning 937; flavor-
human ability 93S;fiood-Fortune 748; Leander-hero of Ass 761; Icarus-ambition 763;
pitchers from Impruneta-false bride 856; roof-military protection 566; roots-continued
power 28; shoal-dangerous action 68, 436, 485, 497; sea-undecided man 940; sweets-
good 897; topographer-political observer 10!; tree-state 335; vulture-gossip 935.
See also METAPHOR
SIN Heaven condemns 881; men persecute what they have not 934; of men generally 171.ff.;
princes' 48; peoples' caused by ruler 493; believed deadly for states 763
SINGLE MAN See INDIVIDUAL
SINIGAGLIA Cesare Borgia exploits at 31,37, 163"169; topography 167
SITE See TOPOGRAPHY
SIXTUS IV, POPE courage 45, 1415; hostile to Flor. 1376f., 1384.ff., 1395f, 14°9,1412,
1415; hostile to Lorenzo the Magn!ficent 1375f.; forwards Pazzi conspiracy 1387.ff.;
ambition 1365; nepotism 1365; wickedness 1398!; pride and wrath 1412; death from sorrow
at peace 1421
SLANDER dangerous to state 214.ff.; dangerous to Flor. 216f.; Mach. does not mind 750
SLAVERY Flor. escapes 1412,1445; preferred in Flor. 1184; with Cosimo as prince 1221;
republics vary from, to license 1187; danger in attempting to free state from 1184; avoided by
deceit and courage 1160; ofstate 1440; worst disease of state 1242; weakens men 333; lot of
good men 1160; promoted by nobles 1187; under republics worst 333; of Italy 93, 926; of
Flor. 1157; of Pisa 24; of Rome 486; of Turkish olficials 21
SLOTH with Ambition 736; lays world waste 747; Italy's brings hard fate 737; burns
villages 763; ruins kingdoms 764. See also LETTERS; LUXURY
SODERINI, CARDINAL See VOLTERRA
SODERINI, GIOVAN BATTISTA poem on Fortune ltdicated to 745
SODERINI, NICCOLO wishes free gov't 1351,' patriotism 1355,' failure to meet
expectations 1355; revolt against Piero de'Medici 1356f.; exile 1364
SODERINI, PIERO gonfalonier for life 125, 311, 1453; steersman 1457,' befriended
people 30of; enemies should have copied his methods Joof; patriotism 892, 895,' mistaken
confidence 893; failure to adapt to times 453; could not extinguish envy with benefits 497;
no legal action against him possible 213; excuses for 301; wisdom and folly and ruin 425;
pun on name 1453; coat ofarms 1453; Mach.'s epigram on 1463; driven out 1°3, 213, 403;
flees from Flor. 894; Mach.'s letter to 895; in Rome 930
SODERINI, TOMMASO wisdom 1355; prudence and understanding offortune 1367)'
supports Medici rule 1367f.; on violence to Volterra 1374/; envoy to Milan and Venice
14°0; in charge during Lorenzo tht Magnificent's absence 1407
SOLDAN gov't like papacy 76; his empire 322; good gov't 194,· depends on soldiers 75;
sent envoys to Lorenzo the Mal.nificent 1434
SOLDIERS high qualities desirable 567; qualifications physical and mental s87f.; age 578,
583, 587; from city or country 583; every country produces 581; citizens, prefer peace to
war 578; only citizens in well ordered state 576, 581f; subjects of prince 286; civil occu"
pations 587; good material for 722; good when fighting for glory 286; more important than
gold 348; goodgetgold 35 of; stubborn victorious 363; selection or drafting 581ff., 588fJ.; how
l.eneral makes confident 66o, 662; good and bad, with general bad and good 462fJ.; generals'
popularity with, dangerous to state 483; Roman training 589; veteran and raw S89; habits
and dress 566; professional, dangerous 575, 577f.; profitingfrom war, do not desire peace 1011;
1508 INDEX
pay of299, 672f., 1271; must be paid or rob 698; favored above peopl~ by Borgia 124; rulers
must please 75; cruelty and greed 71; vices 582; bad reputation 567; modern, lazy 670;
modern, undisciplined 363; few in time ofpeace 578f.)· crowd together in danger 595f See
also ARMY; GENERAL(S); MERCENARIES
SOLON lawgiver 114, 199; founder of state 219
SONNET ON LOVE Se~ MACHIAVELLI, WORKS
SOUL Mach. loves Flor. more than 1010; Eight Saints valued city higher than 1150)· loved
less than city 1438
