Natural Selection and The Emergence of Mind
Natural Selection and The Emergence of Mind
Natural Selection and The Emergence of Mind
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It is a great honour to have been invited to give the first Darwin Lecture
at Darwin College, in Cambridge, which of all Universities is most closely
connected with Charles Darwin and the Darwin family.
When I received the invitation, I was worried whether or not I should
accept it. I am not a scientist; nor am I a historian. There are Darwin schol-
ars devoted to studying his life and his times; but I have done nothing of the
kind. For these reasons, I suppose I ought to have declined the invitation.
Yet it was an extremely kind and pressing invitation; and those who invited
me were obviously well aware of the fact that I was neither a biologist nor a
Darwin scholar, but simply an amateur. In the end I did accept, choosing as
my topic a theme which, I believe, is closely linked to two of Darwin's central
interests: natural selection; and the evolution of mind.
However, in the first Darwin Lecture a few words should be said about
Charles Darwin himself, even by one who has no special qualifications to
speak of him. So I may just as well start by saying that Darwin's face and
Darwin's name belong to my earliest childhood memories. In my father's
study in Vienna there were two striking portraits, the portraits of two old
men. They were the portraits of Arthur Schopenhauer and of Charles Dar-
win. I must have questioned my father about these two men, even before I
had learned to read. Schopenhauer's portrait was interesting, though I was
not very attracted by it. But Darwin looked most attractive. He had a long
white beard, even longer than my father's beard, and he wore a strange dark
cloak, a kind of raincoat without sleeves. He looked very friendly and very
quiet, but a little sad, and a little lonely. It was the well-known photograph
taken in 1881, when he was seventy two, a year before his death. This is how
it is that I have known Darwin's face and name for as long as I can remem-
1 The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin, edited by his son Francis Darwin, John
Murray, London, 1887 (subsequently cited as L. L.), volume II, p. 219. The portrait of
Darwin described in the lecture forms the frontispiece to volume III.
2 L. L., volume I, p. 47.
6 C. H. Waddington, "Evolution
Darwin: volume I - The Evolution of Life, Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1960,
pp. 381-402; see p. 385.
7 Objective Knowledge , Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1972, p. 241.
We may start from the remark that, for sufficiently small and reproduc-
tively isolated populations, the Mendelian theory of genes and the theory of
mutation and recombination together suffice to predict, without natural selec-
tion, what has been called "genetic drift". If you isolate a small number of
individuals from the main population and prevent them from interbreeding
with the main population, then, after a time, the distribution of genes in the
gene pool of the new population will differ somewhat from that of the orig-
inal population. This will happen even if selection pressures are completely
absent.
In its most daring and sweeping form, the theory of natural selection
would assert that all organisms, and especially all those highly complex
organs whose existence might be interpreted as evidence of design and, in
addition, all forms of animal behaviour, have evolved as the result of natural
selection; that is, as the result of chance-like inheritable variations, of which
the useless ones are weeded out, so that only the useful ones remain. If for-
mulated in this sweeping way, the theory is not only refutable, but actually
refuted. For not all organs serve a useful purpose: as Darwin himself points
out, there are organs like the tail of the peacock, and behavioural pro-
grammes like the peacock's display of his tail, which cannot be explained by
9 See under "making comes before matching" in the index of E. Gombrich Art
and Illusion, Phaedon, London, 1960 and later editions.
3. Huxley's Problem
The denial of the existence of mind is a view that has become v
fashionable in our own time: mind is replaced by what is called
behaviour". Darwin lived to see the revival of this view in the nineteenth cen-
tury. His close friend, Thomas Henry Huxley, proposed the thesis that ani-
mals, including men, are automata. Huxley did not deny the existence of con-
scious or subjective experiences, as do now some of his successors; but he
denied that they can have any effect whatever on the machinery of the human
or animal body, including the brain.