SPAIN united 228; wise gov't 90; Florentine ambassador to 116
SPAIN, KING OF See FERDINAND; etc.
SPANISH in Kingdom of Naples 32; in Italy 104). must be driven from Lombardy 997f.;
fail to attack Flor. 1002; armies, high reputation 598, 723; infantry at Barletta 600f.)·
infantry at Ravenna 95
SPARTA arms and freedom 48; good laws, long life 195f; gov't 199, 208jJ.; liberty 204;
free because armed 585; good soldiers 35 1; conqueror 23; without walls 397; effect of small
size 208, 234)· empire's collapse 210; ruined by expansion 762). conquered 748
SPEAR See PIKES
SPECTACLES See FESTIVITIES
SPEECH (oration) by Luigi Guicciardini on dissensions 1156; by a wool"worker on th~
poor 1159; by Benedetto Alberti on his exile 1177f.; summarized, by Rinaldo degli Albizzi
1193f.) 1195, 1208) 1222, 1225; by Rinaldo degli Albizzi 1230, 124if.f.; by Giovanni
de'Medici 1197, 1204; summarized, by Niccolo da Uzzano 1208f.)· by NiccolO da Uzzano
1219.fJ.; by Lucchese elder on resisting Flor. 1246ff.; by Lucchese asking aid from Filippo
Visconti 1249; by Neri Capponi in Venice 1260; by Count of Poppi when expelledfrom
his territory 1282!; by Neri Capponi to Count of Poppi 1283; by Milanese to treacherous
Sforza 1308ff.; by Gasparre da Vicomerato advising the Milanese to accept Sforza 1315f;
by Cosimo on Venetian complaints 13 1 7; by Piero de'Medici on taking arms 1358; on
Florentine avarice by Piero de'Medici 1366; by Tommaso Soderini on Piero de'Medici's
death 1367f.; by young Lorenzo the Magnificent on assuming the gov't 1368). by Lorenzo
the Magnificent on Pazzi conspiracy 1396f.; by Florentines before Sixtus IV 1412; by
Sixtus IV to Florentines 1412; on appropriating money 1439jJ.; free in Flor. 1128
SPEECH free in Flor. 1128
SPEED brings success 1161; in war 1374; foolish) in war 1106)· of French 397, 1450; of
Lorenzo the Magnificent 1434; ofSeverus 73; ofSforza 1262) 1267. See also SURPRISE
SPIRITS See INTELLIGENCES
SQUITTINI See BAGS
STARS itifluence B82, 1445
STATE perfect impossible 209; small but solid 553; rjJect of size 208JJ.)· defended by
inhabitants 585f.; united, is free 1125). free hard to subjugate 23; free) benefits from un"
recognized 236; organized for permanence 226; well organized, improves 322; founded on
military power 500, 566; protected by force and prudence 1439.ff.; when made rich by
victory 1284; not free when a citizen is feared 259; disunited, not therefore easily taken
398!)· new 12, 24J 27, 34J 962; dissatisfied subjects 79; to look only to prince as head 962;
princ~ occupies subjectl attention B2, 84; 909). unarmed weak at heart 411; destroyed by
lack of arms or prudence 1439.ff.; vicissitudes 1445; maladies of curable 14, 1242; disunited,
is a slave 1125; how enemy exploits 399; its business not to be blocked by one o.ffic~r 298;
reformed has partisan enemies 235; founder oj, famous 220; controlled for security 788,
1151). development of ambition in 919. See also GOVERNMENT; PRINCE; REMEDY;
REPUBLICS
STINCHE Florentine prison 766, 840, 1097; new prisons (1304) 1106
INDEX
STORM in Tuscany, destruction by 1329.fJ.
STRATAGEM in battle 651, 653!; for dividing hostile forces 697; and deception 694,,69 8;
ancient examples 699! See also FRAUD; WAR
STRATEGY See GENERAL(S); TACTICS; etc.
STROZZI, LORENZO Art of War dedicated to 566f.
SUBJECTS gained by liberality 1133; faithful when defended and punished 1441; unfaithful
1440; not able to do harm, not wishing to 389f; injured by successful war 1284; dependent on
prince 79; dissatisfied 79; as soldiers 51; to be disarmed? 77f; of republics 336f.; conciliation
1375; Flor. acquires by runningfrom them 1133, 1209. See CITIZENS
SUCCESS requires adaptation to times 90f; from ability, not method 481; no method for
896f,0 many s. wiped out by one failure 305, 743
SULTAN depends on soldiers 75; sought Lorenzo the Magn!ficent's favor 1434; to invade
Italy 880. See also TURK
SUPERSTITION army kept from battle by 658; modern and ancient 699. See also
PORTENT
SURPRISE success of 653,· precautions against 674; capture of city 712
SUSPICION by conspirators 442; mother of Ingratitude 740; awake in city 741; causes
hate 1384. See also FEAR
SWISS armed andfree 48;gainedfreedom 379.ff.; poor597,916; army 52; why mercenaries 338;
hired as mercenaries by Louis Xl 53!; no Roman empire 925; good soldiers 723; infantry
378, 598,. phalanx 596, 628; arms 597; halberds with pikes 629; length of pikes 641;
punishment ofguilty soldier 690; like Romans 919; order of battle 638f; firmness before
artillery 638; masters of modern war 366; selection 589; victory at Novara 376; will gain
tributaries 952; beaten at Marignano 387; defeated by Carmignuola at Arbedo 599f; insult
Italy 50; power in Lombardy 918f, 1443; danger to Italy 920, 924jJ., 952; will bridle
Italy 924; capture Milan 386; power in Milan 942f; save Ferdinand after Ravenna 905;
system of gov't 952; league 335!; brutal, victorious, proud922; greedy 917; ambitious 951;
how Church would affect 229. See also GERMANS
SYRACUSE .freedom 238; hesitation in policy 361; Agathodes 35
T
TACITUS CORNELIUS Annals 54,· men should endure bad rulers 428; on severity
474
TACTICS adaptability 648f.; military, new 95[; variations 651; superior force applied
650; infantry 95f; Castruccia's 546JJ., 551; Roman 539; battalion 611,,619. See also
ARMY; etc.
TARO RIVER battle at Fornovo 95, 826f., 1446f.
TAUNTS See INSULTS
TAXES reasonable S9jJ., 84; cause complaints against rulers (1442) 1191; decreased for
poor, to get favor 1197; inequality in 120If.; Medici weapon 1238; property (1427) revived
1339; heavierfor rich, laid on property 1201; heavyfor rich 1194; violently collected 1194f;
objections to 1194f; on rich 299; excessive, caused by mercenary soldiers 1285; after successful
war 1284; Macho's 943. See also CATASTO
TEACHING good man's duty 324; by history 56, 1°31
TEGRIMI Life of Castruccio 533"559
TEMERITY See RASHNESS
TEMPERAMENT See NATURE
TEMPORIZING about ills in state 265!,1219; unavoidable evils 275; bad when weak 16.
See also DELAY; TIME
1510 INDEX
TERENCE quotea937
TERROR See FEAR
THESEUS able prince 25, 93f; founder of Athens 192
THREATS princes should avoid making 429, 438; make enemies cautious 400
THUCYDIDES History 468
TIBULLUS Mach.'s reading.928
TIME father of Truth 144, 201; wise use of 264; right for action 162, 879, 1151jJ., 1196;
right for delivering Italy 93; never perfect for action 1152; brinls good and ;11998; failure
to use 540, 1227; wise prince asks speedy deds;on 523; causes changes 339f, 1207; required
infighting allies 458f; lost 1443; favors whom? 1354; Flor. prays for 1442; trusts Lucca
1246. See also FORESIGHT; FORTUNE; TEMPORIZING
TIMES adaptation to 9°/,452/,897,938,1443,. variable, not to be relied on 998, 1442; polici
adapted to 450/, 1196; men do not change with 897; never quiet 991; troubled, an advantage
991) demand bold decisions (1526) 994; old men on good old times 321; may do injury 573.
See also ANTIQUITY; PRESENT
TIMOLEON good prince 221; kept Syracuse free 238
TOLENTINO, GIOVANNI FRANCESCO DA papal condottiere 1388
TOLENTINO, NICCOLO DA Florentine condottiere 1235
TOPOGRAPHY Mach.'s interest 10, 727lJ., 1265, 1274; learned by experience 56, 517;
general must know 56, 516jJ., 69 2; in war 370, 6°4, 638, 642, 674, 677, 679, 687, 692;
7°2, 716,719; choice ofbattlefield 648.ff.; ground not suited to cavalry 6041 650; Castruccio's
use in battle 546; of city 210; effect on Reman",Parthian war 603; of Verona 1265; Castle
San Niccolo 1276. See also MAps; TOPOGRAPHY
TORTURE legal 1013, 1162
TOWERS in Flor. 1084,. end of13th cent. 1097; in civil war 1136; of Bard; 1138; lowered
to take heavy guns 729; in Lucca 538, 544, 559
TRAGEDY Mach. as writer of987
TRAINING physical, makes swift, agile, strong 60S; of soldiers 56, 645JJ., 723; of Roman