"It may be assumed", Huxley writes, 13 ". . . that molecular changes in the
brain are the causes of all the states of consciousness . . . [But is] there any
evidence that these states of consciousness may, conversely, cause . . . mole-
cular changes [in the brain] which give rise to muscular motion?" This is
Huxley's problem. He answers it as follows: "I see no such evidence . . .
[Consciousness appears] to be related to the mechanism of . . . [the] body
simply as a collateral product of its working . . . [Consciousness appears] to
be . . . completely without any power of modifying [the] working [of the
body, just] as the steam-whistle ... of a locomotive engine is without influ-
ence upon its machinery."
Huxley puts his question sharply and clearly. He also answers it sharply
and clearly. He says that the action of the body upon the mind is one-sided;
12 See also p. 540 of J. C. Eccles and K. R. Popper, The Self and Its Brain, Sprin-
ger-Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg, London, New York, 1977.
13 See T. H. Huxley, "On the hypothesis that animals are automata, and its
history" (1874), chapter 5 of his Method and Results , Macmillan, London, 1893, pp.
239-40. While the passage quoted in the text refers to animals, Huxley follows it up,
a few pages later, by saying . . to the best of my judgment, the argumentation which
applies to brutes holds equally good of men; and, therefore, ... all states of conscious-
ness in us, as in them, are immediately caused by molecular changes of the brain-
substance. It seems to me that in men, as in brutes, there is no proof that any state
of consciousness is the cause of change in the motion of the matter of the organism . . .
We are conscious automata . . ." (ibid., pp. 243-4). I have discussed these views of
Huxley's in my paper "Some Remarks on Panpsychism and Epiphenomenalism", in
volume 31, Nos 1-2, 1977, pp. 177-86, of this journal , and in my contribution to The
Self and Its Brain (see note 12 above).
Darwin's view of the matter was very different. In his book on The
Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals he had shown in great
detail how the emotions of men and of animals can and do express them-
selves in muscular movements.
One direct reply of Darwin's to his friend Huxley, whom he greatly admir-
ed and loved, is most characteristic. A charming letter to Huxley written three
weeks before Darwin's death, closes with a characteristic mixture of tender-
ness, irony and wit: 14 "... my dear old friend. I wish to God there were
more automata in the world like you."
In fact, no Darwinist should accept Huxley's one-sided action of body
upon mind as the solution of what is called the mind-body problem. In his
Essay of 1844, in his Origin of Species , and even more so in his much larger
manuscript on Natural Selection , Darwin discussed the mental powers of ani-
mals and men; and he argued that these are a product of natural selection.
Now if that is so, then mental powers must help animals and men in the
struggle for life, for physical survival. It follows from this that mental powers
must be able to exert in their turn an important influence on the physical
actions of animals and men. Animals and men could not, therefore, be auto-
mata in Huxley's sense. If subjective experiences, conscious states, exist -
and Huxley admitted their existence - we should, according to Darwinism,
look out for their use, for their adaptive function. As they are useful for liv-
ing, they must have consequences in the physical world.
Thus the theory of natural selection constitutes a strong argument against
Huxley's theory of the one-sided action of body on mind and for the mutual
interaction of mind and body. Not only does the body act on the mind - for
example, in perception, or in sickness - but our thoughts, our expectations,
and our feelings may lead to useful actions in the physical world. If Huxley
had been right, mind would be useless. But then, it could not have evolved,
no doubt over long periods of time, by natural selection.
My central thesis here is that the theory of natural selection provides a
strong argument for the doctrine of mutual interaction between mind and
body or, perhaps better, between mental states and physical states.
15 If, as Spinoza says, the order and connection of things is the same as the
order and connection of ideas, then the order and connection of ideas is, from an
evolutionary or Darwinian point of view, clearly redundant for the identity theorist.
16 See Herbert Feigl, The 'Mental' and the ' Physical ' University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis, 1967, p. 138. I have made a small change to the wording.
17 See Ernst Mayr, Evolution and the Diversity of Life , The Belknap Press,
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1976, p. 23.