soldiers 60sf; modern to be like Roman 606f.; of battalion and brigade 610f. See also
DISCIPLINE; EDUCATION
TRAITOR assists conqueror 23)' in army to be deceived 695; trusted by ruler ofLucca 1207f.
TREACHERY precautions against 701)· city taken by 544; political 1197; by Astorre
Gianni 1210f; exiles complain of Medici in Venice 1362
TREATY reasonable, not to be rejected 403; made impossible by offensive acts SOlf.; unwise
248. See also ALLIANCE
TRUCE better than victory 1374,· arrogant rejection of 402.ff.
TRUTH wars on him telling it 760
TRUTHS (general) See RULES, GENERAL
TURK, GRAND See SULTAN
TURKS invasion feared 796) 974, 1005, 1365, 1428; ready to invade Italy 880) 1329;
crusade 1329) 1333) 1341) 1349; galleys against 1412; capture Otranto (1480) 1410;
in Italy 1413f.; rescue Duke ~f Calabria at Campomorto 1416; galleys near Italy (15 16)
965; Venetian truce with 1402; against Venice 1449; capture of Constantinople 1442;
attack on Eastern Empire 1254; in Greece 14; empire hard to conquer, easy to hold 21;
excellence 322f.; use of artillery 372
TUSCANY ancient) freedom of 328; League 335f, 339JJ.; equality 309; republics 309;
jealousy among republics 460; citizen soldiers 5go; revolts from Flor. and returns 1133;
Borgia in 1451; topography below Flor. 873; farms 92 7f) 978JJ., 1006f.
TYRANNY nature 20; difficult in free city 1124; results from desire for freedom 282;
steps toward 290f.; inevitable in corrupt city 238; comes from mob rule 1194/; bad gov)t
INDEX 1511
197/; displeases good men 1187; makes conquest easy 24,' not caused by dictator 267,'
supporters of 235,' hated by Benedetto Alberti 1177; attempts at suppressed in Rome 493;
domestic, worse than foreign 1243
TYRANT origin, development 265.ff.; gets people's support 41, 236f., 283,. seeks popular
support 1127; people give him authority against rich 282, 544; prudent, keeps laws 237;
wins support offew rich 40, 283; cannot please rich 237; devices against hostile populace 283,.
uses kindness too late 1131,. potential, wins favor 483/,' conditions fitted for becoming 450f,'
set up without blood 448; conciliatory policy 544; should make sweeping changes 253.ff.;
secure with few enemies 1124; fears supporters 1126,' trusts foreign arms 1126,' does not
benefit subjects 329, 1125; does financial injury 1379,' state stagHates under 329; falls
through injury to women 63, 67, 489, 1379; destroyer ofculture 220f; will not do right 243;
produced by ingratitude 743; methods ofpreventing his rise 3°°,' not secure through violence
1125,' supporters become enemies 1124,' to be killed 1379,' potential, uses mercenaries 585;
mercenary soldier becomes 575; weak men curse him but do not act 431,' conspiracy again$t, for
liberty 430,' fear of tyrant in Flor. 1220,' could control Flor. with San Miniato 1000; of
Lucca fears people 1208; pope should destroy 1399; in papal city 1070. See also PRINCE;
POWER
u
UBERTI, FARINATA DEGLI preserves Flor. 1088
UGUCCIONE See FAGGIUOLA
UNITY political necessity 228,' of many against one difficult 953; did not avail Venice 1461,'
in new state 31, 962; in Flor. 1196
URBINO Borgia's conquest 122/, 712, 1452; loyal to Montefeltro 136; fortresses 141;
dislikes Borgia's rule 164; count of, mercenary leader 1216. See also MONTEFELTRO;
ROVERE
USURY in Fortune's palace 747. See also GREED
UZZANO, NICCOLO DA policy about Cosimo 265; warns against Giovanni
de'Medici 1188, 1196; advises againstforce 1196; party 1198; opposes Lucchese war 1207Jf.;
speech 1208f; opposes unlawful methods 1218
v
VAlLA. (Agnadello, Ghiaradadda) Venice defeated by French 50, 78,95, 4991, 1461
V ALDICHIANA On the Method ofDealing with 161; rebellion 163,39°, 491,1453
VALENTINO See BORGIA, CESARE
V ALORI, FRANCESCO ambition 213; patriotism, poverty 1438
V ARCHI, BENEDETTO Ereolano 786, 811, 817, 837
VARIATION of earthly things 762; Fortune requires 91, 452, 1443. See also CHANGE;
CYCLE
VARIETY in Nature 961
VEGETIUS on war 588
VEHEMENCE See RASHNESS
VENAFRO, ANTONIO DA able minister 85; visits Borgia 127; at Magione 164
VENICE history 192, 1067.ff., 1081; easy conquest of servile neighbors 460; preserves liberty
204; her gentlemen 310; rated high among republics 268; best gov't in Italy 1067; provision
for emergencies 268; laws to restain powerful 297; long life of gov't 207f; officers hold
office until successors chosen 298; not saved by justice 1461; ambitious 29, 736, 762, 1441,
1460)' relations with Flor. 473) 12°3, 1238, 1250, 1258J!., 1312~1317, 1353, 1361.ff.,
1512 INDEX
1399,14°9, 1441}f., 1448f; and the Church 91, 145J 229, 523J g08; and France 17J 84J 955J
990,' and the Sforzas 1249, 1252, 1255J 1272J 1298ff., 13°7, 1311 , 13 17ff., 1326f., 1353,
1418; and the Visconti 1257f, 1297f; enmity to Borgia 124; battle of Vaila and loss oj
empire 50, 659, 924J 1069, 1461 )' loses war, gains in treaty 45 8f, 1307J 1418f) 1429;
defeated at Caravaggio 1305f; power in Italy 45, 1441; in Apulia 1447; attacks Ferrara
12; in Lombardy 19, 738, 1314, 1449f, 1461 ; desires Pisa 1448; in Romagna 144f,
148f., 151, 1455; saved by waters 411; naturally timid, adverse to battle 1305J 1457)'
arrogant in good fortune, abject in bad 499!, 1306; variation of Fortune 501; foolish stub~
bornness 303; defeated though wealthy 350; weaker by conquest 380; bought allies 410;
gain of empire a miracle 92 4; does not give low office after high 271; foolish policy (1508)
459; Mach.'s low opinion of her power 92 4; League of Cambrai against 1460; folly in hir~
ing mercenaries 49, 586; suspicious of condottieri 1286; hampers generals 418; without
native generals 924; fear citizen general 584; her citizen army 725; military weakness
(1514) 949; soldiers at Fornovo 1446; Saint Mark needs sword not book 739; spice trade
1341; Mach. in 981
VERNACCI, CIOVANNI letters to 913!, 944, 963, 965, 968jJ.
VERONA war near 738, 1259}f., 1266f.; topography 1265; Mach. in 889
VERRUCOLA Pisanfortress 782
VETTORI, FRANCESCO on Maximilian 161; on religion 170,' letters to 898~1011
VETTORI, PACOLO (PAOLO) favor with Leo X 962f.; papal captain 965;
aided by Clement VII 985
VICE See SIN
VICES necessary, to be disregarded 58, 66; listed 58, 173!; valuable 59; disappearance
wished 880
VICTORY ways of coming 958; when beneficial 1284; causes thirst for another 952; speed
in exploiting 655; carelessness after 655f; makes army formidable 387f; certain, given up
for uncertainty 1294; enough when partial 403; result ofstubbornness 363; through starvation
693; when injurious 1284,1375; assured byjoining one side 958; worse than truce 1374;fruits
lost by mercenaries 1280f
VICOR Romans' 17; should accompany ambition 739
VILLA See TUSCANY
VIRGIL Aeneid 62, 247, 1005
VIRTU meaning 11. See also COURAGE; FORTUNE; VIRTUE; WISDOM
VIRTUE moral, not extinguished 880; against Fortune 90, 745; causes hatred 72; denied
to Agathocles 36; will bring back golden age 880
VIRTUES listed 58, 66, 173; when injurious 59, 72; abandoned in necessity 66; praised
58; Roman 487f. See also PRINCE
VISCONTI, BERNABO striking actions 82; career 1066~1073
VISCONTI, FILIPPO (Duke of Milan) career 239, 399f, 1076, 1186~1299; fails to
follow Fortune 1235; Florentine exiles ask aid 1241.ff.; trickery 1286, 1294; to avoid
rewarding friends, saves enemies 1289; distrusts traitor to native land 1240
VISCONTI, CIOVAN GALEAZZO use of fraud 357; ambitious for Italian
kingdom 1°73, 1°79, 1178; conspires with Florentine exiles 1184
VITELLESCHI, GIOVANNI (Patriarch) ambitious minister 1229, 1253, 1269JJ.
VITELLI (family) relations with Borgia 52, 121, 124, 128, 133, 137, 163.ff.; urge him to
attack Flor. 121; attend council at Magione 163; Flor. hates 164
VITELLI, NICCOLO demolishedfortresses in his city 80,896
VITELLI, PAULO (PAGOLO) mercenary 49; executed by Flor. 166, 1450
VITELLI, VITELLO Florentine condottiere 996
INDEX
VITELLI, VITELLOZZO and Cesare Borgia 122, 132, 163ff., 1454; Liverotto's
teacher 38; calf's second horn 1454; friend to Medici 135; enemy to Flor. 13if., 1451
VOLTERRA topography 1205, 1374f; conspiracy against ruler 1205; rebellions 120sf,
1373!; sacked by mercenaries 1375
VOLTERRA, CARDINAL OF and Mach. 151,901f; and Cesare Borgia 145f,
148, 150, ISS, 162
w
WALL of Flor., 14th cent. 1093; of Flor., modernizing 995f, 998jJ.,0 model of 999f;
Mach. and wall of Flor. 727"734, 995"1000; city wall how built 703ff.; no obstruction
near 728; jlankingfire from 703. See also SIEGE
WANTS See DESIRES
WAR Art of 561"726; displeases God 880; continual in Mach.'s time 991; not aprofession
for the good 573; causes 210, 347, 758; made with steel, not gold 349f; good soldiers, not
riches, sinews 35°1,719; necessa"y: good soldiers, wise generals,fortune 351; demands wealth
351; prince's business 55, 245; states must have own armies 246; just when necessary 94,
461, 1242,. for necessity and glory 576; not to be avoided 17, 19; devices for bringing on 348;
last resort 4031; purpose of1284; brings poverty to victor 38o,. brought Flor. poverty 1203;
well managed by Florentine Ten of War 278; where there are men, there are soldiers 246f.;
begun but not ended at will 1149; ancient methods good 342f, 366, 377, 454, 572f; Italian
feeble 1233; safety in 51, 1280; armed countries strong at home 356; requires many soldiers
579; attack or defense better? 353ff., 1192; enterprises thought impossible succeed 1266;
bad methods 51, 1284f; knowledge of enemy's plans 472; mistakes irremediable 606;
field victory more profitable than siege 416; season for 1271; necessary to condottieri 1286;
necessity in 459JJ.; invader cannot avoid battle 457; mercenary defeat not serious 1280; do
notforward enemy's plans 1273; stratagems 465f,526f.; naval 586, 720; defeat or victory as
general believes 472f; horrors of near Verona 738; destruction in 1246; gain from 341f)·
how to judge winner 948, 950, 958; in Italy inevitable (1526) 992; on Lucca, thought
easy, profitable, just 1208; aphorisms on 718jJ. See also ARTILLERY; BATTLE;
MILITARY; RULES, GENERAL; SOLDIERS; SPEED; WINTER WARFARE; etc.
WEALTH prince respects subjects' 62, 67, 84, 475; seizing makes prince hated 484;
necessary in war 351; not sinews of war 348f, 720; Croesus', impotent in war 349f;
cannot buy friendship 409; weaker than friendship 1171; does not conquer enemies 606;
despised in Rome 487; spent for glory 1243; attained by force or fraud 1160; obtainedfrom
princes 985ff.; booty in war 671f. See also RICH
WICKEDNESS noble, rare 254f; princedom gained by 35.ff.; usual 1177; infamous 220
WINE of Val di Greve and Poppi 759; brought Gauls to Italy 336, 345
WINTER WARFARE censured 702f, 1456; refused by mercenaries 51; refused by
Sforza 1268, 1271; campaign by Sforza 1314; campaign by Piccino 1287; disastrous for
French on Garigliano 702, 1456
WISDOM (prudence) implied in Prince 38,. in gaining kingdom 11; prudent man's duty
911; through observing others' dangers 1443; versus Fortune 89JJ., 534, 897; requires
adaptation to times 91). never found 91, 897; not to gamble entire property 959; in necessity
is rashness 1161; frees Italy from French 1447; of Lorenzo the Magn!ficent 1434; not
enough to protect city 1439.ff.; Savonarola's definition 887; wise men ofFlor. in sarcasm 78,
490, 585. See also ABILITY; RULES, GENERAL
WIT vogue in Flor. 1372
WOMEN ruler must not injure 63, 67,198; causefall oftyrant 489,1379; rjJects on state 488;
of various countries 779J· not in Roman armies 6g1
1514 INDEX
WORLD See AFFAIRS, HUMAN
WRITERS fame 220; ongov't 374; on lives ofprinces 1346; praise ability of republics 6Z2j;
on warfare 374, 581, 5871 606, 626. See also DE REGIMINE PRINCIPUM; HIS"
TORIANS
x
XENOPHON Life of Cyrus 57,357, 476, 48z ) 516; On Tyranny 329
y
YOUNG MEN able, approved z65; war their business 626; in Venice speak first 626;
favored by Fortune 746
YOUTH See AGE

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Non in exercitu J nee in ToboTe ...

Duke University Press Durham and London 1989

Printed in the United States of America

ADVICE TO RAFFAELLO GIROLAMI WHEN HE WENT AS

THE LECATI0 NS (parts of Jispat,hts tk/lUng with Cesare Borgia) 120

ON THE METHOD OF DEALING WITH THE REBELLIOUS

VOLUME TWO Pagt

THE LIFE OF CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANI OF LUCCA 533

ARTICLES FOR A PLEASURE COMPANY 865

TWO SONNETS TO GIULIANO, SON OF LORENZO

A THIRD SONNET TO GIULIANO 101 5

VOLUME THREE Page

THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE 1025

THE NATURES OF FLORENTINE MEN 1436

facing pagt 136

facing page 546

following page 726

facing pagt 876

facing pagt 1114

TUTTE LE OPERE STORICHE E LETTERARIE DI NICCOLO

Union and prosperity are impossible while Cosimo de'Medici lives in

TO THE MOST HOLY AND BLESSED FATHER

two causes (with all respect to them) appear to me wholly unworthy

[FROM THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE TO 1434]

[Barbarian invasions. 375-439]

[Barbarian conquests. 440-600]

back in Rome, since Maximus was dead, they made A vitus, a

prince or government, not through any external force but merely

of their avarice or natural cruelty. Living, then, in the midst of so

[Charlemagne; the Pope's ttmporal power. 768-844]

in the year of the Christian religion 93 I. But when the Empire

the whole population of Rome marched against them. The Tuscu;,

Pope Alexander meanwhile had gone to Tusculum, summoned

[Frederick II) Emperor and King of Naples. 1190-1218]

[Frederick II as Emperor; Guelfs and Ghibellines. 1212-1243]

In Italy things were then going as follows. The Romans elected

[Manfred King ofNaples; Ezzolino)' Charles ofAnjou. 1243-1268]

Italy remained quiet until the papacy was assumed by Adrian V.

restored to that province after the death ofManfred. Charles yielded

Besides this, Boniface deprived two Colonna cardinals of their

Boniface founded the Jubilee in 1300 and planned that it should

suIting behavior of the Germans, and cautiously kept encouraging

peror, would become her master, he decided to gain the friendship of

celebrated every fifty years. After he had so decreed, the Romans as

[The effects of cultivation on unhealthy regions]

It is very true, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the

in comfortable and easily accessible spots. The security, then, that

man emperors, as in our general treatment we have shown. In those

Florence was in these turmoils until the time of Frederick II.

inhabitants to Florence. These expeditions were all made on the

had to return to Naples, he left in Florence as the King's vicar Count

the Scali, the Gherardini, the Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostichi, Gian.-'

[The Whites, including Dante) exiled. 1302]

So in Florence both parties continued, and each was discontented: