MAO TSETUNG'S

IMMORTAL
CONTRIBUTIONS
 MAO TSETUNG'S
II IMMORTAL

CONTRIBUTIONS
RCP Publications
P.O. Box 3486
Merchandise Mart
Chicago, IL 60654 BY BOB AVAKIAN

RCP PUBLICATIONS
Paperback Edition ISBN 0·89851·046·5 CHICAGO. IL
Cloth Edition ISBN 0·89851-045-7
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 79·88177
"Chairman Mao Delivering e Report at a Cadre's Meeting in
Yenan on Rectifying the Party's Style of Work" (Chinese pencil
s ketch)
 PUBLISHER'S NOTE
Moo Tsetung's Immortal Contributions was originally published
as a series of seven articles in Reuolution, Organ of the Central
Committee of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA. Written
by Bob Avakian, Chairman of the RCP Central Committee. they
appeared in the pages of Reuolution between April, 1978 and
January, 1979. The dec.ision to write these articles was part of the
process of making public the line of the RCP on the 1976 revi·
sionist coup in China and was crucial in upholding the banner of
Mao Tsetung at a time when he has come under attack from
various quarters.
The first four chapters of the book were written prior to t he
publication of t he Central Committee Statement and the Mao
Tsetung Memorial Meetings of September 1978, where the Party·s
analysis of the 1976 revisionist coup in China against Mao's line
and the Four (Wang Hung·wen, Chang Chun-chiao, Chiang Ching
and Yao Wen-yuan) who Jed in upholding it was made public. The
last three chapters were written after September 1978 and thus
speak openly against the revisionist line of the current Chinese
rulers. In preparing the articles for publication in book form. the
author has made son1e minor changes in the original manuscript.

May Day, 1979

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter 1
REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRlES . . 1

Chapter 2
REVOLUTIONARY WAR AND MILITARY LINE 39

Chapter 3
POLITICAL ECONOMY. ECONOMIC POLICY
AND SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

Chapter 4
PHILOSOPHY ................................... 131

Chapter 5
CULTURE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE .. .. . • , .. . 199

Chapter 6
CONTINUING THE REVOLUTION UNDER
THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT . 245

Chapter 7
CONCLUSION: MAO TSETUNG, THE GREATEST
REVOLUTIONA RY OF OUR TIME . . . .. ... . ........ 311

Footnotes ............................•.............. 329

 Chapter 1

REVOLUTION I N
COLONIAL COUNTRIES

Mao Tsetung was the greatest revolutionary. the greatest

Marxist-Leninist leader, of our time. For more than 50 years he led
the Chinese people in mo11umentaL struggles a.11d provided inspira·
tion and illumination to the working class and oppressed people in
every country. Under his guidance China was transformed from a
backward preserve of imperialism into the most adva11ced strong·
hold of the international proletariat in the fight against im·
perialism a11d reaction, the beacon and bastion of the world revolu·
tion. Mao Tsetung's contributions to the revolutionary movement
worldwide, to the revolutiona.r y science of the international work·
it1g class, Marxism-Leninism, and to its historic mission of
abolishing all class distinctions and usheri11g in the communist era
are indeed immortal.
Making revolution in a country like China-a co/cnial (or semi·
colonial) country with the world's largest population and a vast
territory, carved up by various imperialists and contending
domestic reactionaries allied with them-and advancing that
revolution to socialism was an unprecedented achievement of the
Chinese people which radically changed not only China itself but
the face of the entire world. This Mao led them in doing. through
decades of arduous and tortuous struggle, by concretely applying
the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism to the concrete
situa tion in China, in the context of the world revolution. And in so
doing he enriched these principles.
This, the first chapter of this book on Mao's contributions, will
specifi.cally focus on the basic questions of Marxist theory and
strategy concerning revolution in colonial countries which Mao
Tsetung applied and enriched in leading the Chinese people in win·
ning liberation and advancing to socialism, in particular his
develcpment of the line of new-democratic revolutioTL

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2 IMMORTAL CONTRlBUTl ONS REVOLU'l'ION IN COLON I AL COUNTR IES 3

Mar x ond Engels Complete isolation was the prime condition of the preservation of old
China. That isolation having come to a violent end by the medium of
England, dissolution must follow as surely as that of any mummy careful-
To better understand Mao 's contributions, first it is necessary to ly preserved in a hermetically sealed coffin, whenever it is brought into
review the development of Marxism and Leninism on the question contact with the open air. Now, England having brought about the revolu-
of national and colonial oppression, national revolution and revolu- tion of China. the question is how that revolution will in time react on
tion in colonial countries. Marx and Engels founded scientific England, and through England on Europe. This question is not difficult of
socialism in the middle of the 19th century. At that time they solution if one or the great market.s (of England( suddenly becomes
contracted, the a.rrival of the crisis is necessarily accelerated thereby.
analyzed the development of capitalism and the penetration and Now. the Chinese rebellion must. for the time being, have precisely this ef-
influence of capitalist commodity production not only in the fect upon England.'
capitalist countries themselves but in all parts of the world. They
pointed out in the Communist Manifesto that: Several decades later. in the 1880s and 1890s. Engels further
made an importanL analysis of the development of colonial oppres·
Modern industry has established the world market, for which the sion in such countries as China and pointed to the reaction of this
discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense on conditions in Europe and to a basic relationship between revolu-
development to commerce, to navigation. to communication by land. This
development has. in turn, react.ed on the extension of industry; and in pro- tion in the capitalist countries themselves and revolution in col·
portion as industry, commerce. navigation, railways extended. in the onial countries. For example in a letter to Karl Kautsky in 1894
same proportion the bou.rgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and Engels noted that:
pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle
Ages., The war between China and Japan signifies the end of old China, the
The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the complete, if gradual, revolution of its entire economic foundation, in-
bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle every- cluding the abolition of the old bonds between agriculture and industry in
where, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere . , the countryside by big industry, railways, etc .. and thus also the mass ex-
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of produc· Gdus of Chinese coolies to Europe; consequently. a hastening for us of the
tion. by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, debacle and the aggravation or antagonisms into a crisis. It is again the
even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap prices of its wonderful irony of history: China alone is still to be conquered for
commodities are t he hoavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese capitalist production, and in so doing at long last t he latter makes its own
walls. with which it forces the borbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of existence at home impossible •
foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction. to
adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels t hem to introduce
what it calls civilization into their midst. i.e., to become bourgeois But at t hat time Engels was not able to foresee the actual rela·
themselves. In one word. it creates a world after its own image. ' t ion between revolution in the West and East, nor was he able to
predict what specific for m the revolution in such countries as
Marx and Engels firmly supported the struggles of t he oppres· China would take. He noted, for example, in a letter to Karl Kaut-
sed nations and the masses of people in the colonial areas sub- sky earlier, in 1882, that ' 'as to what social and political phases
jected to this form of capitalist coloniaHsm-including the strug· t hese countr ies will then have to pass through before they likewise
gle of the Irish people, and mass rebellions in places such as India, arrive at socialist organization, I think we today can advance only
Persia and China. For example, in an article entitled "Revolution rat her idle hypotheses:·•
in China and in Europe,'' written by Karl Marx in 1853 and analyz· In sum. then , Marx and Engels dealt with the colonial question
ing the effects of what came to be called the Taiping Rebellion, during the first phase of the development of capitalism, pre-mon-
Marx pointed out that England, through enforcing the opium opoly capitalism. before it had developed into imperialism. This
trade in China and other means, humiliated and oppressed China was a period in which colonialism was characterized economically
and the masses of Chinese people, but at the same time this also by the export of goods. finished products, rather than later, in the
tended to break down the isolation which contributed to the imperialist era, by the export of capital itself. as Lenin was to
preservation of the old feudal system of China. In this article Marx analyze in [ mperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism.
pointed out that; Thus the process which Marx and Engels had described in the
Above- the Chintien Uprising-the spark that set off the Taiping
Rebellion (1851-65), one of many powerful s truggles waged over
the centuries by the Chinese people against feudalism and , increas·
ingly, against foreign domination. From one of the reliefs on t he
Monument to the People's Heroes, P eking.

Left- Betsey, called the International Gun by U.S. forces. This

gun, used against the Chinese people's Yi Ho Tuan Movement
!Boxer Rebellion) in 1900, symbolized how the imperialists had
carved up China. The barrel had been left behind by the 1860
Anglo-French Expedition in China. The gun was mounted on an
Italian carriage, loaded with Russian ammunition, and fired by a
U.S. marine.

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 !MMORTALCOl\'TRlBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLON IALCOUNTRI ES 7
6

Communist Manifesto-the tendency for the introduction of com- imperialist war means mocking at truth
modities produced in the capitalist countries into backward_are_as Whoever refers today to Marx·s attitude towards the wars of the epoch
of the world to transform these areas in the image of the capitalist of the progressive bourgeoisie and forgets Marx's statement that "the
countries-did not fully develop. Lnstead. especially with the ad· workers have no fatherland," a statement that applies precisely to the
vent of imperialism and the consequent change in th~ nature. of the epoch of the reactionary. obsolete bourgeoisie, to the epoch of the socialist
revolution, shamelessly distorts Marx and substitutes the bourgeois for
relations between the capitalist countries and their col.o mes (as the socialist point of view.•
summarized by l,enin), colonial domination by imperialism tend~
to retard the development of capitalism in the colonies and mam· Lenin consistently explained why i~ was that Marx and Engels
tain them in an enforced state of backwardness. supported various bourgeois liberation movements in Western
Europe during the latter half of the 19th century. even as late as
Wars or National Liberation in Europe in the 1891 when, as Lenin noted, Engels said that in the event of war
P eriod of Rising Capitalism against Russia and France it would be the duty of the German
socialists to defend their fatherland.
From the beginning Marx and Engels also devoted co_nside~able Blasting the social-chauvinists who attempted to misuse these
attention to analyzing the development of the bourgeois national positions of Marx and Engels. Lenin sharply pointed out that in
liberation movements in Western Europe. where such movements the circumstances where Marx and Engels took the approach of
were then focused. Marx and Engels supported various bourgeois determining whose victory in a war between states in Europe
liberation movements insofar as and when they represented a would be more desirable, it was the case that "110 other question
struggle against feudal absolutism and against r~actionary sta~s could have been posed at the time except the following: the success
holding back the development of capitalism. which wa~ then still of which bourgeoisie, the success of which combination of forces,
historically on the order of the day in a number of countries such as the failure of which reactionary forces (the feudal-absolutist forces
ltaly and Germany and others. . . which were hampering the rise of the bourgeoisie) promised con·
For example, in 1870-1871, Germany. still not havmg co~pleted temporary democracy more 'elbow room.' "•
the bourgeois-democratic revolution, waged a war agamst the In other words, Lenin stressed, " 'the success of which side is
France of Napoleon Ill. which together with Russian _tsa~ism h~d more desirable' meant asking 'the success of which bourgeoisie is
been preventing the unification of Germany on a capitalist b~s1s. more desirable.' ·· This was because, as noted before, bourgeois
Since such unification represented a progressive step at that tune, liberation movements in Western Europe still could play a pro-
Marx and Engels supported this struggle on the part.of Germany. gressive role at that time in certain conditions. But, Lenin hasten·
Lenin, in setting forth and fighting for the correct lme on World ed to add, "one cannot even imagine bourgeois progressive
War ! in opposition to social-chauvinism (socialism in words. na· movemen ts, whether modestly liberal or tempestuously
tional chauvinism and support for one's own bourgeoisie in deeds), democratic, in Britain. Germany, or France," for the era of such
analyzed this policy of Marx and Engels', stating for example movements had passed with the development of these countries in·
that: to imperialism.'
Again, Marx and Engels dealt with the national and colonial
The war of 1870-1871 was a bistoricaUy progressive war on the ~art of question and with the question of national liberation struggles in
Germany until Napoleon III was defeated; for the latter, together with the the period of rising capitalism. when liberation struggles against
tsar, had oppressed Germany for many years. keepin~ her in e. state of national oppression and feudal survivals could only lead, even if
feudal disintegration. But as soon as the war d~velopcd mto the plunder of
France (bhe annexation or Alsace and Lorraine), Marx a~d Engels em· t hey were carried as far as possible, to the consolidation of
phatically condemned the Germans. And even at the beginning of that bourgeois rule and capitalism. And in general while they analyzed
war Marx and Engels approved of the refusal of Bebe! ~d Liebkne~ht and supported uprisings of the masses in the countries of the East,
[socialist leaders in Germany) to vote ~or credits and ~~vised the Soc1al- the attention of Marx and Engels on the national question was
Democrats (socialist.a] not to merge with the ?<>urgeo1s1e, but to uph_old mainly concentrated on the bourgeois liberation movements in
the independent class interests of the _prolet~1at. '.f'o apply the appr&Jsal
or this bourgeois-progressive and nat1onal-liberatmg war to the present Western Europe, where such movements were then most develop-
 REVOLUTION I N COLONIAL COUNTRIES 9
8 IMMORT A L CONTRIBUTIONS

tional liberation movements changed accordingly. In these im·

ed and influential in determining world events. perialist countries themselves there was. of course. no longer any
progressive role for bourgeois liberation movements. Such were in
Imperialism Changes Colonial Revolution fact a thing of the past.
In the colonies of these jmperialil!t. powers, not only were t.he
The development of capitalism into imperialism in a handful of liberation movements capable of playing a tremendous ly pro·
capitalist countries brought tremendous changes not onl~ .in tho~e gressive and revolutionary role. and not only were the masses ris·
countries themselves, but also internationally and spec1f1call~ m ing increasingly in resistance to the imperialists, but, in addi tion.
their relations with their colonies and in the internal rela_tions with the changes summarized earlier, t here was the possibility for
within the colonies themselves. While subjecting these col?rues to the proletariat LO march at the head of these national liberation
even more savage oppression. and while overall retard.m g the movements and to lead them not only to the immediate goal of
development of their economies, the increased penetration and defeating the imperialists and their domestic lackeys, especially
domination by imperialism in these colonies did lead t.o the further the feudal landlord class, but of advancing through and beyond
break-up of the more primitive forms of economic relations .and to that to the socialist. stage of revolution. There were, then, two dif·
t he transformation of feudal relations into semi·feudal relations of ferent and fundamentally opposed situations in Western Europe
production. especially in the countryside in many countries of the on the one hand and the colonial countries of the East on the other
East, such as China and others. with regard to the national question.
This gave an impetus to the further development .of the p~o· But there was at the same time a t hird situation, in Eastern
letariat in these colonial countries while at the same time restr1c· Europe. There the question of overthrowing national oppression
ting the development of the national bo~geois!e ~here, which con· and feudal d omination had not yet been thoroughly resolved. and
tinued to be under the domination of the 1mperiahsts. At the.~e the national movements could continue to play a progressive role,
time the broad masses of people, in most cases the great ma1or1ty unlike Wes Lern Europe, where that period had passed and
of the population, were still peasants locked in. the countr~side in capitalism had on the whole developed into imperialism.
feudal or semi-feudal relations under the crushmg oppresswn and Lenin not only thoroughly analyzed imperialism but also
exploitation of the landlords, who were the mai~stay of t~e ~­ specifically ana lyzed the national question in the era of im·
perialist overlords in the country. Thus, just as .1~ the ca?italist perialism. In "A Caricature of Marxism" Lenin categorized the
countries capitalist development created the cond1t1ons for its own types of countries with regard to the notional question as follows:
overthrow and brought int.o being its own grav~1~ger, .the ~ro­
letariat, so, too. with the development of cap1tahsm mto un· First type: the advanced countries of Western Europe (and America~.
perialism, imperialist domination brought into ~ing in the col· where the national movement is a thing of the JXUI. Second type: Eastern
onial countries the conditions which would lead to its defeat there. Europe. where it is a thing oft.he present. 1'hird type: semi-eolonies and
ln these colonies, the immediate struggle had t.o be waged colonies. where it is largely a thing of the future."
against imperialism and feudalism. and the for~s that could be
Russia: An East· West Bridge
united in this struggle included not only the leading class, t he pro-
letariat. but also the broad masses of peasantry, the pe~~Y
Russia itself was a kind of bridge between the West and East:
bourgeoisie in the urban areas and sections of the bourge.01s1e
that is, while capitalism had developed in Russia and bad in fact
themselves, especially the patriotic sections of the national reached the stage of monopoly capitalism, on the other hand in the
bourgeoisie who, while subordinate to and in many.wa~s ?epen· countryside, where the great majority of the people still lived,
dent on imperialism, were at the same time held _back. m s1gruficant feudal survivals were widespread and were the dominant form. At
ways by imperialist domination and feudal relat1on.s m the country the same time, Russia until February, 1917. continued to be ruled
and could under certain conditions be an ally m the struggle by the tsarist aut.ocracy. In short, the bourgeois·democratic
against imperialism and feudalism. . . . . . revolution bad not been completed in Russia, even though Russia
So with the development of capitalism tnto imperialism m a had developed to the stage of imperialism. Jn addition, in Russia
handful of capitaUst countries, the situation and the role of na·
10 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIALCOUNTRIBS II

there were large numbers of oppressed nations whose struggle

against tsarist autocracy and against Great Russian domination fight for proletarian dictatorship and the establishment of
still played a progressive role and was an ally of the proletariat i.n socialism. And in fact in that year in October the proletarian·
its struggle. Lenin and Stalin raised and fought for the right of socialist revolution did succeed in Russia.
self-determination of these nations as a crucial part of the Russian This brought basic changes ia the world; it marked the establish-
revolution. ment of the first socialist state and, together with the changes
Also. as early as 1905, during the pariod oI the revolutionary up- brought by imperialism. made possible the transformation of the
surge in Russia at that time. Lenin set forth in his famous work national liberation movements in the colonies. Speaking of its
"Two Tactics of Social· Democracy in the Democratic Revolution" general character, the national liberation struggle in colonial coun·
the need for the proletariat to unite with the masses of peasantry tries was no longer part of the old bourgeois-democratic move-
to overthrow the tsarist autocracy as the first step and necessary ment, part of the old capitalist revolution leading to the rule of the
stage of the Russian revolution at that time. Le.nin pointed out bourgeoisie and the establishment of capitalism, but became a
that the bourgeoisie in Russia could not and would not carry component part of the world proletarian socialist revolution, an al-
through the democratic revolution and only the united efforts of ly of the proletariat in the capitalist countries in its struggle
the workers and the masses of peasants, under the leadership of against imperialism and for socialism on a world scale. Writing in
the proletariat and its Party, could accomplish this task. At the 1918, Stalin summed up this development:
same time Lenin pointed out that the democratic revolution was.
for the proletariat, not an end in itself, but a necessary step in The great world·wide significance of the October Revolution chiefly con-
order to be able to advance to the socialist revolution. In "Two sists in the fact that:
J) It hos widened the scope of the national question and converted it
Tactics," Lenin wrote: from the particular question of combating national oppression in Europe
mto the general question of emancipating the oppressed peoples, colonies
The revolutionary·democra•.ic dictatorship of the proletariat and the and semi-colonies from imperialism;
peasantry is unquestionably only a transient. temporary socialist aim, ·but . 21 It has opened up wide possibilities for their emancipation and the
to ignore this aim in the period of a democratic revolution would be right paths towards it. has thereby greatly facilitated the cause of the
downright reactionary , While recognizing the incontestably bourgeois emancipation. of the oppressed peoples of the West and the East. and has
nature of a revolution incapable of directly overstepping the bounds of a draw~ t~em into the common current of the victorious struggle against
mere democratic revolution our slogan adva11ces this particular revolution lmper1ahsm:
and strives to give it forms most advantageous to the proletariat: conse- 3) It has thereby erected a bridge between the socialist West and the
quently, it strives to make the utmost of the democratic revolution in ens~a~ed Easr, haying created a new front of revolutions against world im·
order to attain the greatest success in the proletariat's further struggle p_ertohsm, extending from the proletarians of the West, through the Rus·
for socialism.• s1an revolution, to the oppressed peoples of the East."

Lenin summed up the road to socialism in Russia in this formula- Len.i n and Stalin Analyze Developments
tion: the working class must fight to carry through the democratic
revolution with the mass of peasantry as its reliable ally in this 1n the several years following the victory of the October Revolu-
struggle; then it must advance the struggle. fighting to achieve the tion in Russia in 1917, Lenin and Stalin not only analyzed the
proletarian-socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the pro- change in the general character of the colonial movements. but
letariat. with the mass of poor peasants, and the semi-proletarian paid particular attention to the development of these movements
elements in the countryside in particular. as its most reliable and the forging of the correct policies of the communists in rela-
ally.•• tion to them. Lenin gave direction to the Third International (the
Although the 1905 Revolution in Russia was crushed, in Communist International or Comintern) in its first years in
February 1917 the tsa.r ist autocracy was overthrown through a developing its line on the national colonial question and in par·
mass upsurge. At that point Lenin summed up that the bourgeois- ticular its line and work in relation to the colonial liberation
democratic revolution had been carried as far as it could be in movements of the East.
Russia and that the next. and immediate, stage of struggle was the The victory of the October Revolution in Russia had spread
12 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

Marxism-Leninism throughout the world and given impetus to the

..
i: "'
·--5
"'~
.. 0
formation of communist parties built in the Marxist-Leninist style
and with a Marxist-Leninist line, including in many of the colonial " "'
.. bO
~.cg
countries. This was also 11 factor of tremendous significance and ., "'
~u
O·.a
"§ .g
strengthened the role of the proletariat in fighting for leadership of
the national liberation struggle in the colonies and directing it
through the completion of the bourgeois-democratic revolution to -os
the stage of socialism.
At the Second Congress of the Comintern Lenin led the commis- ..
u ..
~

sion on the national and colonial questions. Ln a report on that sub- si

Q,"
ject he stressed on the one hand the need for communists to give ......
8 ..
full support to and strive to carry forward the national liberation ....,-
movement i.n the colonies and on the other hand the need to main-
tain the independence of the communists and strengthen the
·-·-
" c

revolutionary forces within these national liberation movements.

Further, the question was posed and answered by Lenin as to
whether or not it would be possible for these countries to advance
to socialism without having to go through the stage of capitalism.
In his report of the commission on the national and colonial ques-
tions at this Congress of the Comintem Lenin wrote the following:

The question was posed as follows: are we to consider as correct the

assertion that the capit.alist stage of economic development is inevitable
for backward nations now on the road to emancipation and among whom a
certain advance towards progress is to be seen since the war? We replied
in the negative. If the victorious revolutionary proletariat conducts
systematic propaganda among them. and the Soviet governments come to
their aid with all the means at their disposal- in that event it will be
mistaken to assume that the backward peoples must inevitably go
through the capitalist stage of development. Not only should we create in-
dependent contingents of fighters and party organizations in the colonies
and the backward countries. not only at once launch propaganda for the
organisation of peasants' Soviets and strive to adapt them to the pre-
capitalist conditions, but the Communist International should advance
the proposition. with the appropriate theoretical grounding. that with the
oid of the proletariat of the advanced countries. backward countries can
go over to the Soviet system and. through certain stages of development.
12
to communism. without having to pass through the capitalist stage.

At the same time Lenin concluded that, "The necessary means

for this cannot be indicated in advance. " 13
Aft.er Lenin's death, Stalin not only led in building sociali.s m in
the Soviet Union, but in giving support to and helping to for·
mulate the line for revolutionary struggles throughout the world,
including in the colonial countries. China in particular. In several
speeches and articles during the period of the revolutionary up-

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 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 16
14

surge in China in the years 1924-27, Stalin helped to an:iiyze the China in the revolutionary movement. In that work he stated very
specific features of the Chinese revolution: the fact that it was an powerfully:
anti-imperialist struggle; the fact that the feudal domination of the
countryside and the feudal exploitation of the peasantry played a For the present upsurge of the peasant movement is a colossal event. In a
very short time, in China's cenLral, 90Uthern and northern provinces,
central role in the Chinese economy, and therefore that the several hundred million peasants will rise like a mighty storm, like a hur-
agrarian revolution in China was at the heart of the struggle and ricane. a force 90 swift and violent that no power. however great, will be
closely linked with the anti-imperialist struggle of the Chinese ~a­ able Lo hold it back. They will smash all the U'ammels that bind them and
tion; and that the proletariat could and must lead the bourgeo1s- rush forward along the road to liberation. They will sweep away all the im·
democratic revolution and advance the movement through and perialists, warlords, corrupt officials. local tyrants and evil gentry into
t heir graves. Every revolutionary party and every revolutionary comrade
beyond that stage to the stage of socialist revolution. Further. will he put to the test, to be accepted or rejected as they decide. There are
Stalin pointed out that from the beginning in ~hina the arme_d three alternatives. To march ut their head and lead them? To trail behind
revolution was fighting the armed counter-revolu t10~ and tbs~ this them, gesticulating and criticizing'? Or to stand in their way and oppose
was both a specific feature and a specific advantage JD the Chinese them? Every Chinese is free to choose, but events will force you to make
the choice quickly."
revolution.
" Terrible," this mass upsurge of the peasants, a question of "go-
Mao on the Chinese Revolution ing too far," as some, including a number of people within the
Communist Party. whimpered and complained? No, it was fine, for
Thus Stalin helped to analyze some of the basic feat~es of t~e as Mao reminded these people in combatting their Confucian
Chinese revolution. But it was Mao TseLung who, taking part JD outlook:
the Chinese revolution and applying the universal principles ?f
Marxism-Leninism to it, fully developed and elaborated the basic
. . a revolution is not a dinner party. or writing an essay, or painting a
line, theory and strategy of the new-democr~tic revolution. . picture. or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gen-
From its earliest stages, Mao had recognized that the Chinese tle, so temperate, kind. courteous, restrained and magnarumous. A revolu·
revolution would be characte~ized by the tremendously powerful tion is an insurrection. on act of violence by which one class overthrows
and central role of the peasant uprisings and the peasant agrarian another. A rural revolution is a revolution by which the peasantry over·
t hrows the power of the feudal landlord class. Without using the greatest
revolution. This was in opposition to various opportunist and er- force, the peasants cannot possibly overthrow the deep-rooted authority
roneous lines within the Chinese Communist Party which wrote off of t he landlords which has lasted for thousands of years. The rural areas
the Chinese peasantry as a revolutionary force and w~ch attempt- need a mig.h ty revolutionary upsurge, for it alone can rouse the people in
ed to center the struggle in the cities and/or to make it a one-stage their millions to become a powerful force. All the actions mentioned here
struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie_. thereby ~­ which have been labelled as "going too far" Dow from the power of the
pea'8nts. wlrich has been called forth by the mighty revolutionary up-
roneously trying to bypass the stage of bourgeo1s-de~ocrat1c surge in the countryside.••
struggle under the leadership of the pro!etari~t. _Mao's line was
also in opposition to right-wing opportumsts within the CCP who Correctly basing himself on the central role of the agrarian
attempted to surrender leadership of the revolution to t_he revolution and the upsurge of the peasants in China, as well as
bourgeois and landlord classes. They den~ed the need for the ~­ other specific features of Chinese society at that time which flowed
dependence and initiative of the proletariat and its Commurust from its semi-colonial, semi-feudal nature, Mao made the all-
Party and for the Communist Party to arm the ~asses a~d lead hnportant strategic analysis that the road to the seizure of power
them as the mainstay of the armed struggle and m defeating the through armed struggle lay not in insurrection in the cities follow-
counter-revolutionary violence of the reactionary forces with the ecl by civil war but in establishing base areas in the countryside
revolutionary violence of the masses. and, with the proletariat and its Party as the leading force,
In 1927 Mao wrote a very important work, "Report on an ln- tnobilizing the mass of peasants as the main force to wage a pro-
vestigatio~ of the Peasant Movement in Hunan," in which ~e tr11cted people's war to encircle and finally seize the cities. This
stressed the central role of the hundreds of millions of peasants m
 IMMORTAL CONTRfBUTIONS nEVOLUTfON IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 17
16
was. in fact. the road that Mao led the Chinese people in taking in Mao noted in the same work that the specific relation between
winning nationwide victory, liberating China and advancing to the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the Chinese revolution was
socialism, through the course of more than 20 years. While. of s uch that at times the proletariat was able to establish a revolu·
course, this has all .to do with the question of Mao's contributions t ionary uni led front with the bourgeoisie and at other times, owing
in the area of military strategy-a subject which will be dealt with to the actions of the imperialists and the Chinese bourgeoisie, it
in the next chapter-it was an indispensable part of Mao's develop· was forced to break off this united front. What characterized
ment of the overall line for revolution in China and still has great Mao's analysis and approach here and at all times was that it was
relevancy and importance today. especially for countries where firmly based on class analysis. Moreover, the various policies and
conditions are the same as or very similar to those in China during lines that were adopted during the different phases of the new·
its new·democratic revolution. democratic revolution were always rooted in this method of class
analysis. At each point, within the Party, and as far as possible
Firmly Based on Class Analysis among the masses, the class basis of the actions of various forces
in Chinese society was thoroughly explained.
As early as 1926, Mao had posed and answered a crucial ques· When, in the revolution of J 924·27, Chiang Kai·shek turned
tion in any revolutionary movement: "Who are our enemies? Who traitor to the Chinese people and turned his guns against the
are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the Chinese masses, murdering tens of thousands of communists and
revolution.''•• Mao answered this by making an analysis of the other working people, Mao explained that Chiang's usurpation of
classes in Chinese society, which he concluded as follows: the reins of the Kuomintang (previously a revolutionary organiza·
I.ion made up of different class forces and including the Com·
1'o sum up, it can be seen that our enemies ore all those in league with munists) and the overall treachery on the part of Chiang Kai·shek
imperialism- the warlords. the bureaucrats. the comprador class, the big
landlord class and the reactionary section of the intelligentsia attached to was due to the fact that he represented the big bourgeoisie and
them. The leading force in our revolution is the industrial proletariat. Our landJords in China who were allied with imperialism, in particular
closest friends are the entire semi·prolet.ariot and petty bourgeoisie. As U.S. and British imperialism. Later, after the Japanese had lnvad·
for the vacillating middle bourgeoisie. their right·wing may become our ed the northern provinces of China and were preparing to invade
enemy nnd their left·wing may become our friend- but we must be con· southward throughout China as a whole. the Chinese Communist
stantly on our guard and not let them create confusion within our ranks."
Party proposed a truce and then a united front with the Kuomin·
Mao pointed out in particular, not only at this point, but in tang and even with Chiang Kai·shek at a certain point. Here again,
leading the Chinese revolution through the entire stage of new the class basis for this was explained. Mao made clear that Chiang
democracy, that the question of the role of the Chinese bourgeoisie Kai·shek's nature bad not changed, that be and the class forces he
in the Chinese revolution was of special importance. He noted for represented were still dependent on and lackeys of U.S. and
example that in Russia, while there was a stage of bourgeois· ~ritish imperialism, but owing to the contradictions among the
democratic revolution. nevertheless even in that stage the imperialists and in particular between British and U.S. im·
bourgeoisie in Russia was not an ally of the proletariat as it was in perialism·on the one side and Japanese imperialism on the other, it
China. Mao stated some years later. during the period of the anti· was possible to build a united front with Chiang Kai·shek and the
Japanese war when the united front was extended and larger sec· forces he represented. Further, Mao made clear that it was
tions of the bourgeoisie were included in it in order to unite all who necessary to build such a united front in order to concentrate the
could be united against the Japanese. that" It is through this kind struggle of the Chinese nation as a whole against Japan. which was
of complex relationship with the Chinese bourgeoisie that the attempting to reduce China from the status of a semi·colony to
Chinese revolution and the Communist Party of China have pro- that of an outright colony of Japan.
gressed in their development. This is a special historical feature, a For several years after the initial Japanese invasion in 1931,
feature peculiar to the revolution in colonial and semi-colonial Chiang Kai·shek refused to enter into any united front and instead
countries and not to be found in the revolutionary history of any d_irected his main forces against the Communist Party. attempting
tune and again to "encircle and suppress" them-in fact to wipe
capitalist country."••
18 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 19

them ouL. During this period. beginning wiLh the betrayal by countryside it required stepping back from the policy of con-
Chiang Kai-shek and his massacre of communists and other work- fiscating the land of landlords and distributing this land among
ing people in 1927, the Chinese Communist Party was forced to the peasants, replacing this policy with the more limited one of
and did wage a 10-year civil war. in which to a large degree it had rent and interest reductions.
to break off its united front with the bourgeoisie, since most sec- Mao led a struggle within the Communist Party to unite the Par-
tions of it followed and supported Chiang Kai-shek and his reac- ty around this adjustment, while at the same time opposing the
tionary coup within the Kuomintang and his reactionary role line of class capitulation, of subordinating the Communist Party
within Chinese society as a whole. and the armed forces under its leadership to the Kuomintang and
Nevertheless. within Lhe Communist Party Mao led a struggle the Kuomintang's armed forces. a line which would in fact have led
against various erroneous and opportunist lines which. even after to defeat in the War ol Resistance against Japan and the slaughter
the initial Japanese invasion of 1931, refused to go along with the and suppression of communists and the masses of working people,
policy of developing the broadest. possible united front to resist including the peasants in the liberated areas, at the hands of
Japan and defeat its efforts to reduce China to its colony. Owing to Chiang Kai·shek.
these and other sectarian errors and "ultra-left' ' mistakes. the Mao pointed out that on the one hand the class struggle within
Communist Party. which under Mao's leadership had established China had to be adjusted in conformity with the anti-Japanese war
base areas in the countryside. was during the period of the 10-year of resistance but on the other hand, as he stressed, the class strug-
civil war weakened in its resistance to the continuous attacks by gle continued to exist independently of anyone's will. It could not
Chiang Kai-shek's forces; it was at various times isolated from sec- be denied. still less could it be abolished, but it could and must be
tions of the people, including masses of people in the countryside. adjusted. And while it was absolutely necessary to form the
Because of this in 1934 the Communist Party. together with the broadest possible united front including sections of the big
armed forces under its leadership. was forced to abandon its base bourgeoisie and some landlords in order to defeat Japanese aggres-
areas and to embark on what became, as Mao called it. a "historic sion, at the same time within that united front the Communist Par·
monument," the Long March, which in its course of about two ty must continue to fight for and exercise its independence and in-
years involved fighting on the average of more than one battle a itiative in every sp here, including the military sphere. It must in
day and carving a path of thousands of miles through China. This no way subordinate itself to the big bourgeosie. the landlords or
became a crn.cial turning point in the Chinese revolution. Though uny other class forces, but must instead fight for leadership of the
large numbers of the Communist Party and the armed forces under united front.
its leadership were losL during the course of the Long March, it Throughout this period of the united front, right up until the
was nevertheless brought to a vict.orious conclusion. As a result, defeat of the Japanese aggressors in 1945. Chiang Kai-shek and
during the course of the Long March, the basic line of Mao those following him continued to direct their main fire against the
Tsetung and his leadership was consolidated within the Chinese Communist Party and the armed forces and liberated base areas
Communist Party in early 1935. •• under its leadership. The Kuomintang refused to even carry out
Lhe polioy of rent and interest reduction , which represented, as
United Front Formed noted before, a compromise, an adjustment, on the part of the
Communist Party itself in the interests of the broad united front
It was on the basis of the triumph of Mao's line during the Long against Japan. The Kuomintang consistently attacked the Com-
March that the Communist Party was able to formulate. struggle munist Party for carrying out such reforms in the countryside and
for and finally achieve the united front against Japan. Finally in for striving to establish the democratic rights of the masses of peo-
late l 936, Chiang Kai·shek was kidnapped and held by t wo of his ple throughout China as a whole.
own generals who supported the Communist Party's call for a In "On Coalition Government," the poIi tica.I report delivered by
united front, and Chiang was forced to agree to this united front. Mao to the 7th CongTess of the Communist Party of China in 1945,
Forming such a united front with the Kuomintang required certain on the eve of the victory of the anti-Japanese war, Mao summed up
adjustments in the struggle within China. In particular. in the among other things the struggle around the question of reforms.

\f../WW. wengewa
 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 21
20

particularly in t he countryside. He noted that: Party and the armed forces and even t he liperated areas under its
leadership to the control of the Kuomintang. In waging a very
In the absence of political reforms all the productive forces are being ruin· sharp struggle within the Communist Party to defeat these
ed. anrl this is true both of agriculture and of industry. tendencies Mao pointed out the relationship between a line of class
By and large, it will be impossible to develop industry unless China is in· capit ulation put forward within the Communist Party and a line of
dependent, free, democratic and united."' national capitulation to Japanese imperialism with regard to the
struggle of t he Chinese nation as a whole. Mao showed how these
ln other words, everything then hinged on defeating the
two capitulationist tendencies were linked together and mutually
Japanese and carrying through t he new-democratic revolution.
re-enforced each other.••
For, as Mao went on to point out:
Only the proletariat and its Communist Party, as Mao repeated·
ly stressed and struggled for, could lead a thoroughgoing
In semi-colonial, semi·feudal and dlvided China, many people have for
years dreamed of developing industry, building up national defence, and resistance to Japan and could carry the struggle through to com·
bringing well· being to t he people and prosperity aod power t.o t he nation, plete victory. Only the proletariat and its Communist Party could,
but all their dreams have been shattered. Many well·intentioncd in the concrete historical conditions of China and the intemationa1
educators. scientists and students have buried themselves in t heir own situation, lead t he bourgeois-democratic revolution in China to vic-
work or studies and paid no attention to politics in the belief that they tory, let alone lead it forward to the stage of socialist revolution.
could serve t he country with their knowledge, but this too has turned out
to be a dream . a dream that has been shattered. This indeed is a good sign, Throughout the period of the Anti-Japanese United Front and
for t he shattering of these childish dreams marks a starting·point on the war of resistance to Japan. as throughout the Chinese revolu·
China·s road towards prosperity and strength. The Chinese people have tion as a whole, Mao not only based t he line and policy of the Com·
learned many things in the war; they know that after the defeat of the munist Party on the analysis of the class forces within China and
Japanese aggressors t hey must build a new·democratic China enjoying in· the situation in the country as a whole but on an analysis of the in·
dependence, [reedom, democracy, unity, prosperity and strength, all of
which are interrelated and indispensable. If they do so, then a bright ternational situation at each of its different stages and of the class
future lies before China. The productive forces o[ the Chinese people will forces involved in the struggle in the international arena. When, in
be released and given every possibility to develop only when the political September, 1939, World War 2 broke out, Mao immediately anal·
system of New Democracy obtains in all parts of China, More and more yzed its imperialist character on both sides and stressed that:
people are coming to understand this point every day."
On whicheve.r side, the Anglo-French or the German, the war that has
Here Mao emphasized t he basic principle that revolution was the just broken out is an unjust, predatory and imperialist war. The Com·
motive force in society and t he basis for releasing the productive munist Parties and the people of all countries should rise up against itand
forces, that the liberation of the Chinese nation, and the Chinese expose the imperialist character of both belligerents, for this imperialist
working people in particular, and the building of a prosperous war brings only harm and no benefit whatever to the people of the world,
country meeting t he needs of the masses of people all depended on and t hey should expose the criminal acts of the social-democratic parties
" putting politics in command." This was a fundamental truth that in supporting the imperialist war and betraying the interests of the pro-
letariat ... Germany started the war in order to plunder the Polish people
Mao repeatedly emphasized, not only in carrying through the new· and smash one flank of the Anglo-French imperialist front. By its nature,
democratic revolution to victory but in the period of socialist Germany's war is imperialist·and should be opposed, not approved. As for
·revolution t hat followed upon t his victory. Britain and France, they have regarded Poland as an object of plunder for
their finance capital, exploited her to thwart the German imperialist at-
tempt at a world re-division of the spoils. and made her a flank of their
Combat Capitulationism own imperialist front. Tbus their war' is an imperialist war, their so-called
aid to Poland being merely for the purpose of contendlng with Germany
As pointed out before. there were forces within the Communist for t he domination of Poland, and this war, too, should be opposed, not ap-
Party itself, some of whom had originally opposed the formation of proved.23
the united front against Japan, who once that united front was
formed flipped over to an outright capitulationist policy and ad· On the other hand Mao continued to correctly apply the policy of
vocated t he virtual or even actual submission of the Communist malting use of contradictions among the reactionary forces, in·
22 lMMORTALCONTRTBUTIO NS REVOLUTION lN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 23

eluding between the two imperialist blocs engaged in the im- knew and armed people with an understanding of the difference be-
perialist war at that time. This made it possible to continue the tween such contradictions and the basic contradiction between the
united front with Chiang Kai-shek. the lackey of U.S. and British people and the reactionaries. This was decisive both for carrying
imperialism. and on the basis of the broadest possible unity to through th? revolution at the particular stage and for building up
wage resistance to Japanese aggress ion in China without falling the rev?lut1onary forces of the masses and preparing to carry the
into the policy of siding with one imperialist bloc against the other. r~volution forward to the next stage and ultimately to complete
The fact that the overall character of t.he world war then was im- victory.
perialist did not negate the revolutionary role of the Chinese nn·
tion's war of resistance against Japan, and vice versa. New-Democratic Revolution

Independence and Initiative in U11ited Front U. was during the anti-Japanese war in particular that Mao fur·
ther developed the theory and strategy of new democracy and its
Crucial to maintaining a revolutionary line in this situation and application to the concrete conditions in China at that time. " The
correctly grasping and handling the relationship between the Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party." written in
struggle in China and the international s truggle was the question December, 1939. and "On New Democracy," written in January,
of maintaining the independence and initiative of the Communist 1940. a.r e both major works of this period in which Mao further de-
Party and the armed forces and liberated areas under its leader- veloped and elaborated the line of new-democratic revolution. In
ship. Without this the Communist Party would have. in fact. led "Th~ Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party," in
masses of Chinese people into joining with and depending upon particular, Mao further developed the class analysis he first made
one imperialist bloc in the siwation of inter·imperialisi. war. E~act· in" Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society" in 1926 and specifi·
ly by maintaining and fighting for initiative and independence was cally applied class analysis to the situation at that time and to the
it possible for the Communist Party to continue to correctly main· alignment of the various forces in China in the anti-Japanese war.
Lain t he united front and wage the war of resistance against Japan. Further, in that same work, in setting forth the character of the
Later, the German attack on the Soviet Union in 1941 brought a Chinese revolution, Mao t horoughly explained:
change in the overall character of World War 2 from an inter·
imperialist war to one whose main character and objective overall What, i~deed, is the.character of the Chinese revolution at the present
was the defense of socialism and the victory of those forces allied stage? ls 1t a bourgeois-democratic or a proletarian-socialist revolution?
with the Soviet Union. In these circumstances Mao continued to Obviously. it is not the latter but the former ...
oppose the line. which grew stronger during that period, of subor- However, in present-day China the bourgeois-democratic Nvolution is
dinating the Communist Party. and the armed forces and liberated no l~nger of the old general type. which is now obsolete, but one of a new
special type. We call this type the new-democratic revolution and it is
areas under its leadership. to the Kuomintang and its British and de~eloping in all other colonial and semi-colonial countries as well as in
U.S. masters. He continued to fight for the policy of maintaining <'.hi~a. The ne~-dem~tic re'•olution is part of the world proletarian·sc>-
independence and initiative and to struggle for the leadership of c1abst revolution, for 1t resolutely opposes imperialism. i.e.. international
the proletariat in the anti·J apanese war. Once again, in doing this c~pi!.alism'. Politically, it strives for the joint dictatorship of the revolu-
Mao based himself on a class analysis of the various forces in tionary classes over ";he impe~ialista, t~a.i~rs and reactionaries, and op-
P?ses the ~ransformat~on of <'.htn?se sooety into a society under bourgeois
China and on an international level. And once again it is this cor· d1ctato~sbip. EconomJcally. it aims at the nationalization of all the big
rect method and this correct line which led to the victory of the enterprises and c,apital of the imperialists. traitors and reactionaries and
Chinese people in the anti-Japanese war a11d prevented Chiang the. distributio:i amo')g the peasants of the land held by the landl~rds.
Kai-shek and his imperialist masters from seizing the fruits of vie· while preseNJng private capitallst enterprise in general and not
tory of the Chinese people's heroic struggle. eliminating the rich·peasant economy. Thus. the new type of democratic
revolution clears the way for capitalism on the one hand and creates the
As an important part of revolutionary strategy Mao knew how prerequisites for socialism on the other. The present stage of the Chinese
to take account of and utilize contradictions in the reactionary revolution is a stage of transition between the abolition of the colonial
camp in order to advance the revolution at each point. But he also aemi·colonial and semi·feudal society and the establishment of a socia!isi
24 JM MORT AL CONTRlBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 25

society. Le., it is a process of new·democratic revol~tion. This process. revolution. even though in the latter there was a stage of
begun only after the First World War and the Russian October Revolu· bourgeois-democratic revolution preceding the proletarian·
tion. started in China Mth the May 4th Movement of 1919. A. new· socialist revolution. At the same time Mao analyzed the tendency
democratic revolution is an anti·imperialist and anti-feudal revolution of
the broad masses of the people under the leadership of the proletar.iat. of the Chinese bourgeoisie to conciliate with th.e enemy and the
Chinese society can advance to socialism only through such a revolut1on; fact that it was not even as thoroughgoing a revolutionary class in
there is no other way." China at that time as were the bourgeoisies of the capitalist coun·
l.ries of the West i!I the period of the rise of capitalism there."
In concluding this work, Mao sums up the development of the Applying this to the situation in China at that time Mao sum·
Chinese revolution as follows: med up that, "Today, whoever can lead the people in driving out
Jo.panese imperialism and introducing democratic government will
•ro complete China's bourgeois·dei:1~ratlc r~v~lution (the new· be the saviours of the people. History has proved that the Chinese
democratic revolution) and to transform 1t into 11 socialist revolution when bourgeoisie cannot fulfil this responsibility, which inevitably falls
all the necessary conditions are ripe- such is the sum total of the great
and glorious revolutionary task of the Chinese Communist ~nr.ty . . The upon the shoulders of the proletariat.""" Mao went on to point out
democratic revolution is the necessary preparation for the socialist revol~· that "In present-day China, the anti-Japanese united front
tion and the socialist revolution is the inevitable sequel to the democratic represents the new-democratic form of state." 20 This was in accor·
rev~lution. The ultimate aim for which all communists strive is to bring dance not only with the correct analysis of the necessary stage of
about a socialist and communist society. A clear understanding of both new democracy in general but also with the particular sub-stage at
the differences and the interconnections between the democratic and the
socialist revolutions is indispensable to correct leadership in the Chinese that time, represented by the struggle of the Chinese nation
revolution." against Japan and those Chinese traitors who collaborated with it.
But, again, in this specific sub-stage of the Chinese revolution, and
Proletarian Leadership Key more generally, overall what gave the united front its revolu·
tionary character and what defined this overall stage of struggle
The link between the two revolutions and the necessary condi· as new democracy was, as Mao insisted, the leadership of the pro-
tion both for victory in the democratic revolution and the advance letariat and its Communist Party.
to the socialist revolution was the leadership of the proletariat. It was this line, this theory and strategy of new democracy,
This is something which Mao consistently fought for and gave which guided the Chinese proletariat o.nd masses of people and the
leadership in achieving. It was a basic point he explained over and Chinese nation as a whole in winning victory in tbe war of
over again, including in this work, and a condition he repeatedly resistance against Japan. This victory represented the end of the
and resolutely struggled inside and outside the Communist Party particular sub·stage within the general stage of new democracy.
to realize and develop. T he defeat of the Japanese could not and did not mean an end to
In "On New Democracy" Mao analyzed again the development the new-democratic revolution in China because it did not yet
of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in China and the line of new represent the complete victory of the Chinese people over im·
democracy. He explained that new democracy would be the stage perialism and its domestic lackeys, in particular the feudal
of the Chinese revolution for a considerable period and that "In the landlord class and the big bourgeoisie (specifically the bureaucrat-
course of its progress, there may be a number of further sub- capitalists whose accumulation of capital was merged with their
stages, because of changes on the enemy's side and within ~he ruling position in the state and the one-party dictatorship of the
ranks of our allies, but the fundamental character of the revolution Kuomintang).
remains unchanged. " 2 •
Again, in this work Mao paid particular attention to analyzing Civil WM Against KMT
the role of the bourgeoisie in the Chinese revolution and explain.ed
how it occupied a different place In the struggle than the Naturally, with the defeat of Japanese imperialism, the U.S. im·
bourgeoisie in tsarist Russia. This constituted an important periolists. together with and through their lackey Chiang Kai·
aspect in which the Chinese revolution differed from the Russian shek, attempted to seize the fruits of this victory. Mao led the
26 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 27

Chinese Communist Party in skillfully negotiating with the Struggle for Revolutionary Victory
Kuomintang, even making certain concessions while refusing to
compromise basic principles- giving up certain liberated a.reas but As part of this important and decisive inner·Party struggle Mao
refusing to give up arms and disband its armed forces and refusing wrote an article, ''Some Points in Appraisal of the Present Interna·
to capitulate to and subordinate itself to U.S. imperialism and its tional Situation,·· in April of 1946, in which he str'6ssed that while
lackeys represented by Chiang Kai·shek. the Soviet Union would correctly come to certain agreements and
The line of the Chinese Communist Party under Mao's leader- compromises with the victorious imperialist states, specifically
ship, during and with the victory of the anti-Japanese war, bad Britain, France and the United States, nevertheless, "Such com-
been to bring about the dismantling of Chiang Kai·shek's one- promise does not require t he people in the countries of the
party dictatorship, representing the interests of imperialism, capitalist world to follow suit and make compromises at home. The
feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism, and replace it with the joint people in those countries will continue to wage different struggles
dictatorship of the revolutionary classes in China, led by the pro- in accordance with their different conditions."••
letariat. This was the form of state power corresponding to the There is no doubt that here Mao had in mind not only the strug·
stage of new democracy. And i t was the basic form of rule that was gle in the capitalist countries themselves. such as Britain, France
exercised in the liberated areas under the leadership of the Com· and the United States, but also in those areas where these im·
munist Party. perialist powers, and the U.S. in particular, were striving to main·
But Chiang Kai·shek, with his imperialist backers, especially in tain colonial domination in one form or another. As a footnote to
the U.S., refused to accept this. Not only did they continue to at· this article by Mao Tsetung e.'tplained, this document was written
tack the Communist Party and the armed forces and liberated "since some comrades overestimated the strength of imperialism,
areas under its leadership all during the anti-Japanese war, but underestimated the strength of the people, feared U.S. imperialism
right after the victory in that war they made preparations for and and feared the outbreak of a new world war:" and therefore "show·
launched an all-out assault, attempting to impose their reactionary ed weakness in the face of the armed attacks of the U.S.-Chiang
rule throughout China. But the result was exactly the opposite. Kai·shek reactionary gang and dared not resolutely oppose
Because of the correct line and leadership of Mao Tsetung, when counter-revolutionary war with revolutionary war. In this docu·
Chiang Kai·shek did unleash civil war the Chinese Communist Par· ment Comrade Mao Tsetung was combatting such erroneous
ty was able to expose and increasingly isolate and defeat Chiang thinki.ng. "31
Kai-shek's forces, to expand the liberated areas and, through a bat- It is also the case that Mao was countering the opinion of Stalin,
tle of three years, drive Chiang Kai-shek from the mainland and who at that time advised the Chinese Commu.n ist Party not to
liberate almost all of China, bringing the new-democratic revolu· wage an all·out struggle for power against Chian.g Kai·shek but in·
tion to a triumphant conclusion and ushering in the socialist era in stead to make the best possible agreement with him for the time
China. being. In this respect Stalin also overestimated the strength of
But, once more, in the period between the defeat of Japan and U.S. imperialism and underestimated the strength of the people,
the beginning of this final battle for the completion of the new· and this .re-enforced those inside the Chinese Communist Party
democratic revolution, there was considerable and intense struggle who "dared not resolutely oppose counter-revolutionary war with
within the Chinese Communist Party over the question of whether revolutionary war." It should be noted, however, that (as he
or not it was possible to wage struggle against and defeat Chiang himself later commented) Stalin was glad to be proved wrong by
Kai·shek, backed as he was by U.S. imperialism. Mao led this the successful revolutionary struggle in China. And there was
struggle within the Chinese Communist Party against those who nothing to say that Chinese communists had to accept Stalin's
overestimated the strength of U.S. imperialism, put too much wrong advice. Whether they did or not depended on their own line,
stock in the atom bomb and believed it to be all-powerful and as shown by Mao's rejection of this advice, his daring to lead the
decisive and who doubted the ability of the Chinese people and the war of liberation against Chiang Kai·shek and U.S. im·
Chinese revolntionary forces to wage a successful war of liberation perialism-and to carry it through to victory.
against U.S. imperialism and its lackey Chiang Kai·shek. Thia ideological struggle within the Chinese Communist Party
28 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 29

ln this way, Mao concluded, China was able to embark on the

was crucial in laying the basis for successfully leading the masses revolutionary road of new democracy. ln this way it was able to ad-
in waging the war of liberation and bringing to a victorious conclu- vance to "a people's republic led by the working class," to
sion the new-democratic revolution in China. On October I, 1949 socialism, the real salvation of the Chinese people.
Mao proclaimed the founding of the People's Republic of China.
The Chinese revolution had thus entered the socialist stage Philosophical Contributions
through the road of the new-democratic revolution. The question
of how to advance from a colonial or semi-colonial and semi-feudal Not only did Mao elaborate the line of new democracy in terms
society to a socialist society had in fact been answered. And it was of t he political struggle and lead the battle on all fronts to
Mao Tsetung who. by taking part in the concrete practice of the establish the leadership of the proletariat in order to carry through
Chinese revolution and applying the universal principles of t he new-democratic revolution and advance to the socialist stage,
Marxism-Leninism to it, had developed the theory and strategy of but he also made importanL contributions in the sphere of Marxist
this historic revolutionary advance. philosophy as a necessary part of developing. defending and apply·
On the eve of the complete victory of the new-democratic revolu- ing the line of new-democratic revolution.
tion. in reviewing its triumphant course and preparing for the next In 1937, in the early period of the united front against Japan and
stage of the revolution. Mao summed up the crucial question of t he anti-Japanese war. Mao wrote two profound philosophical
proletarian leadership. He recalled how earlier Chinese pro- works, "On Practice" and "On Contradiction." These works made
gressives had looked to the West for China's salvation and took up a tremendous contribution to Marxist philosophy in general. But
"the new learning" imported and adopted Crom there as a weapon more specifically they were aimed at com batting erroneous tenden·
against the old feudal cu lture in China. cies within the Chinese Communist Party at that time regarding
"For quite a long time, " Mao said, speaking especially of the t he current struggle: both the tendency to deny the need for the
period from the 1840s to the beginning of the 20th century, united front and the failure to recognize the current stage of strug-
gle characterized by the war of resistance to Japan, on the one
those who had acquired the new learning felt confident that it would save hand: and. on the other hand. the tendency to deey the need for the
China. and very few of them had any doubts on this score, as the leading role of the proletariat in the united front, to subordinate
adherents of the old learning had. Only modernization could save China, t he proletariat end the Communist Party to the Kuomintang and
only learning from foreign countries could modernize China. Among the
foreign countries. only the Western capitalist countries were then pro- t he class forces it represented and therefore to fail to make
gressive, as they had successfully built modern bourgeois states. The preparations in the current stage of struggle for the future ad·
Japanese had been successful in lellJ'ning from the West, and the Chinese vance to the completion of the new-democratic revolution and the
also wished to learn from the J a pa nose . beginning of the socialist revolution.
Imperialist aggression shattered the fond dreams of the Chinese about In " On Practice" Mao l!et forth the philosophical basis, in par·
learning from the West. It was very odd- why were the teachers always
committing aggression against their pupil? The Chinese learned a good ticular with regard to the theory of knowledge, for both these right
deal from the West, but they could not make it work and were never able and " left" errors:
to realize their ideals, Their repeated struggles. including such a country·
wide movement as the Revolution or 1911. all ended in failure. Day by lt often hapi>ens. however. that thinking lags behind reality: this is
day, conditions in the country got worse, and life was made impossible. because man's cognition is limited by numerous social conditions. We are
Doubts arose. increased and deepened. World War I shook the whole opposed to die-hards in the revolutionary ranks whose thinking fails to ad·
globe. The Russians made the October Revolution and created the world 's vance with changing objective circumstances and has manifested itself
first socialist state. Under t he leadership or Lenin and Stalin, the revolu· historically as Right opportunism. Theae people fail to see that the strug-
tionary energy or the great prolelariat and labouring people of Russia. gle of opposites has already pushed ~be objective process forward whi.le
hithert.o latent and unseen by foreigners, suddenly erupted like a volcano, their knowledge has stopped at the old stage. This is characteristic of the
and the Chinese and all mankind began t.o see the Russians in a new light. thinking of aU die-hards. Their thinking is divorced from social practice,
Then. and only then, did the Chinese enter an entirely new era in their and they cannot march ahead to guide the chariot of society: they simply
thinking and their life. They found Marx.ism-Leninism, the universally ap- t rail behind, grumbling that it goes too fast and trying to drag it back or
plicable truth, and the face of China began to change... turn it in the opposite direction.

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30 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 31

We are also opposed to "Left" phrase-mongering. The thinking of "Left- sification of certain contradictions (e.g., the Agrarian Revolutionary War
ists" outstrips a given stage of development of the objective process; and the Japanese invasion of the four northeastern provinces), the partial
some regard their fantasies as truth. while other·s strain to Tealize in the or temporary resolution of other contradictions (e.g.. the destruction of
present an ideal wbicb can only be realized in the future. They alienate the Northern warlords and our confiscation of the land of the landlords).
themselves from the current practice of the majority of the people and and the emergence of yet other contradictions (e.g., the conflicts among
from the realities of the day. and show themselves adventurist in. their ac· the new warlords, and the landlords' recapture of the land after the loss of
tions.3.:J our revolutionary base areas in the south).3 '
Process of D evelopment While, as noted before. "On Practice" and "On Contradiction"
have enduring and general application and have greatly enriched
·Further. Mao analyzed from a philosophical standpoint the basis Marxist philosophy, they were of specific and critical importance
for the change in China's bourgeois-democratic revolution from the in the Chinese revolution at that particular stage in laying the
old-democratic to the new-democratic revolution, the basis for the basis for the advance through the anti·J apanese war to the comple-
sub-stages within the new-democratic revolution, as weU as the tion of the democratic revolution in China on a new basis and the
basis for the advance through the new-democratic to the socialist advance in this way to socialism. As noted at the start of this
revolution: chapter, the victory of the new-democratic revolution in China and
the advance of Chillll to socialism represented a great leap forward
The fundamental contradiction in the process of development of a thing not only for the people of China but for the people of the whole
and the essence of the process determined by this fundamental contradic· world in their struggle against imperialism and reaction and for
tion will not disappear until the process is completed; but in a lengthy pro-
cess the conditions usually differ at each stage. The reason is that, socialism and ultimately communism. It brought profound
although the nature of the fundamental contradiction in the process of changes not only in China but in the entire international situation
development of a thing and the essence of the process remain unchanged, and in the class struggle internationally. As the statement from
the fundamental contradiction becomes more and more intensified as it the leading bodies of the Chinese Party and state on the death of
passes from one stage to another in the lengthy process. In addition, Mao Tsetung summed up:
among the numerous major and minor contradictions which are determin·
ed or influenced by the fundamental contradiction, some become inten·
sified, some are temporarily or partially resolved or mitigated, and some During the period of the new·democratic revolution, Chairman Mao, in
new ones emerge; hence the process is marked by stages. If people do not accordance with the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism and by combin·
pay attention to the stages in the process of development of a thing. they ing it with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, creatively laid
cannot deal with its contradictions properly .. . down t he general line and general policy of the new·democratic revolution,
Take the process of China's bourgeois·democratic revolution, which founded the Chinese People's Liberation Army and pointed out that the
began with the Revolution of 1911; it, too, has several distinct stages. In seizure of political power by armed force in China could be achieved only
particular, the revolution in its period of bourgeois leadership and the by following the road of building rural base areas, using the countryside to
revolution in its period of proletarian leadership represent two vastly dif. encircle the cities and finally seizing the cities. and not by any other road.
ferent historical stages. In other words. proletarian leadership has fun· He led our Party, our army and the people of our country in using people's
damentally changed the whole face of the revolution, has brought about a war to overthrow the reactionary rule of imperialism. feudalism and
new alignment of classes, given rise to a tremendous upsurge in the pea· bureaucrl't-capitalism, winning the great victory of the new-democratic
sant revolution, imparted thoroughness to the revolution against im· revolution and founding the People's Republic of China. The victory of the
perialism and feudalism, created the possibility of the transition from the Chinese people's revolution led by Chairman Mao changed the situation 1n
democra~ic revolution to the socialist revolution, and so on. None of these the East and the world and blazed a new trail for the cause of liberation of
was possible in the period when the revolution was 11nder bourgeois the oppressed nations and oppressed people.••
leader.ship. Although no change bas taken place in the nature of the fun·
damental contradiction in the process as a whole, i.e., i'n the anti· Upholding P roletarian Internationalism
imperialist, anti-feudal. democratic-revolutionary nature of the process
(the opposite of which is its semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature),
nonetheless this process has passed through several stages of develop- A s a socialist country, the People's Republic of China, as well as
ment in the course of more than twenty years. the Chinese Co=unist Party, under the leadership of Mao
... These stages are marked by particular features such as the in ten· Tsetung continued to support the revolutionary struggles of the

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32 lMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONl N COLONlAL COUNTR! ES 33

people of the world, including the struggle for national liberation aI!d colonialists and repudiate and oppose the national liberation move-
of the peoples of the colonial countries. Having only just, achieved ment in every possible way.••
its own liberation, China united with the Korean people in the war
against U.S. aggression in the early 1950s. At the same time China Attitude Toward Revolutionary MovemeJtts
supported the struggles of the peoples of Indochina and peoples of
other areas against imperialism and reaction. Further, in the mid The Soviet revisionists attempted to subvert and actually sup-
and late 1950s and afterward, with the degeneration of the Soviet press the revolutionary movements of tile people in the colonial
party into revisionism, the betrayal by Khrushchev, Brezhnev and countries becau.s e they feared, and rightly so, that these
others, and the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. the Chinese movements would interfere with their collaboration with U.S. im·
Communist Party led by Mao Tsetung waged decisive struggle perialism and their attempt,s to emerge as a superpower.
against the Soviet bourgeois ruling class, including an active Khrushchev and Co. claimed that the colonial system was on the
ideological struggle to.expose and combat the sham Marxism and verge of extinction in Asia, Africa and Latin America and that
counter-revo.lutionary treachery of these Soviet revisionists. there was no longer any significant revolutionary mass struggle to
A most important issue in this struggle was the question of be waged for national liberation in these areas. ln fact Khrushchev
whether or not to support tile revolutionary movements of the regarded such struggles as extremely dangerous.
peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America, which had swelled into In answer to this the Chinese Communist Party pointed out
a mighty anti-imperialist torrent following World War 2. Apolo- that:
gists of Neo·Colonialism was a major article written by the
Chinese Communist Party as a polemic against the Soviet revi- 'fhe facts are clear. After World War 11 the imperialists have certainly
not given up colonialism, but have merely adopted a new form, neo-
sionists on this decisive question. coloruaJism. An important c harac.t eristic of such neo-colonialism is that
'l'llis article was written in 1963, when the Soviet revisionists the imperialists have been forced to change their old style of direct col-
were only in the process of carrying out the all·around restoration onial rule in some areas and to adopt a new style of colonial rule and ex·
of capitalism in the USSR and their overall relationship with U.S. ploitation by relying on the agents they have selected and trained. Theim·
imperialism then was characterized by capitulation to and col· perialists headed by the United States e,nslave or control the colonial
laboration with it. Still, Apologists of Neo-Colonialism sets forth countries and countries which have already declared their independence
by organizing military blocs. setting up military bases, establishing
basic analysis and basic principles which retain great importance "federations" or ''communities,·· and fostering puppet regimes. By means
and validity today in the situation where there have been signifi- of economic "aid" or other forms, they retain these countries as markets
cant changes in the world, where contention has clearly replaced for t heir goods, sources of raw material and outlets for t heir export. of
collusion as the principal aspect of the relationship between the capital, plunder the riches and suck the blood of the people of t hese coun-
USSR and the U.S.. and where U.S. imperialism is no longer alone tries. Moreover. they use the United Nations as an important tool for in-
terfering in the internal affairs of such countries and for subjecting them
the chief world exploiter and oppressor and bulwark of colonialism. t-0 military, economic and cultural aggression. When they are unable to
Today the two superpowers, both of which practice neo· continue their rule over these countries by "peaceful" means, they
colonialism, are the main enemies of the people of the world and engineer military coups d'etat, carry out subversion. or even resort to
must overall be the maln target of the national liberation struggles direct armed intervention and aggression . .
This n~o-coloniaJism is a more pernicious and sinister form of col·
in Asia, Africa and Latin America. onialism.37
In this article the Chinese Communist Party sharply pointed out
that with regard to the struggles in Asia, Africa and Latin The Chinese Communist Party thoroughly exposed the
America: bankruptcy of the revisionist leaders of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union (CPSU) on these vital questions. It pointed out
An importanL line of demarcation between the Marxist·Leninists and that:
the modern re,~sionists is the attitude taken towards this extremely
sharp issu~ of contemporary world politics. The Marxist-LerunJsts firmly
side with the oppressed nations and actively support the national libera- The leaders of the CPSU have also created the theory that the national
tion movement. The moderh revisionists in fact side with the impe.r ialists liberation movement has entered upon a "new sta.ge" having economic
34 lMMORTAL CONTRIBUTlONS

tasks as its core. Their argument is that. whereas "formerly, the struggle
was carried on mainly in the political sphe.re," today the economic ques·
tion bas become the "central task" and "the basic link in the further
development of the revolution." , ..
The primary and most urgent task facing these countries is still the fu,.,.
tber development of the struggle against imperialism, old and new col·
onialism, and their lackeys. This struggle is still being waged fiercely in
the political. economic, military, cultural, ideological and other spheres.
And the struggles in all these spheres still find their most concentrated
expression in political struggle, which often unavoidably develops into
armed struggle when the imperialists resort to direct or indirect armed
suppression. 1t is important for the newly independent countries to
develop their independent economy. But this task must never be
separated from the struggle against imperialism, old and new colonialism.
and their lackeys.
Like " the disappearance of colonialism," this theory of a "new stage"
advocated by the leaders of the CPSU is clearly intended to whitewash the
aggression against and plunder of Asia, Africa and Latin America by neo-
colonialism, as represented by the United States, to cover up the sharp
contradiction between imperialism and t he oppressed nations and to
paralyze the revolutionary struggle of the people of these continents.
According to this theory of theirs, the fight against imperialism, old and
new colonialism, and their lackeys is. of course, no longer necessary, for
colonialism is disappearing and economic development has become the
central task of the national liberation movement. Does it not follow t hat
the national liberation movement can be done away with altogether? . .. :;a
The wrong line of the leaders of the CPSU completely abandons the task
of fighting imperialism and colonialism and opposes wars of national
liberation; this means that it wants the proletariat and the Communist
..
'O
:I
Parties of the oppressed nations and countries to roll up their patriotic
banner of opposing imperialism and struggling for national independence
....,
0

and surrender it to others. In that case. how could one even talk about an ...
t>O

anti-imperialist united front or of proletarian leadership? "'

:I
Another idea ofte!' propagated by the leaders of the CPSU is that a s
country can build socialism under no matter what leadership, including s
even that of a reactionary nationalist like Nehru. This is still farther
removed from the idea of proletarian leadership ... ..·c:"'
:=

~
Continued Need for PJ"oletarian Leadership s
This clid not mean, of course, that China clid not support coun·
CJi
;:)
tries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, even those under the
leadership of types like Nehru and others, in resisting imperialist
domination. China assisted them in this resistance in many ways
and encouraged them to strengthen such resistance. But the point
being stressed was that such resistance could not substitute for
nor certainly be raised above the revolutionary struggle of the
masses and the need for the proletariat and its Communist Party
to lead the national liberation movement to complete victory and

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36 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 37

then lead the masses in building socialism. perialist system worldwide and the storm center of the revolu·
And the Chinese Communist Party reaffirmed the all-important tionary movement in the world. Throughout the 1960s, Mao made
principle of the link between the national liberation struggles in a number of statements at crucial points in support 0£ key strug·
the colonial countries and the struggle of the proletariat in the ad· gles in the world, especially in these areas, wliich rallied l;he
vanced capitalist countries, their common unity in the fight Chinese people's s upport and called on the revolutionary people
against imperialism and for the ultimate goal of socialism and and the broad masses in all countries to stand with these strug·
finally commurusm: gles. Then. in 1970, during the height of U.S. aggression in ln·
dochina, Mao issued another statement, in support of the In·
No one can deny that an extremely favourable revolutionary siLuation dochinese people as well as the people of the whole world, and
now exists in Asia. Africa and Latin America. Today the national libera· especially of Asia, Africa and Latin America. in the fight against
tion revolu tions in Asia, Africa and Latin America are the most important U.S. imperialism and its running dogs. During this period and
forces dealing imperialism direct blows. The contradictions of the world after, Mao also increasingly warned the people throughout the
nre concentrated in Asia, Africa and Latin America. world of the reactionary nature and role of Soviet social·
The centre of world contradictions. of world political struggles, is not
fixed buL shifts with changes in the international struggles and the revolu· imperialism, including its intensifying efforts to infiltrate and
tionary situation. We believe that. wiLh the development of the contradic· subvert revolutionary movements aimed against U.S. imperialism
Lion and struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in Western and pervert these into instruments of its growing contention with
Europe and North America. the momentous day of battle will arrive in U.S. imperialism.
these homes of capitalism and heartlands of imperialism. When that day
comes. Western Europe and North Amedca will undoubtedly become the
centre of world political struggles, of world contradictions.'" A Great Internationalist

Adhering to and firmly upholding proletarian internationalism, Regardless of specific changes in the situation. Mao Tsetung
the Chinese Communist Party and the People's Republic of China continued to fight for the basic stand and line of support for the
under the leadership of Mao Tsetung opposed this to the stand of revolutionary struggle of the people in all countries, focluding the
the rev~sionist rulers of the Soviet Union, pointing to the duties vital national liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin
and responsibilities of the proletariat and its Communist Party in America, and to combat revisionism and revisionist subversion of
power in the socialist countries: this struggle down to his last breath. From all this we can see that
Mao Tsetung's great role in relation to revolution in colonial coun·
According to Marxism·Leninism and proletarian international.ism, tries lay first in developing the basic theory and strategy for ad·
every socialist country which has achieved victory in its revolution must vancing through the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the
actively support and assist the liberation struggles of the oppressed na· socialist revolution in such countries, and then in continuing to
tions. The socialist countries must. become base areas for supporting and champion support for the revolutionary struggles of the people of
developing the revolution of the oppressed nations and peoples
throughout the world. form the closest alliance with them and carry the the world, including, as a decisive part of this. assistance Lo the
proletarian world revolution through to completion. struggle of the people in the colonial countries, ideologically,
But the leaders of the CPSU virtually regard the victory of social.ism in politicallY and practically.
one country or several countries as the end of the proletarian world revolu· Today, although the situation in the various countries of Asia.
tion. Tbey want to subordinate the national liberation revolution to their Africa and Latin America varies and although the concrete condi·
general line of peaceful coexistence and to the national interests of their
own country .-' 0 tions may differ in some ways from those during China's new·
democratic revolution. nevertheless the basic theory, strategy, line
At this time and in the following years Mao continued to lead the !Ind leadership provided by Mao Tsetung for revolutions in these
Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people in supporting countries stands as one of Mao's truly great and immortal con·
the struggles of the people in various parts of the world, especially tributions to Marxism-Leninism and the revolutionary struggle
in the countries of Asia. Africa and Latin America, since these toward the ultimate goal of communism worldwide.
areas had become the focal point of the contradictions of the im·

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 Chapter 2

REVOLUTIONARY WAR AND

MILITARY LINE

Introduction

The first chapter, dealing with Mao's development of the line for
revoluticn in colonial countries, and in particular with the theory
and strategy of new-democratic revolution, pointed out that Mao's
contributions in that area were closely linked with those he made
in the field of warfare and military strategy. This chapter takes up
Mao's developm ent of the line of people's war in China and his
general contributicns to Marxist military line, theory and
strategy.

Basis, Fundamental Principles of Mao's MilitlU'y Line

In formulating a revolutionary line on warfare and Marxist

military strategy !lnd theory, Mao summed up and learned from
the contributions and writings on this subject of both Marxist
revolutionary leaders and other writers and thinkers from various
ages, both in China and in other countries. China itself, with its
thousands of years of history and repeated uprisings of the masses
and revolutionary wars, was rich in experience of wlU'fare, both an·
cient and more contemporary. Also in the brief period since the
proletariat bad emerged on the historical scene it bad been engag-
ed in a number of countries in revolutionary wars, sometimes
together Mth, even under the leadership of, other classes, in·
eluding the bourgeoisie, against feudalism, reactionary monar·
chies or other forces holding back the development of capitalism,
and sometimes as an independent force fighting together with
other oppressed masses for th.e seizure of power and the establish·
ment of a workers' state.
From the first, the leaders of the class conscious workers' move-
ment paid considerable attention to the question of armed struggle
and the role of revolutionary violence in advancing society from
young fighters of the Eighth Route Army i.n

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 40 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 41

one historical stage to the next, in particular from capitalism to course of this, Stalin made great contributions to the revolu-
socialism and ultimately communism. Marx and Engels followed tionary movement internationally and to communist strategy and
closely and wrote extensively on such historical events as the Civil tactics of warfare and their concrete application.
War in the U.S. as well as various progressive wars in Europe and
elsewhere. And in particular they followed closely and gave advice First Comprehensive Morxist Military Line
to the uprising of the workers in Paris which established the first,
though short·lived, workers' government in 1871, the Paris Com· But it was Mao Tsetung who was the first among the great
mune. They firmly established the basic principle of Marxism that Marxist leaders to develop a comprehensive and complete Marxist
the abolition of capitalism required as a first step the forcible over- military line and system of thought on military affairs. For over 20
throw of the capitalist state and the forcible suppression of the years Mao Tsetung led the Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese
overthrown capitalist class and capitalist elements in order to ad- people and the armed forces under the Communist Party's leader·
vance to classless society, communism. ship in waging revolutionary warfare against the warlords, against
Engels, in such works as his " Introduction' ' to Marx's The Class the reactionary regime of Chiang Kai·shek, then in the united front
Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850 and his famous Anti·Duhring as against Japan in the anti-Japanese war, and finally in the war of
well as in other works, summed up the recent developments in ar- liberation against Chiang Kai·shek and his U.S. backers, which
maments and other developments which gave rise to necessary resulted in the liberation of China in 1949.
changes in the strategy and tactics of modern warfare. And he Mao's development of Marx.ism-Leninism with regard to warfare
summed up political lessons from this and their application to the was closely linked with the character of the Chinese revolution.
question of the armed uprising of the working class against the For, as pointed out in the preceding chapter, from the beginning
rule of capital. the armed revolution was fighting the armed co1mter-revolution in
Lenin, in the beginning of the 1905 Revolution in Russia, which China. And this was both a specific feature and a specific advan-
he later would term a "dress rehearsal" for the successful seizure tage of the Chinese revolution.
of power in 1917, paid particular attention to the question of the In other words, as Mao pointed out and fought for, from the
tactics of street fighting and armed insurrection which had to be beginning warfare was the main form of the revolutionary move-
developed in order to confront the military power of the Tsar. In ment in China, 'rhis was a truth that Mao established as a basic
leading the successful insurrection in Russia in October 1917, principle of the Party only through fierce struggle against right
Lenin and Stalin developed Marxist theory and practice with opportunists within the Party at the early stages of the Chinese
regard to insurrection and warfare in a capitalist country-though revolution. It was in the course of leading the armed struggle
one with backward features such as large-scale survivals of through the various stages of the revolution that Mao fully
feudalism and backward conditions in the countryside. Lenin and developed his Marxist military line and strategy and system of
Stalin further developed Marxist theory, strategy and tactics on thought on military affairs, which guided the Chinese revolution to
revolutionary war, specifically in the civil war that followed the complete victory and made lasting contributions in greatly
victorious insurrection in October 1917. It was in this war that the enriching Marxism-Leninism on the question of warfare. As Mao
Russian workers and peasants. led by the Bolshevik Party and himself was to say, for himself as well as the Communist Party and
Lenin l\lld Stalin, defeated not only the overthrown capitalists and the Chinese masses which it led, it was a question of learning war-
landlords in Russia but fourteen reactionary powers that interven- fare through making warfare.
ed on the side of counter-revolution. At the same time, as pointed out earlier, Mao studied and ab-
And of course, in World War 2, in the great patriotic war of the sorbed the rich lessons of warfare, especially progrebsive wars in
USSR which ended in the defeat of the German Nazis, Stalin China and other countries, and the thinking and analysis of revolu·
brilliantly led the Soviet Red Army and the Soviet people as a tionary leaders, and particularly Marxist leaders, on the question
whole in waging revolutionary war to defeat the invasion and war of warfare. Furthermore, Mao brilliantly applied materialist
of aggression of the Nazis, which became the turning point and dialectics to the question of warfare and the development of
decisive factor in the war and the defeat of the fascist axis. Jn the revolutionary strategy for warfare in Chino through the various

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42 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS R.EVOLU'r!ONARY WAR 43

stages of the Chinese revolution. Mao's military works. then, are a isted ever since the emergence of private property and of classes.. ,,
rich treasure house not only of Marxist thought on the question of Mao made clear that the purpose of the proletariat in waging
war but also in the application of basic principles of Marxism. in war was to defeat imperialism and reaction and advance society
particular Marxist philosophy. toward the stage of communism, where war would finally be
Mao's miliUiry line was rooted in the basic fact that revolu· eliminated with the elimination of classes. He vividly showed that
tionary war depends on the masses of people and can only succeed it is necessary to wage warfare in order to end warfare; as he
on the basis that it enjoys their support and enlists them actively graphically put it, in order t.o get rid of the gun it is necessary to
in the struggle against the counter-revolutionary forces. In other pick up the gun. This was a stinging refutation of revisionist and
words, as Mao said, a people·s war is a war of the masses. This has other bourgeois trash that preaches passivity and pacifism to the
important application not only in countries like China but univer- masses in order to set them up for slaughter by the reactionaries
sally for the revolutionary struggle in all countries. And while the and hold back the revolutionary struggle.
military tactics Mao developed have specific relevancy and impor· Further, in " Problems of War and Strategy," written in
tance for countries like China during the period of the new- November 1938. Mao explained that "The seizure of power by arm·
democratic revolution. the basic principles of Mao's military line ed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the central task and
have general application to revolutionary warfare in all countries. the highest form of revolution. This Marxist-Leninist principle of
From the very beginning, Mao fought for, and through the revolution holds good universally. for China and for all other coun·
course of the revolution further deepened and forged. some of these tries. "• Mao immediately added, however, " But while the principle
basic principles. Of great importance among these is the principle remains the same, its application by the party of the proletariat
that the Party must command the gun, and not the other way finds expression in varying ways according to the varying condi-
around-in other words, that the Party must lead the revolu· tions:·• As on other questions, with regard to the Marxist military
tionary armed forces and the armed struggle, and the army must line for revolutionary war, Mao concretely analyzed the concrete
never be allowed to become at the same time the political leading conditions, combatted dogmatism as well as revisionism and on
force of the revolution or a force independent from the political this basis developed the correct military line in opposition to
leadership of the Party; and, linked to this. that man, not weapons, various opportunist military lines.
is decisive in warfare, a fundamental truth that Mao fought for, The correct military line for China's revolution was based on the
defended and developed in opposition to the opportunism of old co.r rect analysis of Chinese society and the character of the Chinese
and new revisionists, from Bernstein and Kautsky to Khrushchev revolution in general, which flowed from the basic semi-colonial,
and Khrushchev-types in China itself. semi-feudal nature of China and its specific conditions, including
Further, Mao developed the basic orientation which has applies· its relation to various imperialist powers, during the course of this
tion for oppressed nations and for socialist countries subjected to revolution. It was on this basis that Mao developed the strategy of
imperialist aggression, and further for all revolutionary armed establishing base areas. waging protracted war to surround the
forces which start off small and/or weak in opposition to their cities from the countryside and finally capture the cities and win
adversary-the orientation of first proceeding from the strategic nationwide political power. the correct road on which Mao led the
defensive and waging the war in such a way as to prepare for and Chinese masses in waging the successful revolutionary struggle in
finally go over to the strategic offensive and on that basis carry China. .
the warfare through to victory.
In developing his line on revolutionary war, Mao based himself Revolutionary Bue Areas
on and forcefully r04Jf1rmed the fundamental Marxist analysis of
the question of war. For example. in ..Problems of Strategy in At the very early stages of the Chinese revolution. Mao made
China's Revolutionary War," written in December 1936, Mao and defended the analysis of why red political power could exist in
pointed out that" War is the highest form of struggle for resolving China-that is, why it was possible to establish liberated base
contradictions, when they have developed to a certain stage. b& areas and use them as the foundation for waging revolutionary
tween dasses. nations, states, or political groups. and it has ex· war. Mao provided leadership in carrying this out, not only in

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« IMMORTAL CONTR IBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 45

theory but in practice. In 1927 he led the Autumn Harvest Upris· proacb wouJd isolate the revolutionary forces and the revolu·
ing, from which the armed forces were developed which established tionary army from the broad masses and was bound to lead to
the first revolutionary base area in China in the Chingkang Moun· defeat. In refuting this line Mao stressed that "there will soon be a
tains. The basic line of establishing base areas and waging warfare high tide of revolution" throughout the country as a whole, and
with them as the foundation was itself a brilliant application of s pecifically in response to the question of what was meant by
Marxist materialist dialectics and provided the means for turning " soon" Mao, in a now famous and powerfully poetic statement, ex-
weakness and backwardness in China into a strength for the plained it as follows;
revolutionary struggle. Mao pointed out that not only was China
subjected to imperialist aggression and domination, but that But when I say that there will soon be a high tide of revolution io China, I
various imperialist powers were contending for conkol of China am emphatically not speaking of something which in the words of some
and the various reactionary forces in China were aligned with and people "is possibly coming" , something illusory, unattainable and devoid
lackeys of these contending imperialists. Therefore the reactionary of significance for action. It is like a ship far out at sea whose mast-head
can already be seen from the shore; it is like the morning sun in the east
forces in China were divided. Further, he pointed out that in the whose shimmering rays are visible from a high mountain top; it is like a
vast countryside of China there was "a localized agricultural child about to be born moving restlessly in its mother's womb.•
economy (not a unified capitalist economy)" and ~his provided the
economic base for relatively self-sufficient base areas to exist.• The establishment of base areas was, of course, not an end in
From the beginning Mao stressed that the armed struggle in China itself, but the means and the foundation for waging revolutionary
must be integrated with the agrarian revolution and that it was warfare. It was a question of establishing the political power of the
generally linked to the democratic revoh.ition in China. He stressed masses through armed struggle and then using this as a support
that "the regions where China's Red political power has first and rear area for engaging tbe enemy in revolutionary warfare.
emerged and is able to last for a long time have not been those Here again, the role and struggle of the masses was decisive. In
unaffected by the democratic revolution .. . but regions . . where establishing the first base area in the Chingkang Mountains as ear·
the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers rose in great numbers ly as 1927, Mao chose. an area where the mass struggle was at a
in the course of the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1926 and high level, and this was a most decisive factor in terms of not only
1927."6 establishing but being able to maintain an independent regime, a
Mao pointed out that the existence and survival of such base liberated base area. With this as a foundation, Mao led not only in
areas was an unprecedented event in the history of the world, and formulating but in applying:
he consistently pointed to the material and political reasons why
such base areas could exist and could be expanded in the course of the policy of establishing base areas; of systematically setting up political
revolutionary struggle. In this he had to wage a fierce ideological power: of deepening the agrarian revolution; of expanding the people's
struggle against putschists in the Chinese Communist Party who armed forces by a comprehensive process of building up first the townsltip
wanted to wage big attacks on the cities, rather than establish Red Guards. then the district Red Guards, then the county Red Guards,
base areas, who wanted to attempt to seize nationwide power right then the local Red Army troops, all the way up to the regular Red Army
troops; of spreading political power by advancing in a series of waves. etc.,
away and all at once. But even more he had to wage struggle etc. Only thus is it possible to build the confidence of the revolutionary
against pessimism and right opportunism, including that of Lin masses· throughout the country, as the Soviet Union hos built it
Piao even at this early stage of the Chinese Revolution, in the late throughout the world. Only thus is it possible to create tremendous dif·
1920s. Such people were raising the question, " How long can we ficulties for the reactionary ruling classes, shake their foundations and
keep the red flag flying?" and doubting and challenging the bast.en their internal disintegration. Only thus is it really possible to
cn!ate a Red Army which will become the chief weapon for the great
strategy of establishing base areas and waging protracted warfare. revolution of the future. In short. only thus is it possible to hasten the
Instead, such people, not believing that a revolutionary high tide revolutionary high tide.'
in the country was imminent and being despondent in the face of
temporary setbacks, wanted to go in for roving guerrilla actions It was in this way that the workers' and peasants' army was in
and act as roving rebel bands. Mao pointed out that such an ap· fact built up and the armed struggle against the counter·
46 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 47

revolutionary forces of Chiang Kai-shek was developed. From very enemy tires. we attack; the enemy retreats. we pursue."
early on, Mao had developed some of the basic principles that were "To nt.end stable base areas, employ the policy of advancing in waves:
to form the foundation of his military line. He concentrated the when pursued by a powerful enemy, employ the policy of circling around."
many complexities of war into the formulation that the basic prin- "Arouae the largest numbers of the masses in the short.est possible time
ciple in war is to "preserve oneself and destroy the enemy." On the and by the best possible methods."
Theae tactics are just like casting a net; at any moment we should be
other hand he applied materialist dialectics not only to able t.o ca.s t it or draw it in. We cast it wide tA> win over the m839es and
demonstrate how, overall, destroying the enemy is the principal draw it in wdeal with the eneiey. Such are the tactica we baveueed for the
aspect, but to develop out of an understanding of the basic princi- past three year9.•
ple in war 11 whole series of strategic and tactical lines as well as
particular methods for waging revolutionary war and specific cam· Of particular importance was what came to be called "the
paigns and battles within such a war in the concrete conditions of sixteen-character formula: 'The enemy advances, we retreat: the
the Chinese revolution at each of its stages, leading to the suc- enemy camps, we harass: the enemy tires, we attack; the enemy
cessful seizure of nationwide political power. retreats. we pursue.' " Several years later, Mao was to point out
Mao stressed that in fighting battles and attacking the enemy it that "The sixteen-character formula covered the basic principles
wa~ n~ssary to concentrate the forces of the revolutionary army, for combating 'encirclement and suppression'; it covered the two
while m order to develop and spread revolutionary struggle among stages of the strategic defensive and the strategic offensive, and
the masses it was correct to disperse the armed forces of the within the defensive, it covered the two stages of the strategic
revolution. Both of these were important, for unless the masses retreat and the strategic counter-offensive. What came later was
were aroused and unless the armed struggle was integrated with only a development of this formula."• Through the development
the revolutionary struggle of the masses, i:n particular the agrarian and application of these principles Mao led the revolutionary arm·
revolution in the countryside, then despite its heroism and even ed forces in defeating four successive "encirclement and auppres·
despite clever tactics in fighting, the Red Army would degenerate sion'' campaigns launched by Chiang Kai·shek in an attempt to
into banditry and warlordism. It would lack both a political and wipe out the revolutionary armed forces and the revolutionary
economic basis for waging revolutionary war, relying on the base areas. All during this period, however, there was sharp op·
masses of people. On the other hand, unless the revolutionary ar· position and interference wiUUn the Communist Party itself from
my adopted and successfully carried out correct military strategy varioue "left" opportunist lines. Most damaging of these lines was
and tactics. and in particular the principle of concentrating its the "left" opportunism of Wang Ming, who was later to flip over
forces, amassing a superior force in any particular battle against into outright right opportunism and capitulationism during the
the enemy, then it would not be able to sustain the base areas it anti-Japanese war and the united front against Japan.
had established and to further arouse and mobilize the masses in
revolutionary struggle. build up the armed forces of the revolution Combatting Opportunist Lines
and gradually expand the revolutionary war. In "A Single Spark
Can Start a Prairie Fire." Mao summed up the military principles In this period of the early 1930s Wang Ming's "left" opportunist
which had been developed through the course of three years of line with regard to military affairs underestimated the enemy and
armed struggle: insisted on the strategy of attacking large cities in opposition to the
correct line of establishing and linking up base areas and luring Uie
. The tact.ice we have derived from the struggle of the past three years are enemy in deep in order to strike a~ it, concentrate superior forces in
mdeed different from any other tactics, ancient or modern, Chinese or particular battles and wipe out its troops, and iD this way break
foreign. With our tactics, the masses can be aroused for struggle on an through the encirclement and in thir particular campaign go from
ever-broadening acale, and no enemy, however powerful, can cope with us. the defensive to the offensive. Owing to the interference of Wang
Ours are guenilla tactics. They consist mainly of the following pointa: Ming's "left" opportunist line, the Chinese Communiat Party and
"Divide our forces t.o arout1e the mas91!S, concentrate our forces to deal the revolutionary army under its leadership were finally unable to
with tba enemy."
"The enemy advances, we retreat; the enemy camps, we harass; the dereat the fifth "encirclement and suppression" campai.gn launched

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Chinese peasants from the liberated areas mobilize to support the Peo-
ple's Liberation Army in the war ror national liberation.

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50 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 51

by Chfang Kai-shek agains~ them, and were forced in 1934 to aban- defeated and soon after defected to the Kuomintang reactionaries.
don the central base area in the south. Mao Tsetung, summing up Through the course of the Long March, keeping firmly in mind
these developments, led the Chinese Communist Party's Red Anny the objective of establishing the base areas for waging the struggle
in carrying out what became a historical event without precedent, against Japan as well as the immediate objective of breaking
the Long March. For two years, fighting on the average of more through and defeating the "encirclement and suppression" of
than one battle a day, and winding over several thousand miles, the Chiang Kai-shek, Mao bl'illiantly applied military str~tegy. In par-
Red Army was finally able to break through the encirclement of ticular, he led the revolutionary armed forces in gaining the in·
Chiang Kai·shek's forces end advance to the 11orthwest, itiative and exercising flexibility under extremely difficult cir-
establishing base areas there. The advance to the northwest was not cumstances. Mao pointed out in his military writings that the
simply a question of fighting through, breaking the encirclement question of initiative was closely linked to the question of
and avoiding: suppression and annihilation by Chiang Kai-shek's superiority, and it was the case during the Long March that the
forces, but was directly linked to the question of waging warfare reactionary forces of Chiang Kai·shek enjoyed strategic superiori·
against the Japanese, who had invaded the northeast of China and ty in terms of numbers and training as well a8 armaments. But,
were prepanng to advance into the rest of the country. taking that into account and applying materialist dialectics and
In January 1935, a decisive turning point took place in the specific principles of military strategy and tactics based on them,
history of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese revolu· Mao led the revolutionary armed forces in establishing tactical
tion. An expanded meeting of the Political Bureau of the Party's superiority in certain battles and in seizing the initiative tactically
Central Committee was held in wbich Mao Tsetung's military line within the situation where the enemy strategically had superiori·
was upheld in opposition to the opportunist line of Wang Ming and ty. At the same time, Mao also correctly hand.led the dialectical
others, and Mao's leadershlp of the Chinese Communist Party and relationship between the main direction and secondary direcr
the Red Army was affirmed. This laid the basis for correctly carry· tions-tbat is, he led the Red Army in shifting its directions tac-
ing out the armed struggle against Japan, which was posing itself tically in order to fight battles in the most favorable cir-
as the urgent requirement of the revolutionary struggle at the cumstances, in order to be able to launch surprise attacks on the
time. enemy, while at the same time.adhering to the main direction of ad,
In solidifying Mao's revolutionary line and leadership with vancing to the north in ord!!l' to be able to wage revolutionary war·
regard to the armed struggle and within the Chinese Communist fare against Japanese aggression.
Party a sharp struggle also bad to be waged against the flightism ''Problems Of Strategy In China's Revolutionary War," writtlm
and splittism of Chang Kuo-tao, who attempted to set up a bogus by Mao in December 1936, summed up the experience of revolu·
Central Committee in opposition to Mao's leadership and refused tionary war in China under the leadership of the Chinese Com·
to unite his armed forces with those under Mao's leadership to munist Party up t-0 that point and laid the basis for waging revolu·
wage the struggle agaiµst Japan. Looking at the temporary and tionary war in resistance to Japanese aggression. In this work
superficial phenomenon that the Communist Party and the Red Mao reaffirmed the fundamental principle that he had fought for
Army under its leadership had lost a large part of their forces and set forth in earlier works, such as "The Struggle In The
through the course of the Long March, and acting in the manner of Chingkang Mountains," in November of 1928, and "On Correcting
a warlord attempting to carve out territory for himself, Chang Mistaken Ideas In The Party," written in December 1929- the
Kuo-tao insisted on retreating away from the task of establishing principle that the Party must lead the army and the armed 'ltrug·
base areas and using them to engsge Ui revolutionary warfare gle and that the revolutionary struggle must have the ideolog:ical
against the Japanese aggressors. Mao, in opposition to this, in- and political leadership of the proletariat.
sisted that it was through the establishment of these base areas This leadership was not only established through the vanguard
and the waging of the war against J a.pan and the full mobilizing role of the Communist Party-which was overall the most impor·
and arousing of the masses for this struggle that the Chinese Com· tent aspect of the proletariat's leading role-but also (if secondari·
munist Party and the revolutionary armed forces would grow and !y) was realized through the active particjpation of a number of
become stronger. Through this struggle Chang Kuo-tao was class-conscious workers as backbone forces in the Communist Par-

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 52 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 53

ty and the revolutionary army founded by Mao. In fact, Mao had general, it was also necessary to study and develop specific lines
taken with him to the first base area in the Chingkang Mountains and policies on warfare itself. As Mao explained, "Our revolu·
many workers who had been recruited out of various struggles of tionary war has proved that we need a correct Marxist military
the working class. Thus it is fundamentally wroug to argue that line as weU as a correct Marxist political line. ''11
the Chinese revolution. in proceeding from the countryside to the Reviewing the experience of !Jen years of warfare against the
cities, represented the hegemony of the petty bourgeoisie Kuomintang reactionaries, Mao pointed out that a specific feature
(specifically the peasantry) rather than the leadership of the pro- of the Chinese revolution and revolutionary war in China was that
letariat in the revolutionary movement. Such u position fails to Chine was a very large country and that this afforded the revolu·
grasp the dialectics of the revolution in China in its new· tlonary forces room for maneuver. Secondly, with regard to the
democratic stage, and in particular the fact that the peasantry was war against Chiang Kai-shek's forces, it had been necessary to
the main force but the working class-principally through the line take into account the important characteristic that the enemy was
and policies of its Party and secondarily through the backbone role big and powerful while, at the beginning of the war, the revolu·
of class·conscious workers-remained the leading force. tionary forces, and the Red Army, were small and weak. At the
In " Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" Mao same time. showin.z t.he interpenetration and close link between
emphasited that: " Therefore, in an era when the proletariat has political and military questions, Mao pointed out that an impor·
already appeared on the political stage, the responsibility for tant characteristic of the struggle against the Kuomintang was
leading China's revolutionary war inevitably falls on the shoulders that the Communist Party· firmly upheld and carried out the
of the Chinese Communist Party."• 0 This work was written to agrarian revolution, whereas the Kuomintang opposed the
combat various erroneous tendencies within the Chinese Com· agrarian revolution and therefore it lacked support from the
munist Party and in particular against various forms of peasantry, which the Communist Party was able to mobilize es the
dogmatism and mechanical thinking-either to regard it as suffi· main force for the revolution and the main support for revolu·
cient to study and understand the Jaws of war in general, making tiooary war.
no distinction between reactionary and progressive or revolu· Summing up these points, Mao showed that it W88 the case that
tlonary wars: or to mechanically copy the experience of the Civil because of large territory and maneuvering room in China and
War in Russia leading to the establishment of the Soviet Union; or because of the leadership of the Communist Party and its integra·
to regard the early experience of the Chinese Communist Party tion of the agrarian revolution with the armed struggle, it was
when it was still within the Kuomintang as the only valid or most possible for the Red Army to grow and eventually defeat the
valuable experience, negating the rich lessons of the revolutionary enemy. On the other band he stressed that because of the fact that
war of ten years against Chiang Kai-shek's reactionary forces that at the beginning the enemy was big and powerful while the Red Ar-
followed the breakup of the alliance with the Kuomintang after my was small and weak, it was impossible to rapidly defeat the
Chiang's coup in 1927. enemy and therefore the revolutionary war in China must of
In answering this Mao pointed out tha~ the laws of war, the laws necessity assume a protracted character. Mao's purpose in sum·
of revolutionary war. and the laws of China's revolutionary war ming up and analyzing these important characteristics was not OD·
were all problems which required study, analysis, and solution. ly to arm Party members and the masses with a correct under-
and that while there were certain basic principles to warfare in standing of the military line in general.. but also to lay the basis for
general, to revolutionary warfare in particular, and specifically to waging the war of resistance against Japan. As he pointed out,
China's revolutionary war, it was necessary to continue to apply " China's revolutionary war, which began in 1924, has passed
concrete analysis to concrete conditions and continue to develop through two stages, the first from 1924 to 1927, and the second
the correct military strategy. While the line for wa,giog revolu· from 1927 to 1936; the stage of national revolutionary war against
tjonsty warfare could, of course, not be divorced from an overall Japan will now commence." 12 Lessons which bad been learned at
analysis of the character of the Chinese revolution in general as the cost of g188t sa.crifice and paid for in blood had to be applied
well as at the particular stage of resistance against Japan. end concretely to the present s~ggle against the Japanese ag·
while it could not be divorced from a r.orrect political line in gressors.

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 54 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTlONARY WAR 55

Orrenslve and Derensive force agallist a larger one rather than the correct policy of concen·
trating a larger force against a numerically inferior force to wipe it
Certain specific characteristics of the war againsL the Kuomin- out in any particular battle or campaign. Such people opposed the
tang might not entirely apply in the war against Japan. For exam· absolutely correct and necessary policy of luring the enemy in
pie. in the short run in the war against the Kuomintang the enemy deep, surround.log it with the masses. cutting off its forces into
(Chiang kai-shek's forces) had a large population from which to various parts and annihilating them bit by bit. Mao noted that
draw, or press-gang, its troops, whereas in the war against such erroneous arguments were raised in opposition to "guerrilla·
Japanese aggression it was the Chinese nation thaL had a large ism" but that they would certainly lead to defeat, not victory, and
populetion from which to draw its troops while Japan was not that, where they held sway, they had led to exactly that.
capable of fielding as large an army. Nevertheless, the basic prin· Mao emphatically stated that:
ciples of revolutionary war which had been forged in the course of
the struggle against the Kuomintang must now be applied in wag· Without a doubt t.liese theories and practices were all wrong. They were
ing the revolutionary war against Japan. nothing but 9ubjectivism. Under ravorabla circumst.ances this subjec·
Uvism manifested itself in petty·bourgeois revolutionary fanaticism and
And this was I.rue for most of the specific characteristics of the lmpetuoeity, but in times of adversity. as the situation worsened. it
revolutionary war against the Kuomintang. For example, a most changed successively into desperate recklessness, conservatism and
important factor which Mao pointed to in summing up the strug· flightism. They were the theories and practices of hotheads and ig-
gle against the "encirclement and suppression" campaigns was noramuaes; they did not have the slightest flavor of Marxism about them;
that i~ these battles "the two forms of 6,ghting, offensive and indeed they were anti·Marxist.••
defensive, are both employed, and here there is no difference from
Those who held such wrong and opportunist theories had in fact
any other war, ancient or modern, in China or elsewhere. The
been responsible for the defeat of the Red Army during the filth
special ~haracteristic of China's civil war, however. is the repeated
"encirclement and suppression" campaign of Chiang Kai-shek.
alternation of the two forms over a long period of time."••
Mao recalled that they had incorrectly argued that, "Even though
At the same time, Mao stressed the special importance of the
luring the enemy deep into our territory might have been useful in
strategic defensive in waging revolutionary war. He emphasized
the past, it would be useless against the enemy's ftith 'encircltr
that "In every just war the defensive not only has a lulling effect
ment and suppression' campaign in which he adopted the policy of
on politically alien elements, it also makes possible the rallying of
blockhouse warfare. The only way to deal with this campaign. they
the backward sections of the masses to join in the war."•• He
noted that: said, was to divide up our forces for resistance and make short
swift thrusts at the enemy. " 11
At the same time Mao pointed out that passive defense was also
The _military eitpe:rts of t.he newer and rapidly developing imperialist
couobi~, oatne!Y· Germany and Japan, trumpet the advent.ages of the wrong and would lead to defeat. He stressed that the point in
strategic offensive and come out against tbe strategic defensive. Tbis fighting defensive warfare, and of strategic retreat as a key part of
kind of military thln.king is absolutely unsuited to China's revolutionary defensive warfare, was in fact to prepare to go over to the counter·
war. These military expert.a assert that a serious weakness of the defen· offensive. He summed this point up in this way: "Strategic retreat
aiYe is that it shakes popular morale, instud of inspiring it. Tbis applies is aimed solely at switching over to the counter-offensive and is
to countries where class contradictions are acute and the war benefits only
the reactionary ruling strata or the reactionary p0lit.ical groups in power. merely the first stage of the strategic defensive. The decisive link
But our situation is different.,. in the entire strategy is whether victory can be won in the stage of
the counter-offensive which follows. " 1•
And Mao summed up the serious errors of those in the Chinese Once again Mao emphasized the crucial importance of concen·
~ommunist Party who had insisted on not giving up any territory lrating superior force8 tactically within the situation where
1~ the face of enemy attacks and wanted to fight the enemy "out. strategically the enemy had superior numbers as well as superior
111de the gates,'' who advocated striking out in two directions, rely· training and arm.a ments. This came to be capsulized in the for-
ing on posi~ionaJ warfare and following the policy of pitting a small mula: "strategy, one against ten; tactics, ten against one." In
 56
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS Rf.VOl,UTIONARY WAR

other words, .in the strategic situation where the revolutionary 0,er a fairly long period of time wipe out large numbers of enemy
forces were still greatly ?utnun~bered by thecounter·revolutionary forces and in this way wear down and finally defeat the enemy.
forces it w.as .necessary m parta.cular battles and campaigns t.o ap·
ply lhe principle of concentrating an overwhelming force to wipe Guerr illa Warf are
out a numerically inferior section of the enemy force.
Meo also pointed out that another important charoct.erisLic of A year and o half later, after almost. a year or experience in the
the operations of the revolutionary army which flowed from Lhe war ofresistance against Japan. Mao wrote" Problems of Strategy
fact that the enemy had technical superiority over it was that il in Guerrilla War Against Japan'" in May 1938. As a note to this ar·
fought, with ~uid ~nd no.t fixed battle lines. And through analyzing ticle explained, it wa~ written as part of a struggle against those
th~ oppo~tumst ~~e which had led to defeat in the face of Chiang inside and outside the Party who "belittled the imporlanL
Ka1·shek s fifth encirclement and suppression" campaign and strategic role of guerrilla warfare and pinned their hopes on
bad forced the Chinese Communist Party and the Red Army to em- regular warfare alone. and particularly on the operations of the
bark on whet became the Long March, Mao pointed out, with a Kuomintang forces. Comrade Mao Tse-tung refuted this view and
brilliant application of dialectics. that "The mistaken rejection of wrote this article to show the correct road of development for anti-
guerrilla warfare and fluidity on a smaU scale had led to guerriUa Japanese guerriUa warfare.""'
warfare and fluidity on a great scale."•• ln this work Mao reiterated the basic principle that the war
Mao insisted on a dialectical approach to what was called must be fought at its beginning stages and throughout most of it.s
"gu.e~rilla·ism:" :ie rejected "guerrilla-ism" insofar as it meant op· duration as a strategically defensive war and that it must be a pro-
position to bu1ldmg a regular army. AL the same time he stressed tracted war. This was necessary and also could be turned to the ad·
the importance of guerrilla warfare and defended this against vantage of the revolutionary war, owing to the fact that on the one
t?osi; w~.o deno~nced the use of guerrilla warfare as "guer· hand ,Japan was a strong country and was waging a war of aggres-
rilla·tsm. He pointed out that in this sense "guerrilla-ism" had sion, an unjust war, while China was weak in terms of t.echnical
two aspects, and that while the revolutionary army and revolu- ability and level of development of its productive forces bul was
~i1>n1lry warfare in China had developed to a much higher level than waging a just war of resistance which could and must rely upon
m the early stages of the first formation of armed units (the first the strength of tbe masses of people. Because of these factors it
building up of the Red Atmyj still it was necessary to retain and was the case that Japan could and would occupy large parts of
continue to apply some of the principles which had been forged Chinese territory. This increased the necessity and importance of
~hrough the waging of guerrilla war. He summed this up by say· waging guerrilla warfare, especially withia the areas generally oc·
mg: cu pied by the Japanese aggressors.
Mao pointed out that "'the basic principle of guerrilla warfare
. At pre&ent we oppose I he wrong meuures of the period of the domlna· must be the oHensive, and guerrilla warfare is more offensive in its
won of "left" opportunism on the one hand and on the other the revival of character than regular warfare. " 22 He stressed, however. that the
~y of the irregular features which the Red Anny had in its infancy but offensive in guerrilla warfare must take the form of surprise at·
which are now unnecess11ry , But we should be re~olule in restoring the tacks. He further emphasized that in guerrilla warfare it was even
m~y valuabJe principles of army building and of •lrategy and t.actics by
which the Red Anny bas consis~nlly won iLs viclorie!l."° · more important. than in regular warfare to fight battles of quick
decision. Guerrilla warfare is by its nature more dispersed than
Fina!ly in this work, Mao reaffirmed the all-important principle even mobile warfare but, Mao insisted, aL the same time the princi·
of waging war fore of annihilation, that is fighting battles and cam· pie of concentrating a superior force to strike at a small part of the
paigns not merely to rout the enemy but to thoroughly wipe it out enemy remains valid and iD'lportant in guerrilla warfare.
and achieve a quick victory in battles. This, again, was u masterful In the overall sense, during the entire war, Mao said, regular
applicat~o~ o~ dialectics, ~f a~plying the tactics of quick victory warfare would be principal and guerrilla warfare secondary.
and anmbilation to the s1tuat1on where tbe strategic orientation However, regular warfare meant principally mobile warfare and
must be .a protracted war and a war of attrition to gradually and only secondarily positional warfare. Mobile war refers to warfare

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 58 IMMORTALCONTRLBUTIONS 59
REVOLOTIOfllARY WAR

"On Protracted War"

fought by regular units with rear base areas and on a relatively
large scale, applying the principle of moving and fighting, moving Written at the same lime as "Problem~ of Strategy in Guerrilla
in order Lo fight; guerrilla warfare is generally fought by more ir· War Against Japan" Mao's "On Protracted War" was a broader
regular units, mainly for bhe purpose of harassing the enemy in its and more general statement summing up the principles of war and
own territory. Mao summed up that, mainly through regular-and revolutionary war in particular and setting down the policies and
~rincipally mobile-warfare but with guerrilla warfare playing an overall strategic orientation for the war of resistance against
unportant though secondary role, the road to victory Jay in "the Japan. Mao pointed out that the war of the Chinese nation in
accumulation of many minor victories to make a major victory."•• resistance to Japan was a war "which has no p.recedent in the
In other words. in both regular as well as guerrilla warfare it was hisLory of the East. and which will go down as a great war in world
n_ecessary Lo stress the principles of fighting battles of quick deci· history too."•~
s1on. of concentrating a big force to strike at a small section of the In this work Mao forcefully combatted and refuted the theory of
enemy forces and to annihilate the enemy forces piece by piece, China's inevitable subjugation as well as the theory of quick vie·
thus through a protracted process carrying out a war of attrition tory, both of which had considerable currency within China
against the enemy until it was weakened to the point where the generally as well as in the Chinese Communist Pari.y itself, thou.gh
final coup de grace could be delivered to it. the former, the theory of subjugation and its outlook of capitula·
Mao also gave emphasis to the question of developing guerrilla tion, constituted overall the greater danger. Mao analyzed once
war into mobile war through the course of the anti-Japanese war. again and in a thorough way the factors which explained both why
He pointed ou.t: it w11,s possible for China to wage a victorious war of resistance
against Japan and why on the other hand it must be a protracted
S~ca the war is protracted and ruthless, it is possible for the guerrilla war. He criticized both the notion that since Japan was superior to
uruts to undergo the necessary steeling and gradually t.o transform China in arms and technology therefore China could not wage a
themselve~ into regular f~rces, so that their mode of operations is gradual· successful war of resistance and the notion, which he described as
ly regularized and guerrilla warfare develops into mobile warfare. The groundlessly optimistic, that Japan could be easily defeated, a no·
necessity an~ possibility of t~s development must be clearly recognized
by the guen1lla commanders 1f they are to persist in, and systematically tion which, he pointed out. belittled the strategic role of guerrilla
carry out. the policy of turning guerrilla warfare into mobile warfare... warfare in the war against Japan.
Mao thoroughly and all·sidedly answered the argument that
In formulating this principle Mao criticized those who took lbe China would not be able to achieve victory. He concretely analyzed
purely militlll'y approach, pointing out: the specific features of the anti-Japanese war and the international
situation in which it was taking place. He pointed out that Japan,
They do not l'Uiize that the development of guerrilla warfare into mobile while temporarily powerful and enjoying technical superiority over
warfare means not the abandonment of guerrilla warfare, but the gradual China, was after all an imperialist power and therefore moribund,
formation, in the !llldst of widespread guerrilla warfare, of a main force while on the other hand China was historically in an era of prog·
ca_11able of conducting mobile warfare, a force around which there must
s~ill be numerous guerrilla units carrying on exten•ive guerrilla opera· ress-the proletariat and its Party had emerged on the scene and
tions. These guerrilla units are powerful auxiliaries to the main force and was leading the war of resistance against Japan. Mao further
serve as inexhaustible reserves for i~ continuous g?"Owth... pointed out that internationally there was the existence of the
Soviet Union and wide-scale progressive and revolutionary
And Mao went on to add that the principle of decentralized com· movements in various countries throughout the world which were
mand in campaigns or battles should be applied to regular as weJJ opposed to Japan's war of aggression against China.
as guerrilla war-in short. that it was necessary to have unified On the basis of a concrete analysis of the different strengths and
strategy and overall a centralized strategic command but at the weaknesses of Japan and China Mao summed up once again that:
same time decentralized command and initiative and flexibility in
waging particular campaigns and battles. Japan can ride roughshod over China for o certain iime and t.o a cer-

wwvv .wenaewana.oro
GO IMMORTALCONTRIBUTlONS nF:VOl,UTIONAHY WAR fl I

Luin ext~nl, LhHt Chinu musl unavoidably Lravel a hard stretch of road, favorable Lum 'l'o do what they W8Jll would be Lo inflict !ncolculable
and that the War of Resistance will be a protracwd war and not a war of damage on the entire war, spell finis Lo tbe protracted war. and land us 1n
quick decision; nevertheless, it follows from the other contrast-a small 1he enemy's deadly trap; actually, it would be the worsl policy. Undoubt·
country, retrogression and meagre support versus a big country, progress cdly. if '"e ore to avoid decisive engagements, we shall have to abandon
and abundant support- that Japan cannot ride roughshod over China in· territory, and we must have the courage to do so when land onl} whenl il
definitely but is sure to meet Cinal defeat, while China can never be sub- iwcomes completely unavoidable. At- such times we should not foci th~
jugated but is sure lo win final vict.ory." ~light.est regret, for this policy of trading space for llme is correct.'"

This was o sharp ideological struggle which had decisive effect in Mao answered those who called such a policy one of non·
relation LO lhe military struggle against Japan. At that time. at re.'listance, pointing to the truth that unless the strategy of pro-
Lhe beginning of the war, it was not at all clear, looking only on the t ructed war and the various principles that were inevitably part of
surface and without examining the essence of things, that it were applied, and if in place of these the strategy of the theorists
backward China could defeat advanced Japan. Because of this the of quick victory was adopted. then this would inevitably land the
tendencies lo capitulate and to attempt to avord protracted war Chinese nation in tbe position of subjugation. Mao summed this
were greatly strengthened. point up in the following way:
Mao forcefully combatted those who wanted to adopt a policy of
capitulation and concession to Japan and who promoted the er· Not to fight at aU but to compromise with the enemy- that is non·
roneous notion that this would halt Japan 's advances throughout resistance. which should not only be denounced but must never be
China and induce Japan to rest content with its seizure of only cer· tolerated. We must resolutely fight the War of Resistance, but in order Lo
avoid the enemy's deadly trap, it is absolutely necessary lhaL we should
tain ports of northern China. Mao pointed to the imperialist nature not oUow our main forces to be finished off atone blow, whkh would make
of Japan, which was in fierce rivalry with other imperialist powers, it difficult to continue the War of Resistanc&-in brief, it is absolutely nee·
a.nd he showed how Japan could not stand still with a partial essury Lo avoid national subjugation. 'l'o have doubts on lhi.9 poinL is t<l be
seizure of China but must push deeper into the interior of China. shortsighLed on the quest.ion of the war and is sure to lead one into the
Basing hirnself on a class analysis of the forces not oo.ly within ranks of the subjugationists. We have criticized the desperate reckless·
ness of "only advance, never retreat" precisely because, if it b~came the
China but internationally and the relationship bel.ween the inter· foehion this doctrine would make it impossible to ~ontinue lhc War of
0
nul and external forces, Mao pointed out that the Kuomintang Resisls nce and would lead to the danger of ultimate nut.ional
"depends on Britain and the United States and hence will not aubjugaLion.••
capitulate to Japan unless they tell it to."•• Thus, Mao pointed
out, the tendency to capitulate and compromise with Japanese im· Summing up the basis of the two erroneous kinds of think·
perialism, while great and dangerous, could and would be over· ing- the theory of subjugation and the theory of quick vie·
come by relying on the masses of Chinese people and the Chinese tory-and formulating in opposition to both of these the correct
nation as a whole, which overwhelmingly favored and demanded understanding, Mao ruade the following concise formulation:
resistance against Japan.
At lhe same time Mao refuted the erroneous arguments of the In the eyes of the subjugationists lhe enemy are supemien and we
theorists of quick victory and pointed to the fundamental unity be- Chinese .;..t' worthless, while in the eyes of the theorists of quick viccory
Wit Chinese are supermen and tbe enemy are worthless. Both are wrong
tween the theory of subjugation and tbe theory of quick victory. We Lake a different view; the War of Resistance Against Japan is a pro-
Speaking of those who advocated quick victory Mao said pointed· tracted war, and 1he final victory will be China's. These are our conclu
ly. "they lack the courage to admit that the enemy is strong while sions."
we are weak," and base their strategy on this subjectivism.'" Fur-
ther about such people Mao said: Three Stages in War of Resistance

Unable to endure the arduous trials of a protracted war 8Jld eager for an lo this work Mao also analyzed the basic stages which the war of
early triumph, the impetuous theorists or quick victory clamor for a stra· resistance to Japan would pass through. He explained that there
tegically decisive engagement the moment the situation takes a slightly would be three basic stages, the first covering the period in which

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 62 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTlONARY WAR 63
Japan would be on the strategic offensive and the Chinese war of refuted a number of other erroneous concepts. Crucia.l to defeating
resistance would be one of the strategic defensive. This would be a the theory of national subjugation was the criticism of the
~eriod Jn which mobile war~are would be the main form while guer- mistaken notion that "weapons decide everything." This upside-
nlla warfare, and secondarily to guerrilla warfare positional war- down view was naturally a powerful prop in support of the argu·
fare, would be supplementary to mobile warfare. ment that Japan, superior in weapons and technology, was bound
The second stage of the war, Mao said, would be a strategic to defeat China, which was inferior in these things.
s~emate. In t!Us period guerrilla warfare would assume the posi· Mao forcefully answered the arguments of those who put for·
t1on of the main form, supplemented by mobile warfare because ward such a line:
the objective would be to threaten the enemy's consolidation of the
areas it occupied and to harass it in its occupied areas. At this point. the exponents of national subjugation and of compromise
The third stage would be that of the strategic counter-offensive will again rush in and say. ''To move from inferiority to parity China
by the forces of resistance to Japan. To go over to this stage would needs a military and economic power equal to Japan's, and to move from
parity to superiority she will need a military and economic power gyeater
require the accumulation of strength of the forces of the Chinese than Japan's. But thill is impossible, hence the above conclusions are not
nation in resistance to Japan as well as a shift in the international conect."
situation to one more favorable to China's war of resistance. In This is the 8'>Called theory that "weapons decide everything. "
t~s stage mobile warfare would again become principal, but guer· which constitutes a mechanical approach to the question of war and a sub-
rills war would continue and positional warfare would increase in j ective and one-sided view. Our view is opposed to this: we see not only
importance. weapons but also people. Weapons are an important factor in war, but not
the decisive factor; it is people, not things, that are decisive. The contest
Overall this analysis of Mao's of the development of the war was or strength is not only a contest of military and economic power, but also a
proved correct by the actual events in the war itself. As he was contest of human power and morale. Military and economic power Is ne-
later to sum up after the victory of the anti·Japanese war and at cessarily wielded by people. If the great majority of the Chinese, of the
the start of the Wlll' of liberation against Chiang l(si·shek and his Japanese and of the people of other countries ere on the side of our War or
Resistance Against Japan, how can Japan's military and economic power,
U.S. imperialist masters, it proved to be the case during the anti· wielded as it is by a small minority through coercion, count as superiority?
Japanese war that "the dispersal of our forces for guerrilla warfare And If not. then does not China, tl)ough wielding relatively inferior
was primary, and the concentration of our forces for mobile war- military and economic power, become the superior?"'
fare was supplen;ientary." 3 " By this Mao meant that, taking the
course of the anti-Japanese war as a whole and analyzing tbe suc· Against the technical superiority of Japan, Mao stressed that
cession of battles which accumulated to lay the basis for final vie· the strength of the Chinese masses, led and mobilized politically to
tory, guerrilla warfare assumed the first place while mobile war- wage a war of resistance, coul.d, in combination with the correct
fare assumed an important but secondary place, This was linked to military line based on the principle of people's war, lead to victory.
the fact that the stage of stalemate in the war proved to be fairly Mao put it this way: "The mobilization of the common people
le~~Y· Io "On Protracted War,'' Mao had already formulated the throughout the country will create a vast sea in which to drown the
prmc1ple that would form the basis for the fact tbat guerrilla WIU" enemy, create the conditions that will make up for our inferiority
fare actually proved to be primary: •• 'With regard to the whole, in arms and other things, and create the prerequisites for overcom·
m.obile warfare is primary and guerrilla warfare supplementary; ing every difficulty in the war."••
with regard to the parts, guerrilla warfare is primary and mobile Speaking further of the relationship between people and
warfare supplementary.' "•• weapons and of the need for the Chinese people and the revolu·
tionary army. and the Chinese Communist Party leading them. to
People, Not Weapoos, Decisive correctly handle &his relationship, Mao emphasized that:

While setting forth in "On Protracted War" the basic orienta· The reform of our military system requires its modernization and Im-
tion and strategic principles for the war of resistance against proved technical equipment, without which we cannot drive the enemy
Japan , and as a necessary part of this, Mao also criticized and back across the Yalu ruver. In our employment of troops we need pre>-
grea1ive, Dexible strategy IUld tllctics, without which we likewise cannot

wN N.wengewang.org
 64 IMMORTAL CON'l'RI BU'rJONS 1t8VOLUTIONAllY WAit

rounded by the enemy. Strategically Lhis was the sit.uation for

win vic~ry, Nevertheless, •oldiers are tbe foundation of an army: unless most of China's war of resistance against Japan. However,
Lhey ore imbued with a progre~sive P?1.itical spiriL: and unless such a spirit
1• f?~Lerl'd through. progressive poht1cal work. 1t will b<' impossible LO brilliantly applying materialist.ic dialectics. Mao developed t.he
achieve genuine unity between officers and men. impossible 1-0 arouse operational principles for tactically reversing this situation-that.
their. •nthus1asm for the War of Resistance to the full. and impossible to is. in fighting butUes or campaigns surround parls of the enemy
provide o sound ba~is for the most effective use of ail our technical equip- and force them int.o battles at a disadvanL&geous situation where
ment and tactics."
they have only interior lines. Carrying this out depended on the
straLegy of establishing base areas and on the crucial principle of
Closely linked Lo this, Mao stressed the importance of what he
luring the enemy in deep.
termed "man's conscious dynamic role," specifically in relaLion to
war He pointed out that though the objective conditions-the ob- At. the same time. because strategically the enemy was more
jective strengths and weaknesses of opposing sides in a war-set powerful and surrounded the revolutionary army. 1t was necessary
the possibility for victory or defeat, yet they don't determine the to launch offensive battles of annihilation and to fight battles of
outcome of the war. The actual achievement of vicLory or actual quick victories. Olherwise the reserves of the overall superior
defeat will also depend on the subjective factor. namely the con· forces of the enemy could be brought to bear and lhe tactical ad
cept of directing and the waging of the war. Hence the importance vanlage of the revolutionary army would be turned into its op·
of a correct military line, in close connection with a correct overall posite. with defeat rat.her than victory being the result. further, as
political line. and hence also the importance of studying the laws of he had done all during the Long March and in the battles before it,
war and the concrete features of the particular war being waged Mao developed and applied the principle of achieving iniliative and
and. as Muo stressed, of learning warfare through warfare. flexibility within the situation where the enemy was strategically
Mao emphasized botb that in the overall sense war could not be superior. Applying again the principle of "man's conscious
s.eparaLed from politics nor military line from an overall political dynamic role," Mao pointed out:
line, and on the other hand LhaL war has its own particular features
and laws, which cannot be simply equated with politics in general ln Lh~ struggle, correct subjective direcLion [i.e., correct direction by the
but must be concretely studied, acted on, summed up and subjective factor, leadership in Lhe warl can transform inferiority into
~\1pcriority und passivity into initiat.ive, and incorrect subjective direction
developed in the course of waging a revolutionary war. l n short, can do thu opposite. 1'he fact that every ruling dynasty was defeated by
M.ao stressed that it. was impossible to win a revolutionary war revolutionary armies shows that mere superiority in certain ri.spt>CLS does
without. on the one hand widespread political mobilization and not guarantee the initiative, much less the Final victory. The inferior side
arming t.he masses to consciously wage and support the struggle, can wrest the initiative and victory from the superior side by securing eel'
and on the oLher hand without concretely applying a correct t11in conditions through active subjective endeavor in accordance with the
actual circumstances.'"
military line. This military line must be based on the fact that the
war was a just war. a people's war, and at the same time it must be Applying Marxism to China's Conditions
root.ed in the concrete conditions of China at that time in the con·
text of the international situation and the international struggle. These analyses of Mao's of the essential basic principles of
Following exactly this method, Mao not only formulated and revolutionary war in China's conditions then were indispensable
fought for the basic strategy of protracted war, but summarized for vicl.Ory in the war of resistance against Japan and the advance
and concentrated fully the tactics for carrying out such a war: of the Chinese revolution overall. In formulating and fighting for a
correct military line for the war of resistance against Japan and for
In a ".'ord, the above operational principle for fighting campaigns and revolutionary war in China in general. Mao, as noted earlier, had Lo
battles 19 one of "quick-decision offeo9ive warfare on exterior lines." It is
~he opposite or our etrategic principle or "protracted defensive warf&J"e on not only concretely apply Marxist principles to the situation in
in~rior lines... and yet it is the iruiispe1U1Able principle for carrying out China. but bad to combat. various erroneous tendencies, in par·
this stTategy,.. ticular those that attempted to mechanically copy and apply in
China the experience of the October Revolution in Russia, which
"Interior lines" refers to a situation in which one's army is sur- set the general strategic orientation for revolution and the seizure

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66 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 67

of power in the capitalist countries. never be allowed to command the party." Mao linked this LO the
"Problems of War and Strategy" was written by Mao in all·important question or waging successful guerrilla warfare, em-
November of 1938 Lo combat these erroneous lines. In it he stress- phasizing that only with the leadership of the Communist Party
ed the difference between a country like China-a colonial or semi- could guerrilla warfare be persevered in and both supplement
colonial and semi·feudal country-and the capitalist countries. regular war and at a certain point develop into regular warfare.
Specifically he pointed out that: In line with this Mao concluded this work by stressing once
again the importance of studying military theory and strategy and
On the issue of war, the Communist Parties in the capitalist countries op- the further strengthening of the whole Party in its grasp not only
pose the imperialist wars waged by their own countries: if such wars oc-
cur, the policy of these Parties is to bring about the defeat of the reac· of the correct political line in general but in particular of military
tionary government$ of their own countries. The one war they want to affairs and the laws and principles of revolutionary war. This was
fight is the civil war for which they are preparing. But this insurrection decisive in developing and implementing the correct policies and
end war should not be launched until the bourgeoisie becomes really tactics for, and leading the masses in. waging the protracted war
helpless. until the majority of the proletariat are determined to rise in of resistance against Japan.
arm!! and fight, and until the rural masses are giving willing help to the
proletariat. And when the time comes to launch such an insurrection and During the course of this war Mao not only s ummed up and gave
war, the first step will be to seize the cil.ies. and then advance into the further guidance to the development of the revolutionary war in
countryside, and not the other way about. All this has heen done by Com- China itself but followed closely and analyzed the development of
munist Parties in capitalist countries, ond it has been proved correct by the international struggle and the world war which broke out in
lhe October Revolution in Russia. 1939. In particular, at an early point in the historic battle of Stal-
China is different however. The characteristics of China are that she is
not independent and democratic but semi-colonial and semHeudaJ. that ingrad in the Soviet Union, Mao summed up that this would in fact
internally she has no democracy but is under feudal oppression and I.bat in be the turning point in the whole of WW2. On October 12, 1942
her external relations she bas no national independence but is oppressed Mao wrote an editorial for Liberation Daily in Yenan (where the
by imperialism. It follows that we have no parliament to make use of and Communist Party leaders hip was headquartered), in which he
no legal right lo organize the workers to strike. Basically, the task of the analyzed the development of the battle of Stalingrad and predicted
Communist Party here is not to go through a long period of legal struggle
before launching insurrection and war, and not to seize the big cities first the victory of the Soviet army and the shift in the whole wor in
and then occupy the countryside, but the reverse:•• favor of the Soviet Union, the Chinese people and the forces
worldwide who were allied with them. This article was written as a
Summing up the hisLory of the Chinese revolution to tbat point, further refutation of pessimism and ended with the clear-cut state-
Mao forcefully drew the basic lesson tbat without armed struggle ment: "AU those who take a pessimistic view of the world situation
as the main form it would have been impossible to advance the rev· should change their point of view.""
olutionary movement. He noted that the Chinese Communist Par- In fact. within three years the defeat of the fascist imperialists of
ty at f)l'st failed to Fully grasp this and that. even after this basic Japan and Germany, and of the whole fascist Axis, was achieved.
understanding was achieved, erroneous lines, political and In China it was achieved on the basis of carrying out Mao
military, led to setbacks in the armed struggle against Chiang Kai· Tsetung's revolutionary political line and military line. In "On
sbek after bis complete betrayal in 1927 and to serious defeats and Coalition Government," a report to the 7th Congress of the
setbacks in fighting the fifth "encirclement and suppression" in Chinese Communist Party delivered by Mao Tsetung on the eve of
particular. It was in this work that Mao formulated his now the victory of the anti·Japanese war, he summed up the victorious
Famous statement that "political power grows out of the barrel of a course of the war and the role of the armed forces under the leadel'-
gun" and stressed that it was necessary for all communists to fully ship of the Communist Party in that war. Mao noted that ot the
grasp this principle. beginning of the war, even within the Communist Party itself.
At the same time be reaffirmed the decisive principle that the " there were some who looked down on this army and thought that
Party must lead the armed struggle and the revolutionary army the main reliance for resistance to Japan should be placed on the
and not tbe other way around. Or, as he formulated it then, "Our Kuomintang.''"'~ He emphasized that the revolutionary army
principle is that the party commands the gun, and the gun must under the leadership of the Party " is powerful because all its

vww. wenaewana or
 68 JM MORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS Rf:VOLU'rlONARY W 1\R 69

members have a discipline based on political consciousness: they for arming the broad masses of people, with the understanding
have come together and they fight not for the private int;erests of a that they could not give up t.heir weapons .and subordinat.e
few individuals or a narrow clique, but for the interests of the themselves to the Kuomintang. which was attempting to seize the
broad masses and of the whole nation. 'T'he sole purpose of this ar· fruits of the victory the Chinese people had paid for in blood in the
my is to st.and firmly with the Chinese people and to serv<> them anli·Jap11nese war. 1t was in this work thal Mao made another of
wholehearted ly ... , , his now famous statements, " Without a people's army the people
have nothing." ' ' This was a crucial point to stress not only in sum·
Mobilizing the Masses ming up the whole course of the anLi·Japanese war and lhe Chinese
revolution up Lo that point. buL in waging slruggle then and
Mao summed up and s tressed once again the importance of preparing to continue the revolution in the situat.ion right art.er
mobilizing t.he masses broadly for the war and organizing the that war and carry the s truggle forward in the next stage.
masses into militia to fight in coordination with the regiona l forces When Chiang Kai·shek refused to carry out democratic reform
of the People·s Liberation Army, while at the same time having a and to dismantle hls one-party regime, and instead attempted to
main force of the army capable of fight.ing in different regions ac· usurp power throughout China. launching a civil war against the
cording to the different requirements of the war. ln other words. it Chinese Communist Party and tho armed forces and base areas
was the full mobilization of the Chinese nation for people's war, for under its leadership, Mao led Lhe Chinese Communist Party and
carrying out the strategic line of protracted war and the various the Chinese masses in waging revolutionary war against this
tactics and principles of operation that Mao developed for fighting counter-revolutionary war of Chiang Kai·shek and his U.S.
such a war, that resulted in victory in the war of resistance to backers. In guiding this armed struggle Mao applied the principles
Japan. Mao sharply poinled out that a force representing reac· and strategy of revolutionary war that had been developed under
tionary classes and therefore incapable of fundamentally relying his leadership in lhe Chinese revolution up to that point.
on the masses could not. carry out, let alone lead, such a war. In
short: "Only by waging such a people's war can we defeat the ne· Concentrate a Superior Force
tional enemy. The Kuomintang has failed precisely because of its
desperate opposition to a people's war." 1·1 ln an article written in September 1946, "Concentrate a
In fact, as noted in the previous chapter, during the anti· Superior Force to Destroy the Enemy Forces One by One," Mao
Japanese war, while nominally fighting the Japanese, Chiang Kai· set the orientation for the Chinese Communist Party. the revolu·
shek adopted a passive and defeatist stance towards the Japanese tionary army and the Chinese masses in carrying forward the
aggressors and concentrated most of his fire against the Com· strategy of people's war and in particular fighting battles of en·
munist Party and the armed forces and base areas under its leader- nihilation t.o defeat an enemy that al the beginning of the war was
ship. But, under Mao Tsetung's leadership, the Chinese Com- superior in numbers and had superior weapons and superior
munist Party beat. back such attacks and at t.he same time main- technology. Basing himself on the same principles of people's war
tained the united front against Japan. while also maintaining its as they applied to the concrete situation then, Mao wrote:
independence and initiative. It carried out Mao's political line and
mjlitary line and on this basis greatly expanded the armed forces In the present civil war, since conditions have changed, the method of
and base areas under its leadership and played the leading and fighting should change too. The concent.ration of our forces for mo~ile
decisive part in mobilizing the Chinese nation to wage people's warfare should be primary. and the dispersal or our forces for guerrilla
warfare should be supplementary. Now that Chiang Ko1·shek's army has
war, in the form of a protracted war of resistance, and finally acquired more powerful weapons, it is necessary for our army to lay
defeat Japan. special stress on the method of concentrating a superior force to wipe out
Summing up, on the eve of the victorious conclusion of this war, the enemy forces one by one.••
its main lessons and the underlying causes of the policies and ac·
tions of the various forces involved in it, Mao looked ahead and In October 1946 Mao wrote "A Three Months' Summary" in
politically armed the Chinese Communist Party, and laid the basis which be analyzed the development of the war of liberation against
 70 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLU1'10NARY WAR 71

Chiang Kai·shek and the U.S. imperialists in its beginning phase Specifically, in 1947 Chiang Kai·sbek amassed large forces for a
up to that point. As was noted in the preceding chapter, at this direct attack on the area of Yenan, the base area where the Chinese
point in the development of the Chinese revolution there was an in· Communist Party leadership and the leadership of the People's
tense struggle within the Chinese Communist Party over the ques· Liberat.ion Army was headquartered. In the face of this there were
tion of whether or not it was possible to wage a successful revolu- some in the Chinese Communist Party who argued that il was
tionary war against Chiang Kai-shek, backed as he was by U.S. im· wrong to retreat temporarily from the Yeoan area and that instead
perialism. Mao began this "Summary" with the forceful reitera· an all·out fight should be waged to defend it.
tion of the Central Committee's directive of July 20 of that Mao defeated this erroneous line and gave leadership and direc•
year-that indeed it was possible to defeat Chiang Kai·shek and tion to the liberation forces in waging a tactical reLreat, circling
that the whole Party must be confident about this. around and isolating, chopping up and annihilating large forces of
Mao then proceeded to analyze tbe "fundamental political and Chiang Kai·shek's army one by one, using the methods of mobile
economic contradictions which Chiang Kai-shek cannot resolve warfare and the basic principle of concentrating a superior force in
and which are the basic cause rendering our victory certain and battles, fighting offensively and wiping out the enemy in quick·
Chiang's defeat inevitable . . " 47 He went on to analyze the decision warfare.
specific contradictions in the military sphere which would be the
direct cause of the victory of the revolutionary forces and the Going on the OCfensive
defeat of Chiang Kai-shek-namely the fact that Chiang's battle
lines were overextended and he had, from a long-term point of The tremendous success in this campaign marked the turning
view, a shortage of troops. point in the war of liberation. In September of 1947 Mao wrote an
However, to translate this into actual victory it was necessary to lnner·Party directive entitled "Strategy for the Second Year of the
uphold and strictly apply the basic principles of fighting by the War of Liberation,'' which set forth the task of oarrying the war in·
method of concentrating a superior force to wipe out the enemy to the Kuomintang areas and switching from the strategic position
forces one by one; fighting battles of decisive victory: fighting, as of fighting on interior lines to fighting on exterior lines- that is,
Mao said, when conditions were favorable and moving away when going over from tbe strategic defensive in whifh the enemy was en·
they were not favorable; fighting in a tactical way on exterior lines, circling and attacking to tbe strategic offensive in which the libera·
offensively and in quick-decision battles. These and other basic tion army was encircling and attacking the enemy.
principles which Mao had developed through the course of the During that period the liberation army launched the coun·
revolutionary wars in China, and in particular the war of resistance trywide offensive which was, in the space of two years, to lead to
against Japan, were still valid and had to be applied to the war complete victory in the war of liberation. In setting forth the
against Chiang Kai-sbek's forces at that time in order to bring strategy for I.his offensive Mao stressed that "the operational prin·
about the actual victory.•b clples of our army remain the same as those laid down
Jn a telegram, ''The Concept of Operations for the Northwest before " •• In "The Present Situation and Our Tasks," written
War Theatre," sent by Mao Tsetung to the Northwest Field Army in December of 1947, Mao set down in more fully developed form
in April 1947, be stressed the importance of keeping the enemy on these basic operational principles. which have come to be known as
the run, tiriJ1g him out, wearing him down, reducing him to ex· the ten major principles of operation (see p. 72).
treme fatigue and conditions of starvation and then launching the Once again in this work ("The Present Situ11tion and Our
offensive to destroy him. Without doing this, Mao said, it would be Tasks") written at the point when the liberation army bad gone
impossible to win final victory. over to the strategic offensive and victory could be clearly seen on
Again, during this war of liberation against Chiang Kai·sbek and the horizon, Mao summed up the crucial importance at an earlier
the U.S. imperialists behind him, a struggle arose within the point m this war, in fact at its very beginning. of correctly assess·
Chinese Communist Party over the question of whether or not to ing the domestic and international situation and on this basis
temporarily give up some territory in order to lure Chiang Kai· recognizing the possibility for successfully waging a revolutionary
shek's fon:es in, divide them up and defeat them one by one. war against the counter-revolutionary war that Chiang Kai·shek

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 TEN MAJOR PRINCIPLES OF OPERATION

UI Attack dispersed, isolated enem) forces first; attack <'oncen·

trated, strong enemy force<> later.
C2J Take small and medium <'ities and el< tensive rural areal! fir~t. take
big cities later.
131 Make wiping out the enemy's effective strength our moin objec-
tive; do not make holding or seidng a city or place our main objective.
Holding or seizing a city or pince is the oukome of wiping out the
t>nemy's ef£ective strength, and often o city or place can be held or Hei1·
cd for good only after it ho1> changed hands a number of limes.
(4) In every battle, <'cmccntrule on abHolut.ely superior force (two,
three, four and sometimN1 even five or six limes the enemy'R Rtrengt,h),
encircle the enemy for ces completely, strive to wipe them out
thoroughly and do not lei any escape rrom the net. In spr<'ial cir·
t•11m11tances, use the method or dealing the enemy crushing blows, that
i1.. concentrate all our strength to make a frontnl attack and an attark
on one or both of his flanks, with lhe aim of wiping out one part end
routing another so thal our army can swiftly move its troop5 lo smash
other enemy force;,. Strive lo avoid battles of attrition in which we lo~e
more thoo we gain or onl.v break even. [n this way. although inferior RS
a whole fin terms of number<;), we ~hall be absolutely superior in ever)
parl and every specific campaign, and this ensures victory in the C'am-
poign. As time goes on, we shall become &uperior as a whole and even-
tually wipe out all the enemy.
151 Fight no battle unprepared, fight no battle you are nol Hure of
winnfog; make every effort to be well prepared for each butUe. mok1•
1•very effort to ensure victory in the given set of conditions 11s between
I h,. enemy end ourselve!l.
(61 Give full play to our style of fighting-courage in battle, no feor
of Rocrifice, no fear of fatigue, and continuous Cighting (thnt is,
fighting successive bottles in o short lime without restt.
171 Strive lo wipe oul the enemy when he is on the move. Al lhe some
lime, pay attention lo the lnclics of positional attack and capture
enemy fortified points and cilie~.
181 With regard lo attacldng cities, resolutely seize all t>nemy for·
tified points and citie~ "hich ore weakly defended. At opportune
moments, seize all enemy fortified points and cities defended with
moderale '>lrength, provided circum&tonces permit. As for strongl,v
defended enemy fortified points ond cities, wait till conditions are ripe
and then take them.
191 Replenish our slrength with all the IU'ms and most or the person·
nel captllred from the enemy. Our army's main sources of manpower
and malliriel are at the fronl.
(10) Make good use of the lntcrvols between campeigJ"ls to rest, train
ond consolidate our troops. Periods of rest, training and consolidation
should not in general be very long. and t be enemy s hould so far a11
possible be permitted no brea t hing space.

(SJJW, "The Present Situation And Our Tasks," pp. 349-350)

Crossing the Snow Mountains on the Long March.

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 74 IMMORTAL CON'rRTBUTJONS !tEVOLU'flONARY WAR 75

will be able to upset the element of surprise through gaining in·

had unleashed. Mao pointed out that at the beginning of the war, telligence, he will be able to thwart attempts at surprise attacks
when Chiang Kai·shek initially seized certain cities and grabbed and evasion, to determine the point where a retreat is to be turned
territory, he became swelled wiLh arrogance; he mistook the into a counter-offensive, otc.. and will be able to defeat the ot·
strategy of the liberation army-of fighting first from the tempts of carrying out mobile warfare as well as guerrilla warfare.
strategic defensive-for strategic weakness on the part of the So. too, a regime which does not depend on the masses of people
liberation army. Mao pointed out that: to support it and supply it both with provisions and with soldiers,
but which, like the army of Chiang Kai-shek, is forced to press·
We said then that Chiang Kai·sbek's superiority in military forces was only gang soldiers into its service and has its Lechnical base resting
Lransient, a factor which could pli\y only a temporary role. that U.S. im-
perialist aid was likewise a factor which could play only a temporary role, upon the exploitation of the masses, is bound Lo be riddled with in·
while the anti·populBI' character of Chmng Kai·shek's war and the feelings ternal contradictions. I ts army is bound to be characterized by low
of the people were factors that would play a constant role, and that in this morale. particularly in circumstances where it is very difficult to
respect the People's Liberation Army was in a superior position. Patriotic. engage the enemy on your own terms and where there is no quick
just and revolutionery in character, the war waged by the People's Libera· victory. This is an expression of the truth that people. not weap-
tion Anny was bound to win the support of the people of the whole country.
This was the political foundation for victory over Chiang Kai·shek. The ex· ons. are decisive in warfare.
perience of eighteen months of war has fully confirmed our judgement.••
Three Decisive Campaigns
Mao not only insisted that the major principles of operation for
the revolutionary army developed through the course of earlier When the People's Liberation Army had entered into the
warfare were still correct and applicable but stressed again that it country-wide counter-offensive and was approaching the hour of
would be impossible for Chiang Kai·shek's army to make use of victory. Mao developed specific principles of operation for three
these principles. He noted that Chiang Kai·shek and the U.S. im· decisive campaigns in the Chinese people's war of liberation
perialists were fully aware of the strategy and principles of the against Chiang Kai·shek and U.S. imperialism. These were the
People's Liberation Army but that this knowledge could not save Liaohsi·Shenyang campaign, the Huai·Hai campaign and the
Chiang Kai·shek. Mao pointedly said that "The reason is that our Peiplng-Tientsin campaign. Mao drafted the telegrams to the arm·
strategy and tactics are based on a people's war; no army opposed ed forces of the People's Liberation Army involved in these cam·
to the people can use our strategy and tactics."•• A revolutionary paigns. In fact "The Concept of Operations for the Liaohsi·
war, a war of the masses, can and must be fought only according to Shenyang Campaign" and "The Concept of Operations for the
military principles which are in conformity with relying upon the Peiping·Tientsin Campaign" were not only general instroctions for
masses and mobilizing their strength as the backbone of the war. carrying out these decisive campaigns but also represented sharp
A reactionary war can never be fought on this basis. struggle against opportunists, including most especially Lin Piao,
in the leadership of these particular forces of the People's Libera·
Masses Are Basijon of Iron ti on Army. Lin Piao, showing his right deviationism. wanted to
drag his feet and was afraid to launch the all·~ut attack to carr~
And the reverse is also true. A revolutionary war can never be through these decisive campaigns-in particular of Liaohst·
fought without relying on the masses of people and mobi.l.Wng Shenyang and Peiping-Tientsin.
them as the strength and bastion of iron, as Mao said. of the This stemmed from Lin Piao's rightist view and his tendency to
revolutionary war. For example, such things as launching surprise overestimate the enemy, which bad occurred several times at
attacks, evading the enemy, circling around, retreating and the11 decisive points in the history of the Chineso revolution and which
turning a retreat into a counter-offensive, concentrating superior had been criticized by Mao at several key junctures, including as
forces for attack in battles and campaigns and in general conduct· far back as 1930 when Mao wrote "A Single Spark Can Start a
ing guerrilla and mobile warfare-all these depend upon the firm Prairie Fire" to counter the pessimism of Lin Piao and others who
support of the masses of people. Without that support the enemy were committing right deviations. In the telegram on "The Con·

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 76 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 77

cept of Operations for the Peiping·Tientsin Campaign," drafted on its new-democratic revolution. and though involving certain
December 11. J 948, Mao emphatically warned Lin Pino and others policies specifically relat.ed to those conditions, 11re. in their basic
that ''You should on no account overrate the enemy's combal ef· principles, of great significance not only for the Chinese revolution
fee ti veness. "•• ond not only historically. hut for revolutions in colonial and semi·
With the carrying out of Mao's specific directives on these colonial countries tod11y and more generally for revolutionary
decisive campaigns and with the achievement of vict.ory in these 8lruggles for the seizure of power and revolutionary wars. Through
campaigns, the success of the war of liberation became fundamen· leading the Chinese revolution. which was (as noted before) from
tally assured. Still, of course, it was necessary to vigorously carry its beginning to the seizure of stllte power an armed struggle, Mao
the war against Chiang Kai·shek's reactionary forces through to developed and enriched Marx:ist theory and sLrategy on warfare
the end and to resolutely, thoroughly, completely and wholly wipe and developed a comprehensive Marxist system of military think·
them out. as Mao put it. At this point, in late 1948-early 1949, ing which is of great value end significance for the international
the U.S. imperialists and their Kuomintang lackeys. facing immi· proletariat.
nent defeat. began to make attempts to politicaJly maneuver and As noted in the preceding chapter, almost immediately after the
employ new dual tactics-that is, to continue the w11r against the victory of the Chinese revolution. stllrting in the year following the
People's Liberation Army while at the same time attempting to founding of the People's Republic, China aided the Korean people
organize an opposition faction witnin the revolutionary camp in resisting the war of aggreiision by U.S. imperialism. and Chinese
which would split that camp and conclude a "peace" with the volunteers took part in this war on a broad scale.
Kuomint.ang, leaving it still in power. Again, Mao led the Chinese There was stn1ggle within the Chinese Communist Party and ar·
Communist Party. the revolutionary army and the Chinese masses my over what militllry line to carry out in the war to resist U.S. ag·
in successfully continuing and c11rrying forward the revolutionary gression and aid Korea. Mao. while taking into 11ccount the specific
war while 11t the same time exposing the maneuvers of officials features of that war, argued that the b11sic line, strategy and prin·
within the Kuomintang, backed by U.S. imperialism. who were at· ciples that had been developed in the course of the various stages
tempting to secure an "honorable peace" on reactionary terms. of the revolutionary armed struggle in China basicaJly applied. In
In this w11y the broadest mosses of the.Chinese people were won 1963', at the conclusion of the war, Mao made a speech which
to unity with the revolutionary movement, and the stressed that. while the factor of leadership was important in the
enemy-imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism, as victories scored in the war, "the most important factor is the coo·
represent.ed by the Kuomintang and its U.S. backers-was tribution of ideas by the masses ... And he added that "Our ex·
isolated LO the extreme and finally dealt a crushing and thorough perience is that reliance on the people together with a fairly correct
defeat. Thus. after more than 20 years of almost continual warfare, leadership enables us to defeat a better-equipped enemy with our
China hod finally achieved national liberation and the Chinese peo- inferior equipment."••
ple had been emancipated from the rule of imperialism. feudalism At the same time, while stressing and explaining the vital impor·
11nd bureaucrat·capitalli!m. On October 1. 1949 the People's tllnce for China to carry out its internationalist I.asks and aid
Republic of China, led by the working class and its Communist Korea in Tesisting U.S. aggression. Mao emphasized that "we will
Party, was founded as the crowning victory of the revolutionary invade no one anywhere. But if others invade ua, we will fight beck
armed struggle of the Chinese people. end fight to a finish."•• Here again Mao was re11ffirmlng the basic
principles of people's war upon which the successful armed strug·
Worldwide Significance of Mao's Military Line gle of the Chinese people in liberating Chine had been founded.
Throughout the 1950s, while U.S. imperialism, with its atomic
In sum, it was the leadership of Mao Tsetung. bis revolutionary we11pons, continued LO threaten the socialist countries including
politicaJ line and bis revolutionary military line. which guided the China and the people of other counmes with aggreuion in various
Chinese people in winning this gre11L victory. And the political and parts of the world, Mao continued to uphold the orientation which
military lines of Mao Tsetung, though forged through the applica· he had set forth years earlier-tbst U.S. imperialism was a paper
tion of Marxfam·Leniniam to China's concrete conditions during tiger 11nd specifically that even the atom bomb could not enable

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 78 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS REVOLUTIONARY WAR 79

U.S. imperialism to win in e war of aggression against Chine. Meo meeting of the military affairs committee, Mao criticized the
stood firmly by the principles which had guided the successful Soviets' military doctrine and military strategy because lt was all
armed struggle of the Chinese people in winning their liberation. based on the offensive and was opposed to the basic principles of
In a statement in July 1956, "U.S. Imperialism Is a Peper Tiger," waging people's war.••
Mao stressed once more that the reason that the Chinese Com· Several years later, in the early 1960s, in criticizing a Soviet
munist Party and the revolutionary armed forces under its leader· textbook on political economy Mao stressed that it was important
ship were able to triumph over the reactionary forces in China was to achieve modernization of the economy, and that this had par-
because they were linked with, relied upon and mobilized the ticular significance in regard to the question of war and defending
masses of people. He summarized this in the basic law that "smaU the country, but that it could not be made decisive in the develop-
forces linked with the people become strong. while big forces op- ment of military strategy. He noted that:
posed to the people become weak."••
A year later. in November 1957, at the Moscow meeting of For now we are holding off on general automation. Mechanization bas to
representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties, Mao sharply be discussed, but with a sense of proportion. If mechanization and
automation are made too much of, it is bound to make people despise par·
combatted the revisionist betrayal by Khrushchev and bis attempt tial mechanization and produce.ion by native methods. In the paat we bad
to put over the line that U.S. imperialism was ell-powerful because such diversions, when everybody wu demanding new technology, new
it had superior weapons, including atomic weapons, and that the machinery, the large scale. high standards; the llJltive, the medium, or
development of new weapons, in particular atomic weapons, small in scale were held in contempt. We did not overcome this tendency
changed the basic principles of war. Mao reaffirmed the basic prin· until we promoted concurrently native and foreign, large and medium and
small.••
ciple of strategically despising the enemy, including a big and
powerful force like U.S. imperialism, while tactically respecting Mao specifically drew the link between this and the question of
and taking it seriously, a principle that was applied in China's warfare:
revolutionary war and found expression in the orientation of wag-
ing people's war and relying on the strength of the masses while We will adopt advanced technology. but this cannot gainsay !negate)
carrying out the policy in campaigns and battles of concentrating the necessity and the inevitability of backward technology for a period of
a superior force to annihilate and defeat tbe enemy forces one by Lime. Since hi'tory began, revolutionary wars have always been won by
one.•• those whose weapons were deficient. lost by tboae with the advantage in
weapons. During our civil war. our War of Reslllt.ance Against Japan. and
our War of Liberation. we lacked llJltionwide political power and moderniz·
Combattlng Revisionist l\filitary Llne ed arsenals. If one cannot fight unless one bas the most modem weapons.
that is the same as disarming one's self.••
Meo continued to uphold this basic military line in opposition to
revisionists in the Soviet Union and in China itself, who argued. as Here, as before, Mao was basing himself on the rich experience of
reviaionists have historically argued. that weapons, not people, are the Chinese revolution as well es the revolutionary struggles in
decisive in warfare. While of course stressing that China should other countries and on the basic principles of military line and
develop its national defense and achieve the most modern weapons strategy which be had developed overs long period in leading the
possible, Mao insisted that the development of new weapons, in· armed struggle of the Chinese people and in summing up further
eluding nuclear weapons, did not change the basic principles of war the development of revolutionary wars in the world.
and revolutionary wars in particular. He continued to give empha· Later, Mao spoke to this basic principle immediately after the
sis to the development not only of a regular army, but also to the 9th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1969.
broad armed forces of the masses of people, as expressed organiza· This was a time when U.S. military action against Vietnam was at
tionally in the development of the militia, which would be an im· e high point, with the stationing of hundreds of thousands of
portent force in addition to the regular people's army in the wag- troops in southern Vietnam and aggression against the North.
ing of a revolutionary war against imperialist aggression in China. while at the same time Soviet aggressive acts were intensifying on
In 1958, in a speech at the group leaders' forum of the snlarged the northern border of China. Mao once again reaffirmed the basic

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REVOLUTIONARY WAR 81

strategic orientation and principles of warfare which, in opposition

to various revisionist lines, he insisted still applied to the situation
in China in the face of the threat of imperialist aggression at that
time. He pointedly declared:

Others may come and attack us but we shall not fight outside our
borders. We do not fight outside our borders. I say we will not be pro-
voked. Even if you invite us to come out we will not come out. but if you
should come and attack us we will deal with you. It depends on whether
you attack on a small scale or a large scale. U it is on a small scale we will
right on the border. If it is on a large scale then I am in ravor or yielding
50me ground. China is no small country. If there is nothing in it for them I
don't think they will come. We must make it clear to the whole world that
we have both right and advantage on our side. If they invade our territory
then I think it would be more to our advantage, and we would then have
both right and advantage. They would be easy to fight since they would
fall into the people's encirclement. As for things like aeroplanes, tanks
and armored cars, everywhere experience proves that they can be dealt
with.""

One year later Mao issued his statement in support of the Indo-
chinese peoples• struggle against U.S. aggression, which was also
a declaration of support for the revolutionary struggles of the
peoples of the world. In this statement Mao emphasized that a
small cou_ntry can defeat a big country and a weak country can
defeat a strong country if the people dare to rilJe in struggle, take
up arms, rely on thefr own strength and fight to become masters of
their own country. Thls was not only based on a summation of the
heroic struggle and experience in revolutionary warfare of the
peoples of Indochina (which retain great value, despite the total
revisionist betrayal of the leaders of Vietnam today) but also a
su_mmation of the long years of revolutionary armed struggle in
China itself, especially after the establishment of the first base
areas. For these revolutionary base areas represented in essence a
state, a revolutionary regime, and the historical experience of the
Chinese revolution exactly marked the process of a small and weak
state, the liberated base areas, defeating a more powerful state by
carrying out people's war. It marked the process of a revolutionary
army, relying on the masses of people, defeating a reactionary ar·
my which at the start of the war was superior technologically and
even in nu_mbers. This has great significance for revolutionary wlll'-
fare in all countries.
Down to the very end Mao Tsetung not only continued to cham·
pion and support revolution in China but also the revolutionary
struggles of the peoples of the world. And it can be clearly seen

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82 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

that Mao Tsetung' s overall analysis and basic line and theory on
the question of warfare, as on other questions. is a powerful weap-
on for the revolutionary people in all countries and has enduring
and universal significance, though its concrete application may
Chapter 3
differ from country to country. On the question of warfare and
military line, as on other questions, Mao Tsetung has made truly POLITICAL ECONOMY,
immortal contributions to the revolutionary struggle of the work· ECONOMIC POLI CY
iag class and oppressed peoples throughout the world and to the
cause of communism. AND SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION

Jntroduction

As pointed out in the two previous chapters (dealing with Mao's

line on revolution in colonial and semi-colonial countries and on
revolutionary war and military line respectively), one of the
specific features-and specific advantages-of the Chinese revolu·
tion was that from a very early stage the revolutionary forces, led
by the Communist Party. established liberated areas which served
as a base for waging war against the reactionary enemy. In order
to maintain these liberated base areas and make them as powerful
as possible a foundation for waging revolutionary war, in order to
unleash the activism of the masses in these areas-and ultimately
in the whole country-in the revolutionary struggle and as the
backbone of that struggle, and in order to unite all real friends
against the enemy at every point. it was necessary not only to have
a correct political line generally, and not only to have in particular
a correct military line; it was also necessary to forge and apply a
correct line on questions of political economy, economic policy and
cons tructioTL
As noted in the first chapter, at a very early point in the Chinese
revolution (1926) Mao made a basic analysis of classes in Chinese
society, exactly for the purpose of determining frie11ds a11d e11emies
in the revolution at that stage. Such class analysis is an important
part of Marxism and Marxist .political economy i11 particula.r as
well as an urgent task at each decisive stage in the development of
the revolution. And throughout the various stages (a11d sub-stages)
of the Chinese revolutio11 Mao devoted serious attention to this
problem.
In addition, from the time of the establishment of the first base
area (1927) Mao, in leading the revolutionary strugRle. had to and

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84 IMMORTAL CONTR I B U'l'IONS POl,ITICAL ECONOMY ll5

di'd devote serious attention to economic policy and to speiific t.he product.ion relations."' Karl Marx, with the collaboration of
guuie/ines for economic constructior1. And through the course uf F'rederick Engels, in founding the revolutionary science of the pro-
more thon 20 years. from the time of the establishment of the fir.~ t letariat, first. developed socialist. political economy as a key compo-
base area to thc winriing of nationwide political power in 1949. Mao nent. part of this science. Marx penetrated beneath the thousands
and the Chinese Communist Party accumulated rich experience in of surface phenomena of capitalism and analyzed the essential relo·
carrying out revolution on the economic battlefront and on that tions that charact.erize this form of society. As Mao pointed out,
basis deuelop111g production. This u·as to serve as an important "Marx began wiLh the commodity and went on to reveal the rela·
part of the foundation for /.fao 's development of o r1.wolutionary tions among people hidden behind commodities . ..,
linl' 011 these crucial questions during the socialist period followir1g Proceeding from this. in his famous work Capital and elsewhere,
the seirurP of power Further, many of the basic principles of Marx laid bare the basic contradiction of capit.elism bet.,.een
military line and strategy u•hich Mao developed in guiding the socialized production and private ownership end the secret of
Chinese pl'Ople cluririg the long years of revolutionary war leading capil.alist accumulation-the exploitation of the wage-workers in
up to the seizure of nationwide political power u·ere applil'd b.v the process of production by the capitalist owners of the means of
Mao to the problems of economic policy and construction both in production to create surplus value appropriated privately by the~e
the /iberaud areas during the period of the new-democratic reuolu· capitalists.
tion and in the country as a whole during th€ socialist stage which Marx show~ t.het this capitalist mode of production was not.. aq
followed. its apologists proclaimed, the highest. most perfect end final stage
All this is another aspect of the phenomenon that the new· of society, but merely represented the latest of "particular
dPmacratic reuoilltian serued tis the preparation for and prolog11e lristoriral phases i11 the deuelopment of production.'"' Tt was bound
to socialism in China. But. of course, upori entering rhe socialist to be superseded by a new, higher mode of production-com·
pfrind new tasks prese11ted themselul!s, new problems which had munism-which would represent a qualitative leap for manltind,
to be soluerl i11 or<ier to co11tinue to advance. As always. in ad- characterized by Lhe elimination of all class distinctions and 11
dressing himself to a111l prouidi11g solu.tions for these problems, tremendous and continuous advance of the social forces of produc·
Mao 1101 only applied 1/11• rich lessons oft.he Chinese reuolution but ti on.
assimi/(1ted and applied the lessoris of the positiue and negative ex· Communism was bound to replace capitalism, Mani;
perie11ce of other reuolulio11s and ir1 particular of the Soviet Union, demonst.rated. not because communism represented a more "just"
tlw world's first socialist state. In this process he 1101 only applied or a "utopian" form of society, but because Lhe progress of
and defended bur developed arid eririched basic principles of mankind through eU previous historical phases in tbe development
Marxism·Leninism. This is certainly true with regard to the ques- of production, up to cepite!ism, had prepared Lhe basis for commu·
tion.~ nf political economy, economic policy arid socialist coristruc- nism. and because the fundamental contradiction of capitalism
tio11. would continually throw society into ever greater chaos and crisis,
These questions and /.tao 's great contributions in these areas with the development of the social productive forces straining to
constitutl! of course a big subject. To go fully into it is beyond the bursL the confines of the relations of production-in particular
scope of this book. The closely related question of Mao's great private capitalist ownership-until this contradiction was resolved
theory of "conrinuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the in the only way it could be: through the abolition of the capitalist
prolt.>tarrat" 1..ill be dealt with in a subsequent chapter. Here at· sy,tem of private ownership and the conversion of eU means of
tentio11 will be focused on summarizing the main point.s concerning production into the common property of society.
Mao's line ori political economy, economic policy and socialist C'On· To accomplish this required, Mau further showed, a political
stru<"tion. revolution in which the exploited proletariat overthrew the
capitalist class. smashed the capitalists' state machinery.
Marxist Political Economy established its own st.ate-the revolutionary dictatorship of the
proletariet.-end advanced to "the abolition of class distinctions
As Meo himself was to say, "Political economy aims to study generally, to the abolition of all the relations of production on

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86 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS f>{)LITICAL ECONOMY 87

which they rest, to the abolition of all the social relations that. cor- enabled the victorious proletariat to maintain a sufficient material
respond to these relations of production, to the revolutionizing of base to defeat the domestic and foreign reactionaries that had
all the ideas that result from these social relations."• ganged up against it and to lay the b~sis ~or de".eloping the
Unfortunately, however, neither Marx nor Engels lived to see economy following the war. At the same tune, 1t required tremen·
the period when the proletariat, having seized power, began the dous sacrifice on the part of the Russian workers and peasants
process of carrying out this unprecedented transformation of and. with regard to the latter in particular, put severe stra~s on
society. With the exception of the Paris Commune in 1871, no them in the form of state appropriation of their surplus gram.
proletarian state was established during their lifetimes and the After the civil war, Lenin recognized that the policy of War Com·
Paris Commune itself lasted only a few months before it was munism. vvhile It had contributed to vlctory in the war, had also
smashed by the forces of counter·revolution. raced ahead of the material as vvell as political. ideological and
orgatmational conditions. He called for a retreat, to p~pru;e the
Lenin's Contribution to Political Econnmy conditions for a future advance. This retreat was embodied m the
New Economic Policy (NEP). This new policy abandoned the
But at that very time capitaliStD was. in a number of countries, surplus grain appropriation policy and replaced it w~th a tax. (the
beginning to develop towards its highest and final tax in kind) es the means for t.he state to secure gram.
stage-imperialism. It was Lenin who thoroughly analyzed this The NEP embodied considerable concessions to capital·
development and proved in opposition to various oppor- ism-both domestic and foreign. in boLh city end countryside. lt
tunists-including Karl Kautsky, who had been a close col· allowed foreign capitalists to operate in the.cou~l.ry and eve? lure~
laborator of Engels but had turned into a counter·revolutionary in them wit.h the prospect of high profits. It permitted domestic cap1·
the latter part of bis life-that imperialism did not eliminate or talists to operate certain businesses. Even within state-owned
somehow dilute the basic contradiction of capitalism but raised it enterprises it involved the practices of om~·man i:i11nagement,
to a higher level. Imperialism, Lenin showed. was not only the reliance on bourgeois experts, specialists and executives. and the
highest stage of capitalism. it was also the eve of proletarian widespread use of such things as piece-work and many rules and
revolution. And Lenin led the proletariat of Russia in making the regulations similar to those in capitalist facto:ies (many of th_ese
first successful proletarian revolution, in establishing the first management policies had actually been part of War Communism
socialist state which began the process of transition to com- as well). . .
munism. All this was necessary to achieve in the shortest possible time
Lenin developed Marxism-and, as a key component part of this. the rehabilitation of the economy, which bad been shattered and in
Marxist political economy-to a new and higher stage. Marxism many places nearly brought ton standstill during the cour~ of the
became Marxism-Leninism. civil war, with many workers dislodged from production end
Further, for the brief period between the seizure of power in becoming virtually declassed. It was necessary to strengthen the
Russia in 1917 end his death ill 1924, Lenin applied tbese scientific proletariat and the proletarian state politically ~s well as
prillciples to the concrete problems confronting the new socialist economically. At the same time. however, the proletariat, through
state, including in the crucial sphere of economic policy and its state power. maintained control over finance and trade and
construction. Lenin set forth the basic orientation and direction placed restrictions on the operation of private capi~ in t?wn ~nd
that would guide the proletariat of the Soviet Union in carrying countryside. And Lenin stressed the importance durmg this per1~
out the transformation of ownership from capitalist to socialist In of establishing and developing producers • and consume.rs
town and countryside and lead to the high·speed development of cooperatives to lay the basis for collectivization in the countryside
the socialist economy. and the general advance to socialist relations in _the near future. In
During the Civil Wer and the imperialist intervention following this way, the Soviet Union advanced econom1cally through the
the October Revolution, Lenin developed the policy of War Com· state capitalism of the NEP to socialism.
munism. This immediately concentrated ownership and the Lenin was very open about the fact that the NEP represented a
lifelines of the economy in the hands of the proletarian state and retreat and a concession in the short run to capitalism. It was

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 88 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS POLITICAL ECONOMY 89

justified and necessary, he argued, because of the specific condi· what enables one to recognize the real followers of Trotsky, is the
tions in the country at that time. It was not a grand plan for de- consistent absence of principles except careerism and lack of faith
veloping the country into a powerful modem socialist state. nor in the masses and a fundamental unity with the righL.
were its basic policies meant to apply to socialist const.ruction, as This was demonstrated in the fact that Trotsky's line of relying
revisionists since Khrushchev's time have been known to claim. IL on capitalist forces with regard to industry and agriculture was
was the means for creating the conditions in a brief period for the very similar to that of Bukharin, who during th~ 1;1EP and .after·
advance to a socialist economy, for an assault on strategic ward pushed the line of building up the bourgeo1s1e acc~r~m~ to
economic positions of capit.alism. the notion of "the peaceful growing of the bourgeo1s1e mto
Socialism, amplifying it with a 'new' slogan-'Get .Riehl '.""
Socialist Construction Under Stalin Bukharin especially championed thi~ right opportu~1sm Y:'1th
regard to the countryside. arguing strrught out for a pohcy which,
During the very last part of his life Lenin fell seriously ill and like the essence of Trotsky's line, meant fostering and relying on
was no longer able to give leadership to the day to day affairs of the capitalist elements, the Kulaks.
the Party and state. It was Stalin who took the helm, carried for· Stal.in led the Soviet Party in defeating these various bourgeois
ward the NEP end led in the advance to socialist industrialization lines and in carrying out socialist industrialization and the step by
and development of agriculture. In carrying this out, Stalin also step collectivization of agriculture. Neither of these, of course, had
led the fierce and continuing struggle within the Party against the been accomplished before in history; and in particular the suc-
likes of Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev and Bukharin, opportunists cessful collectivization of agriculture. involving the most acute
who opposed now from one side and now the other the correct road class struggle inside and outside the P~. was a ~o.n~ental
forward. task and of decisive importance for the building of socialism m ~he
Trotsky, and along with him Kamenev and Z'inoviev, peddled the Soviet Union. For Russia at the time of the October Rev?lut1?n
" theory of productive forces," arguing that it was impossible Lo was largely a peasant country with a ba~kward countrys1~e. 1.11·
construct socialism in the Soviet Republic because it was eluding large-scale survivals of feudal relations. even though it had
economically and technically too backward. This line had, in part, been an imperialist country. . . .
a thin "left" cover by insisting that immediate revolution in To bring about socialist collectivization to~ether with soc1.alist
Europe was required for socialism to survive in Russia. However industrialization and transform the Soviet Umon from a relatively
the rightist essence of this line was barely below the surface. On backward to an advanced country economically-all of which was
the other hand. Trotsky opposed the NEP by clamoring for accomplished in the two decades between the end of the .civil w~ in
policies of exploiting the peasants to achieve industrialization and Russia and WW2-was a great achievement of the Soviet working
organizing military-like conditions in the factories to force the class and people under the leadership of Stalin. And it.h.ad much ~o
workers to boost production; and he even called for extending the do with the Soviet Union's ability to defeat the NaZJ invaders m
granting of foreign concessions to strategic plants and branches of WW2, another great achievement of the Soviet people carried out
industry, thus, as Stalin put it. trying to "throw ourselves on the under Stalin's leadership.
tender mercies of foreign capitalists."• At the same time, in giving leadership to an unprecedented ~sk
Later, when the Party had formulated and embarked on the of such tremendous proportions-the socialization. transformation
policy of carrying out socialist industrialization of the country on and rapid development of the economy of su~~ a large an~ complex
the basis of a revived agriculture, Trotsky, in league with Zinoviev country as the Soviet Union under the.condition~ whe~e ~t. was the
and others, charged that industrialization was not being carried only socialist state in a world still do~~~ed by 1mpenalis.m-;--Sta·
out fast enough. But in reality they were fully opposed to socialist Jin did make certain errors. To a sigruf1cant degree this is ex·
industrialization and tried to undermine it by pitting the mass of plainable by the very fact that there was no ~storical precedent
peesa.o ts against the working class, calling in fact for reliance on for this task, no previous experience (and previous errors) to ~earn
the rich peasants, the capitalist forces in the countryside. From all from. On the other hand, as Mao has summed up, certain of
this it can be seen that the distinguishing feature of Trotsky, and Stalin's errors, including in the sphere of political economy,

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 90 IMMORTALCONTRIBUTTONS POLITICAL ECONOMY 91

economic policy and socialist construction, arose because and to

the extent that Stalin failed to thoroughly apply materialist dialec- capitalism persist there will continue to be classes and class
Lics to solving problems, including many genuinely new problems struggle, including the antagonistic struggle ~et~een the p~o­
that did arise. letariat and the bourgeoisie, which forms the pnnc1pal contrad1c·
Owing largely to this, especially in the period of the 1930s-after Lion under socialism.
collectivization in agriculture and socialist transformation of Stalin himself repeatedly and resolutely fought against BL·
ownership in industry had been essentially completed-Stalin tempts to restore capitalism in the Soviet Union. But errors such
himself adopted aspects of the "theory of productive forces." He as those briefly summarized above did take their toll. And the ef·
developed first the slogan that "technique decides everything" fects of these errors were greatly magnified during the Great
and then the related concept that. with modern technique, cadres Patriotic War against Germany, when a certain amount of com·
capable of mastering this technology decide everything. promise was necessary with bourgeois forces ~side ~d outsi~e
This seriously downplays the question of politics, in fact g081! the Soviet Union who were opposed to the fascisL Axis. AJI this
against the line of politics in command, and also downplays the allowed more ground for bourgeois forces, especially the
role of the masses and specifically the need to rely on the conscious bourgeoisie within the Soviet Party and state (those whose
activism of the masses in socialist production es in everything counterparts in China Mao was later to call "capitalist·roaders"I
else. Along with this, while he led in carrying out collectivization to prepare the ground for capitalist restoration while Stalin was
in the countryside in the late 1920s, Stalin tended to develop in· still alive and then to carry out this retrogression not long after he
dustry at the expense of agriculture, leaving the peasants too few died.
funds for accumulation through their own efforts. In his last few years Stalin did in fact address himself to some of
Stalin also continued many of the policies that had been in· the basic questions arising from the remnants of capitalism still
traduced during the NEP (or before, during War Communism!, surviving under socialism. Specifically, in Economic. Pr'.'bl~ms of
such as eic tensive use of piece-work, bonuses, one-man manage- Socialism in the USSR, Stalin pointed out that. while 1t dtd not
ment, experts in command, and so forth. In essence Stalin put one- play a regulating role in the economy, .the law of valu~ con~inued to
sided emphasis on the quesLion of ownership, which ls the most operate within a restricted sphere. This was due, Stalin said, to the
decisive but not the only aspect of the relations of production. He feet that in the countryside the form of socialist ownership was not
failed to pay consistent attention to revolutionizing the other state but collective, which was an important aspect of the continu·
aspects of the relations of production (relations between people in ing disparity between the city and countryside, and because com·
production and distribution) and the superstructure. modity exchange hadn't yet been entirely replaced by a higher
To a large degree, Stalin proceeded from the assumption that form of exchange.
once the question of ownership was largely settled-that is, once Further Stalin addressed some of the major contradictions that
public ownership had basically replaced private ownership-then would ha~e to be resolved in order to advance to communism.
all that was necessary was to achieve and master advanced Besides the disparity between town and country, he called par-
technology and efficient management and in this wa_y socialism ticular attention to the mental/manual contradiction. Stalin stress·
would continue to achieve a more powerful material base and socie- ed that in order to advance to communism it woold be necessary to
ty would continue advancing toward communism. Thls incorrect resolve these as well as other contradictions lett over from
view went hand in hand with Stalin's erroneous analysis that by capitalism-to eliminate the essential difference between town and
the mid·l930s antagonistic classes had been eliminated in the country, mental and manual labor and so on.
Soviet Union. It failed to recognize that the bourgeoisie is con· But, at the same time, Stalin tended to treat the question of
scantly regenerated out o( the contradictions o( socialist society eliminating these differences almost entirely from the standpoint
itself-such as between mental and manual labor, town and coun· of developing production and raising the material and technical
tryside, worker and peasant, as well as disparities in income eris· level of the masses and not very much from the standpoint of
ing from the application of the principle of "to each according to politics and ideology. In other words, Stalin did not put mu~ em·
his work"-and that so long as these inequalities le~ over from phasis on restricting these differences to the degree possible at

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 92
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS POLJ1'1CAL ECONOMY 93

each point and how trus was dialectically related to the tasks or question of political economy. in particular on the relationship be-
developing production, raising the material and technical level of tween revolution and production. This was only forged, however,
~he ma~ses, etc.. nor on the question of waging struggle in the through sharp two-line struggle within the Chinese Communist
ideological sphere to combat the bourgeois ideology which is Party around these same questions, struggle which was to con·
fostered by these disparities. tinue and deepen over the remaining years of Mao's life.
One of the strongest points in this work by Stalin is his refuta. In fact, from the time that political power was won there
tion of the revisionist deviations of L.D. Yaroshenko. "Comrade developed a struggle within the Chinese Communist Party over
Yaroshenko"s chief error." wrote Stalin, "is that he forsakes the what road to take-the socialist or capitalist road. Opposition to
Marxist position on the question of the role of the productive the socialist road came from two directions. First were those who
forces and of the relations of production in the development of argued for the necessity of "assistance" from the United States.
society, that he inordinately overrat.es the role of the productive even though U.S. imperialism had been the most powerful backer
forces. and just as inordinately underrates the role of the relations of Chiang Kai·shek and was of course still intent on subjugating
of production. and enda up by declaring that under socialism the China. Such. a line of looking to the U.S. for "assistance"
relations of production are a component part of the productive amounted in fact to promoting dependence on and capitulation to
forces.'" U.S. imperialism and would have meant not only that socialism
Slalin went on to point out that the contradiction between the could not be built in China but even that the victories of the new-
relations and forces of production continues to exist under democratic revolution would be wiped out.
socialism, because "the development of the relations of production At the same time there were those who wanted to strictly apply
lags, and will lag, behind the development of the productive in China the Soviet approach to economic construction, just us
forces.''8 With a correct line in command, Stalin stressed, this con· there had been those who earlier had wanted to blindly follow the
tradiction would not become an antagonistic one. The opposite Soviet model in the struggle leading up to the seizure of nation·
would be the case, however, if an incorrect line were applied. wide political power. The struggle against this deviation sharpen·
But a shortcoming of Stalin's analysis of this quest.ion was that ed into an antagonism a~er the revisionist coup of Khrushchev &
he still did not acknowledge the existence of the antagonistic class Co. in the mid·l950s. when the Soviet model became a model for
contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and the restoring capitalism.
fact that the correct handling of the contradiction between the
forces and relations of production depended principally on the cor· Economic Policy in Liberated Areas
rect handling of the contradiction between the proletariat and the
bourgeoisie, on the waging of the class struggle against the ln opposition to both these opportunist lines Mao increasingly
bourgeoisie. In addition, as Mao emphasized, while Stalin Jnsisted developed a revolutionary line for building socialism, which was
on the continuing existence of the contradiction between the forces rooted both in the long experience and lessons of the Chinese
and relations of production, be did not make the same point with revolution during the struggle for power and in 11 deepening sum·
regard to the contradiction between the economic base and the motion of the Soviet experience and its positive and negative
superstructure: "Stalin speaks only of the production relations, lessons, under Stalin's leadership and then with the triumph of
not of the superstructure, nor of the relationship between revisionism. Some who had sided with Mao during the period of
superstructure and economic base . Stalin mentions economics the new-democratic revolution came to regard his line and the
?nly, not politics." And " Stalin's book from first to last~ys noth· basic principles guiding it as "outmoded" once political power was
mg about the superstructure. It is not concerned with people; it captured. and this became a more marked phenomenon tbe further
considers things. not people."• China advanced into the socialist period. But Mao continued to
In these criticisms, written in the late 1950s. Mao was not only fight for the understanding that the basic principles that bad guid·
reflecting certain important differences he had developed with the ed the successful, if protracted and complex. struggle for power
Soviet line even under Stalin. but be was also beginning to forge a must also guide revolution and construction in tb.e socialist stage.
further advance in Marxiat;.Lenini.st theory and practice on the Politics in command. reliance on tbe masses, recognizing the

VvVv\AJ.wengewang erg
 94 pOLITICAl. ECONOMY 96
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

crucial r?le of ~~e peasants and the importance of the countryside, it instead of trying to bestow favours on the masses. To bestow
combattmg eht1sm and tendencies to bureaucratism-these and rent reduction as a favour instead of arousing the masses to
other points which reflected and flowed from the ideological and achieve it. by their own action is wrong. and the results will not be
polit~cal line. representing the outlook and interests of the pro- solid."'"
letariat contmued to form the foundation of Mao's line. Mobilizing the masses was the key to carrying out rent (end taxi
From the first phases of the Chinese revolution. Mao stressed reduction. which in tum served as the basis for organizing the
that, with regard to economic policy as in other fields, while carry. peasant masses to carry out production to s~ppo~l the rev~lu·
ing out the bourgeois-democratic revolution as the first stage and tione.ry government and armed forces. And m this production
resisting "ultra·left" lines that would expropriate small·owning drive, mobilizing the masses was also decisive. While insisting
midclle forces and drive them into the camp of the enemy. it was that "No one who fails Lo study production carefully can be con·
necessary during that stage to lay the basis economically as well sidered a good leader," Mao sharply criticized those cadres who:
as in other ways for the socialist future. In an article written in
January 1934, addressing the question of the economic policy in take 8 conservative and purely finandal point of vie"'. which concentrau;s
the liberated acees, Mao formulated it this way: 00 revenue and expenditure to the neglect. of econonuc development. It is
wrong to have a handful of government functionaries ~usyiog themselves
with collecting grain and taxes. funds and food suppbes to the neglect of
The principle governing our economic policy is to proceed with all the orgnnizing the enormous labour power of the rank and file of the Pa~ty,
essential work of economic construction within our power and concentrate the government and the army, and that of the people, for a mass campaign
our economic resources on the war effort, and ot the same time to improve of production."
the life of lhe people as much as possible. consolidate the worker-peasant
alJiance in the economic field. ensure proletarian leadership of the peas· Here a crucial question was at stake: how to ease the burden that
entry, and strive to secure leadership by the state sector of the economy
over the private seci.or, thus creating the prerequisites for our future ad· the peasants had been forced to bear under the old rule w~le ~t ~he
Vance to socialism.•• same time providing the necessary material base for mamtaim~g
the new regime and supporting the revolutionary armed forces m
Later, in his major work "On New Democracy," written in the war of resistance against Japan. The solution lay. Mao
January 1940 during the anti-Japanese war, Mao stressed that stressed, in mobilizing the Party rank end file and Party end
"we must never establish a capitalist society of the European- government functionaries (cadre). as well as the arm~ members as
American type or allow the old semi·feudal society to survive." far as possible. together with the masses of people. m mass ~~·
And he noted that as far as the economy of the new-democratic peigns of production. At the same time it was crucial to mobilize
period was concerned, "In general, socialist agriculture will not be the masses both to transform production relations as far as po&-
established at this stage, though various types of co-operative sible-establish mutual·aid labor teams and other beginning forms
enterprises developed on the basis of 'land to the tiller' will contain of cooperation-and to make breakthroughs in. d?".eloping new
elements of socialism. " 11 techniques in production. even with t~e. still prmut~ve me~ns of
As explained in the first chapter of this book, in order to unite all production they possessed. Without I.his 1t would be 1mposs1ble to
possible forces against the Japanese aggressors. for the duration unleash the activism and creativeness of the masses as the back·
of the anti-Japanese war the Chinese Communist Party adjusted bone of the wac of resistance against Japan.
its policy on agrarian eoonomic relations, pulling back from the The participation of the troops in production was an important
policy of confiscating the landlords' holdings in most cases and link in all this: it helped enable the burden of taxation by the
substituting instead the cempaign to reduce rent, taxes. etc. But revolutionary government to be lightened for the peasants. ~s
this did not mean that such reduction could be achieved, nor cer· Meo pointed out, if the soldiers spent three ?1onths of ~h~ year m
tainly maintained, without a struggle. production and devoted nine months to fighting and trammg, then
Mao emphasized that "rent reduction is a mass struggle by the the situation could be maintained where "Our troops depend for
peasants," and that therefore "Party directives and government their pay neither on the Kuomintang government, nor on the
decrees (of the government in the base areas) should guide and help Border Region Government (revolutionary government), nor on

WW\/\/ wengewang .erg

 96 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS POLITICAL ECONOMY 97

the people, but can fully provide for themselves. " 14 This remained Several years later, with victory approaching in the anti·
an important part. of Mao's line on economic policy and specifically Japanese war, Mao emphasized again the im~r~_nce of correctly
the relation between economic construction and warfare, handling economic policy. In particular, he criticized those. ".°m·
resistance to aggression, in the socialist period as well. rades who did not base economic policy on the concrete cond1t1o~s
In his well·known speech to labor heroes in the liberated areas of China's revolutionary struggle. specifically the fact that this
("Get Organized!") Mao again gave emphasis to the fact that there struggle was then centered in the countryside and must proceed by
were two opposed methods of dealing with production problems: advancing from the countryside to the cities:
1'.o organize the strength or the masses is one policy. Is there a contrary We want to hit the Japanese aggressors herd end make preparations r~r
pohcy? Yes, there Is. IL is one that lacks the mass viewpoint, fails to rely eel.zing the cities and recovering our Jost te'ritories. But bow ca~ wi: a~tain
?n the masses or organize them, and gives exclusive attention to organiz· this aim, situated as we ere in a country.side fo~nded on ind1V1duel
ing the small number of people working in the financial, supply or trading economy. cut up by the enemy end involved ~ guernlle _warfare? We can·
organiutions, while paying no att.entioo to organizing the masses in the t imitate the Kuomintang. which does not lift a finger itself but depends
villages. the army, the government end other organizations. the schools :~tirely on foreigners even for such necessities as cotton cloth. We ~tand
end factories: it treats economic work not as a broad movement or as an for self·reliance. We hope for foreign aid but cannot be dependent on it; we
eJ<t.ensive front, but only 89 en expedient for meeting financial deficits. depend on our own efforts, on the creative power of t~e whole army and
Tbet is the other policy. the wrong policy.•• the entire people. But how do we go about it? By launching large-scale~!<>­
duction campaigns simultaneously among the troops and the people.
Mao went on to show again the links between present economic
policy and the future adv11nce to socialism. "The cooperatives," he This was akin to the principle Mao applied in warfare-co.ncen·
pointed out, "are now the most important form of mass organiza- t.rating forces for a battle of annihilation-a princ~ple he contmued
tion in the economic field." They represented a comerstone of the to apply to economic construction, in particu!ar with regard to key
bridge leading from the individual economy of the peasants that links and key projects in the economy, both m the new-democratic
had existed for thousands of year~ under feudalism to the collec- and the socialist periods.
tive economy of socialism. Mao noted: While he was specifically dealing with the situation then feeing
the revolution, the emphasis Mao gives in the quote above-on the
This scattered, individual form of production is the economic founda· importance of the countryside, on mobiliz~g ~he masses•. o? the ar·
Lion of feudal rule and keeps the peasants in perpetual poverty. The only my taking part in production as well as fightmg and trammg, and
way lo change it i& gradual collectivization, and the only way to bring
about collectivization, according to Lenin, is through co-operatives. We on self-reliance generally-all these were not onlr_ of vital. imp?r-
have already organized many peasant C<>-operatives in the Border Region tance in the conditions of that time. They remll1Ded basic pnn·
!base ereaJ, buL at present they ere only of a rudimentary type and must ciples even after nationwide political power was won and the
go 1.brough several stages of development before they cao become c<>- socialist period was entered. .
operatives of the Soviet type known 89 collective farms. Ours is a new· Similarly, in the same article, Mao says, "Since we are m the
democratic economy, end our «»Operatives are still organizations for col·
lective labour baaed on an individual economy (on private property).•• countryside, where manpower and mat.erinl resour~es are scatr
tered. we have adopted the policy of 'unified leaders~~ and .decen·
Here Mao charted the basic course that cooperation in the tralized management' for production and supply. This was
Chinese countryside would undergo in advancing the peasant closely linked with the military principl~ that Mao de~eloped of
economy to socialist relations, with the first st.ep, appropriat.e to combining unified strategy and strategic co~d ~th decen·
the new-democratic period, being mutual-aid labor teams. As with tralized command and flexibility and initiative ID par~cul~ ~
everything else, Mao stressed that the success of these teams paigns and battles. (See the previous chapter.) ~ this pnn~p.le,
depended on the mobilization and conscious activism of the too, was upheld and applied by Mao ID _th? SOC1al1st
masses. In fact, Mao pointed out. "These methods of collective period- though again, not without sharp struggle within the Com·
mutual aid are the inventions of the masses themselves . ..• " and mun.ist Party itsell. . . .
the task of the Party was to sum up and popularize them. 17 Immediately following the defeat of the Japanese unpenahsts,

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 98 I MM ORT AL CONTR18UTIONS p()L!TICAL ECONOMY 99

Mao again reminded the Party and the masses that the victories already be seen on the horizon and the question of capturing and
won through their own efforts could only be defended, and new vie· administering larger cities was already an immediate one. Mao
tories achieved. by continuing to practice self-reliance. Preparing warned that "Precautions should be taken against the mistake of
for the counter-revolutionary attempt of Chiang Kai·shek to seize applying in the cities the measures used in rural areas for strug·
the fruits of this victory and r&establish reactionary rule gling against landlords and rich peasants.'' He further insisted
throughout China, Mao insisted that "As for the reactionaries in
Chino, it is up to us to organize the people to overthrow t.hem.'"" that:
Using an example from an earlier period in the Chinese revolu· A sharp distinction should be made betw~n the feudal ~ploit.ation
tion, when a landlord in a particular area refused to surrender and practised by landlords and rich peasants. which must be abolished, 8:"d
~eld out in his f~rtified village until the revolutionary army swept the Industrial ood commercial enterprises run by landlords and nch
m and cleaned hiln out, Mao called attention to the fact that there peasants, which must be protected. A sharp distinction should also be
remained many such reactionary " fortified villages" in China and made between lhe correct policy of developing production. promoting
economic prosperity. giving consideration to both public and private in-
drew the lesson that "Everything reactionary is the same; if you terests and benefiting both Jabour ond capital, and the one-sided and
don't bit it, it won't fall. Il is like sweeping the floor; where the narrow-minded policy of "relief," which purports to uphold the workers'
broom does not reach, the dust never vanishes of itself...., welfare but in fact damages industry and commerce and impairs the cause
What, then, could and must be relied on to sweep China clean of of the people's revolution. Education should be conducted among com-
reactionary rule? Reliance must be placed, Mao said, on the masses rades in the trade unions und among the mosses of workers to enable them
t.o understand that they should not see merely l;he immediate and partial
of people led by the Communist Party. "On what basis should our interests of the working class while forgetLing its brood. long-range m·
policy rest?" he asked. "It should rest on our own strength. and terest3...
that means regeneration through one's own efforts.'••• Agaln, this
~as al~o a basic p_rinciple that Mao fought for and applied not only What Mao was upholding here was both the correct policy for
m leading the Chinese new-democratic revolution to complete vie· the present new-democratic stage of the revolution and the correct
tory through successful revolutionary war against Chiang Kai· basis for making the future advance from this to the socialist
shek, but also in carrying forward socialist revolution and socialist sroge. This was directly in opposition to a line which would have
construction _following this victory. And, again, this Mao did only mode the democratic revolution an end in itself and would have
tbr~ugh waging sharp struggle within the Communist Party itself promoted welfarism and economism among the workers, pitting
against those who opposed the policy of self-reliance and regenera· immediate short-term improvement in their conditions-"relief' '
tion through one's own efforts. -against their basic interests in establishing the material as well
as political and ideological conditions for advancing to
Mao Analyzes New Tasks socialism-including the achievement of final victory in the war
against Chiang Kai·shek.
On the other hand, policies adopted in the countryside during Struggle a_gainst this kind of erroneous line was becoming in·
the long years of revolutionary struggle centered there could not creasingly decisive exactly because the seizure of nationwide
~ ~ec~anically applied in the cities. And even in the countryside a political power was on the horizon. And with the achievement of
distmct1on had to be drawn between agriculture and industry, be- political power the question of whether to take the capitalist or
tween policies that guided the anti-feudal agrarian revolution and socialist rosd came to the fore. In March of 1949, in a most imper·
those that must be utilized with regard to capitalist production tant speech to the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist
~nd commerce. To handle this correctly required more deeply arm- Party, Mao analyzed the situation and the tasks immediately con·
mg the Party and the masses with the far-sighted outlook of the fronting the Party with the capture of the big cities and the vie·
proletariat and educating them as to their general and long-term torious conclusion of the war of liberation against Chiang Kai·shek
interests. and his U.S. imperialist backers.
Mao addressed these questions in an article written in early The central task immediately following the seizure of power.
1948, when final victory in the war against Chiang Kai·shek could Mao said. must be production and construction. Why? Because

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 100 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS IOI
POLITICAL ECONOMY

otherwise political power could not be consolidated and the ad· Such a policy, while correct with regard to the national
vance to socialism would, of course, also be impossible. As Mao capitalists-the middle bourgeoisie-absolutely could not be ap·
bluntly pointed out: plied t-0 the imperialists nor to the big bourgeoisie in China, the
bureaucrat-capitalists, whose holdings constituted roughly 80% of
If we know noLhing about production and do not master it quickly, if we China's capitalism. These bad t.o be immediately confiscated, both
cannot restore and develop production as speedily as possible and achieve to break the economic and political basis of their power and to
solid successes so that the livelihood of the workers. first of aU. and that of liberate the productive forces and make possible the rehabilitation
the people in general is improved, we shall be unabli: to maintain our
political power. we shall be unable to stand on our feet, we shall fail." and rapid development of the economy. As Mao said:

Here Mao was following a policy similar to that adopted by The confis<:al.ion of this capital and its transfer to the people's republic led
Lenin during the first few years of the Soviet Republic-the period by the proletariat will enable the people's republic to control the economic
lifelines of the country and will eoable the sta~wned economy to become
of War Communism and then the NEP-when the rehabilitation of the leading sector of the entire national economy. This sector of the
the national economy under the rule of the proletariat was decisive economy is socialist, not capitalist. in character. 27
in determining whether or not the new state power of the pro-
letariat would survive and be able to advance to take up the From New Democracy to Socialism
socialist transformation and development of the economy. But
even under these conditions, as Lenin had insisted in fierce battle This. again, was crucial in making the transition from new
against Trotsky. Bukharin and other opportunists, the correct democracy to socialism. As Mao was later to sum up, "The strug·
political line must lead, or else state power would be lost anyway gle against bureaucratic capitalism had a two-sided character: it
by the proletariat and then of course it could not solve its produc· had a democratic revolutionary character insofar as it amounted to
tion problems either. opposition to comprador capitalism. but it had a socialist
So, too, Mao foughl. against i.bcorrect lines that would either character insofar as it amounted to opposition to the big
have given free rein to private capitalism and elevated its position bourgeoisie. " 28
above state enterprise in industrial policy or would have too Establishing the primacy of the state sectqr and control of the
severely restricLed or even tried to eliminate private capitalism economy generally by the state led by the proletariat and its Par·
tight away, not making use of it in rehabilitating and beginning to ty-this was the essential condition for achieving the transition to
develop the economy. In opposition to both of these errors Mao in· sodalism. It was the key t.o resolving the main contradictions as
sisted that: they posed themselves during the period immediately after the
seizure of nationwide political power.
all capitalist elements in the cities and countryside which are oot harmful At this point Meo made the all-important analysis that with
but beneficial to the national economy should be allowed to exist and ex· country-wide victory in the new-democratic revolution, "two basic
pand. This is not only unavoidable but also economically necessary. But contradictions will still exist in China. The first is internal, that is,
the existence and expansion of capit.alism in China will not be unrestricted
and uncurbed as in the capitalist countries. It will be restricted from the contradiction between the wodring class and the bourgeoisie.
several directions- int.be scope of its operation and by tax policy, market The second is external, that is, the contradiction between China
prices and labour conditions... and the imperialist countries." 29
This analysis was to remain a decisive question of line an~ a
This policy of allowing but restricting capitalism and of gradual- sharp focus of two-line struggle within the Chinese Commurust
ly transforming private ownership in industry into socialist state Party during the rest of Mao's life. Applying it then t.o the im·
ownership through a series of steps was essential to meke the tran- mediate situation and the task at hand. victory in the new·
sition from new democracy to socialism. During this process of democratic revolution and tbe transition to socialism, Mao pointed
transition and transformation, Mao pointed out, "Restriction ver- out that "The two basic policies of the state in the economic strug·
sus opposition to restriction will be the main form of class strug· gle will be regulation of capital at home and control of foreign
g1e . . ":i• trade. Whoever overlooks or belittles this point will commit ex·

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102 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS pOLITICAL ECONOMY 103

tremely serious mistakes.'"0 and developing the economy but also the utilization of the national
At the same time Mao pointed to the tremendous importance of capitalists in management in the joint state-private enterprises
the peasant question and of continuing the agrarian revolution that were set up as an important link in this transformation. At
beyond the bourgeois-democratic step of land reform-which had the same time the state enterprises themselves received the bulk of
been carried out on a broad scale by the end of the war of libera· investment and were built up as the main sector. This was crucial
tion. Providing "land to the tiller" eliminated the basis of•feudal in establishing and maintaining the dominance of the state compo-
but not of capitalist relations in the countryside. "The serious prolr nent of the economy and in carrying through socialist transforma·
blem is the education of the peasantry," he noted. And, he said: tion in industry.

The peasant economy is scatt.ered. and the socialization of agriculture. Two Roads After Liberation
judging by the Soviet Union's experience. will require a Jong Ume and
painstaking work. Without 80ciallution of agriculture. there can be no But of course aU this gave rise to new contradictions and new
complete. consolidated socialism. The steps to socialize agriculture must
struggles. In addition to the problems arising for the use of na·
be co-ordinated with the development of a powerful industry having st.ate
enterprise as its backbone.•• tional capitalists in managerial and even planning positions, the
former big capitalists and other reactionury elements not only car·
Analyzing this in the realm of politics, the concentrated expres- ried out sabotage and direct resistance to socialist transformation,
sion of economics, Mao pointed out that the people's democratic but a number of them actuaUy succeeded in infiltrating key posi·
dictatorship, the form of the dictatorship of the proletariat cor· tions in the economy. including in the state sector. And as Mao
responding to China's conditions with the victory of the new· had warned in his speech at the Second Plenary Session of the
democratic revolution: Seventh Central Committee in March 1949, a number of Party
members who had stood up heroically to the actual bullets of the
is based on the alliance of the working class, the peasantry and the urban enemy during the long years of revolutionary warfare found it dif·
petty bourgeoisie, and mainly on the aUiance of the workers ond the ficuJt to resist the sugar-coated bullets of the bourgeoisie in the
peasants. because these two cJasses comprise 80 to 90 per cent of China's new situation where these Party cadre were in positions of power.
population. These two classes are the main force in overthrowing im·
perialism and the Kuomintang reactionaries. The transition from New To counter this. and as an essential part of carrying forward not
Democracy to socialism also depends mainly upon their allJunce.•• only the rehabilitation of the economy but the policy for socialist
transformation, the Party launched a struggle against the "three
In a period of seven years from the founding of the People's evils" of corruption. waste and bureaucracy in management and
Republic in October 1949, the socialist transformation of ownership administration and the "five evils" of bribery. tax evasion, theft of
in both industry and agriculture was basically completed. But, of state property, cheating on government contracts and stealing of
course, this too was not accomplished without fierce class struggle economic information for private use. The seriousness with which
both in society as a whole and within the Communist Party itself. these struggles had to be undertaken is indicated by the foUowing
During this period the class struggle-the struggle between the statement by Mao in late 1951: "The struggle against corruption,
socialist and capitalist roads- focused mainly on the questio1J of waste and bureaucracy should be stressed as much as the struggle
ownership. But there were also sharp struggles over questions of to suppress counter-revolutionaries.'' 33 And Mao called for linking
management. investment priority and other essential issues of the struggle against these "three evils" with that against the "five
economic policy. evils"-"Tbis is both imperative and very timely," he insisted.34
FoUowing the basic guidelines set forth by Mao, as outlined This did not mean that in every case such struggle should be con·
before, the Communist Party carried out the line in industry of im· ducted as one between the people and the enemy. though in some
mediately confiscating the holdings of imperialism and cases that was necessary. Distinctions as to the seriousness of the
bureaucratrcapitalism while implementing the step by step cases should be drawn, but nevertheless the struggle must be
transformation of national capitalism. This not only allowed the sharply waged- "Only thus can we check the grave danger of
utilization of the positive role of national capital in rehabilit.1,1ting many Party members being corroded by the bourgeoisie," and pre-
 104 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

vent the disruption of economic development and transformation

in the direction of socialism.••
The successful waging of these struggles, however, could not be
carried out only "at the top." It required the mobilization of the
masses. And as Mao pointed out, an important part of com batting
the "five evils"' in particular was to "gradually establish a system
under which the workers and shop assistants supervise production
and management."'..
But an even more decisive struggle during this period was that
within the Party itself against those who promoted and fought for
a line in opposition to carrying out socialist transformation. Such
revisionists, including Liu Shao-chi and other similar types in top
Party leadership, argued that instead of making the transition
from the democratic to the socialist stage after seizing political
power the task was to "consolidate new democracy."
In the economic sphere, as against the policy of utilizing but
restricting and transforming those sections of capital that could
contribute to the rehabilitation and development of the economy,
these bourgeois·democrats·turned·capitalist.-roaders insisted that
capitalism should be encouraged and promoted without restric·
tion, even arguing that "exploitation is a merit." They bitterly op-
posed Mao who, after several years of successful rehabilitation of
the economy, in accordance with the basic orientation he had set
forth nearly four years earlier, formulated at the end of 1952 the
general line for the transition to socialism. calling for bringing
about the step by step development of socialist industrialization
and socialist transformation of agriculture and handicrafts as well
as capitalist industry and commerce.
To rationalize their opposition, these revisionists, represented in
the realm of theory and philosophy by some reactionary scholars.
most notably one Yang Hsien·chen, "churned out the so-called
theory of •synthesized economic base.' thereby provoking the first
big struggle on the philosophical front" in New China. 31 -5...
This bogus. bourgeois theory argued that during the period of 0

transition the economic base should consist of the capitalist and g

socialist sectors co-existing in harmony and that the superstruc- ..
';l

ture should serve both of these sectors and even serve the ..
E
bourgeoisie. This echoed Bukharin who, as noted earlier, argued in
l
the Soviet Union in the 1920s that capitalism would peacefully
grow into socialism and that therefore the former should be .".
fostered without restriction. ~
Of course, as pointed out. during the period of transition to
socialist ownershlp in China private capital was allowed to play a

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106 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS POLmCAL ECONOMY 107

certain role, but in order to advance on the socialist road it was the attack that he was advocating a rash advance in the coun·
necessary to establish the primacy of the ~ocialist sector through tryside, and specifically in response to the statement, "if you don't
the proletarian state and to wage class struggle to achieve the get off the horse quickly, there will be the danger of breaking up
triumph of socialist relations over capitalist relations and bring the worker-peasant alliance," Mao replied:
about socialist transformation. To preach some kind of "harmony"
between tapitalism and socialism and to even argue that the (This! is probably en "argument" relayed down from the Rural Work
superstructure, including state power, should serve both sectors Department of the Central Committee. This department not only
manufactures rumours but also produces a lot of ·•arguments." I think
and even serve the bourgeoisie meant in fact to champion the vic- that this statement is in the main "COJTect"'-only a single word needs to
tory of capitalism over socialism and the est.ablishment of be changed, that is. the word "nff" be changed into "on.·· You comrades of
bourgeois state power enforcing the exploitation of the prole~at the Rural Work Department do not have to feel di&eouraged. for I have ac·
and broad masses of people. cepted almO<!lt aU your words and changed only one. The difference liea in a
With regard to agriculture specifically, Liu Shao-chi and other 9ingle word, our controversy ls over just one word-you want to get off
the horse while I want to get on. ·•If you don't get on the horse quickly,
revisionists opposed and actively tried to stiOe and sabotage there will be the d&J1ger of breaking up the worker-peasant alliance.·· and
cooperative transformation. They insisted that any attempt to danger there cert.a.inly will be.'°
carry out collectivization must depend on the prior development of
heavy industry, which in turn could only be developed by relying The only road forward, Mao made clear, was to mobilize the
on foreign technology according to this view, and that in the mean· peasants "to combine further on the basis of these small semi·
time the peasants should go it alone in private farming. This, of socialist co·operatives and organize large fully socialist
course, could only lead to widespread polarization and the agricultural producers' co-operatives." And there was every basis
strengthening of the capitalist forces in the countryside. for this, Mao said; in fact it was the erroneous line of certain Party
Mao sharply criticized and vigorously fought against this line. authorities that was holding things back. "We must now realize,··
He showed that in China collectivization must precede mechaniza· he declared, "that there will soon be a nation-wide high tide of
tion in agriculture and that unless cooperative transformation was socialist transformation in the countryside."••
carried out the worker-peasant alliance, which had been built dur· And Mao was correct. His line triumphed .over the revisionist
ing the stage of new democracy on the basis of a bourgeois· line; in a tremendous upsurge, socialist cooperative transforms·
democratic program, could not be maintained and developed on a tion triumphed over capit.alist ownership in the countryside.
new, socialist basis. It was through this kind of struggle in society as a whole and in
By 1955 this struggle had reached a crossroads. Mao pointed out a concentrated way within the Communist Party itself that
then that despite the step by step advance from mutual-aid teams socialist ownership was in the main established in city and coun·
to small agricultural producers' cooperatives: tryside, in industry and agriculture-and also in the same way in
handicrafts and commerce-by 1956. But this did not mean the
What exists in the countryside today is capit.alist ownership by the rich end of class struggle in society or in the Communist Party; it mere-
peasants and a vast sea of ownership by individual peasants. As is clear to ly advanced socialist revolution and socialist construction and the
everyone, the spontaneous forces of capitalism have been steadily grow- struggle between the socialist and capitalist roads to a new stage.
tng in the countryside in recent years, with new rich peasants springing
up every where end mony weU·to-do middle peasants striving to become
rich pe&88nt.s. On the other hand, many poor peasants are still living in Learning From Negative Experience of Soviete
poverty for shortage of the means of production, with some getting into
debt and others selling or renting out their land. lf this tendency goes un· By this time the People's Republic of Chine was well into i~
checked, it is inevitable that polarization in the countryside will get worse First Five-Year Plan, initiated in 1953. This plan was largely
day by doy.••
modelled after and incorporated extensive aid from the Soviet
Meo answered those trumpeting the revisionist line on this ques· Union. It put too much emphasis on the development of heavy in·
tion by ~urning their arguments back against them. ln response to dustry at the expense of agriculture and Ught industry and on
highly centralized planning at the expense of local initiative. It

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108 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS POLITICAL ECONOMY 109

called for such things as one-man management. reliance 011 agriculture. he pointed out. bring about faster accumulation than
specialists, and other measures such as extensive rules and regula. heavy industry, ond therefore an increase in investment in these
tions which suppressed rather than unleashed the activism of the spheres. on the basis of an overall and long·range priority to heavy
workers-who were supposed to memorize and strictly abide by industry. would actually "lead to a greater and faster development
scores of such rules and regulatio11s. of heavy industry and, since it ensures the livelihood of Lhe people.
This was aU to the lilting of conservative forces and increasingly it will lay :i more solid foundation for the development of heavy in·
encrusted bureaucrats and especially so to those revisionists in the dustry.""
Chinese Communist Party who refused to draw correct conclusions Here Mao was characteristically applying materialist dialectics
from and insisted instead on repeating the negative experiences of in a throughgoing way. If too much priority was given to heavy in·
the Soviet Union. But it was more and more not to the liking of dustry at the expense of agriculture and light industry then both
Mao, who insisted on summing up these errors while learning from raw materials and the market for industry would be undercut, the
the positive experience of the first socialist state. cost of labor power in industry-in particular the cost of
1n opposition to the Soviet model, Mao had already begun to food-would be shoved up, and the release of labor power for in·
chart a dHferent path for China's socialist development, one wh.ich dustry would be obstructed by the retarding of agriculture. o~ the
was suited to its own conditions and, more than that, one which other hand, of course. if in the final analysis priority were not given
would avoid the errors and 8hortcomings of the Soviet Union even to development of heavy industry, to the production of means of
under Stalin's leadership. In charting this cour8e, it should be production, then agriculture and light industry would both suffer
noted, Mao was in no way joining with or following those like the and stagnate. which in turn would further cripple the development
Yugoslav revisionists who took a so-called "independent" road in of heavy industry, and the whole economy would be dragged down.
economics and politics-that is, who took the capitalist Toad under Mao expressed the dialectic this way:
the banner of opposing Stalin and the Soviet Union under hie
leadership. What these renegades opposed in Stalin was not his er·
I !ere the qucRtion ariRes: ls your desire t,<) develop heavy industry genuine
rors-for example his tendency toward adopting aspects of the or feigned, strong or weak? H your desire is feigned or weak, then yo~ wl.11
"theory of productive forces," to put experts in command, etc. hit ogr!cu lture and lighL industry and invest less in i.hem; If your desi'.e 19
Whal they opposed in Stalin and the Soviet Union under his genuine or strong, then you will aLtacn import.once to agr1cult~re and l!ght
leadership was exacUy what was correct and overall the main industry 80 thnt there will be more grain and more raw mat.er1nls for hghl
thing aboul them-the fundamental upholding of Marxism· indu~lry and a greater accumulation of capital. And there will be more
Len.in.ism and t.he building of genuine socialism on th.is basis. funds in the future to invest in heavy industry.'"
Mao's approach, as indicated, was to sum up the shortcomings
of the Soviet Union under Stalin and the errors in Stalin's This was the basis for the policy that was to be expressed in the
line-from the standpoint of Marxjsm·Leninism, not revi· formula that agriculture was the foundation of China's economy
sionism-and to also learn from the real achievements and ad· and industry the leading factor. .
vances, which constituted the main aspect. Significant steps in ap- Mao was to apply the same kind of dialectical approoch later m
plying this approach, and on this basis charting a path for China·s determining priorities within industry and . agr!culture. He
socialist economic development, were embodied in a speech by developed I.he policy of taking steel as the key b.i:1k m the. form~r
Mao to an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Chinese and grain as the key link in the latter, while ens~nng on thi~ bae1s
Communist Party's Central Committee in April 1956, "On the Ten all-around development in both indusLry and agnculture. TJ_Us was
Major Relationships." also an example of politics in command. for left to spontan~1ty and
In this speech Mao criticized the one-sided emphasis on heavy the pursuit. of profit both steel and grain end therefore ultimately
industry which stiU characterized planning and investment in the whole economy would suffer at the hands of more immediately
China. He stressed that while the development of heavy industry "rewarding" pursuits.
should overall have priority, "the proportion for agriculture and In "Ob the Ten Major Relationships" itself Mao specifically
light industry must be somewhat increased."•• Light industry and criticized the policy in the Soviet Union which took too much of

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 110 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS pOL!TICAt. ECONOMY 111

the produc_t of the peasane:i and left them too few funds for further follow the example of the Soviet Union in concentrating everything in the
accumulation through their own efforts. " This method of capitaJ bands of the central authorities. shackling the local authoriti~ and deny·
accumulatio.n ," Mao said, " has seriously dampened the peasants' ing them the right to independent action."
enthusiasm for production. You want the hen to lay more eggs and
yet rou d_on'L feed it, you.wa.nt the horse to run fast and yet you All this was to be carried out, of course, on the basis of-in
don t let 1t graze. What kind of logic is that! .... dialectical unity with and not as an antagonism to-" strong and
Altho~gh there. had been errors in China in the direction of unified central leadership and unified planning and discipline
~evelopmg heavy ~ndustry at the expense of agriculture (and light thro1.1ghout the country ... " •• In fact, if handled correctly, the
mdustry), Mao said that overall China's approach to agriculture kind of local initiative Mao was calling for would, as noted above,
had been more correct than the Soviet Union's: '' Our policies strengthen not weaken what must overall be the main thing - cen-
towards the peasants differ from those of the Soviet Union and tralized leadership and unified planning, with the Party as the
take into account the interests of both the state and the guiding force.
peas~n t s. "'" H e pom
. ted. out that the agricultural t.ax in China was " On the Ten Major Relationships" began to chart a clearly dif.
relatively low and that m the exchange between agriculture and in- ferent course from the Soviet Union- and from much of economic
~ustry (through the_state) conscious attention was paid to lower- policy in the first few years of the People's Republic of China,
ing the.cost of mach!nery sold to the peasants and raising the price which was heavily influenced by Soviet methods. But while this
for therr products. m order to begin reversing the dominance of speech addressed new problems arising in socialist construction
towu o~er country, industry over agriculture, inherited from the and economic relations emerging with the basic transformation of
old society. But. s~srply _combatting tendencies within the Party ownership, it did not specifically deal with the fundamental ques-
and state to go agrunst this correct policy, he warned that" rn view tion of class relations after the transition to socialist ownership.
of the grave mistakes made by the Soviet Union on this question, This was a problem Mao was to begin to write about within the
we must take greater care and handle the relationship between the nut year.
state and peasants well.'"• In the meantime, at the 8th Congress of the Chinese Communist
ln a sim~~r way Mao criticized the policy of putting too much Party in 1956, Liu Shao-chi and other revisionists in top leadership
stress o? military con.structio~ and thereby undermining economic of the Party promoted and act'llally got adopted the theory that
foundation construction. Again applying materialist dialectics to the principal contradiction in China had become that "between the
thls question, he pointed out that it was necessary to cut back the advanced socialist system and the backward social productive
proportion spent on military construction and give more emphasis forces.'' This was the application of their revisionist line to the new
to basic economic construction or else not only would the economy situation where socialist ownership had been in the main establish-
suffer overall but, as a consequence, military construcLion would ed and it was no longer possible to oppose socialist revolution on
actually suffer in the long run as well. the basis of promoting the theory of the " synthesized economic
In this same speech Mao also criticized overemphasis on centraJ base." This new theory of the principal contriidiction represented
control of the economy at the expense of local initiative. What was " only another exprt!l!sion of the reactionary 'theory of productive
developing in Chlna then was the tendency for the central forces' in the new circumstances.....
ministries to exercise tight control over the sector of the economy What this theory said was that the class struggle was over,
they were reponsible for, right down to the local level. This not on· socialist relations had been established and the thing now was to
ly stifled local initiative but actually undermined unified leader· concentrate on raising the level of technology and economic
ship over the economy as a whole. development of the country. The role of the masses was simply to
In opposition to this Mao argued that; work hard. 'fhis merged nicely with the line on economic policy
that these revisionists had all along pushed- promoting reliance
Our territory is ~o ."Ht, our population is so large and the conditions are on bureaucratic methods of management, specialists in command
11<> complexthat it 1s far better to have Initiative oome from both the cen· and the treatment of the workers as mere labor power.
traJ and the local authoritiea than from one source alone. We must not Mao, other revolutionaries in the C.hi.Dese Communist Party and

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 112 IMMORTAL CONTRJ BUTJONS POLITICAL ECONOMY 1!3

and championed this earth-shaking event and the Great Leap For-
the Chinese masses struck back at this couni.er-revolutionary line ward of which it was a decisive part. Not only was the scale and
?oth in theory and in practice. Jn early 1957 Mao made two very scope of land ownership raised to a higher level, but in the people's
important speeches in whkh, for the first, time in the history of the communes masses of peasants took up small scale industrial pro-
international communist movement, it was explicitly pointed out duction, including of such basic materials as steel, as well as many
that even after the basic achievement of socialist ownership the and varied construction projects. This was a completely unprece-
bourgeoisie continues to exist in socialist society and that: dented event in the countryside of China-or any other country for
that matter. It was of great importance not only in narrowing the
Clalll! struggle is by no m~.ns over The class struggle beLween the pro- differences between town and country and workers and peasants
le~r~al and the bourgeoisie. the class struggle between the various but also in regard to the question of waging people's war in
poht1cal forces, and the class suuggle between the proleLariaL and 1he
bou~geoisie in Lhe ideological field will still be protracted and tortuous and resistance to aggression according to Mao's revolutionary line.
01 t1?'es ev~n very sharp. The proletariat seeks to transform the world ac- which required the greatest possible degree of local self·
cording to its ow~ world ?Utlook, and so does the bourgeoisie. Jn thi~ sufficiency, especially in the face of invading enemy forces that
respect, the question of which will win out, socialism or capitalism, is not might initially occupy significant parts of Chinese territory and
really settled yeL. '"
cut off different parts of China from each other,
Again, what Mao was emphasizing was that: It was during this same t.ime that Mao formulated the general
line for socialist construction-which along with the Great Leap
While we hove won basic victory in transforming the ownership of the Forward and the people's communes came to be known as the
means of production. we ore even farther frnm complete victory on tho "three red banners." This general line was one of "going all out,
political and ideological fronts. !n the ideological field. the question of who aiming high and achieving greater, faster, better and more
will win out. the proletariat or the bourgeoisie. has not yet been really 5 et·
tled.• 1 economical results in building socialism."
This was not an abstract exhortation that everyone should try
Here Mao gave tremendous emphasis to the role of the hard to get the best results. It gave concrete expression and sup·
superstructure and struggle in this realm. politics and ideology in port to the upsurge of the masses themselves as represented by the
particular. At the same time he pointed not only to the continued Great Leap Forward and the people's commum!s and upheld these
existence of the contradiction between the economic base and the in opposition to the line that the only way to develop the economy
superstructure bu Lalso between Lhe forces and rel at.ions of produc· was through the big, the foreign, the advanced and the centralized,
Lion. But he did not here give the same emphasis to continuing and that as for China and the Chinese people they could only
revolution on the economic front-to further transforming the rela· ''crawl behind at a snail's pace."
Lions of production-as he was to give in the next few years, both Further, this general line was an expression of politics and
in theory and in practice. ideology in command. As Mao was to point out, the first two parts
Mao was clearly developing his thinking on contradict.ion and of the general line-"going all out" and "aiming high"-refer to
struggle in the socialist period in opposition to the revisionists in ideological questions, to the subjective factor, to conscious in-
the Chinese Party and their counterparts in the Soviet Union who itiative. The last part-"acbieving greater, faster, better and more
had already usurped supreme power there. The next year, I 958, economical results in building socialism"- refers to the results
saw these two fundamentaUy opposed lines, and the two opposed from the conscious initiative of the masses. This was again a
roads. come into even sharper conflict. brilliant application of materialist dialectics as opposed to mech·
anical materialism.
People's Communes and the Great Leap So, too, as Mao pointed out, the second part of the general line
must also be viewed dialectically. That is, "greater" and
That. was the year that throughout the Chinese countryside the "faster"-which refer to quantity and speed-must be seen aa a
movement to establish people's communes erupted. Mao, in op- unity of oppositA!s with "better" and "more economical"-which
position to the revisionists in the Party. gave all-out support to refer to quality and cost. If bigb quality and low cost are one-

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114 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

sidedly stressed. in neglect of quantity and speed. then the needs

of the economy overall and the possibility of its rapid development
will be sacrificed. But, on the other band, if quantity is on&sidedly
stressed at the expense of quality then quantity will itself be
undermined (low quality products don't last as Jong and therefore
actually represent less quantity in the long run). And, further, if
on&sided emphasis is placed on quantity and speed without regard
to cost then similarly the basis for expanding production and turn·
ing out more products will also be undermined in the long run.
Once again, the key to handling these contradictions is to arouse
and rely on the conscious activism of the masses themselves to cor·
rectly combine quantity, speed. quality and cost and in this way
push the whole economy forward.
All this drove the revisionists in the Party into frenzied opposi·
tion-it flew directly in the face of every bourgeois prejudice and
convention. They attacked Mao as an idealist- an attack that was
consistently launched against Mao by the revisionists-charging
that he "exaggerated man's conscious dynamic role." 02
Things came to a head at the Central Committee meeting in
1959. The revisionists. spearheaded then by PengTeb-buai, at that
time Defense Minister, seized on difficulties connected with the
Great Leap Forward and the people's communes-such as pro-
blems in transport, shortage of certain supplies and certain "left"
excesses that accompanied these revolutionary upsurges-to
launch an all-out attack on them and the whole revolutionary road
they represented. Peng Teh·huai also was a leading spokesman for
the demand that China's army be transformed into a "modern" ar·
my like that in the Soviet Union land the Western capitalist coun·
tries), which went hand in hand with the demand that China's
economic development return to the policy of on&sided emphasis Demonstrators hold high the three red banners: The general line,
on heavy industry and military construcLion at the expense of the Great Leep Forward end the People's Communes. These three
agriculture, light industry and all-around economic construction. were the cutting edge of Mao's revolutionary line on socialist con·
Mao led the revolutionaries in the Party's leadership in beating struction in the late 1950s, which took shape in struggle with the
back this attack from the right at this famous Central Committee revisionist line of Peng Teb·huai and others.
meeting at Lushan in 1959. He declared that the mass upsurge of
the Great Leap Forward was fine, not terrible, even with its
dislocations and disruptions and even if in the short run the eco-
nomic returns were not uniformly high.
"The chaos caused was on a grand scale and I take responsibil·
ity." he said, throwing down the gauntlet to the rightists. He
reminded them of what Marx's outlook bad been on the Paris Com·
mune. Marx did not take the standpoint that narrow and im·
mediate results determine everything but reckoned from the view-

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point of the general and long·term interests of the proletariat, Mao were condemning.
said. When Marx realized that the Paris Commune "was the first In the realm of the ~uperstrucLUre the revisionists also launched
proletarian dictatorship. he thought it would be a good thing even a number of attacks. Through literature and art works they
if it only lasted three months. [[ we assess it from an economic clamored for the reLUrn to office of Peng Teh·huai - who had been
point of view. it was not worth while.""" dismissed following his defoal in 1959-and of course the return of
Besides, Mao added. while the main thing about the Great Leap the count.er-revolutionary line he fought. for in opposition to Mao's
Forward was the fact that the masses had taken mat.ters into their revolutionary line.
own hands and begun to make new breakthroughs-and thus it
was wrong to assess it from the standpoint of immediate economic Two Line Struggle Sharpens
results-it was also true that, unlike the Paris Commune, the
Great Leap Forward and the people's communes, despite certain Mao counter-attacked. In 1962, at meetings of the leading bodies
difficulties. would not fail. In the foce of this the revisionists were of the Party, he issued t.he call .. never forget class struggle"' and
forced to beat a retreat. formulated what became t.he basic line of the Chinese Communist
At the same time, the Soviet Union, acting in coordination with Parly for the entire period of socialism:
these revisionists within the Chinese Communist Party it.self, sud·
denly pulled out technicians and blueprints. leaving a number of S<>eialist. society covers a considerably long hi~torical period. In this
vital construction projects unfinished and severely sabotaging the historical period of socialism there are st.ill classes, cluss struggle, there is
development of the Chinese economy. Following that, in the next lhe struggle between the ~ocialist road and the capitalist. road, and there
is the danger of capit.alist restoration. We must recogni~ the protraci.ed
several years China was hit by a series of natural disasters. and complex nature ol this struggle. We must heighten our vigilance. We
Taking advantage of all this the revisionists in the Chinese Com· must conduct socialist education. We must correctly understand and hen·
muoist Party's leadership launched another attack and, in fact, die class contradictions and class struggle, distinguish the contradictions
were able to gain the initiative in many areas, including in signifi· between ourselves and the enemy from those among the people and handle
them correctly. Otherwise a socialist country like ours will turn into its op-
cam aspects of economic policy. It was during this period that Liu posite and degenerate, and a capita.list. restoration will take place. From
Shao-chi and others like him dished up "70 Articles' ' for the now on we must remind IJur•elvcs Qf this every year. every mo.o~h antl
regulation of industry, which echoed earlier revisionist lines on the every day so that we cau have a rather sober understanding of this prob-
lem and have a MarxisL·LeninisL line.••
economy and which were Lo be echoed again later in the struggle
over economic policy and its relation to class struggle.
These "'70 Articles" called for reassertion of exclusive control by All this was a direct slap in the face to the revisionists. wbo
the central ministries, for cancellation of many construction pro- preached the " dying out of class struggle"' and argued that since
jects, established the "market as the primary" object in produc- there was socialist ownership there was no danger of capitalist
tion, and even called for the shutting down of factories that did not restoration and only the necessjty to boost production regardless
show a profit. They resurrected restrictive rules and regulations of what methods were used to accomplish this. Moo championed
that had been reformed, called for instituting piece-work wherever the socialist education movement in opposition to this, to carry
possible- much of which had been criticized and eliminated-cut forward the class struggle and combat revisionist attempts at
back the time workers were to spend in political study and capitalist restoration.
demanded an end to political struggle in the factories. At the same During this same general period-the early 1960s- Mao also
time these regulations contained certain provisions supposedly devoted serious attention to the questions of political economy and
dealing with the "well-being" of the masses-in other words pro- economic policy. This was a crucial part of both defending and
moting economism and welfarism. All this was necessary, the developing his revolutionary line in opposition to the onslaughts of
revisionists said. to put an end to disorder. At the same time these the revisionists.
renegades did not fail to take credit for advances in the economy Much of this was expressed in Mao's "'Reading Notes on the
whose basis was laid in the moss upsurges and the shattering of Soviet Text Political Economy.·· Here Mao not only criticized revi·
convention in the Great Leap Forward-the very "chaos" they sionist deviations in the Soviet Union but summarized the impor-

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 118 IMMORTALCONTRfBUTIONS POLITICAL ECONOMY 11!1

t.ance of policies and methods that. hod been developed in China in direct rebuff to the revisionist approach to planning, which in
opposition to revisionis m. essence denies the dialectical movement of things and attempts to
ThesE." included the line on the relation between agriculture and impose order and balance from the top. through bureaucratic
industry. and other questions touched on in "On the Ten Major methods and decrees divorced from and opposed to the masses
Relation~hips ... the general line for building socialism, the impor· and mass initiative as well as the actual laws of development of the
t.ance of self-reliance and regeneration through one's own efforts, economy. And Mao's whole approach to planning was another
and Lhe whole series of policies described by the formula "walking aspect in which Mao was emphasizing the tremendous importance
on two legs.·· These latter meant simultaneously developing small of the superstructure and class struggle in thls realm, in opposi·
and medium-sized enterprises as well as large ones; making use of tion to the revisionists, who regard all this as "idealism.'•
native as well as foreign technology and technique, and the Further, Mao not only noted as Stalin had that the law of value
backward as well as the advanced; bringing into ploy the role of continued to operate and must be taken into account in planning.
the masses as well as experts in technical innovalion; and other without allowing it to play a regulating role. He also indicated, in
similar combinations. disagreement with Stalin, that the means of production- and not
Further. Mao contrasted in these "Reading Not.es" t.he correct. simply means of consumption-continued to have certain proper·
versus the bourgeois· bureaucratic approach to planning." A plan." ties of commodities.
he pointed out, "is an ideological form. Ideology is a reflection of Commodity exchange relationships were bound to be reflectedin
realities. but it also acts upon realities Thus, ideological forms the exchange of products even within the state sector itself. And
such as plans have a great effect on economic development and its since the state enterprises were still required to maintain a relative
rate."•• independence in accounting, their exchanges with each other were
Planning is not merely a technical question, nor does it involve still significantly influenced by the operation of the law of value,
simply the contradict.ion between ignorance and knowledge. l t also the basic law of commodity production and exchange.
involves class struggle in the ideological realm. between the world All this was unavoidable and would be to varying degrees for
outlook and method of the proletariat and that of the bourgeoisie. some time. But it could also be made use of by the bourgeoisie,
Whether to rely on a handful of "experts" and on bureaucratic especially capitalist-roaders in positions of power, to excessively
methods. or on the masses and the scientific summnlion of their widen the scope of the law of value in relations within and between
experiences, ideas. etc.-this is a fundamental dividing line be- different economic units, as a decisive part of their attempts to ac-
tween the proletarian and the bourgeois outlook, which finds ex· tually transform socialist relations into capitalist relations and
pression in planning as in other spheres. As Mao sharply put it, restore capitalism in the country as a whole.
regarding "the mass struggle as 'one important factor' flies in the In these "Reading Notes" Mao expresses a further development
face oft.he principle that the masses ure Lhe creators of history. of his thinking on the question of revolutionizing the relations of
Under no circumstances can history be regarded as something the production aft.er socialist ownership is in the main achieved. He at-
planners rather than t.he masses create.''•• taches particular importance to the relations among people in pro-
Mao also stressed that planning must take into account that duction.
development in everything, including in the economy, is not in the In one of the most significant parts of this article he writes the
manner of a straight line but in spirals or waves. Further, Mao following:
said:
After the question of the ownership system is solved, the most important
Balance IS relative to imbalance. Wii.houL imbalance there is no balance question is administration-how enterprises owned either by tbe wbole
The development of all things is characterized by imbalance. That is why people [the st.ate) or the collective are. administered. This is the same as
there is a demand for balance Plans constantly have to be revised the question of the relations among people under a given ownership
precisely because new imbalances recur," system, a subject that could u8e many articles. Changes in the ownership
system in a given period of time always have their limits, but the relations
among people in productive labor may well, on the cont.rary, be in
Here Mao was making a clear repudiation of and delivering a ceaseless change. With rellpect to administration of enterprises owned by

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 120 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS 121
POLl'rtCAL ECONOMY

lbe whole people, we have adopted a set of approaches: a combination of combining workers and peasants with professional personnel in
concent.raLed leadership and mass movement; combinations of party t hese fields, were developed. Similar changes were brought about.
leaders. working masses. and technical personnel; cadres participating in
production: workers participating in administration; steadjJy changing in health work, in which the emphasis was shifted to the rural
unreasonable regulations and institutional practices.,.. areas, where most. of the people lived and conditions, including in
health care, were more backward.
These kinds of revolutionary steps were not just "good ideas" In management the kinds of revolutionary advances in relations
but were of great importance in the class struggle, in determining among people in production which Mao had called attention
whether China would continue on the socialist road or be dragged w-such as cadres participating in collective labor, workers taking
down the capitalist road. If such revolutionary measures were not part in administration, the reform of irrational and restrictive
implemented, and beyond that if a revolutionary line was not in rules and regulations-all these were further strengthened and
command overall, Mao warned in 1963. developed. Also upheld and strengthened was the principle of
politics leading vocational work and non-professionals armed with
then It would not be long. perhaps only several years. or a decade, or a correct line leading professionals. This was expressed in the
several decades at most before a counter-revolutionary restoration on a slogan "red and expert"-with the " red" aspect in command. In
national scale would inevitably occur, the Mancist-Lenirust party would most cases piec~work and bonuses were done away with and
undoubtedly become a revisionist party, a fascist party, and the whole of
China would change its colour. Comrades, please think it over. What a disparities in income were reduced to the degree possible in accor-
dangerous situation this would be!.. dance with fostering comradely relations among different grades
and types of workers and promoting socialist cooperation and ac·
Obviously, all this, too, represented a line in direct opposition to tivism in production. Similarly. socialist cooperation between dif·
the whole bourgeois line as well as the set of economic policies, ferent enterprises and economic units was developed to a higher
represented by the "70 Articles." promoted by the revisionists and level.
generally embraced by large numbers of bureaucratic-minded During the Cultural Revolution, Mao concentrated the ex·
cad.res. The two classes. two lines and two roads were again clearly perience of the Chinese masses in socialist revolution and socialist
on a collision course. The explosion that erupted ftom this was the construction, expressing the dialectical relationship between the
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, which developed into a two in the slogan "grasp revolution, promote production." This
mass political struggle against the capitalist-roaders in 1966. principle correctly explains the relationship between revolution
In the first few years of this revolutionary upsurge, which Mao and production. between politics and economics, between con·
not only championed but gave particular gujdance to. the massea sciousness and matter, between the superstructure and the
smashed the bourgeois headquarters of Liu Shao-chi in the Party, economic base and between the relations of production and the
seized back power in various spheres of society where it had been productive forces.
usurped by the capitalist·roaders, upheld and carried out Mao's ln all these relationships the latter aspect is overall the principal
revolutionary line in opposition to the revisionist line and hit back one and is both the foundation and the ultimate point of deter-
at the reversals of the gains and correct verdicts of the Great Leap mination for the other. But, on the other hand, in each case it is the
Forward. Through this process further revolutionary transforms· former aspect that plays the initiating role in transforming the lat-
tions were carried out in the superstructure and the economic base. ter. Furl.her. in each case the principal aspect tends to advance
Revolution in education and culture was carried forward with ahead of the secondary aspect and conscious action is required to
the overthrow of bourgeois authority in those realms. The study of bring this secondery aspect into correspondence with the principal
Marxist theory was promoted on a broad scale and active one. Thus it can be seen that I.he overall secondary aspect has a
ideological struggle encouraged on all levels. Revolutionary com- tremendous reaction upon the overall principal aspect and at cer·
mittees, new organs of power and of administration in the basic tain times can itself become principal.
units as well as at the higher levels, were set up combining the Only by continuously unfolding revolution in the superstructure
masses, cadres and technical personnel as well as old, middle-aged and making use of its initiating role-in particular the state power
and young people. Mass movements in science and technology, and ideology of the proletariat-is it possible for tbe proletariat to

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122 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

consolidate and develop the socialist economic base. Similarly,

without continuing to revolutionize the relations of production,
even after socialist ownership has in the main been accomplished,
it is impossible to continue to liberate and thereby develop the
social productive forces. And, as Mao had pointed out before. at
those times when the relations of production and the super-
structure act mainly as fetters on the further development of the
forces of production and the economic base, then the relations of
production and the superstructure become principaJ.•0
And, at all times, only by commanding economics with politics is
it possible for the proletariat to develop production along the
socialist road. Only by arousing the conscious activism of the
laboring masses is it possible to transform the material world in
accordance with its objective laws and the revolutionary interests
of the proletariat. In sum, this principle, "grasp revolution, pro-
mote production," expresses the correct dialectical relationship
between the two and promotes the role of revolution in command-
ing production.
Naturally, while this principle was grasped and applied by the
masses of Chinese people to transform the world, it has been con·
sistently opposed and attacked by the revisionists, and this was
certainly true even during the height of the Cultural Revolution.
In fact, at the Ninth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in
1969, in the midst of the Cultural Revolution, Lin Piao. who had
masqueraded as a close comrade of Mao Tsetung and a leader of
the masses in tile Cultural Revolution, collaborated with other
revisionists to oppose Mao's line on the relation between revolu-
tion and production and substitute for it the "theory of productive
forces."
This was done in the form of arguing that instead of class strug-
gle the main task then was to develop production. Mao and other
genuine revolutionary leaders rejected and defeated this line, em-
phasizing that waging the class struggle against the bourgeoisie
remained the key link for all work.
At the First Plenary Session of the Communist Party's Central
Committee following the Ninth Congress, Mao spoke again to the
relationship between revolution and production. He said then:

Apparently, wo couldn't do without the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution, for our base was not solid. From my observations, I am afraid
that in a fairly large majority of factories-I don't mean all or tbe over-
whelming majority-leadership was not in the hands of real Marxists and
the masses of workers. Not that there were no good people in the leader·
ship of the factories. There were. There were good people among the

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 124 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS P0Lf1'1CAL ECONOMY 125

secrolarles. deputy secretaries. and members of Party commitLees and first place. But these revisionists refused to unite with Mao's
among the Party branch secrelaries. But they followed that line of Liu revolutionary line and continued to fight for their own countel:'-
Shao-chi's. just resorting to material incentive, putting profit in com. revolut.ionary line. As a result of this, Lin Piao and some others
mand, and instead of promoting proletarian politics. handing out bonuses.
and so forth there are indeed bad people in the factories (and all thisi were exposed, isolated and defeated. Not long after the Ninth Con·
shows that the revolution is still unfinished.•• gress Lin Piao himself died 11 traitor's death, fleeing toward the
Soviet Union in September 1971.
Here Mao was giving deeper analysis to the question of produc· But the attempt to substitute the theory of the "dying out of
tion relations and classes and class struggle after socialist class struggle" and the "theory of productive forces" for Mao's
transformation of ownership has in the main been completed. He revolutionary line did not, of course, die with Lin Piao. At the
focused on the fact thaL as regards the matter of ownership it is Tenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1973 it was
not enough to determine whether or not it is public as opposed to pointed out that the program of making production the main task.
private in form, but what is the essence of the ownership. wbkb which Lin Piao a11d another opportunist in leadership of the Party,
after all is not a thing but a social relationship. If bourgeois forces Chen Po-ta, had pushed et the time of the Ninth Congress.
ond a bourgeois line are in command then public ownership will be represented nothing more than "a refurbished version under new
merely the outer shell of bourgeois production relations. This is conditions of the same revisionist trash that Liu Shao-chi end
what happened in the Soviet Union as a whole with the seizure of Chen Po-ta bad smuggled into the resolution of the Eighth Con·
supreme power by the revisionists in that country. And it is what gress, which alleged that the major contradiction in our country
happened to varying degrees in particular enterprises and other was not the contradiction between the proletariat and the
economic units controlled by the capitalist·roaders in China-this bourgeoisie, but that 'between the advanced socialist system and
can and does happen even under the conditions where the pro· the backward productive forces of society.' "• 2 (This report was
letariat holds political power in the country as a whole. This was delivered by Chou En·lai, who, like Lin Piao four years earlier.
what. Mao was pointing out in speaking of factories-even a ma· found himself having to deliver a report to a Congress with whose
jority of them-which before the start of the Cultural Revolution line he was in fundamental disagreement. In fact, as the most
were not under the command of a correct line and not under the powerful leader of the Right in Chin11 at that time, Ch~u was
leadership of real Marxists and the masses of workers. vigorously promoting precisely the line that production-or
All this is dialectically related to the fact that in society as a ''modernization"-was the main task.)
whole, while socialist ownership is in the main established, it is not. Mao continued to lead the Chinese Communist Party and the
completely established. ln other words. in agriculture and even in· masses in revolutionary struggle down to his last breath. In I.he
dustry, the means of production have not yet been fully converted course of this struggle, shortly before he died, Mao issued a stat.e-
into the common property of all of society and therefore commodi· ment which said in part:
ty production and the law of value still operate. though with a
restricted scope. Until these and other vestiges of capitalism are You are making the socialist revolution'. and yet don 'l ~ow where ~ho
eliminated in both the relations of production and the superstruc- bourgeoisie is. It is right in the Commurust P~y-tbose 1n pc~er takin.~
ture, the possibility of socialist relations and institutions-and tho capitalist road. The capitalist-roaders are still on the capitalist road.
even socialist society as a whole-being transformed into
capitalist ones cannot be eliminated. This understanding This was yet another important contribution of Mao's to Marx·
represented a real contribution by Mao Tsetung to Marxist· ist theory and Marxist political economy in particular. Here.M.ao
Leninist theory on these all·important questions. was not only calling attention to the fact that even after socialist
In immediate tenns. Mao's analysis of this in 1969 was not only ownership is in the main established new bourgeois e~ements ~ill
a summation of the situation before the start of the Cultural be engendered and the bourgeoisie as a class will contmue to eiust
Revolution but represented a sharp rebuke right then to Lin Piao throughout the socialist period. but in particular to the fact that in
and others who were attempting to declare that the revolution was these conditions the bourgeoisie-not the whole but the heart of
over-or should be-and the thing to do was to put production in it-will emanate from within Ule Communist Party itself, especial·

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 126 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

ly its top ranks.

This is because of the position of the Party itself in socialist
society and of the changes in class relations that arise with the
development of socialism, especially after socialist ownership is in
the main established. In this situation, those people who exercise
leadership in the allocation of means of production and means of
consumption are in the final analysis overwhelmingly Party
members, particularly those at the top levels. Though in theory
they exercise this leadership on behalf of the masses, nevertheless
there is a contradiction here, which is a reflection of the fact that
the means of production have not yet fully become the common
property of all of society and the masses of people have not yet ful-
ly become the masters of production and all of society-the divi-
sions, inequalities and other material and ideological remnants of
bourgeois society have not yet been completely overcome.
Where a correct line is carried out by those in leadership, this
contradiction will be moved in the direction of enabling the masses
to increase their mastery of production and society. But where a
revisionist line is in command, leadership will be transformed into
a position of bourgeois domination and exploitation of the masses.
If, for example, the division of labor in an enterprise is not
restricted-and therefore leading personnel do not participate in
productive labor and the workers do not participate in
management-and at the same time the share of income leading
cadre receive relative to that of the mass of productive workers is
expanded rather than restricted, and especially if along with this
profit, not politics, is put in command, then in fact the relation of
the leading people to the workers smacks of exploitation. In effect
they are beginning to appropriate some of the surplus produced by
the workers while they themselves have command over the
workers and over production without taking part in production.
Hence the importance of restricting as opposed to expanding
bourgeois right in relations among people in work and in distribu-
tion. If this is not done, and instead an incorrect line and policies
are applied, these two aspects of the relations of production can,
together with t.he superstructure, exert. a reac"tionary influence on
what is overall the principal aspect of production rela·
tions-ownership-and can even transform the production rela-
tions from socialist to capitalist in essence.
This does not mean that the country has become capitalist if
su.ch a situation prevails in a large number or even a majority of
enterprises at any given time; this will happen only through a
change in the superstructure-only if the revisionists seize

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 128 P0Ll1'1CAL ECONOMY 129
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

supreme power-and overall a revisionist line is in command in Leninist line and mobilizing them on this basis to struggle against
society. But, on the other hand, this is not a static thing, and if the capitalist-roaders. For this is decisive in preventing a revi·
bourgeois production relations are allowed to emerge and develop sionist seizure of power and capitalist restoration and continuing
without opposition, then the basis for revisionists in positions of instead the advance toward communism.
power to pull off a reactionary coup and restore capitalism will be From all this can be seen the great significance of Mao's last ma-
greatly strengthened. jor statement on this question: that the bourgeoisie "is right in the
Mao had touched on this problem in his" Reading Notes" on the Communist Party-those in power taking the capitalist road."
Soviet political economy text: "ln our experience. if cadres do not This analysis of Mao's is of life and death importance to the pro-
set aside their pretensions and identify with the workers, the letariat and Marxist revolutionaries in waging the class struggle
workers will never look on the factory as their own but as the under socialism for the ultimate aim of communism. It is a power-
cadres·:·•• And if a bourgeois line is in command and promoted ful new weapon of the proletariat in this struggle.
and implemented by the leading cadres of the Party and state, the This is another important reason why Mao Tsetung's contribu-
masses will look at not only the factories but the means of produc- tions in the field of political economy in particular, as well es in
tion as a whole and society in general as belonging not to them but economic policy and socialist construction-and in other
to a privileged stratum-and the masses will be correct. This, areas-represent s further advance for the proletariat and its
again, stems from the transitional and contradictory nature of revolutionary science. These contributions are truly immortal and
socialist society, and es such it will either be resolved in a revolu· can never be erased, denied or downgraded regardless of any
tionary direction, in the advance toward communism, or, in the events in the world.
short run, in a counter-revolutionary direction, down the capitalist
road to the restoration of the old order.
Mao's analysis here is an application of Lenin's statement that
politics is the concentrated expression of economics. As pointed
out earlier, in ~ocialist society control over the economy is concen·
trated as the power of political leadership. Where this leadership is
in the hands of revisionists, it is in actuality in the hands of the
bourgeoisie, and bourgeois production relations will actually begin
to be enforced. It is the power of leadership resting on this materiel
basis which in the bands of capitalist-roaders enables them to
build up strength end, if they succeed in seizing supreme political
power, to carry off capitalist restoration, acting as the core and
commanders of the social forces in society, inside and outside the
Party, who can be mobilized to support such a restoration. It is for
this reason that Mao also insisted shorLly before his death that "if
people like Lin Piao come to power, it will be quite easy for them to
rig up the capitalist system."••
This is why Mao put so much emphasis on the superstructure
and insisted that the decisive question was the correctness or in-
correctness of the ideological and political line. For it is this that
will determine whether the political leadership in power represents
the revolutionary interests of the proletariat in advancing to com-
munism or represents a new bourgeoisie and suppresses the
llUlllSes in the interests of capitalist restoration. It is also why Mao
put so much emphasis on arming the masses with a Marxist-

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 Chapter 4

PHILOSOPHY

Introduction

The first three chapters of this book have dealt with Mao's con·
tributions in the areas of revolution in colonial countries: revolu·
tionary warfare and military strategy; and political economy,
economic policy and socialist construction. But would it have been
possible for Mao to develop his revolutionary line in these, and
other, spheres and make such great contributions in these areas
without the consistent applic{J,tion of Marxist philosophy,
materialist dialectics? Impossible.
lr1 fact, as the previous chapters have stressed, Mao's contribtL·
tions in these fields are all based upon and characterized by the
thoroughgoing application of materialist dialectics. At the same
time Mao devoted great attention to and further developed and
enriched Marxism·Leninism in the realm of philosophy i11 its own
right. This itself was dialectically related to his contributions in
other areas and most especially, as will be gone into later in this
chapter, to what is overall his greatest contribution-the develop·
ment of the theory and line of continuing the revolution. under the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
Struggle and development on the philosophical front are closely
linked with struggle and development in society as a whole. This
has always been the case and becomes all the more so with the
emergence of Marxism and the development of the proletariat into
a class for itself. that is, with the development of the class con·
scious movement of the working class. Under socialism this truth
takes on even greater importance, because the task of the pro-
letariat as master of socialist society is to consciously transform
nature, society and the people according to its world outlook and
advance to communism.

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132 lMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 133

Class Basie of Philosophy

close collaboration with Engels, by concentrating, reconstructing
So long as there are classes, any kind of philosophy has a class and recasting what was correct in Hegel's dialectical method and
nature. And "Philosophy always serves politics:·• the materialism of Feuerbach, both of whose schools of thought
As Mao himself insisted, the foundation of plu1osophy-in class Marx successively passed through as a young man, before he
society-is class struggle, and this is especially true of Marxist became a Marxist.
philosophy. Mao explained it this way: In "Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German
Philosophy," Engels summarizes this process. There he shows
There is a struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The op- how the development of Hegel's philosophy. as well as that of
pressors oppress the oppressed, while the oppressed need to fight back Feuerbach-and that of Marx and Engels themselves-were close-
and seek a way out before they start looking for philosophy. H was only ly linked to the development of capitalism and th.e rapi~ advances
when people took this as their starting point that there was Marxlsm· in science and technology as well as the dramatic SOCJal changes
Leninism, and that they discovered philosophy. We have all been through
this.• and upheavals that were associated with it, especially in the late
18th and early 19th centuries.
In this same talk Mao polntedly asked a group of intellectuals: " If Engels explained with regard to Hegel's philosophy that:
you don't eagoge in class struggle, then what is this philosophy
you're engaged in?"• Just as the bourgeoisie by large-scale in~ustry, compe~ti~n ~d the worl.d
But philosophy in turn exerts a tremendous reaction on the market dissolves in practice all stable tune-honoured mst1tut1ons, so this
dialectical philosophy dissolves all conceplio~ of fm~. absol~te t:uth !'8d
political struggle. This is the main reason why Mao not only of absolute states of humanity correspondmg to 1t. For •t \dhtlectical
devoted great attention to philosophy and to struggle in this realm philosophy) nothing is final, absolute, ,sacred. It reveals the transitory
himself but repeatedly insisted that philosophy must be liberated character of everything and in everything; nothing can endure before 1l
from the confines of the scholar's study and be taken up by the except the uninterrupted process of becoming and of passing away, of
broad masses of people. For without consciously taking up Marx· endless ascendancy from the lower t-0 the higher. And dialectical
philosophy itself is nothing more than the mere reflection of this process
ist philosophy and breaking the mental shackles of the philosophy in the t hinking broin.• ·
of the exploiting classes it would be impossible for I.he proletariat.
and the broad masses to smash completely the fetters of capital· But at the time Hegel developed his philosophy (the first few
ism and class society, emancipate mankind and bring about a decades of the 19th century) capitalism was only weakly develop-
qualitative leap in its mastery over nature. ing in Germany. The German state was not united under capitalist
rule, t he bourgeois revolution in Germany bad not been completed
Foundations of Marxist Philosophy and the rising bourgeoisie was forced to compromise with the
feudal aristocracy and the monarchy in the person of Frederick
Mao systematized and enriched the understanding of the fun· William III, King of Prussia. All this bad a great iniluence on
damental law of contradiction and armed masses of people, not on- Hegel's thinking, both philosophical and political.
ly in China but worldwide. with this deepened understanding. This Hegel endeavored to develop a complete philosophical system,
is the essence of Mao's tremendous contribution to Mancism·Len· which had its material basis in the contradictory conditions in Ger·
inism in the sphere of philosophy. To grasp this fully it is many at that time. Owing to this, while Hi:.gel's metb~ ~a! dialec·
necessary first to summarize the basic principles of Marxist ti cal, bis philosophical system ended up in metaphysics\ m.the pro-
philosophy snd their development beginning with Marx and clamation of a realized absolute truth represented precisely by
Engels. Hegel's philosophical system itse[lHegel was after all an id~al~st.
Marxist philosophy. like Marx.ism in general. did not, of course, whose philosophical system invented an Absolute Idea, elClStmg
spring full-blown from the head of Marx. As Mao was reported to prior to and independent of nature: this I dea then "alien~ted" !tr
have jokingly asked, when Marx was a very young man did he self into nature, to be progressively compl'ebended by man m soc1&
study any Marxism? Marxist philosophy was forged by Marx, in ty, leading up to its final and complete realization in the philosoph·

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 134 IMMORTALCONTRfBUTlONs T PHILOSOPHY 136

ical sys Lem of Hegel.

isolation by the reactionary authorities, Feuerbach retreated
As Engels expressed it,
philosophically as well. He rejected consistent materialism
because he conceived of materialism as that kind characteristic of
the whole dogmatic cont.ent of the Hegelian system is declared to be ab- the 18th century-mechanical materialism. metaphysics as oppos·
solute lrut~. in contradiction to his dialectical method, which dissolvea
all dogmausm. Thus the revolutionary side is smothered beneath the ed to dialectics-as represented especially by the French
over~wth of. the conservative side. And what applies to philosophical materialists of that period. This materialism recognized only quan·
cogn1t1on appbee also to itistorical practice. Mankind. which, in the person titative motion and treated the divisions in nature as absolute,
?f Hege~. has reached the point of working out the absolute idea, must also reflecting the level of scientific discovery at that time and the fact
an practice have gotten so far that it can carry out this absolute idea in
reality. Hence the practical political demands of the absolute idea on con· that capitalism had not yet gained conquest of society (a major ex-
temporaries may not be stretched too far. And so we find at the conclusion ception being England, where it involved the continuation of the
of (Hegel's] Philosophy of Right that the absolute idea is to be realized in monarchy and a landed aristocracy). Such materialism failed to
t~at monarchy based on social estates which Frederick William Ill so per· grasp the fact that everything is contradiction: that the " natural
suitently but vainly promised to his subjects (i.e.. a constitutional monar- order" is change, marked by leaps fqualitative change): that there
chy).•
is interconnection of contradictory things; and that there is only
Especially after Hegel's death in 1831, however, there were relative. not absolute. clivision between different kinds of matter in
l~ose, including Marx and Engels. who inherited the revolutionary motion.
Stde of Hegel's philosophy-its dialectical method. Engels stressed Finally Fauerbach himself ended up in idealism. While be had
that w~t.e H~gel's system led to conservatism in both philosophy shown that religion represented merely the fantastic expression in
and politics, whoever regarded the dialectical method as the main the human mind of human and natural existence, he attempted not
thing could belong to the most extreme opposition, both in politics to abolish religion but to give human relations a religious
and religion.''' And, Engels recalled, after 1840, when in Prussia character. As Engels characterized it:
"orthodox pieti$m and absolute feudal reaction ascended the
throne with Frederick William IV.'' Marx-and Engels him· According to Feuerbach. religion is the relation between human beings
baa~><! 011the affeetJoos, the relation based on the heart, which relation un·
self-took the field of opposition as part of those "Young Lil now has sought its truth in a fantastic mirror image of reality-in the
Hegelians'' whose stand "revealed itself directly as the philosophy mediation of one or many gods, the fantastic mirror images of human
of the aspiring radical bourgeoisie and used the meagre cloak of qualities-but now finds it directly and without any mediation in the love
philosophy only to deceive the censorship.''' between"!" and "Thou." Thus. finally, with Feuerbach sex love becomes
But Marx and Engels soon revealed themselves to be more one of the highest forms, if not the highest form, of the practice of his new
religion.•
radical than bourgeois. Here is Engels' description of what hap-
pened next in their development: And things turn out even worse when Feuerbach's philosophical
and moral system is carried into the field of economic. social and
Then came Feuerbach 's Essence ofChri$tianity. . . it placed materialism political relations. Engels, with both sarcasm and regret, pointed
on the throne again. Nature exists independently of all philosophy. It ia out that the stock exchange indeed served as the perfect model and
the foundatloo upon which we human beings, ourselves products of
n~ture. have grown up. Nothing exists outside nature and man and the "temple" for Feuerbach's moral credo. for there everyone involved
higher beings our religious fantasies have created are only the fantastic equally pursues his right to happ.iness, and ethics can be equated
reflection of our own essence. The spell was broken; the (Hegelian! system with doing well. ln short, Feuerbach went no farther than the bour·
~as e~ploded and ca.st aside . one must himself have experienced the geoisie itself in the final analysis-no farther than enshrining
liberattng effect of this book to g~t an idea of it. Enthusiasm was general; equality before the law as the highest principle of society. As
we all bei:ame at once Feuerbachians. How enthusiastically Marx gt"88ted
the l\ew conception.and how much-in spite of all critical reservations-he Engels said, "Feuerbach's morality is cut exactly to the pattern of
was influenced by at, one may read in The Holy Family.• modern capitalist society, little as Feuerbacb himself might desire
or imagine it." •0
But Fauerbach was not a thoroughgoing materialist. Driven into Therefore. towards the oppressed classes. and the proletariat in

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 136 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS pl{ILOSOPRY 137

capitalist society in particular. Feuerbach's philosophy/morality human thought, but did not consider human activity itself as part
could only preach capitulation in the guise of "love" and of objective reality. Thus Marx says of Feuerbach that be "wants
"equality." Engels summed up that: sensuous objects. really differentiated from the thought objects,
but he does not conceive human activity itself as objective activi·
J\l thi~ point the la~t relic of iLs revolutionary character disappears Crom ty."'" According lo this view the relation of mon to nature in the
his phtlosophy, leaving only the old cant: Love one another- foll into each process of cognition is simply that man must reflect external reali-
other'a arms r~l!ardless of distinction of sex or estate )class)-a universa l ty in his thoughts. or contemplate it.
orgy of reconc•hat1on."
But this by itself cannot solve the question of whether man's
Marx's Leep thoughts correctly reflect nature. As Marx goes on to stress:

The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human think·

Thus it was necessary to go beyond Feuerbach, who had evolved mg is not a question of theory but is apractical question. In practice man
out of ~!egelianism of an unorthodox sort but had been incapable must prove the truth, that is, the reality and power, the this-sidedness of
of making an actual qualitative leap beyond Hegel and idealism in his thinking. The dispute over the reality or non-reality or thinking which
ge~eral. It was Marx who, more than anyone else, led in muking is isolated from practice iB a purely scholastic question."
this leap. As Engels summarized it, "Out of the dissolution of the
Hegelian school.' however, there developed still another J,cndency, In "Ludwig Feuerbacb" Engels said that, "The great basic ques·
the only one which has borne real fruit. And this tendency is essen· tion of all philosophy, especially of more recent philosophy. jg that
tially connected with the name of Marx."•• concerning the relation of thinking and being."•• Already in 1845,
. Marx did not completely cast aside F'euerbach, any more than he in his "Theses on Feuerbach," Marx bad provided the basis for
did Hegel. He criticized F'euerbach's failure to carry materialism answering this question by identifying practice es the criterion of
forward and he critically assimilated the materialist side of Feuer· truth. "Social life" Marx said, "is essentially JLractical. All
bach. According to Engels, Marx· "Theses on Feuerbach, .. written mysterieswhich mislead theory to mysticism find their rational
in 1845. is "the first document in which is deposited the brilliant solution in human practice and in the comprehension of this prac·
germ of Lhe new world outlook... ,., tice. "'9
In these "Theses" Marx showed that Feuerbach was a con· As for society, Marx explained, contemplative materialism dealt
templative materialist: at most with the role of individuals in relation to each other. It
could not reveal the ISocial relatio~ ~at are the essential_huma!1
. The chief defect of all hitherto existing materialism- that of Pcuerbach relations, or the actuil material conditions that establish the basis
mcluded-1~ that I.he thing, reality. sensuousness. is conceived only in the for these social relations. "Feuerbacb," Marx noted. "consequent.
form of the object or or contemplation, but not as human sensuous octiui· ly does not see that the 'religious sentiment' is itself a social pro-
ty, practic~. not subjectively. Honce it happened that the active •ide in duct, and that the abstract individual whom he analyzes belongs in
contradistinction t.o materi.alism, was developed by idealism-but o~ly
abstractly, ~mce, of course. idealism doe5 not know real, sensuous activity reality to a particular form of society."••
~s such. 11 The problem with Feuerbacb was that as far as he "is a
materialist he does not deal with history. and as far as he considers
For this reason. Marx said. Feuerbach "regards the theoretical history he is not a materialist. With him[materialism and histo~
attitude as Lhe only genuinely human attitude. Hence he does diverge ... " 21
not grasp the significance of 'revolutionary,' of 'practical·criticaJ' Finally, then. in opposition to Feuerbach and all previous
activity."" materialists. the new-dialectical and historical-materialism is
Here, for the first time in history, Marx is insisting on the cen· based on the understanding that "it is men that change cir·
tral. a.nd dete~mining role of practice in the process of cognition, its cumstances," and that "the coincidence of the changing of cir·
d~c1s1ve role 111 the movement of knowledge. Previously, including cumstances and of human activity can be conceived and rationally
with Feuerbach, as Marx points out. materialism conceived of ob· understood only as r11uo/utionizing pro.ctice. .,.. In other words,
jective rcalit.v as things exisLing outside of and independenlly or what Marx emphasizes here is that just as people relate to each

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 138 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 139

other in and through society and are generally shaped by the socie- st.rUcture of philosophical mec.erialism. that is not to I.he msterialisL
cy in which they exist. so, too. on the other hand, people can and epistemology but to I.he materiaUst. conception of history. Thal is why
Marx and Engels laid the emphasis in their works rather on dialectical
must change society-and through it nature. Hence Marx· famous inoterialism than on dialectical ma!enalism, a.nd insisted on historical
statement: "The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in materialism rather than on historical materiali8m."'
various ways; the point, however. is to change it." 2"
Of course. Marx repeatedly stressed, people cannot change Hence, in developing their revolutionary philosophy Marx and
things as they wish but only in accordance with their object.ive Engels did not simply discard Hegel. Instead they retained the
laws. And this is true with regard to society as with regard to revolutionary side of Hegel, bis dialectical method, and as Engels
nature. Society is ultimately determined by the level of develop- said. "freed [it) from the idealist trimming which with Hegel had
ment of the productive forces, which each successive generation in:- prevented its consistent eiiecution. " 2 • Now it was not a case of the
herits. But society does not simply go through a series of quan- dialectical movement of an absolute idea, of spirit as the creator
titative changes, characterized only by addition of productive and shaper of the material world, but the reverse. Now it was
forces. The material life of society, in particular the economic rela- recognized that it is matter that is eternally moving and changing,
tions, forms the base upon which arise political institutions, and transforming itself into different particular forms which
customs, Laws, ideology, culture, et.c.; these (the superstructure) in themselves come into being and go out of ex:istence: and more thaL
tum exert a tremendous reaction on the economic base and at par- ideas, consciousness. spirit are but the reflection in the human
ticular times become decisive. At certain points the development mind (itself matter) or this process and follow the same laws of
of the productive forces itself brings them into conflict with the development. This was dialectical materialism-or materialist
economic relations which people have entered into in using the pro- dialectics-and, as applied to history, historical materialism. as it
ductive forces. At such times a social revolution-a change in the was developed and systematized by Marx and Engels.
superstructure-is required to replace the old production relations But, as indicated before. this philosophy was not simply, or fun-
with new ones which can liberate the productive forces. damentally, the product of the brains of Marx and Engels. It was
As Marx put it in criticizing the French anarchist of his time, M. the result of the development of capitalism, of natural science and
Proudhon, "In acquiring new productive forces men change their of the class struggle. And it was the product. of a dialectical pro·
mode of production; and in changing their mode of production, in cess of development of philosophy itself. renecting these changes
changing their way of earning their living. they change all their and upheavals in society and in man's comprehension and mastery
social relations. " 24 But, again, to change their social relations r&- of the natural world. Nor did dialectical and historical materialism
quires a socia.1 revolution. Society therefore develops, from e lower represent Marx and Engels and a few others alone: it was, and is.
to a higher level, through a series of such revolutions (qualitative the revolutionary philosophy of the proletariat. both objective and
leaps). This occurs (in class society) through the overthrow of one partisan, reflecting both the objective laws of natural and
class by another after a certain point in the development of the historical development and the interests and historic mission of
struggle between them; thus the history of society, since classes the proletariat, which are fully in accord wit.h these laws. For,
first emerged, is the b.istory of class struggle. unlike all other classes in human history which have previously
Marxist philosophy recognizes in society, as in nature, Lhe risen to the ruling posi bi on and re molded society in their image,
dialectical law of development. And in feet. recognizing the impor- the proletariat aims not merely to seize power; its mission is not to
tance of changing the world-of acting in accordance with the establish an "eternal" unchanging system representing the "end
world. especially sociecy, in its changingness. in its motion and point" of human development. but to abolish all class distinctions
development, and helping to hasten the revolutionary leap from and enable mankind to continuously overcome barriers to the
capitalism to commu.n ism-Marx and Engels emphasized dialec· development of human society and its transformation of nature.
tics. As Lenin pat it:
Lenin Defends, Develops Marxist Philosophy
Marx and Engels, as they grew out of Feuerbach and matured in the
fight against the scribblers, naturally puid most attention to crowning the He,re it has been possible to give only the briefest and most

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 140 IMMORTAL CONTJUBUTIONS
PHrLOSOPHY 141

general out.line of the development of the philosophical thinking of systematizing and deepening of Marxist philosophy, as for exam·
Marx and Engels and their founding of dialectical materialism and pie in Engels' outstanding work Anti·Duhring.
historical materialism through this process. But it should be Such was also the case with Lenin, and in particular the sharp
pointed out that. with the forging of this scientific view of nature, struggle he waged to expose and combat renegades within the
society and thought, philosophy as it bad been in the past-as a Marxist movement. The most severe of these in the philosophical
branch of thought which could only attempt to fashion in the im· field, and the one which produced the most extensive work by
agination all-encompassing principles for nature, society and Lenin in defending and developing Mariist philosophy, was
thought and to bridge the gap between seemingly unconnected Lenin's scathing criticism of the philosophical and political oppor·
phenomena, unifying them into a complete system-such t11nists who rallied around the thinking of Ernst Mach. Austrian
philosophy came to an end, except as the persistence of outmoded physicist and philosopher, in the early 1900s, especially in the
thinking representing the interests of reactionary forces in society. period between the 1905 and the 1917 revolutions in Russia.
As Engels forcefully p11t it, historical materialism "puts an end Essentially, Machism (the most popular variety of empirio-
to philosophy in the realm of history, just as the dialectical concep- criticism at that time) was a form of idealism. It was linked with
tion of nature (i.e., dialectical materialism) makes all natural the general positivist trend in philosophy that developed then and
philosophy both unnecessary and impossible. It is no longer a was closely akin to pragmatism. which was the specifically
question anywhere of inventing interconnections from out of our American form of positivism that arose with the development of
brains, but of discovering them in the facts."" Or as be explained U.S. capitalism into imperialism.""
it in another famous work: As Lenin showed. Machism basically attempted to resurrect the
reactionary philosophical concoctions of Lord George Berkeley, an
, modern materialism ia essentially dialectic, and no longer requires the 18th century British bishop. The Machists ridicwed the
assistance of that sort of philosophy which, queen-like, pretended to rule materialists because, as Lenin put it, tbe materialists "recognize
the remaining mob of sciences. As soon as each special science is bound to something unthinkable and u:nlmowable-'things·in·themselves' -
moke clear its posit.ion in the great totality of things and of our knowledge
of things, a special science dealing with this totality is superfluous or un· matter 'outside of experience' and outside of our knowledge.""" In·
nec:esaery. That which still survives of all earlier philosophy is the science stead, the Machists insisted, the real world consists only of "sen·
of thought 8Dd its laws-formal logic 1;111d dial.e ctics. Everything else is sations," it consists of things which exist only as they are realized
subsumed in the positlve scleoce of Nature and hist-0ry.1to in our knowledge of them and which have no existence outside of
our knowledge of them. According to the Machists, the
But it hardly needs saying that p11tting an end to such outmoded materialists err because they "hold that beyond the appearance
philosophy is not so easy. This is not only, or even mainly, because there is the thing-in-itself; beyond the immediate sense data there
this greatly displeases the professional philosophers, but. because, is something else, some fetish, an 'idol: an absolute. a so11rce of
as suggested earlier, such outmoded philosophy serves the reac· 'metaphysics,' a double of religion ('holy matter: as Bazarov
tionary forces in society. Marxist philosophy has had to fight says)." "'
every step of the way against the decadent philosophies of the In thoroughly refuting the Machist view, Lenin demonstrated
reactionary classes and has developed in opposition to them, to one not only its fundamental unity with but its near exact copying of
form or another of idealism and metaphysics. This is not only a Berkeley's arguments two centuries earlier. Berkeley had to at,.
reflection of the practical struggle between the proletariat and the tempt to square his blatant idealism-his insistence that things
bourgeoisie (and other exploiting classes) but is also an important apparently existing outside us are merely extensions of the
part of the overall struggle between these classes. mind- with the difficult-to-dismiss sensation that these things not
And such struggle in the philosophical realm. reflecting and go- only exist for different people (different mmds) but are used by
ing hand in hand with practical struggle. has taken place very in· these different people according to laws which pertain to these
tensely within the working class movement, between Marxists and things. To cite a simple example, two different people in a room
opportunists of various kinds. This remained true throughout the prove repeatedly capable not only of recognizing but of si~ting on
lives of Marx and Engels, and one of the results of it was a further one and the same chair (though usually not at the same time).

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 142 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PEULOSOPHY 143

Even Berkeley could not deny this. But how to explain it, consis· materialism-dja]ectical materialism-but deveJoped the
tent with his idealism? Berkeley's answer, surprising to few if any, understanding of it by integrating these advances of science into
was to attribute all this to God, a spiritual force which has created this revoh;tionary philosophy, whose basic principles fully embrac-
and unifies all existing things, including different people ed the new discoveries and were in turn enriched by them. "Matter
themselves. into one great whole-one extension of this spirit. This disappears," explained Lerun, means actually that "the limit
having been set right, Berkeley was quite content to allow for the within wruch we have hitherto known matter disappears and that
existence of the reality commonly perceived by ordinary mortals our knowledge is penetrating deeper; properties of matter are
and even of natural laws pertaining to this reality. As Lenin sar- likewiae disappearing which formerly seemed absolute, im-
castically summarized it: mutable, and primary . . and which are now revealed to be relative
and characteristic only of certain states of matter."•·• And Lenin
Berkeley does not deny the existence of real things! Berkeley does not go explained the critical criterion regarding the role of matter in
count:er to the opinfon of all humanity! Berkeley denies 'only' the teaching materialist philosophy: "the sole 'property' of matter with whose
of the philosophers, viz;, the theory of knowledge, which seriously and recognition philosophical materialism is bound up is the property
resolutely takes as the foundation of all jts reasoning the recogrution of
the external world and the reflection thereof in the minds of men." of being an objective reality, of existing outside the mind .....
fn other words, what is decisive in drawing the fundamental
And such, in essence, was the denial of the Machists, though distinction between materialism and idealism in philosophy is not
tbey did not insist on the invention of God in the same way as what state particular matter exists in at any time, but that, in
Berkeley. Lenin noted that "Berkeley's train of thought . . . cor- whichever state, matiter exists and exists independently of and as
rectly expresses the essence of idealist philosophy and its social the foundation for numan consciou~ness, iaeas. In Lenin ·9wor<!!J.
significance, and we shall encounter it later when we come to speak
of the relation of Machism to natural science"; and further that dlalectkal materialism insists on the approximate, relative character of
"the 'recent' Machists have not adduced a single argument every scientific theory of the struct.ure of matter and its properties; it in·
against the materialists that had not been adduced by Bishop sist.s on tbe absence of absolute boundaries in nature. on the transforma·
I.ion of moving matter from one state into another dialectical material·
Berkeley."•• ism insists on the temporary. relative, approximate·character of all these
But why did these "recent" opponents of materialism-many of mil~stones in the knowledge of nature gained by the progressing science
whom had been Marxists and some of whom still claimed to be at of man. The electron is as inexhaustible as the atom. nature is JnfiniLe. but
least "critical supporters" of Marxism-make such a retreat? In it infinitely exists."
part this was due to some recent discoveries in natural science,
among which was the discovery that the atom is not an indivisible Mechanical materialism, metaphysics, is, of course, incapable of
whole but can be divided into different particles (the existence of grasping this and so. sooner or later. is forced to concede to and
electrons became known at this time). These discoveries brought degenerate into idealism. 1 ' It is mainly because the physicists did
about a "crisis in physics," exposing the limitations of theories not know dialectics that the new physics strayed into idealism." 31
previously held as basic premises. In fact such discoveries provid- Relating this specifically to the Machists, Lenin exposed that:
ed further proof of the dialectics of nature. But among many scien·
tists, philosophers, etc., who did not adhere, at least consistently, The error of Machism in general, as of the Machist new physics, is that it
fgnores the b.asis of philosophical materialism 811d the distinction between
to dialectical materialism, they presented "proof" of the incorrect- metaphysical materialism and dialectical materialism. The recognition of
ness of materialism. immutabJc elements, "of the immutable essence of things," and so forth,
Experiments indicated that mass was capable of being is not mntefialism. boL metaphysical. i.e.. anti·dialectical. materialism."
transfonned into energy. From thi.s many concluded that "matter
disappears." And it seemed a logical step philosophically to And so it ends up being noL materialism at aU, as with the
deduce from this that matter cannot be the substance of reality Macbists.
and the basis for consciousness. Such, generally, was the basis in scientific discovery for the de-
In criticizing and refuting trus, Lenin not only reaffirmed sertion of many erstwhile materialists, including a number of

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 144 IMMORTAL CONTlUBUTlONS
Pl:ULOSOPHY 145

Marxists, and their degeneration into idealists and opponents of only t.o aninsigniflcant degree and only for the briefest period, will always
Marxism. But more important was the advent of imperialism, the inevitably give rise to one variety of revisionism or another.••
highest stage of capitalism, which internationally led many to
abandon Marxism. proclaiming that the laws of development of so- The battle against revisionism in the philosophical sphere was
ciety and of capitalism in particular don't apply. ln Russia, this closely tied to the struggle against it politically. But at that time
was sharply manifested with the defeat of the 1905 revolution and the fight against philosophical revisionism assumed tremendous
the subsequent Stolypin reaction. This was a time of vicious politi· s.ignificance itself. In fact. without upholding dialectical and
cal repression and of temporary lull in the working class movement historical materialism and answering in a thoroughgoing way the
in Russia particularly, a period of regrouping and reconstituting "revisions" of and outright attacks on it, particularly in the
the shattered forces of the revolutionary party of tile Russian revival of idealism as represented by Machism, it-would have been
working class. the Bolsheviks. It proved to be a brief period in- impossible to maintain a Marxist movement and preserve the pro-
deed, but in tbe depth of it, between 1908 and 1912, desertions letarian vanguard. Such is the greet importance of ideology, and
from the revolutionary ranks and outright degeneracy were mark- philosophy as a cruci&l part of it, in general. And such was the
ed phenomena, especially among formerly revolutionary intellectu- great importance of Lenin's Materialism and Empirio-Cri.ticism in
als and others who had joined the revolutionary movement in its particular.
period of upsurge but abandoned and even attacked it in the period As noted before, the purpose and substance of that great work
of reaction and regrouping. was the defense of materialism against "recent" idealist assaults
Revisionism was strengthened. Denying materialism. objective and inventions. But as also noted, such a defense had to and did
truth and so on was part and parcel of denying that Marxism is a stress and apply dialectics in opposition to metaphysics, for only
science, that its analysis of capitalism, capitalist crisis, the inevita- dialectical materialism could explain the recent developments in
bility of prolEitarian revolution. etc .. ere valid, true. During this natural science and thoroughly refute idealist interpretations of
period especially it was of the greatest importance to defend the them. And in doing this Lenin not only upheld but enriched
basic principles of Marxism against open attacks and to guard modern, dialectical materialism, Marxist philosophy.
against their being adulterated with all manner of bourgeois junk. In general Lenin attached great importance to dialectics, to its
If this were not done then not only would the proletariat have suf- study and application. His "Philosophical Notebooks," which
fered a severe setback in the short run but it would be robbed of a span more than two decades. devote considerable attention to the
revolutionary vanguard. What a loss that would have been, question of dialectics. Included within them is a manuscript, ' 'Oh
especially with the uphl!llval that followed thil! temporary ebb! The Question of Dialectics," written in 1916. Here Lenin said that
1t was Lenin who led the way in exposing and combatting the ·'The splitting of a single whole and the cognition of its contradic-
revisionists. He criticized them in an all-around way. poiDting ouL tory parts . . . is the essence (one of the 'essentials,' one of the prin-
that since the beginl'ling Marxism had to wage a most determined cipal, if not the principal, characteristics or features) of
struggle against the enemies of the working class within the so- dialectics, "• 0
cialist movement and that this was an urgent requirement right Lenin went on to say that recognition of the identity, or unity, of
then. He laid bare the fundamental features of revisionism: opposites is the key to understanding the movement of all pro-
cesses. This be sharply opposed to the metaphysical conception of
To determine its conduct from case to case, to adapt itself to tba events of movement as merely mechanical. mere quantitative increase and
the day and to the chopping and changing of petty politics, to forget the decrl!llSe, repe~ition. This latter conception he described es
primary interests of the proletariat and tbe basic features of the whole "lifeless, pale and dry," while the dialectical conception "alone fur-
capitalist system, of all capitalist evolution, to sacrifice these primary nishes the key to the 'leaps.' to the 'break in continuity,' to the
inter~ts for tbe real or assumed advantages of the moment-such is the
policy of revisionism. And it patently follows from the very nature of this 'transformation into the opposite.' to the destruction of the old
policy that it may assume an infinite variety of forms, and that every and the emergence of the new.""
more or less "new" question, every more or less unexpected and unfore- And more, Lenin concisely summarized the relationship between
seeii turn of evei>ts, even though it changes the basic line of development the unity (or identity) and the struggle of opposites. The former. he

rvvv\~ .wengewang.org
146 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 1-17

fol and Stalin's leadership was generally acknowledged and bis

said, "is conditional. temporary, transitory, relative," whiJe the prestige great, Stalin, whiJeremaining a great revolutionary leader
struggle of opposites "is absolute, just as development and motion of the working class, did not as consistently and thoroughly rely
are absolute."•• on the ttlasses and was not as consistently or thoroughly dialec-
These were extremely important points which represented basic tical in bis approach to problems. As Mao commented later, "At
elements of the further development of Marxist philosophy. As that time Lthe 1920s] Stalin had nothing else to 'l"ely on except the
Lenin said in this same manuscript. "Dialectics is t he theory of messes, so he demanded all·out mobilization of the party and the
knowledge of (Hegel and) Marxism:·•• Yet, he noted, this had not masses. Afte~ward, when they bad realized some gains this way,
received sufficient attention in Marxist philosophy, not only in the they became less reliant on the masses."'"
profound early writings of Plekhanov (around 1900) buL even in In the preceding chapter of this book, some of Stalin's main er·
Engels. Lenin specifically pointed out that not only Plekhanov but rors, particul.arly during the period of the 1930s, were discussed. It
Engels as well had given insufficient attention to the central. or was indicated that the most central and serious of these errors was
essential. point of di~ectics, the unity of opposites:"' This fun· his mistaken assessment that there were no longer antagonistic
damental question was to be later taken up and more fully classes in the Soviet Union after socialist transformation of owner-
developed by Mao Tserung. ship bad been basically achieved. Obviously this is bound up with
the philosophical question of contradiction, and specifically with
Stalin: Marxism and Metaphysics an understanding of ~he particular forms and development of con·
tradictions in socialist society, And Stalin's mistaken assessment
But before turning to Mao's enrichment of Marxist philosophy, on classes and class struggle in the Soviet Union beginning in the
it is important to briefly summarfae Stalin's role in this area. As 1930s was closely linked with errors in phiJosophy, particularly on
Mao himself was to write, such works as The Foundations of the question of dialectics.
Leninism demonstrated a grasp and application by Stalin of im· This is evident in what is perhaps Stalin·s major philosophical
portent principles of dialectics and of historical materialism. As work, Dialectical and Historical Materialism, written in the late
Mao put it, Stalin, in The Foundations of Leninism: 1930s (as part of History of the Communist Party of the Souiet
Union (Bolsheuik)[HCPSU)). While this work presents in con·
.. analysed tbe universality of contradiction in imperialism. showing
why Leninism is the Marxism of the era of imperialism and proletarian centrated form a largely correct summation of Marxist philoso-
revolution, and at the same time analysed the particularity of tsarist Rus· phy, and while it specifically applies some principles of dialectics
sian imperialism within this general contradiction. showing why Russia to development in nature and society, it is also marred by a certain
became tl:le birthplace of the theory and tactics of proletarian revolution amount of metaphysics. Although Stalin introduces the subject of
and how the universality of contradiction is contained in this particulari· dialectics by speaking of contradiction, he does not focus on con·
ty. Stalin's analysis provides us with a model for understanding the par· tradiction as the basic law of materialist dialectics. When he lists
ticularity and the universality o( contradiction and tb.eir
interconnection." four points of dialectics as opposed to metaphysics, he mentions
contradiction only as the fourth and doesn't say it is the main
In 1924, at the time Stalin wrote The Foundations of Leninism, point. And further, while he speaks of the struggle of opposites
he was, as leader of the Soviet Communist Party, locked in a life and of the interconnection of things, be does not link these
and death struggle with Trotsky and other opportunists. The together; he makes them separate ieatures of dialectics instead of
Foundations of Leninism played a crucial part in that struggle, in showing how they are both part, of contradiction. And when, in his
educatin.g the broad ranks of Party members and the masses and fourth point on dialectics. Stalin does emphasize the struggle of
helping to expose and defeat Trotsky's counter-revolutionary line opposites he does not speak at the same time of the identity be-
in particular. Compelled to wage struggle like this to win over the tween them. Stalin even quotes Lenin when he says that "Develop-
Party rank and file and the masses broadly, Stalin was impelled to ment is the 'struggle' of opposites...., But Stalin does not quote
apply dialectics. the sentence in Lenin that appears right before the one abov-
Later, however, when the Soviet Union had become more power· "The condition for knowledge of all processes of the world in their

WVv\r..t .wenge\"'Jang org

 148 IMMOR1'ALCON1'RIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 149

'self-mouement, ' in their spontaneous development, in their real sense that the need to disclose rather than cover up the contradic-
life, is the knowledge of them as a unity of opposites.'''' " tions of sociefy is being applied in any thoroughgoing way to
This is important because, as Lenin also says, "In brief. dialec- socialism, and no sense of the necessity to carry tile class struggle
tics can be defined as the doctrine of the unity of opposites. This forward under socialism and carry it through-through socialism
embodies the essence of dialectics. but it requires explanations and to the abolition of classes.
development."'" And Lenin further states that, ''The identity of As noted. Dialectictd and Historical Mater-Wlism was written by
opposites is the recognition (discovery) of the contradictory. Stalin during the period when be had concluded that antagonistic
mutually exclusive, opposite tendencies in tdl phenomena and pro- classes no longer existed in the Soviet Union. The previous article
cesses of nature (including mind and society)."•" In other word!!, in tllis series po.i nted out that toward the end of his life Stalin's
contradiction is inconceivable without the identity, or 1Jnity. of op- analysis of socialist society was somewhat more dialectical, as
posites. And, having such identity, there is the basis for the con- reflected especially in his Economic Problems of Socialism in the
tradictory aspeds to transform themselves into each other. USSR. In I.hat important work Stalin dealt with a number of con·
At the same time there is not only identity but also struggle be- tradictions in socialist society which would have to be resolved in
tween the opposites of a contradiction. In this way identity and order to advance to communism. In particular be insisted that the
struggle themselves form a contradiction. in which struggle is contradiction between the forces and relations of production con·
principal and is absolute, while identity is secondary and relative. tinued to exist in the USSR and that if not handled correctly this
But, forming a contradiction, identity and struggle are dependent could turn into an antagonistic contradiction.
on each other for their existence; and to leave out the identity of But Stalin did not examine the contradiction between the base
opposites means to eliminate in fact the possibility of struggle be- and superstructure under socialism or point to its continuing ex-
tween them as well. istence, which is also a basic feature and an extremely important
The tendencies in Stalin toward metaphysics, as evidenced in his question in socialist society. In fact, as Mao pointedly commented
treatment of dialectics in Dialectical and Historical Materialism, several times, Stalin seriously underestimated the importance of
also show themselves in how that work deals with the development the superstructure and of struggle in this realm.
of society. This is iodicated not only in its rather wooden tre11t- And, as discussed in the previous chapter, Stalin still did not
ment of the different phases of society leading up to socialism, but recogni:t\8 the existence of antagonistic classes l.n the Soviet Union,
also in the way that socialism is treated more or less as an ab- he did not grasp that the contradiction between the proletariat and
solute. the bourgeoisie was still the driving force in socialist society and
Stalin quite correctly emphasizes. in combatting apologists of that correctly handling this contradiction was the key to correctly
capitalism and exploiting systems generally, that "there can be no handling the contradiction between the forces and relations of pro-
'immutable' social systems, no 'eternal principles' of private pro· duction under socialism.
perty and exploitation, no 'eternal ideas' of the subjugation of the In general, then, after socialist ownership was basically achieved
peasant to the landlord, of the worker to the capitalist."•' And he in the Soviet Union, Stalin did not take contradiction as the
draws the correct conclusion that, "Hence the capitalist system motive force of development of socialist society. And he failed to
can be replaced by the Socialist system. just as at one time the recognize the existence of the antagonistic contradiction between
feudal system was replaced by the capitalist system..... But the.re the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in particular and to grasp that
is no sense that the law that "there can be no 'immutable' social this is the main motive force under socialism and in the advance to
systems." is being applied, at least in a thoroughgoing way, to communism.
socialism itself,
Similarly, Stalin draws from the law that internal contradiction Dialectical Development or
is the basis of development of things the conclusion that., '•Hence Mao's Philosophical Contributions
we must not cover up the contradictions of the capitalist system,
but disclose and unravel them; we must not try to check the class Mao's development of Marxist·Uminist philosophy was itself a
struggle but carry it to conclusion."" But. again. there is not the demonstration of the laws of materialist dialectics. It proceeded in

rI W\~Vv. wenge\~ang or
150 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

dialectical relationship to the overall development of the Chinese

revolution and through the analysis of the experience of the Soviet
Union and the synthesis of its positive and negative lessons. in·
eluding in the realm of philosophy.
This was a reflection of the law that Mao summarized in 1957:

Truth stands in opposition to falsehood. ln S-Ociety as in nature, every en-

tity invariably divides into different parts, only there are differences in
content and form under different concrete conditions. There wiU always be
wrong things and ugly phenomena. There will always be such opposites as
the right and the wrong, the good and the evil, the beautiful and the ugly.
The same is true of fragrant flowers and poisonous weeds. The relation·
ship between them is one of unity and struggle of opposites. Only by com·
paring can one distinguish. Only by making distinctions and waging
struggle can there be development. Truth develops through its struggle
against falsehood. This is how Marxism develops. Marxism develops in
the struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology. and it is only
through struggle that it can develop.••

This was true of Mao's development of Marxism, including in

philosophy, both before and after the seizure of nationwide
political power, during both the new-democratic and the socialist
revolutions. And in both periods, through the various stages and
sub-stages of the Chinese revolution, the struggle on the
philosophical front, in which Mao Jed the proletarian forces. was of
tremendous importance in determining the direction and outcome
of the overall revolutionary struggle.
In the first chapter of this book (on revolution in colonial coun·
tries), it. was pointed out that as a crucial part of developing, de-
fending and applying the line of new-democratic revolution, and
specifically the policies for the anti-Japanese struggle which con·
stituted a sub-stage within the stage of new democracy, Mao took
up the struggle in the philosophical realm. This struggle was par·
ticularly aimed against dogmatic (and secondarily empiricist)
tendencies which reflected idealist and metaphysical thinking in
opposition to materialist dialectics. Mao's criticism of this was em·
bodied especially in "On Practice" and "On Contradiction." both
written in 1937 a.nd constituting two (the first two) of Mao's major
philosophical works. In the earlier chapter in this book (referred to
just above), while it was pointed out that these works enriched
Marxist philosophy, the political significance of these works and Mao writing in a cave in Yenan, 1938.
their role in the inner·party struggle and the overall revolutionary
struggle at that time were stressed. Here attention will be focused
on the principles of Marxist philosophy elaborated and enriched by
Mao in these works. while also reviewing their relationship to the

\AJWW. wengewang .org

J52 JMMORTALCONTRIBUTfONS PHILOSOPHY 153

overall ideological and political struggle at that time, "This stage of conception, judgment and inference is the more irn·
"On Practice" was subtitled "On the Relation Between portant stage in the entire process of knowing a thing; it is the
Knowledge and Practice, Between Knowing and Doing." It reaf· stage of rational knowledge. ··~u
firmed and concenLrated the Marxist, dialectical materialist, Such rational knowledge is abstract in the scientific sense. And
theory of knowledge, with i~ emphasis on the centrality of prac· it is therefore not farther from the truth but in fact closer to it. Or.
~ice, and in particular social practice. Continuing and developing as Lenin said (in a statement Mao quotes in "On Practice"). "The
what Marx had first set forth in his "Theses on Feuerbach," Mao abstraction of matter, of a law of nature. the abstraction of value,
pointed out that" Before Marx, materialism examined the problem etc.. in short, all scientific (correct. serious, not absurd) abstrac·
of knowledge apart from the social naLqre of man and apart from tions reflect nature more deeply, truly and completely."••
his historical development, and was therefore incapable of under· Mao further explains this by noting that" Perception only solves
standing the dependence of knowledge on social practice, that is, the problem of phenomena; theory alone can solve the problem of
the dependence of knowledge on production and the class essence. "6 ' Perception only represents the knowledge of the ap-
struggle."•• 1-lere, as throughout this work, Mao upholds and ap· pearance of things as they are reflected by the senses and
plies the materialist view of the relation between thinking and be- registered in the brain as impressions; conception, rational
ing ~which Engels said was the basic question of philosophy). Mao knowledge, theory, represents the synthesis of these perceptions,
goes on to explain that "It was not until the modern proletariat the concentration of the essential aspects of them and their inter-
emerged along with the immense forces of production (large-scale nal relations. From this can be understood the tremendous impor-
industry) that man was able to acquire a comprehensive, historical tance and role of theory in general and in the revolutionary move-
understanding of the development of society and turn this ment in particular.
knowledge into a science, t he science of Marxism. "•11 But does this mean. then, that theory is, after all, more impor·
But it is also clear that what is presented here is not merely a tant than practice? No. Mao explains how practice is primary and
materialist but a dialectical approach. What applies to society. as overall more important than theory in several ways. "The percep-
well as nature. also applies to thought. Cognition itself is a dialec· tual and the rational," he notes, "are qualitatively different. but
tical process and follows the same laws of motion as matter in are not divorced from each otheri they are unified on the basis of
nature and man's actions and relations in society. practice. Our practice proves that what is perceived cannot at once
Specifically and most importantly, Mao analyzes the stages in be comprehended and that only what is comprehended can be more
the process of cognition and the leaps from one stage to another. deeply perceived."•• Further. Mao explains that, wbile the leap
Basing hbnself again on the decisive role of practice, and address· from perceptual to rational knowledge is more important than the
ing the question of how knowledge both arises from and se:rves leap to perceptual knowledge, nevertheless the movement of
practice, Mao points out that "In the process of practice, man at knowledge does not stop there. There remains what is an even
first sees only the phenomenal side, the separate aspects, the ex· more important leap-to apply the rational knowledge, or theory,
tE!rnal relations of things .... 'l'his is called the perceptual stage of in practice. And this represents a further leap not only in doing but
cognition. namely, the stage of sense perceptions and in knowing as well. It is only when these rational ideas are applied
impressions:·~' But "As social practice continues. things that in practice that their validity can be verified; and only when such
give rise to man's sense perceptions and impressions in the course ideas (theories) can be translated into fact can "the movement of
of his practice are repeated many times; tlten a sudden change knowledge ... be considered completed with regard to th.is par·
(leap) takes place in the brain in the process of cognition, and con· ticular process..... Here Mao gives further expression and develop·
cepts are formed."•• ment to the famous statement of Marx that the philosophers have
These concepts, Mao stresses, "are no longer the phenomena, only interpreted the wodd in various ways but the point is to
the separate aspects and the external relations of things; they change it. And. again, this is not a vulgar statement that doing is
grasp the essence, the totality and the internal relations of things. what counts. who cares about knowing; nor is it of course a
Between concepts and sense perceptions there is not only a quan· metaphysical separation of doin.g and knowing; it is a dialectical
titative but also a qualitative difference."•• Further, Mao says, materialist explanation of the relationship between doing and

Vv\~\~. wengewang.orq
 PHILOSOPHY 155
154 I MM ORT AL CON'l'RI BUTIONS

knowing, with practice as the key lank. but relative. Marxism holds that there is both relative and ab·
solute truth. Marxists believe in the relativity of most truths. yel
Theory or Knowledge Marxists are noL relativists. Relativists say that all truths are
relative, and then argue thaL you can therefore pick and choose
Practice is Lhe source of Lheory, theory is a concentration of prac- what ''truths" to believe. In other words, they deny that there is
tice; perception is the raw material of conception, conception is the objective truth. This was a major argument thaL Lenin was corn·
product of the synthesis of perception. But conception, rational batting in Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, and he there con·
knowledge, theory. must also be returned to practice. in which pro- trasts the relativism or these Machists with the Marxism of
cess not only is the rational knowledge tested. bul new raw Engels:
materials 11re gathered for deepening rational knowledge and so
on m an endless upward spiral. This is why Mao states that, on the For Bogdanov las for all the Machistsl recognition of the relativity of our
one hand. when the anticipated results can be achieved in practice. knowledge excludes oven the least admission ol absolute truth. For
then Lhe particular proce.ss of cognition or a particular stage of the Engels absolute truth is compounded from relative truths. Bogdanov is a
process {perception·conception·pracl.icel can be considered com· relativist. Engels is a dialeetician:••
plete, but on the other hand, "the movement of human knowledge So absolute truth is made up of relative truths. But what is the
is not completed.'·••
relation between them? Mao explains il as follows:
Nor is the movement of human knowledge ever completed. As
Mao explains, summing up the laws of the process: Marxists recognize thot in the absolute and general process of develop-
ment of the universe. the developmenl of each particular process is
Discover the truth through practice. and again through practice \•erify relative, and that hence. in the endless now of absolute truth, man's
and develop lhe truth. Start from perceptual knowledge and actively knowledge of a particular process at any given st.age of development is on·
develop it into rational knowledge; then start from rational knowledge ly relative truth. The sum lot.al of innumerable relative truths constitutes
and activuly guide revolutionary practice t.o change both the subjecLive absolute truth."'
and the olljective world. Practice, knowledge, again practice. and again
knowledge. This form repeats itself in endless cycles, anil with each cycle In other words, absolute truth in its fullest sense is the sum total
the content of practice and knowledge rises Lo a higher level. Such Is lhe of truth. the whole truth. But this whole is made up of innumerable
wbole of the dialectical-materiali~t theory of knowledge. and such is the
dialectical·materialist theory of the unity of knowing and doing... parts. These are relative truths; they are only partial.
But what about ideas which were held t.o be lrue at one t.ime and
But the fact that the movement or knowledge is unending should are later proven to be untrue or only partially true (for example.
not be uiken t.o mean that it is impossible at any point to certain laws of physicsl? This happens becaust> man acquires and
distinguish 1he true from the false. A fundamental tenet of Marx· sums up more experience. discovers new processes and laws and
ism has always been that there is objective truth, and that it is develops and refines his understanding of things. But this obvious·
possible to know it. Without this understanding it is impossible to ly does not go against the feet that man's knowledge is proceeding
be a materialist. from the lower to the higher level. that he is acquiring more and
But there is not only objective truth, there is also such a thing as more knowledge of the objective world. Nor does it change the fact
absolute truth. And in fact. as Lenin pointed out, to acknowledge that man's knowledge must proceed from the lower to the higher
the one is to acknowledge the other: level; that at any point he can only apply what knowledge of the
truth then exists to the process of changing the world, in which
To be a materialist is t0 acknowledge objective truth. which is revealed t0 process he tests those ideas and acquires the basis for making a
us by our aens~rgans. To acknowledge objective truth. i.e.. truth not further leap in his knowledge. He cannot apply today what he will
dependent upon man aod mankind, is, in one wa)' or another. to recognize only know tomorrow; he will only know more tomorrow if today he
absolute truth." applies what he already knows and then sums up the results.
But at the same time. most truths will tum out to be not absolute. Mao also says that:

W\AJW. wengewang .or.g

156 IMMORTAL CONTllIBU'l'fONS PHILOSOPHY 157

In social practice, the process of coming into being, developing and pas· cycles, was of great importance in combetting erroneous tenden-
sing away is infinite, and so is the process of coming inLo being. develop- cies in thinking end doing within the Chinese Communist Part.y at
ing and passing away in human knowledge. As man's practice which the time it was written, 1937, a time when the anti-Japanese
changes objective;reaUty in accordance with given ideas. theories, plans or united front had just been formed and the anti-Japanese struggle
programmes. advances further and further, his knowledge of objective
reality Ukewise becomes deeper and deeper. The movement of change in was only in its beginning stages. At that point there were many
the world of objective reaLity is never·ending and so is man's cognition of not only outside but inside the Communist Party who opposed the
trutb through practice!• Party's policies and. knowingly or unknowingly. were sabotaging
the united front and the war of resistance against Japan.
Some people try to use this to promote the idea that, since Most pronounced within the Party itself was the dogmatist
knowledge is continually deepened, it is not necessary to deviation wb.ich failed to make a concrete analysis of the actual
thoroughly uphold and systematically apply the basic principles of conditions in China and the objective stage of the struggle, and
Marxism·Len±nism, Mao Ts11tung Tboug}\t. Their position in treated theory not in its correct dialectical relationship to practice,
essence says: since tomorrow we may discover that some things but as a set of eternal unchanging truths which must be imposed
held true by Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tset;ung Thought are not on the objective world rather then drawn from end returned to it
true, or only partially true. there is no need to apply this science in as a guide to revolutionary practice. On Li-le other hand, as a secon·
a systematic way; instead we will take what is useful to us end put dary problem at that time, there were those who denied the impor·
aside what is not. This is outright eclecticism, relativism, empirio- tence of theory end thus, proceeding from the opposite side from
criticism and pragmatism; it is metaphysics and idealism. the dogmatists, broke the link between theory end practice and
Such people pose as big upholders of materialism and of practice adopted a metaphysical view of the relation between thinking and
as the criterion of truth. But who ere they fooling? The fact is that doing.
such a line goes against the Marxist theory of knowledge with its Both of these erroneous tendencies were incapable of recognizing
correct emphasis on practice. To put it plainly, if a line is not car· the dialectical unity between the present stage (or sub-stage) of the
tied out thoroughly, if Marxism-Leninism, M1;10 Tsetung Thought struggle and its future development. The dogmatists generally
is not systematiceJJy applied, then there is no way to test in prac· refused to recognize the necessity of proceed.i.Qg through the enti-
tice the correctness of the line, policies, etc., and also no way to ac· Japanese united front to the completion of the new-democratic
quire more knowledge ih the process of changing the world "in ac· revolution and the 11dvence to socialism, or they posed ''left"
cordance with given ideas, theories, plans or programmes." policies that would wreck the united front (though at certain
Such an opportunist line as described above "forgets" that the points many of them dogmatically applied in China the policies of
mov~ent of knowledge proceeds in cycles, each involving leaps the Soviet Union toward Chiang Kai·shek and advocated reliance
from practice to theory and back to practice. Absolute truth is, es on and capitulation to the Kuomintang.in theenti·Jepanese strug·
Mao says, en "endless tlow," but men's cognition of the truth is gle}. The empiricists generally failed to recognize the aspects of the
not a straight line, but proceeds as a spiral. To say at any point, future that existed Within the stage of the enti·J apanese strug-
"Well, tomorrow we will know more then today so let's not gle-the mobilization of the masses es the main force, the con·
(dogmatic.ally) apply whet is known as truth today," is to deny and tinuetion, with adjustment. of agrarian reform and the primitive
disrupt the process by which more knowledge is actually acquired. cooperatives of the peasants. the independence and initiative of
This is metaphysical because it goes against the actual dialedical the Communist Party in the unit~d front and the necessary strug-
relationship between theory and practice; it is idealist because it gle on its pert to win end maintain leadership of the united front,
actually denies objective truth. It is not in accordance with or a etc.
defense of "On Practice'': it is a violation of end attack on this While the dogmatist tendency generally posed the greater
great work of Mao's. danger, it was obviously nec8$sery to combat both of these devia-
"On Practice," and particularly its emphasis on both the tions in order both to carry the struggle thro11gh in the present
primacy of practice and the continuous development of human stage (or sub-stage) end to move forward to the future stages, the
knowledge and practice through an end.less series of stages or completion of the new·democretic revolution and the advance to
 1&9
lf>ll IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY

socialism. universe on the same level as the unity of opposites. It does not tell
Beyond its immediate greaL significance for the Chinese revolu· us anything aboul. matter in and of itself, in the absence of ~on·
tion. "On Practice" has more general and long· term importance as sciousness. And as materialism teaches us. matter not only exists
a contribution lo MarxisL·Leninist philosophy and a weapon in the independently of consciousness but exists even where there is no
ongoing revolutionary struggle. This is especially so with regard consciousness-that fa. where there is no matter that has
lo ils explanation of how Marxism-Leninism has not exhausted developed to a st.ate where it is capable of conscio~snes~. The pri·
truth hut "ceaselessly opens up roads to the knowledge of truth in macy of matter over ideas tells us the correct relat1onsh1p between
the course of practice.." -in other words, in ii.a opposition to matter and consciousness and as such is a fundamental question of
metaphysics and Lhe tendency to "absolutism" in part.icular. This philosophy-remember Engels' state?'e~t that the. basic questi?n
point will be returned to later. in discussing struggle on the of philosophy is the relationship of thmk1ng and being. But, ag~m.
philosophical front in socialist. China and its relation to the class the primacy of matter over consciousness does not reveal anything
struggle as a whole. about unthinking matter and, with regard to conscious matter,
describes its relationship to matter ouLside of it but does not tell
"Oo Contradiction" us more than Lhat.
On the other hand, the law of contradiction universally applies
A more lengthy work. dealing more specifically with dialectics, to unthinking matter and to conscious matter, and t~ t~e relation·
"On Contradiction" was written just after "On Practice,"' and ship between them. It is thus correct to say that 1t 1s the fun·
with the same immediate purpose-to combat erroneous thinking damental law of nature, of men's organiied interaction with nature
in the Party. in particular dogmatism. At. the very start of this and with themselves in the process-society-and therefore of
essay Mao presents a concentration of the principles of Marxist thought.
philosophy: "The law of contradiction in things, that is, the law of As Mao summarized it. "This dialectical world outlook teaches
the unity of opposites. is the basic law of materialist diafectics...,, us primarily how to observe and analy~e the movemen~ of ~p·
At the end of the essay, in summarizing its main points, he makes posit.es in different things and, on the baSJs. o~ such an~lySJs, to m·
it clear that this law "is the fundamental law of nature and of dicate the methods for resolving contradictions. It 1s therefore
society and therefore also the fundamental law of thought."" most important. for us to understand the law of con~radiction in
Why is this so? And since the law of contradiction is a law of things in 11 concrete way."" Mao goes on ~ e~plam what_ the
dialectics. does Mao, in identifying it as the fundamental law of universality of contradiction means and what its importance 1s:
nature, society and thought, raise dialectics above materialism,
does he in fact lapse into idealism? Of course the accusation that The universality or absoluteness of contradiction has • twofold mean·
Mao is an idealist has been constantly hurled by the revisionists, ing. One is that contradiction exists in the process of developmenl ~fall
both in China and in other countries. who have consistently charg- things. and the other is tlun in the proce_ss ~r developn:~nt of each thing a
ed him with exaggerating the role of consciousness and with movement of opposites eiusts from begmmng to end.
distorting dialectics. Let's look deeper into these basic questions.
Why does Mao identify the law of contradiction as the basic law And:
of nature, society and thought? ls it not an equally important
question of philosophy that matter exists independently of and as The interdependence of the contradictory aapee ts present in all things and
the struggle between these aspects determine .the life of all things end
the basis for consciousness, human thought? Is not the primacy of push I.heir development forward ..There is. nothing the~ d~s not cont.a.in
matter over ideas as important as the law of contradiction, and conLrediction; without contradiction nothing would eiust.
doesn't it open the door to idealism Lo single out the law of con·
tradiction in this way? Here Mao is not only summarizing basic points of materialist
The primacy of matter over ideas as described above is indeed a dialectics, but countering various incorrect ideas that had their
fundamental question and a fundamental dividing line in source in the Soviet Union and found their way into the Chinese
philosophy. But this cannot. be seid to be a basic law of the Communist Party. The first was the opportunist theory of the

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Deborin school in the Soviet Union, which denied the universality That is to say. in given conditions, each of the contradictory
of contradiction, particularly the fact that contradiction exists aspects within a thing transforms itself into its opposite, changes
from beginning to end in Lhe process of development of each thing. its position to that of its opposite."'"
According to this theory, contradiction only appears when the pro- The importance of this can be seen by taking the example of the
cess has reached a certain stage. This is, of course, metaphysical proletariat and the bourgeoisie. 1f it were not recognized that these
and also idealist, because it necessarily involves the conclusion two aspects are not only interdependent but can transform
that at the start of a process the motive force is external not inter· themselves into their opposite, then it would not be seen how the
n~l: This opens the door to the notion of some external' force pro- proletariat could undergo the change from the secondary to the
viding the " initial impulse" to the universe-that is, to the notion principal aspect of the contradiction, from being the ruled to being
of God the ruling class, while the bourgeoisie underwent the contrary
Funher. in the political sphere it leads to class coUaboration and change. In the concrete conditions of China at thaL time, in the
conciliation. for if contradiction is not always present then strug· midst of the anti·Japanese war of resistance, such an erroneous.
gle need not be the means for resolving differences. One example of metaphysical view on the part of communists would lead either to
this which Mao cites is that "the Deborin school sees only dif· refusing to enter into a united front with the Kuomintang or. as
ferences hut not contradictions between the kulaks and the the mirror opposite, to failing to stroggle for the leading role of the
peasants in general under existing conditions in the Soviet Union. proletariat in the united front. In either form- " left" or right- this
thus agreeing with Bukharin." n would amount. to seeing a united front with the Kuomintang os
~talin l~d in exposing and defeating the counter-revolutionary meaning the inevitable and continual subordination of the Com·
ph1l~soph1cal theory of the Deborin school as an important part of munist Party to the Kuomintang, since the Kuomintang would
waging the overall class struggle in the Soviet Union, especially in start out in the stronger, dominant position, being the ruling party
the late 1920s. But, as noted earlier, Stalin himself failed to in the country.
th.orou~hly apply materialist dialectics. This was expressed in In this same section of "On Contradiction" Mao also emphasiz-
D1alect1ca/ a11d Historical Materialism in particular in the failure ed, however, that in the relation between the identity and struggle
t.o focus on Ute law of contradiction as the basic law of materialist of opposites, identity is relative but struggle is absolute. He
dial.ectics nnd to link together the struggle and the identity of op· pointed out that "struggle between opposites permeates a process
posit.es. Thus, when Mao states in "On Contradict.ion" that both from beginning to end and makes one process transform itself into
the int~rdepend?nce and the struggle of tbe contradictory aspects another . The combination of conditional, relative identity and
determme the life of all things and push their development for- unconditione.1, absolute struggle constitutes the movement of op·
ward, he is putting forward a different, and more correct, posites in all things."'" The two things which form a contradiction
understanding than Stalin. (Dialectical and Historical Materialism and have identity do so only under certain conditions: but from the
itself was written about the same time as "On Contradiction," but beginning to the end of that particular contradiction there will be
the same views, including the erroneous ones, that characterize it struggle and this struggle will eventually lead to the resolution of
were known and circulated in the Chinese Communist Party before that contradiction and the emergence of another.
Mao wrote "On Contradiction.") If this were not grasped then it would not be recognized that
struggle is the basis for resolving a particular contradiction and
Identity and Struggle of Opposites moving from one stage to the next. The importance of this can be
readily grasped by applying it to the contradiction between the
A lengthy section of "On Contradiction" is devoted to this prob- proletariat and the bourgeoisie, or, as in the case of China during
lem of the identity and struggle of the aspects of a contradiction. the new-democratic stage, the contradiction between the broad
Here ~ao explains that there are two meanings to the identity of masses on the one band and imperialism and feudalism on the
opposites. The first is their interdependence and their coexistence other (and in the sub-stage of the anti·Japanese war of resistance.
in a single entity. But, Meo says, the matter does not end there; the contradiction between the Chinese nation and Japanese im·
"what is more important is their transformation into each other. perialism).

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In com batting erroneous tendencies, particularly dogmatism, united front with it. because of the primacy of the struggle against
within the Chinese Communist Party, Mao devoted more attention the Japanese aggressors. This did not mean thot the fundameni.al·
in "On Contradiction" to the particularity of contradiction than to ly reactionary nature of the Kuomintang and the class forces it
the universality of contradiction. The dogmatists, Mao noted, did represented had changed, but it did mean that in the concrete con·
not recognize or at least give proper weight to the problem of the ditions of the struggle nl that Lime the contradiction with Lhe
particularity of contradiction. In combatting this dogmolism Mao Kuomintang had been temporarily mitigated and had been tem·
stressed that while there is nothing in the world except matter in porarily transformed from an antagonistic Lo a non·antagonistic
motion, "this motion must assume certain forms . . [andI what is one. Struggle against the Kuomintang must continue, particularly
especially important and necessary. constituting as it does the over the question of leadership in this united front, but the policy
foundation of our knowledge of a thing, is to observe what is par- of the Party must be LO wage chis struggle non·antagonistkaUy, in
ticular to this form of motion of matter, namely, to observe the the form of political and ideological struggle within the context of
qualitative difference between this form of motion and other maintaining the united front (of course, when the Kuomintang
forms."•" This applies not only to nature. but to society (and militarily attacked the Communist Party and the revolutionary
thought) as well. Each particular form of matter in motion has its armed forces, then this had to be rebu.ffed, but the objective even
own particular essence which is "determined by its own particular here was to maintain the united front while exercising in·
contradiction.''" 1 dependence and initiative and fighting for leadership of the united
'I'he dogmatists, failing to base themselves on this, were in· front). And more generally in the conditions of China's new·
capable of recognizing the actual features of the Chinese revolu· democratic revolution, the contradiction between the proletariat
tion at that time, of determining the motive forces, target and and the bourgeoisie (or parts of itJ was not antagonistic (at least at
casks of the revolution at that st.age and therefore of uniting all times) and should not be incorrectly handled as such when condi·
possible forces agwnst the main enemy while maintaining the ind& tions called for dealing with it non-antagonistically.
pendence and initiative of the proletariat and its Party. Many In fully criticizing and opposing erroneous lines within the Party
wanted to blindly follow the model of the Russian revolution. 'T'his at that time, especially dogmatist deviations, Mao not only upheld
was not applicable in the concrete conditions of China, a semi· but concretely applied the principle of the particularity of con·
colonial, semi·feudaJ country. which at that time Japan was at· tradiction. He explained the philosophical basis for the correctness
tempting to reduce to an outright colony. of the strategy of new·democratic revolution as the necessary
Part of Mao's answer to this in "On Contradiction" was also prelude to and preparation for the socialist revolution in China:
contained in the section on antagonism and its role in contradic-
tion. Mao noted that "antagonism is one form. but not the only Qualitatively different contradictions can only be reS<>lved by
qualitatively differenL methods. For instance, the contradiction IK>tween
form, of the struggle of opposites."» And he insisted that: the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is resolved by the method of socialist
revolution; the contradiction between the great ma8Ses of the people and
we must make a concret.e .study of the circumstances of e4Ch specific the feudal system is resolved by the method of democratic revolution; the
struggle of opposites and should not arbitrarily apply the formula discus· contradiction between the colonies and imperialism ls resolved by the
sed above Ithe need to violently overthrow the reactionary classes I to method of national revolutionary war .. Processes change, old processes
everything. Contradiction and struggle are universal and absolut.e, but and old contradictions disappear, new processes and new contradictions
the methods of resolvi_ng contradictions, that is, che forms of struggle, dif· emerge, and the methods of resolving contradictions differ accordingly, In
fer according to the differences in the nature of the contradictions. Some Russia, there was a fundamental difference between the contradiction
contradictions are characterized by open antagonism, ot~rs are not. In reS<>lved by the "February Revolution and the contradiction resolved by
accordance with the concrete development of things, S<>me contradiction8 the October Revolution, as well as between the methods used to resolve
which were originally non-antagonistic develop into antagonistic ones. them. The principle of using different methods to resolve different coo·
while others wh.ich were originally antagonistic develop into non· tradicLions is one which Marxist-Leninists must strictly observe. The
antagonistic ones.•• dogmatists do not observ~ this principle; they do not understand that con·
ditions differ in different kinds of revolution and so do not understand
This was of particular importance then because it had become that different °'ethods should be used to resolve different contradictions;
necessary to change from warfare against the Kuomintang to a on the contrary, they invariably adopt whet they imagine to be an

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 164 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 165

unalterable formula and arbitrarily apply it everywhere, which only To illustrate this, Mao used the example of the contradiction ~
causes setbacks to the revolution or makes a sorry mess of whal was tween socialized production and private <>wnership. Under
originally well done.•• capitalism this constitutes the universality of contradiction-it is
fundamental to and runs throughout capitalist socieLy as a whole.
Universality Bnd Particularity But with regard to society in genera l it is only a particular form of
the c<>ntradiction between the forces and relations of production.
Mao also took up the question of the relationship between the This was obviously important in exposing the erroneous thinking
particularity and universaliLy of contradiction, which was of great that China's revolution must be the same as that in capitalist
importance in combatting the dogmatists in particular. He noted countries; in China al that stage the fundamental contradiction
thaL: and the particular form of the contradicton between the forces and
relations of production was of a different nature than in the
Of course, unless we understand Lhe universality of contradiction, we capitalist countries.
have no way of discovering the universal cause or universal basis for the
movement or development of Lhings; however, unless we s1.udy the par· On the other hand, of course, being particular. this contradicti<>n
ticularity of contradiction. we have no way of determining the parLicular and the nature of the process determined by it - the new-democrat·
ess~nce of a thing which differentJates it from other things, no way of ic revolution-was only temp<>rary. It would be necessary at acer-
discovering the particular cause or particular basis for the movement or tain point, with the resolut.ion of this contradinion. to move on to
development of a thing. and no way or distinguishing one thing from the next stage, the socialist revolution, characterized by the fun-
another or of demarcating the fields of science.••
damental contradiction between the proletariat and the
The dogmatists, who failed l.o seriously study the particularity bourgeoisie. The basis for this was also explained and emphasized
of contradiction, did not grasp the correct, dialectical relationship by Mao in analyzing the relationship between the universality and
particularity of contradicti<>n. Here is Mao's summation of this
between the universality and particularity of contradiction. They
did not understand thaL the movement of man's cognition is from point and its extreme importance:
the particular to the universal (or generall-to the recognition of
The relationship between the universality and tile particularity of con-
the common essence of things- end then back to the particular (on tradiction is the relationship betw<Mln the general chorncter and the indivi·
a higher basis) and so on in an endless upward spiral. They did not dual character of contradlctJon. By the former we me11n that contradiction
understand that man's knowledge of things in general must con· ex.ists in and runs through all processes from beginning to end; motion,
sist of his knowledge of many different things in particular, and things, processes. tbinking-all are contradictions. To deny contradiction
that in this way the general lor universal) resides in the pal'- is to deny everything. 1'bis is a universal truth for all times and ell coun·
tries, wbicb admits of no exception. Hence the general character, the ab-
ticular- not the whole universal residing in and reducible to one or soluteness of contradiction. But tbis general character is contained in
a few particulars but the universal residing in an endless number every indhridual characLer; without individual character there can be no
of particulars, each with its specific essence, and therefore, in that general character. I( all individual character were removed, what general
sense, residing in every particular. Hence they treated theory as character would remain? It i$ because each contradiction is particular that
''general truth," neither drawn from particular things nor needing individual character arises. All in<lividual character ex.ista conditionally
to be applied l.o them-in short, as dogma. and temporarily, and hence is relative.
This truth concerning general and individual character, concerning ab-
Moreover. the dogmatists failed lo understand that. as univer- soluteness and relativity. Is the quintessence of the problem of contradic·
sality and particularity of contradiction themselves form a con- tion in things; failure to understand it is tantamount to abandoning
tradiction, they have identity and can be transformed into each dialectics."'
other. They did not grasp that:
In this same section of "On Contradiction," Mao also made clear
Beu use the range of things is vast and Lhere is no limit to their develop- the philosophical basis for the fact that in the Chinese revolution
ment, what is universal in one context become~ particular in another. Con· there were sub-stages within the overall stage of new democracy,
versely, what ls particular in one con~ext becomes universal in another.•• and specifically the bosis for ~he necessary policies and adjust-

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 166 IMMORTALCONTRJBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 167

ments characteristic of t.he united front. against. ,J epao. This par- devulopment of o process, there is only one principal contradiction which
ticular point was gone into at. some length in the first chapter of plll?'s the leading role . . Therefore, in studying any complex process in
which there 11.l"e Lwo or more conlradictions. we must devote everv efforl
this book. hence it will only be brie()y summarized here. The funda· to finding its principal contradiction. Once this principal contradi-ction is
mental contradiction in the process or development of anything grasped, all problems can be readily solved:•
runs throughout. that entire process and determines the essence of
the process from beginning to end. Only with the resolution of the What is the relationship between the principal contradiction and
fundamental contradiction characterizing and determining the the fundamenl.al contradiction, which determines the essence of
essence of the particular process will that process transform itself the process as a whole? The principal contradiction at any time is
in.to .another and a new fundamental contradiction emerge. But the main contradiction in the particular stage of development of
w1thm the process characterized by a particular fundamental con· the process defined by the fundamenl.al contradiction; it cannot.
tradiction there are stages because ..among the numerous major represent the switch from one whole lor fundamental) process to
and minor contradictions which are determined or influenced by another, for only the resolution of the fundamental contradiction
the fundamental contradiction, some become intensified, some ere can bring that about.. The principal contradiction may be exactly
temporarily or partially resolved or mitigated, and some new ones the same as the fundamental contradiction. but need not be; it may
emerge."•• These other contradict.ions react upon the fundamental represent the fundamental contradiction at a certain stage in its
contradiction and. while in the main they are determined by its development without representing the fundamental contradiction
development. they in turn play a role in affecting its development; in its entirety, as it fully determines the essence of the process as a
hence the development of the fundamental contradiction proceeds whole. But only when the principal contradiction represents the
in a spiral, through stages. fundamental contradiction 11s a whole can the resolution of the
As applied to the Chinese revolution in that period, this meant principal contradiction bring about the transfonnation of the old
that the nature of the Chinese revolution would remain fundamen· process into a new one, the resolution of the old fundamental con·
tally unchanged until imperialism and feudalism (and bureaucrat.- tradiction and the emergence of a new one.
capitalism) were overthrown in China, This would mark the end of Obviously this is a complicated question, And as applied to the
the new-democratic revolution and the beginning of the socialist new-democratic revolution in China it was particularly com-
revolution. But within the general stage of the new-democratic plicated The principal contradiction during the anti-Japanese war
revolution there would be stages; during the anti·J apanese war in was that between the Chinese nation es a whole and Japanese im·
particular, the contradiction between the masses of Chinese people perialism (together with those elements of Chinese society that sid·
and the domestic reactionaries receded temporarily, while the con· ed with Japan). This represented a particular stage within the de-
tradiction bet.ween the Chinese nation and Japan came to the velopment of the whole process of the new-democratic revolution.
forefront. This was part of and not separate from the process of the which process was determined by the fundamental contradiction
new-democratic revolution and its fundamental contradiction but between the broad masses on the one hand and imperialism and
marked a particular stage within it. feudalism (and bureaucrat-capitalism) on the other.
During the stage of the anti-Japanese war certain contradictions
Principal Contradiction were "temporarily or part.ially resolved or mitigated," including
that between the broad masses and the feudal system, but this did
Clearly this was closely linked with the question of principal con· not. mean that the process of new-democratic revolution and its
tradiction, the next main question addressed by Mao in "On Con- fundamental contradiction had been resolved and trnnsfonned in·
tradiction." As Mao explained: to a new process. With the defeat of the Japanese imperialists, the
fundamental contradiction developed t.o a new stage and was in·
There_ are many contradicl.ions in the process of development of a com· tensified. The principal contradiction once again fully represented
plex thin!f. and one of them is necessarily the principal contradiction the fundamental contradiction, only now on a higher level, and the
whose existence and development determine or influence the existence resolution of this contradiction-between the broad masses and
and development of the other contradictions . . . at every stage in the imperialism and feudalism (und bureaucrut-capitalism)- 01eant t.he

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transformation of the old process (the new-democratic revolution)

into a new one, the socialist revolution. We often speak of "the new superseding the old." The supersession of
the old by the new is a general, eternal and inviolable law or the universe.
From an this we can see why Mao had to write "On Contradic· The transformation or one thing into another, through leaps of different
tion," and can begin to get a better sense of the depth and impor· forms in accordance with its essence and external conditions- this is the
tance of it. And after analyzing the question of principal contradic· process of the new superseding the old. In each thing there is contradic·
tion. Mao went on to analyze the question of the principal aspect of tion between its new and old aspects. and this gives rise to a series or
struggles with many twists and turns. As a result of these struggles. the
a contradiction. What is the heart of this question? Mao wrote: new aspect changes from being minor to being m~jor and rises to
predominance. while the old aspect changes from being major to being
In any contr~diction, the development or the contradictory aspects is minor and gndually mes out. And the moment the new aspect gains
uneven. Sometimes they Sffm to be in equilibrium. which is however only dominance over the old. the old thing changes qualitatively into a new
temporary and relative. while unevenness is basic. Of the two contradic· thing It can thus be seen that the nature of a I.bing is mainly determined
Lory aspects, ooe must be principal and the other secondary. The principal by the principal aspect of the contradiction, the aspect which has gained
aspect 1s the one playing the leading role in the contradiction. The nature predominance. When the principal aspect which has gained predominance
or a thing is determined mainly by the principal aspect of a contradiction. changes. the nature or a thing changes accordingly ...
the aspect which has gained the dominant position,..
Such was the relationship between the masses of people and the
Mao went on to add immediately, however, that "this situation is reactionary forces, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, and the new
not static; the principal and the non-principal aspects of a con· societ.y and the old.
tradiction transform themselves into each other and the nature of
the thing changes accordingly."'' This, as noted earlier, is the The Socialist Period
most important par!. of the identity of opposites and occurs
because of the struggle bet ween them. '"On Contradiction.. was, along with "On Practice," a tremen·
Mao attached tremendous importance to this point. He pointed dous weapon in the Chinese revolution at that time and played a
both to the contradiction between the proletariat and the great part in charting the course of the Chinese revolution through
bourgeoisie and to the contradiction between China and the new democracy to socialism. And more than that it was o treasure
Chinese masses oa the one side and imperialism and feudalism on house of Marxist theory, philosophy in particular. of great and en·
the other. The position of the aspects in both these contradictions during value in the overall and ongoing revolutionary struggle not
was bound to change. he affirmed; the proletariat was bound to only in China but. worldwide.
transform itself into the dominant position over the bourgeoisie. But. Mao's greatest development and application of Marxism·
ond old China, dominated by imperialism and feudalism, was Leninism came after the seizure of nationwide polil.ical power, in
bound to be transformed into new China ruled by the masses of the period of socialist revolution. And a crucial part of this was his
people. led by the proletariat and its Communist Party. development and application of Marxist-Leninist philosophy,
Mao emphasized this to struggle against defeatism with regard materialist dialectics.
to the Chinese revolution and class capitulationism with regard to In the preceeding chapter the relationship between the struggle
the relationship between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the on the philosophical front and the struggle on the economic and
united front. The proletariat was bound to gain the dominant. political front.s was touched on. Particular attention was focused
leading position in this united front through struggle and. dialec- on the struggle against the reactionary theory of the "synthesiu>d
tically related to this, the Chinese revolution was bound to ad- economic base" cooked up by the revisionists in the Chinese Com·
vance through the war of Tesistance against.Japan and beyond this munist Party and in particular a leading philosopher of this camp,
to the complete defeat and overthrow of imperialism and feudalism Yang Hsien·chen.
(and bureaucra~pitalism). But this would happen only through Yang's reactionary theory that the superstructure should serve
struggle. capita.list relations as well a~ socialist ones in the economic base
Mao powerfully expressed this principle in the following and should evea " serve the bourgeoisie" was part and parcel of the
passage: "theory of productive forces." It argued that China's productive

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 170 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 171

forces were too backward to allow for the advance to socialism and seizure of nationwide political power, Mao showed that. unless
the elimination of capitalist relations and that instead capitalism socialist production relations were established. China ·s productive
must be allowed to develop without restriction and for a long forces could not continue to develop. "Consolidating new demo-
period before the basis would exist to make the transition to cracy'' - that is, capitalism- would hinder, not help, this develop·
socialism. Hence, according to this view, the task was to " con- ment: " only socialism can save China." And unless a socialist
solidate new democracy," and it was even said that in these condi- superstructure was established and strengthened- unless the pro-
tions "exploitation is a merit.'' letariat, together with its allies. held power and exercised dictator·
Mao formulated the general line for the transition from new ship over the reactionary classes, and unless the ideology, politics,
democracy to socialism in Opposition to the revisionist program of culture. etc., of the proletariat were in command-then the
"consolidating new democracy." And he led the right on the socialist economic base could not be developed and "eat up.. the re-
philosophical front to demolish the ideological basis for this maining capitalist relations through the period of transition. The
counter-revolutionary line. superstructure could not serve both capitalism and socialism, it
In fact, Mao had already anticipated this in " On Contradiction." certainly could not "serve the bourgeoisie.'' This was an extremely
In speaking of the transformation of the aspects of a contradiction sharp and decisive struggle. and only by waging it on the
into their opposite, Mao gave special emphasis to the fact that this philosophical as well as the political and economic battlefronts was
applied among other things to the contradiction between the it possible for the proletariat. to prevail and continue ~o advance
forces and relations of production and the base and superstructure, along the socialist road
thus striking a sharp blow against mechanical materialism. This But after the transition had been basically completed. after
was of extreme importance even then, in showing how Chino did socialist ownership had been in the main achieved, in 1956, the
not have to pass through the capitalist stage bul. could advance class struggle did not die down nor certainly die.out. And it was in
through the new-democratic revolution to socialism, despite the leading the proletariat and broad masses in waging the class st~ug·
fact that its productive forces were not highly developed. Mao gle under these conditions that Mao made his greate~t contribu·
wrote then that: tions to Marxism-Leninism and the cause of communism.

Some people think that this [the transformation of contradictory Deepening Dialectics
aspects into their opposite] is not true of certain contradictions. for in·
atance, in the contradiction between the productive forces and the rela· As noted earlier. Mao ·s development and application of Marxist·
tions of production, the productive forces arc the principal aspect; in
the contradiction between the economic base und the superstructure, Lhe Leninist philosophy was a decisive parL of t.hjs, A11d. as also sl.ated
economic base i3 the principal aspect; and there is no change in their at the start of this chapter and indicated throughout it. the heart
respective positions. This is the mecbanlcal materialist conception, not of Mao's contributions to Marxist-Leninist philosophy was his
the dialectical mat.erialist conception. True, the productive forces and concentration and development of the understanding and applica·
the economic base generally play the principal and decisive role; whoever tion of the law of contracliction. What Mao unceasingly stressed.
denies tbls is not a materia.l.Lst. But it must also be admitted that in cer· and even more intensely so In the socialist period. was dialectics.
tain conditions. such aspects as the relations of production and the
superstructure in turn manifest themselves in the principal and decisive motion, change. upheavals, leaps, the transformation of thin~s in·
role. When it is impossible for the productive forces t.o develop without a to their opposites. the supersession of the old by the new-all mop-
change in the relations of production, then the change in the relations of position to tendencies to stagnation, "absolutism," . "s~ttling
production plays the principal and decisive role . When tbe superstruc- down. " permanent "great order,'' etc.. in short, metaphysics. As
ture ipolltics, culture, etc.I obstructs the development. of the economic Mao emphasized in 1966, with his characteristic and classic style
base, political and cultural changes become principal and decisive. Are we
going against materialism when we say this? No This does not go of understatement. " .. diligently study dialectjcs. its efficacy is
against materialism; on the contrary, it avoids mechanical materialism very great. " 04 • •
and firmly upholds dialectical materialism.•• In early 1958, at the time when Mao was begmrung to develop
the basis for his great theory of continuing the revolution under
Applying this principle to the situation in China right, after the the dictatorship of the proletariat. he commented that:

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 172 I MMOR'l'AL CON'l'RJBU'l'lONS PHILOSOPHY 173

ruler and the bourgeoisie the ruled? .

To talk all the time about monolithic unity, end not lo talk aboutstrilggle, St.alin failed to see the con11ecMon between the struggle of opposit.es and
is11ot Marxist-Leninist. Unity passes through struggle, only thus can uni· the unity of opposites.'"
ty be achieved. ft is the same within the party, as regards classes. a11d
among ~he people. Unity is transformed into struggle. and then there is This was of part icular importance at that tjme because it was a
unity again. We cannot talk of monolithic unity alone, and not talk about
struggle, about contradictions. The Soviet Union does not talk about the period when in China as well as a number of other socialist coun·
contradiction between the leaders and the led. If there were no contradic· tries there were a number of disturbances, arising from the
!.ions and no struggle, there would be no world, no progress, no lire, there resistance of reactionaries to socialism and from bureaucratic
would be nothing at all. To talk all the time about unity is "a pool of stag- tendencies and other defects in the policies of tbe party and state
nant water''; it can lead to colc;lness. We must destroy the old basis for uni· in these <!Ountries. Thus it was very important to distinguish and
ty, pass through a struggle, and unite on a new basis. Which is better- a
sfagnant pool, or "the inexhaustible Yangtse cowes roaring past"?.. correctly deal with two different types of contradictions-those
among the people and those between the people and the reac·
At several points in this chapter it has been noted that Mao sum· tionaJ'ies-which interpenetrated. Antagonistic and non·
med up that Stalin deviated in some significant ways from dialec- antagonistic contradictions are opposites, but as such they al~o
tics. In 1957, a year before he made the comments cited just above. have identity and can be transformed into each other.
Mao made a rather thorough analysis of this, and i& is worth ln particular Mao was stressing at that time that ncm-
quoting at Ieng~ here."Stalin had a fair amount of metaphysics in antagonistic contradictions could be transformed into an·
him and he taught many people to follow metaphysics." Mao tagonistic ones if they were not bandied properly. ln the same
states flatly. He notes that in HCPSU: "Talks" quoted at length above, Mao makes a point of stating that
in the circumstances at that time the class struggle in China found
Stalin says that Marxist dialectics has four principal features. As the first expression on a great scale in contradictions among the people.• 1
feature he talks of the interconnection of things, as if all things happened What he was emphasizing was that the reactionaries. the enemies,
to be interconnected for no reason at all. What then are the things that are were taking advantage of certain defects and difficult conditions
interconnected? It is the two contradictory aspects of a t.hing that are in- to stir up broad-scale uruest and even rebellion on the part of sec·
t.erconnected. Everything bas two contradictory aspects. As the fourth
feature he talks of the int.emal contradiction in all things, but then he tions of the people against the party and state.
deals only with the struggle of opposites. without mentioning their unity. Here he was not attempting to negate the fact that the principal
According to the basic law of dialectics, the unity of opposites, there is at contradiction was still that between the proletariat and the
once struggle and unity between the opposit.es, which are both mutually bourgeoisie, which is overall an antagonistic contradiction (though
exclusive and interconnected and which U11der given conditions transform in China 'a conditions it was correct to attempt to handle the con-
themselves into eaah other.
tradiction with the national bourgeoisie non-antagonistically so
Stalin's viewpoint is reflected in the entry on "identity" in the Shorter
Dictionary of Pltifusopliy, fourth edition, compiled in the SOviet Onion. It far as it was possible). In fact, later that year (1957) Mao explicitly
is said there; "There C81I be no identity between war and peace, between criticized the formulation adopted at the Eighth Congress of the
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, between life a11d death.and other such Chinese Communist Party (in 1956) t hat the principal contradic-
phenomena, because they are fundamentally opposed to each other and tion was that between the advanced socialist system and the
mu tally exclusive." . . This interpretation is utterly wrong ... War and
peace are both wutually exclusive and interc<innected and can be backward productive forces. a revisionist formulation opposed to
trausformed into each other under given conditions. Ifwar is not brewing the correct line that the principal contradiction was between the
in peace-time, how can it possibly break out all of a sudden? lf peace is oot proletariat and the bourgeoisie and that t.be spearhead of the
brewing in wartime, how C81I it suddenly come abou ~? revolution was directed against the latter,•~ What Mao was get-
If life and death cannot be transformed into each other, then please tell ting at in focusing on the fact that the class struggle found expres-
111e where living things cowe from .... AU living matt.er undergoes a pro- sion on a vast scale in contradictions among the people was that in
cess of metabolism; it grows, reproduces and perishes. While IJ(e ls in pro-
gress, life and death are engaged in a constant struggle and are being order to carry the revolution forward and defeat the resistance of
transformed into each other all the time. t he enemy it was necessary to distinguish and correctly handle the
If the bourgeoisie and the proletariat cannot transform themselves into t wo different types of contradictions in society. As he said in the
each other, how come that through revolution the proletariat becomes the above-mentioned "Talks," in January, 1957, "How to handle the

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contradictions between the people and the enemy and those among socialist ownership the bourgeoisie continues to exist, class strug·
the people in socialist society is a branch of science worthy of gle continues and the question of whether socialism or capitalism
careful study..... will win out is still not settled. ' "3
And Mao made a major speech on this question the next month This also represented. of course. a further development of Mao's
(February 1957), "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions own understanding. including in philosophy. SpecifiClllly it
Among the People.'" Tn that speech Mao reiterated that "Marxist represented a different- and more advanced and correct-view
philosophy holds that the law of the unity of opposites is the fun· than what he had put forward in "On Cont.radiction" concerning
damental law of the universe. This law operates universally. contradiction and antagonism in socialist society. In that earlier
whether in the natural world, in human society, or in man 's think· work Mao had quoted (and obviously expressed agreement with) a
ing. " 100 He went on to re-emphasize that "Between the opposites statement by Lenin that under socialism contradiction will remain
in a contradiction there is at once unity and struggle, and it is this but antagonism will disappear.••• This was. of course. the prevail·
that impels things to move and change." ••• And he criticized ing line in the Soviet Union and the international communist
"Many (who( do not admit that contradictions still exist in movement at the lime " On Contradiction" was written. But it was
socialist society. with the result that they become irresolute and incorrect-it is an accurate analysis of communism and not of
passive when confronted with social contradictions: they do not socialism. 'rbis Mao determined by continuing to apply materialist
understand that socialist society grows more united and coo· dialectics to the actual contradictions in socialist society and on
solidated through the ceaseless process of correctly handling and the basis of summing up experience in China itself as well as the
resolving contradictions."""' (positive and negative) experience of the Soviet Union. "On the
Mao applied to the situation BL that time the law that, in given Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People" contained,
conditions, the aspects of a contradiction can be transformed into as noted, the first explicit and unequivocal recognition in the
their opposite. This meant that the disturbances occurring then history of the international communist movement of the continua·
must be viewed dialectically. They were a bad thing-that was tion of classes and class struggle, including specifically the an-
their principal aspect, which determined the nature of them. But tagonistic contradiction between the proletariat and the
they could be turned into a good thing, because they contained a bourgeoisie, in socialist society-after the basic transformation of
positive aspect within them. They revealed shortcomings and ownership. All this is itself further proof of the truth of materialist
mistakes on the part of the party and state. making it possible to dialectics and of the fact that Mao's understanding and develop-
correct these. Through this process, if handled correctly, the unity ment of Marxist philosophy was founded on and proceeded in
among the people, including the relations between the leadership dialectical uniLy with developments in society-and in particular
and the led, would be strengthened and the socialist state further the class struggle, which in fact continues under socialism.
consolidated. while the counter-revolutionaries would be further
isolated and more effectively suppressed. But, if it was handled in· Man's Conscious, Dynamic Role
correctly, disunity would grow among the people and the enemy
would be strengthened, while the socialist state would be Indeed the class struggle in China was very sharp at that time
weakened- and perhaps even overthrown. and was further intensi(ied the next year, 1958. As also pointed
The law that opposites can be tra11sformed into each other also out in the previous chapter, that was the year that the movement
means not only that the proletariat can become the dominant force to establish people's communes erupted throughout the Chinese
in society while the bourgeoisie becomes the dominated, but the countryside as a decisive part of the Great Leap Forward. Io op-
reverse as well In other words, the proletariat could still lose position to the revisionists within the Communist Party. Mao
power and the bourgeoisie could replace it as the ruling class. "Cor- championed these mass movements and formulated the general
rect Handling" points to this danger and in fact, as noted in the line for building socialism. which both summed up early experience
preceding chapter, it was in this speech that for the first time in in these movements and gave further direction and impetus t0
the history of the international communist movement it was ex- them. The struggle within the Corrununist Party, focused on these
plicitly pointed out that even after the basic achievement of questions. was extremely sharp. And this was true on the

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176 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 177

philosophical front, where the revisionists, again hurling t he ac· they comprehend that mntwr can be transformed into consciousness and
cusation of ideaHsm at Mao, stepped up their attack on the princi· consciousness into matteT, although such leaps are phenomena of every·
pie of the identity between thinking and being. day life.'..
Yang Hsien-chen, the leading revisionist philosophical "authori· Speaking to the question of the subjective conforming to the ob-
ty," stated straight out that "there is no identity bet.ween think· jective, of consciousness correctly reflecting the material world
ing and being."••• He accused Mao and other revolutionaries of and being capable therefore of guiding the practice of cbanging the
contending that "thinking and being are the same. " 1•• An d fur· world. Mao not only noted that there must be the accumulation of
ther, he: perceptual knowledge before it can be analyzed and synthesized in·
to rational knowledge, but also that in translating this into action,
totally denied the necessity of a process for man's cognition of objective in making the leap from consciousness back to matter, there is the
phenomena. Jn his eyes, it was "idealism" when the subjective could not
readily conform with the objective. Proceeding from this fallacy, he used resistance of reactionary forces, especially in changing society. "ln
the tactics of attacking one point to the total disregard of the rest and social struggle," he wrote, "the forces representing the advanced
grossly exaggerated the temporary. isolated shortcomings which were dif· class sometimes suffer defeat not because their ideas are incorrect
ficult to avoid in our actual work.labelling them all "idealism.'' He wildly but because in the balance of forces engaged in struggle, they are
went for so-called "mfatakes" in the gTeat leap forward and ascribed the not as powerful for tbe time being as the forces of reaction; they
cause to ''the identity between thinking and being," lo "man's conscious
dynamic role which makes a mess of things," etc. He made a big show of are therefore temporarily defeated. but they are bound to triumph
upholding mawrlalism. while actually using metaphysics and idealism to sooner or later.""'"
oppo~e the active and revolutionary theory of reflection.'"' While there were shortcomings and mistakes in the Great Leap
Forward. the main reason for the difficulties during that period
We have seen that the identity of the two aspects of a contradic· was the resistance of the reactionary forces in China, and in the
tion is one of the two features of a contradiction. the other being Chinese Communist Party in particular, as weU as in the Soviet
the struggle of opposiles. And as we have also seen. identity b~ Union (the Soviet revisionists actively attempted to sabotage the
tween the aspects does not at all mean that they are the same; it Great Leap Forward by pulling out assistance and blueprints,
means rather that they are interconnected. interdependent aJJd in· leaving many projecU! unflnJshed, etc.). To attribute these dif·
terpenetrale with each other. And more than that, it means that ficulties to "man's conscious dynamic role" and to the "subjective
under given conditions they can be transformed into each other. In idealism" of the revolutionaries, including Meo, was to turn things
the relation between thinking and being this means that being can upside down and inside out, to attack. the conscious activism of the
be transformed int.o thinking and vice versa. To deny this is ob· masses and deny the decisive role of a revolutionary line in leading
viously metaphysics, for it makes the two aspects absolutes and the masses in transforming society and nature. This, of course,
absolutely separated from each other. But it is also idealist, for if was the aim of the revisionists-who also, of course, took credit for
being cannot be transformed. into thinking, mntter int.o con· the real gains that actually resulted from the upsurge of the Great
sciousness. then where does thinking (consciousness) come from, Leap Forward.
what is its source? Mao had actually addressed the basic philosophical principle in-
Mao directly addressed this question in a counter-attack on the volved here in "On Contradiction," where, in com batting
philosophical front. concentrated in 11 short essay (actually a mechanical materialism, he showed that the law of the transforms·
passage in a Central Committee circular), "Where Do Correct tion of opposites into each other applies not only to the forces and
Ideas Come From?" written in 1963. Here Mao reviewed the relations of production and the base and superstructure but also to
stages in the process of cognition and pointedly stated that: practice and theory. He specifically pointed out that. although
practice is principal over theory in general. there are certain times
Among our comrades Lhere are many who do not yet understand this when the relationship is reversed. And "When a task, no matter
theory of knowledge. When asked the source of their ideas. opinions, which, has to be performed, but there is as yet no guiding line,
policies, methods, plans and conclusions. eloquent speeches an_d long ar· method, plan or policy, the principal and decisive thing is to decide
ticles, they consider the question strange and cannot nnswer 1t. Nor do

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 PHILOSOPHY 179

on a guiding line, method, plan or policy."'"' Here Mao stressed

the tremendous importance of line, policy, etc., which belong to the
category of consciousness, and which can be transformed into mat·
ter, into revolutionary practice. And in general the dialectical rela·
tionship betwee11 consciousness and matter, the identity between
them and therefore the possibility of the one being transformed in·
to the other-this is an extremely important principle of Marxism-
Leninism and was a focus of fierce struggle in the Chinese Com-
munist Party, especially from the time of the Great Leap Forward.
In 1959, during the struggle against Peng Teh-huai over the
Great Leap Forward (see the previous chapter), Mao declared that
empiricism had become the main danger. Actually. for several
years before that he had been stressing that revisionism, right op·
portunism, was a greater danger than dogmatism. This revi·
sionism was reflooted in the attacks on "man's conscious dynamic
role," on "the identity of thinking and being" and in general on the
importance of theory, line, consciousness. All this was an attempt
to suffocate the ma~s movements that in fact represented the
transformation of Mao's Tevolutionary line-drawn from the ex·
perience of struggle in China and internationally-into a tremen·
dous material force changing the face of China, especially its vast
countryside.

Struggle and Synthesis ·

During the several-year period of intense struggle over the Great

Leap Forward. Mao made in 1962 the historic analysis that
socialist society was a long transition period during the entire
course of which there are classes and dass struggle and the danger
of capitalist restoration (as well as the threat of attack from eJtter·
nal class enemies). This became the basic line of the Chinese Com·
munist Party for the entire period of socialism. It represented a
historic advance in Marxism·Leninism, and it was the result of the
brillianL application of the fundamental law of contradiction to
socialist society. Mao applied this law to the material and
ideological conditions under socialism, showing how the
bourgeoisie would constantly be.regenerated out of these condi·
During the Cultural Revolution Mao's worke, 11s well as Marxist· tions, oat of the contradictions that characterized socialism from
Leninist classics, were first printed «nd distributed on a large scale
~ th~ main lllngu~ge in China and many mlnority languages. Here, beginning to end (for more on this see the previous chapter in this
diatri~utors carr.rng tb~s~ books across mountains are greeted by book). And, if the bourgeoisie and the proletariat both existed and
the MISo people m Kwe1bng County, Kweichow Province. formed a contradiction-in fact the principal contradic·
tion-throughout the socialist period, then not only must there be
struggle between them but the possibility must also exist that

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they could be transfotmed into their opposites-in other words, law of things and at the same Lime a method for people to understand
that the bourgeoisie co\Jld usurp power from the proletariat, that things. Analysis shows how an entity divides into two different parts and
capitalist restoration could take place. how they are locked in struggle; synthesis shows how, through the strog·
Again the revisionists viciously attacked this pathbreaking gle between the two opposite!U!pects, one prevails, defeats and eliminates
theory and line of Mao's, As ear!y as 1958 Y11ng Hsien-chen, tak- the 11ther, how~n old contradiction is resolved and a new one emerges, and
how an old thing is eliminated and a new thing triumphs. In plain words,
ing up a new tactic, had attacked Mao and the proletarian head· synthesis means one "eats up" the other.'"
quarters in the party for talking ' 'only about the struggle between
opposites. but not their unity." Here Yang became a cliampion of The difference here, the heart of this struggle in the realm of
the unity of opposites and clamored for "using identity of con· philosophy, is no mere academic debate but the struggle between
tradiction." 111 two fundamentally opposed lines, the revolutionary line of resolv·
Yang's babbling became especially intense during the early Ing contradiction through struggle versus the reactionary line of
1960s, particularly in 1961-1962, when Soviet sabotage, natural attempting to reconcile contradiction through the subordination of
calamities and revisionist treachery within the Chinese Com· the progressive to the reactionary, the advanced to the backward,
munist Party were all at a high point and combined to pose great the new to the old, the correct. to the incorrect, etc. And under
obstacles to the advance along the socialist road in China, At this socialism in particular, this assumes its most concentrated
time Yang insisted that unity of opposites meanl " common political expression as the struggle between the Marxist-Leninist
points," and that the Chinese people and the Chinese revolution line of taking class struggle as the key link and the revisionist line
had "common points" with U.S. imperialism and "common points of "the dying out of class struggle."
with some differences" with Soviet revisionism. This was the This Jaw of synthesis applies in all contradictions, both an·
theory of "two combines into one" (or two into one! in direct op· tagonistic and non-antagonistic. In either case the new, rising
position to Mao's concentrated expression of dialectics. one aspect eventually ''eats up" the old , decadent aspect. Only the
divides into two, which he had formulated some time earlier. Cn means of "eating up" is different. The proletariat "eats up" the
1964 Yang. Liu Shao-chi and other top revisionists in the Chinese bourgeoisie by wagjng class st.r uggle against it, wresting political
Communist Party leadership openly· proclaimed their reactionary power from it, exercising dictatorship over it and continuing the
theory of two combines into one. This was aiined at providing a class struggle against it under the conditions of this proletarian
philosophical rationalization for their revisionist line of "the dying dictatorship. This is an antagonistic contradiction and i·s resolved
out of class struggle:· by antagonistic means. On the otber hand, with regard to the con·
To counter Mao's line and in an attempt to confuse people, Yang tradiction between right and wrong among the people, this is
Hsien-chen combined two into one on the question of one divides resolved by non-antagonistic means, through ideologjcal s truggle.
into two vs. two combines into one, That is, he claimed that But in this process right still "eats up" wrong. And so it is as well
" 'combine two into one' and 'one clivides into two' had 'the same with other non-antagonistic contradictions. Synthesis through
meaning'. .. """ struggle is a universal law, flowing from the fundamental law of
Here the question of synthesis and its ro,le in contradiction is of the unity of opposites.
particular importance. Yang Hsieirchen argued that "analysis Without this correct view of synthesis "one divides into two"
means ·one divides into two' while synthesis means 'combine two turns into eclectics-into the recognition of the contradictory
into one.' '·' '" That is, in analyzing a contradiction it. is correct to aspects but an attempt to reconcile them. to reconcile two mutual-
divide it into its contradictory aspects, but in seeking the resolu- ly exclusive things. In other words it turns into "two into one." In
tion-or really, reconciliation-of the contradiction the two popular terms in this country th.is is expressed as "there are two
aspects sbould be combined into one, united into a "common sides to every story"-meaning you can't tell right from wrong,
point" so to speak. This is the opposite of the correct, dialectical good from bad, etc.
materalist understanding which holds that: Moo spoke to this in his ·'Reading Notes'' on the So Viet political
economy text. He said that to talk of contradictions that are "not
Marxist philosophy tells us that analysis and synthesis are an objective irreconcilable," even under socialism, "does not agree with the

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182 IMMORTAL CONTRIBCJTIONS PHILOSOPHY 183

sum, he says:
laws of dialectics, which hold that all contradictions are irrecon-
cilable. Where has there ever been a reconcilable contradiction? The juxt.aposition. on the same level, of tbe transformation of quality and
Some are antagonistic, some ere non-antagonistic, but it must not quantity into one another. the negation of the negation. and the Jaw of uni·
be thought that there are irreconcilable and reconcilable contradic- ty of opposites is "triplism,··not monism. The most basic thing is the uni-
tions. "• 1& ty of opposites.' ..
Mao spoke to this question of synthesis and its political implica-
tions in a major talk on philosophy in 1964. "What is synthesis?" In other words, to say that these three things are all, equally.
he asked. And he answered: basic laws of dialectics is in essence a violation of the law that
there must be a principal contradiction. One of these must be
You have all witnessed how the two opposites. the Kuomintang and the basic, and it is the unity of opposites. As Mao explains, the
Communist Party, were synthesized on the mainland. The synthesis took transformation of quantity into quality, and of quality into quanti·
place like this: their armies came, and we devoured them, we ate them bite ty, is itself a result of the contradiction between quantity and
by bite. It was not a case of two combining into one as expounded by Yang quality and cannot be placed on a par with the law of contradic-
Hsien·chen, it was not the synthesis of two peacefully coexisting OJ>- tion.
posites Having analysed. how do we synthesize? If you want to go
somewhere, you ~o right ahead: we still sw"allow your army mouthful by But why does Mao insist that, "There is no such thing as the
mouthful This was synthesis One thing eating another, big fish negation o( the negation"? His explanation is as follows:
eating little fish, this is synthesis. It has never been put like this in books.
t have never put it this way in my books either. Fol" his part, Yang Hsien- Affirmation, negation, affirmation, negation in the development of
chen believes that two combine into one and that synthesis is the in- things, every link in the chain of events is both affirmation and negation.
dissoluble tie between two opposites. What indissoluble ties are there in Slave-holding society negated primitive society, but with reference to
this world? Things may be tied, but in the end they must be severed. feudal society it constituted, in tum, the affirmation. Feudal society con·
There is nothing which cannot be severed. 11 • atituted the negation in relation to slave-holding society but was 1n turn
the affirmation with reference to capitalist society. Capitalist. society was
As applied to the class struggle, such is the case with regard to the the negation in relation to feudal society. but it is, in turn, the aHlrmat.lon
proletariat and the bourgeoisie; if, through struggle, the pro- in relation to socialist society."•
letariat does not synthesize the bourgeoisie, if the two are not
severed through the resolution of the contradiction between Here it may seem that Mao is not so much denying the negatlcm
them-resulting, through the victory of the proletariat, in the of the negation as making a dialectical application of it. But what
elimination of both as classes and the emergence of classless socie- he is applying is the law of one divides into two, and what be is get-
ty-then how can there ever be any communism? ting at is that in the process he describes-the development of
human society so far, through stages, from primitive communal
Unity of Opposites is Basic society to socialism-the negation of the negation cannot be said
to be a law. How, for example, does feudalism represent a negation
In this same talk on philosophy, Mao expresses a further of the negation with regard to pl"imitive society? Or capitalism
development of Marxist dialectics. He says that "Engels talked with regard to slavery? Or socialism with regard to feudalism?
about three categories, but as for me I don't believe in two of these It is true that in the development of society things can be found
categories." Here Mao was referring to the transformation of which could be described as the negation of the negation. An exam·
quantity and quality into each other and the negation of the nega· pie is that which Marx uses in Capital, Volume l, and Engels
tion. which. along with the unity of opposites, Engela speaks of as defends against Duhring: individual private property in the means
the three basic laws of dialectics !see for example Anti•Duhring, of production is negated by capitalist ownership of the means of
"Part I. Philosophy"). As to quantity and quality, Mao says that production, which is in tum negated by socialized ownership: this
"The transformation of quality and quantity into one another is gives private property to the individual but in the means of con·
the unity of the opposites quality and quantity.""' And, Mao sumption only and on the basis of socialized ownerahip of produc·
tio.n, in conformity with socialized production. Or another example
argues, "the negation of the negation does not exist at all." In

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 184 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHILOSOPHY 185

pointed lo by Engels can be described as the negation of the nega· has been changed; instead synthesis become~ something which
tion: the negation of common ownership in primitive society by the resurrects elements of the thing first negated lbut on a different
emergence of class society and in turn the negation of class society and qualitatively higher level) and tend s to he viewed as an end
by classless society, leading again to common ownership, but on product of development - or at most the slaning point of the same
the basis of a tremendous accumulation of pri>ductivc forces dur- process once again (though on a higher level). And if the negjlLion
ing the period of class societies between primitive communal and of the negation is made a law of development. for example the
communist society. Other examples may be found in nature and development. of society from primitive communalism to com·
society and in thought. munism. then what would be focused on as the motive force in ad·
But again, can these be said to demonstrate that the negation of vancing to communism would not be the basic internal contradic·
the negation is a law of dialectics, applicable to all processes in Lion of capitalism land socialisml between the proletariaL and the
nature. society and tltought? No. In a certain process or a certain bourgeoisie lnor the basic contradictions internal to previous
st.age of a process. the resolulion of a contradiction might be systems), but the process: thesis-primitive communalism: an·
described as the negation of the negation, but even here this is not tithesis-class society: synthesis-communism. Again, this is not
the law underlying and defining the process. The law operating is a correct view of the process and motive force of development of
the unity of opposites. leading ceaselessly to the emergtlnce and society to communism, nor of synthesis.
resolution of new contradictions. This is what Mao means when he Immediately after citing the development of society as an exam·
says the negation of the negation does not exist. pie of why the negation of the negation is not a law of dialectics,
Take the example of life and death. All particular things come in· Mao returns to the question: " What. is the method of
to existence and go out of existence, all living things become living synthesis?""" And he answers: "lo a word, one devours another,
and later cease to live. But how is their going out of existence. or one overthrows another, one class is eliminated, another class
ceasing to live. a negation of the original negation that brought rises, one society is eliminated. another society rises.""' This is
them into existence, or lo life? The negation of the negation may the law of contradiction, the basic law of materialist dialectics. and
describe what happens to certain things through their life cycle, as this is the real nature and role of synthesis, in moving things con·
for example the barley grain Engels cites in Anti-Duhring (which stantly from one process to another, from the lower to the higher
becomes a plant,, which in turn gives birth to many grainsl. But level in an endless spiral.
Engels acknowledges even in this case that the grain is transform· Finally on this matter of the negation of the negation, if this is
ed into a plant only under certain conditions, and that the first made a law of dialectics, it will actually tend to promote
negation must be constructed so that the second is possible. AU metaphysics. Of course it should be clearly said that Engels pro-
this is not a demonstration of the negation of the negation as a law moted dialectics as opposed to metaphysics and certainly overall
of dialectics but in fact of the unity of opposites, the basic law of he promoted a dialectical, not a metaphysical, view of historical
materialist dialectics. development: hut Marxist dialectics have been further developed
Grain·plant·grainls) is the unity of opposites of grain and plant. since Engels' time- especially by Mao. Specifically in regard to
Engels soys that. of course, if you grind the grain down it, won't the development of society, the concept of negation of the negation
become a plant. But a ground-down grain also demonstrates the will tend to present a "closed system" of development leading to
law of contradiction: there is the unity aod struggle of opposites, communism and promote a static, "absolutist" view of com·
the grain and the force grinding it down: and there is the resolu· mun.ism itsell as the end product of the negation of the negation
tion, the ground-down grain. Here there is no negation of negation, and the kingdom of "great harmony." As opposed to this, Mao
but there is the law of contradiction. declares io his 1964 talk on philosphy: "Communism will last for
Beyond what has been cited before, Mao objects to the negation thousands and thousands of years. T don t believe that there will
of the negation as a law of dialectics because it leads to, or is part be no qualitative changes under communism. that it will not be
of, an incorrect view of synthesis. In this view, synthesis is not the divided into stages by qualitative changes! r don't believe
"eating up" of one aspect by another through struggle, leading to it! . This is unthinkable in the light of dialectics."'"
a new con~radiction in which even the principal aspect of the old The importance of this, particularly at that time in Chine, was

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 1MMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS P HI LOSOPHY 187
186

more directly in relation to socialism than communiSJD; for some Khrushchev & Co. and the implementation of their revisiorust line
communists were making an absolute, static thing out of in society as a whole.
socialism, regarding it in effect as the end product of the develop· The Cultural Revolution also represented a revolutionary line on
ment of society, the final negation of previous society. On this Mao and application of the principle of synthesis as opposed to the reac-
comments: "Socialism. too, will be eliminated, it wouldn't do if it tionary philosophy of two into one. It was "taking class struggle
were not eliminated, for then there would be no communism." 12 ~ as the key~" as opposed to "the dying out of class struggle.'' It
represented the masses, Jed by the proletarian headquarters in the
Cultural Revolution and the Continuing Struggle Party, synthesizing, "eating up." the bourgeois headquarters
within the Party.
The revisionists, too, wanted to elimfnate socialism, but not But this represented only one stage in the long process of transi·
through the advance to communism. They were actively pro- tion between capitalism and communism and could not resolve the
moting and working for capitalist Testoration. And the t;pecific fundamental contradiction between the proletariat abd the
revisionist clique grouped around Liu Shao·chi and other top bourgeoisie. One bourgeois headquarters was smashed, synthesiz·
leaders aligned with him had a powerful headquarters within the ed, but others were bound to emerge as the core and commander of
Communist Party and in the state apparatus. They controlled im- the bourgeoisie i'n society so long as the bourgeoisie existed-in
portant par6s of the superstructure and had dominance, or a very other wo.rds. throughout the transition period. This is why Mao
strong influence, over much of the economy. If this situation were said that not only would class struggle continue but that every few
allowed to continue much longer, these revisionists would succeed years there would be a major struggle, a showdown to determine
in usurping power in the country as a whole and pulling off a who held power. In addition Mao said that one Cultural Revolution
counter-revolutionary restoration. Something had to be done. could not solve the problem of preventing capitalist restoration.
Something was done. This was. again, a thoroughgoing application of materialist
That something was the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, dialectics. And it was fully verified in practice, as first Lin Piao
which in 1966 burst into a tremendous uprising of the Chinese and theJJ. others rose to challenge the proletariat in a political
masses, under the leadership of Mao and the proletarian bead· struggle for power, seeking to reverse the gains of the Cul~ural
quarters in the Party, against the capitalist·roaders, headed then Revolution in particular and reverse the socialist revolution in
by Liu Shao-chi and others closely allied with him. This mass up- general in order to restore capitalism. Here the profound impor-
surge of the Cultural Revolution and its n11Cessity was a dramatic tance of Mao's grest theory and basic line of continuing the revolu·
demonstration of the dialectical materWist principle that Mao had tion under the dictatorship of the proletariat shines brilliantly.
expounded in "On Contradiction" in combatting mechanical ma· Some might argue that if capitalist restoration occurs in China
terialism1 "When the superstructure {politics, culture, etc.) then th.is would show that Mao's theory of continuing the revolu-
obstructs the development of the economic base, political and tion under th.e dictatorship of the proletariat-as well as the
cultural changes become principal and decisive." If the Cultural Revolution which was the transformation of this theory
bourgeoisie's ~the capitalist·roaders') domination of large parts of into a tremendous material force on a mass scale-was basically
the superstructure-including culture, education and much of the flawed. This kind of thinking is nothing but empiricism and
Party and state apparatus-were not smashed, then the socialist relativism. The correctness of this theoi,-y does not depeµd on the
economic base could not be defended and developed; instead the immediate results in any particular situation; it has been verified
capitalist·roaders would make a thorough change in the it1 practice, in the mass struggle of hundreds of millions of Chinese
superstructure-replace proletarian dictatorship with bourgeois people, and will be further verified in the future in the revolu·
dictatorship-and then proceed to transform the economic base in· tionary struggle not only in China but in every country. Here it is
to a capitalist one, replace socialist production relations with useful to recall Mao's statement that:
capitalist ones throughout society. and restore capjtalism in an all-
round way. This, Mao had summed up, was exactly the ptocess In social struggle. the forces representing the advanced class sometimes
that occurred in the Soviet Union with the rise to power of suffer defeat not because their ideas are incorrect but beca11se, in the

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188 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PHLLOSOPHY 189

balance ol forces engaged in struggle. 1 hey are not as powerful for the time tion-an "extreme" expression. exactly in order to emphasize its
being as lhe forces of reaction; they are therefore temporarily defeated, great and long-term importance, Mao said:
but they are bound to triumph sooner or later."'
Will there be need for revolution a hundred year~ from now? Will there
'T'his remains absolutely true. still be need for revolution a thousand years from now? There is always
AnoLher absolute truth is that. Mao led the Chinese masses in need for revolution. 'l'herr are always sections of ~he people who feel
continuing revolutionary struggle under the dictatorship of the themselves oppressed; junior officials. students, workors, peasants and
proletariat. and continuing the Cultural Revolution Lhrough soldiers don't like bigshoLs oppressing them. That's why they want
various forms of struggle. down to his last breath. And a crucial revolution. Will contradictions no longer be seen ten thousand years from
now? Why not? They will still be seen.'"'
part of this was. once again, the struggle in the philosophical
realm . particularly between dialectical materialism and Here again Mao was calling attention to the fact that even under
metaphysics and mechanical mat.erialism. communism there will still be contradiction, struggle to resolve
For example, one of the main questions focused on in t.he cam· contradiction and qualitative change tleaps)- and in this sense
paign t.o Criticize Lin Piao and Confucius dudng the last years of revolu Lion. As he had said in 1971:
Mao's life was the exposure of and struggle against the "doctrine
of the mean" peddled by Confucius and his followers in China We have been singing 'T'he lnternationa/e for fifty years. yet on Len occa·
down through the ages. This doctrine was in essence the same as sions certain people inside our Party tried to split it. As I see it, tbis may
the reactionary theory of "combining two into one." It opposed happen another t.en, twenty or thirty times. You don't believe it? You may
"going Lo extTemes" and called for reconciling opposites rather not believe it. Anyhow l do. Will there be no struggle when we get to com·
than resolving the contradiction between them through struggle. munism? l just don 't believe it. There will be struggles even then, but only
between the new and the old, between what is correct and what is incor-
The ideological defeat of this doctrine was obviously crucial to rect. Tens of thousands of years from now, what is wrong stiU won't get
upholding class struggle as the key link and opposing "the dying by, it won't stand up."'
out of class struggle" at home and reconciHation with and capitula·
tion to the international class enemies. Why was Mao giving such great emphasis then to the fact that.
even thousands of years from now there will still be contradiction
Ceaseless Struggle and struggle? It was to strike at the line r ight then t.hat contradic·
tion, class struggle, revolution could and should come to an end.
In general throughout this period of his last years Mao repeated· To the revisionists. the top Party persons in power taking the
ly stressed the need for struggle. He called attention to the fact capitalist road in particular. the revolution had gone Car enough; it
that " without struggle, there is no progress" and sharply posed had made them "bigsbots" and nothing could be more important
the question to which his answer was obvious: "Can 800 mi!Hon then this; development need not and must not proceed any farther.
people manage without struggle?" Blasting at those who denied This is closely linked with the question that Mao focused atten-
the importance and necessity of the Cultural Revolution and ex· tion on two years before he died:
posing the real aims of those who preached "the dying out of class
struggle" in opposition to continuing the revolution, Mao Why did Lenin speak of exercising dfctat.orshlp over the bourgeoisie? It is
declared: essential to get this question clear. Lack of clarRr on this question will
lead to revisionism. Thie should be made known to the whole nation.""
What is the Great Cultural Revolution for? To wage class struggle. Llu The essence of what Mao was getting at here is that the purpose of
Shao-chi advocated the theory or the dying out of class struggle. but be
bimselr never ceased to wage class etruggle. He wanted lo protect his the dictatorship of the proletariat is to achieve the transition to
bunch or renegades and sworn followers. Lin Piao wanted to overthrow communism. It is the form through which the proletariat rules and
the proletariat and attempted a coup. Did the class struggle die out?"' wages class struggle against the bourgeoisie in the socialist transi·
tion period in order to advance to communism. Without continuing
Giving this profound truth~the need to continue the revolu- the revolution, continuing to wage the class struggle against the

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 PHlLOSOPHY 191

bourgeoisie under the dictatorship of the proletariat. the pro-

letariat cannot continue to rule and cannot continue the advance to
communism.
In opposition to this, if the dictatorship of the proletariat is
viewed as an end in itself whose purpose is merely to ensure order
and the development of production. then it will turn into its op·
posite, it will be transformed into a dictatorship of the (new)
bourgeoisie. This is because of the transitional and contradictory
nature of socialism and the persistence of remnants of exploiting
class society throughout the socialist transition period, which con·
tinually give rise to the bourgeoisie and to a bourgeois bead·
quarters in the Party as the concentration of this.
This is closely bound up with a correct understanding of what
Marx wrote to J. Weydemeyer in 1862, in a famous statement
where Marx gives a concise summation of the question of the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat:

And now as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the existence

of classes in modem society or the struggle between them. Long before me
bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this
class struggle and bourgeois economists the economic anatomy of the
classes. What 1 did that was new was to prove: 1) that the existence of
classes is only bound up with particular historical phases in the d11uelop·
ment of production, 21 that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dic-
tatorship of the prol11tariat, 81 that this dictatorship itself only constitutes
the transition to the abolition of all cltuses and to a classkas society."'

All three points Marx makes here are of great importance; but,
after the dictatorship of the proletariat bas been established and in
the conditions where the necessity for maintaining it are generally
acknowledged (in words even by the revisionists), the last point
above ta.k es on special importance and will become the focus of
sharp struggle. The revisionists will try to deny this last point, or
1975-TeacheJ'll ~d st1;1dents of the international politics depart· the substance and meaning of it, especially as this has been
ment of Futan University study the current economic crisis in the
capitalist world ~ether with worker-theoreticians at a Shanghai developed by Mao-namely, the need to continue the revolution to
bakery. Groups hke these were created and spread on a wide scale carry through the transition to communism.
during the Cultural Revolution. The revisionists, of course, will talk about communism and the
need to achieve it, but they will treat this metaphysically and ac·
cording to mechanical materialism-that is, as a question of sim·
ply developing the productive forces. They will not deal with
socialism itself as a contradiction which, as such, can be moved one
way or the other in the short run-though its final resolution can
only be in the advance to communism. They will not recognize that
90elalism represents a struggle between the new. rising aspects of

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 192 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS PfllLOSOPHY 193

communism within it and the old. declining aspects of capitalism Socialism musl make Lhe transition to communism. At t hot time there
retained in the socialist period. fn short. they will wall off will be things of the socialist st.age that will have to die out.'"
socialism from communism: "Communism. that's for later and the
way to g1!t there is to maint.ain strict order and do everything to It was precisely the revisionists who made an absolute out of
boost production so that someday the economy is developed Lhese socialist categories and of socialism itself. They opposed the
enough and we can then talk of introducing communism... Such is dialecLical materialist understanding that for these things to die
the revisionist view. and in particular its "theory of productive out there must be struggle and that the capitalist elements within
forces" and "dying out of class struggle." its met.aphysics and these things must be restricted at every point to the degree possi·
mechanical materialism. in the form which aU this takes where the ble in accordance with the materiel and ideological conditions.
dictat0rship of the proletariat has been established and its necessi· They cannot be expanded and built up and then one da)., out of
t) has become part of popular consciousness. nowhere, suddenly die out. To think this is in essence the same as
the Deborin school of philosophy summarized earlier-that con·
SociaHsm as an AbS-Olute Means Capitalist Restoration lradiction appears only at a certain stage and that struggle is not
necessary to deal with differences.
In the first part of this article it was shown how Engels analyzed Tht!se questions became the focus of intense struggle in the last
the ways in which Hegel's dialectics turned into metaphysics. years of Mao's life. when he called for restricting such things as
Hegel's philosophical system. in contradiction to his dialectical distribution according to work, the difference between mental and
method. pronounced the end of the dialectic in the realization of manual labor. the sphere of operation of the law of value, and so
the Absolute Idea in Hegel's philosophical system itself. Political· on-things generally described by the term "bourgeois right." The
ly, this was expressed in the idea that the constitutional monarchy revisionists wanted instead to exi>and these things and actively
promised by Frederick William I I l of Prussia was the highest and resisted the attempts to restrict them. Such people, Mao said, were
final form of society. Observi'ng a similar phenomenon. Mao had not genuine communists but capitalist·roaders.
summed up that there was the recurring tende,ncy for communists As pointed out earlier, the tendency to view socialism as a static
Lo turn Mor:xism ond the socialist system into absolutes and that absolute can be found in Stalin and goes hancl in hand with tcnden·
this leads to revisionism. As Mao said as early as 1957: cies to metaphysics in his treatment of Marxist philosophy. But
this Lendency becomes a principle and fundamental characteristic
11 it is asserted that the socialist system and its relations of production with the revisionists in China and the Soviet Union itself (and
and superstructure will not die out, what kind of Marxism would that be. ot.her count.ries). Such people. therefore. regardless of good or bud
Wouldn't It be the same as a religious creed or t.beology that preaches nn intentions and regardless of pretensions of upholding socialism
everlasting God?""
and even the eventual realization of communism, represent not the
This was a theme Mao would hammer at again and again proletariat but. the bourgeoisie in socialist society and stand not
throughout the rest of his life. As he insisted in his "Reading for the actual development of socialism as a transition to com·
Notes" on the Soviet political economy text, in criticizing t.he no- munism but for Lhe restoration of capitalism. Such people become
tion of "completely consolidating" socialism: the bourgeoisie in the Party, the core and commanders of the reac·
tionary forces in socialist society.
This socialist economy has had its own birth end development. Who This process itself, of course, follows the Jaws of dialectics. There
would believe that this process of change has come to an end, and that we is a contradiction within all communists between proletarian and
will say. "These two forms of ownership (state and coUective] will con· bourgeois ideology. and under certain conditions these aspects,
linue to be fully consolidated for all time?'" Who would believe that such too, can be t.ransformed. into their opposites. Communists can be
formulas of a aocialist society as "distribution according to labor," "com· turned into their opposite. People who are revolutionaries at a cer-
modity production," and "the law of value" are going to live forever? Who
would beUeve thal there is only birth and development bat no dying away tain stage and under certain conditions can tum into counter-revo-
and transformation and that these formulas unlike all others are lutionaries at another stage and under different conditions.
a historical? In the history o[ the Chinese revolution a particularly significant
 194 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

form of this was the phenomenon of people who were revolu-

1 PHILOSOPHY 196

socialism is an absolute and an end in itself will take up the stand

tionaries during the new-democratic stage but turned into counter- that the purpose of socialism is to enable them to "have the good
revolutionaries in the socialist stage. especially the deeper the life," or at least to " settle down" and " rest on their laurels." They
socialis t revolution went. When the program of the revolution was will become conservative. will fear and even oppose the advance of
new democracy (that is, bourgeois-democratic revolution of a new t he revolution. For top leaders in the Communist Party, this
lype), there was an inevitable tendency to identify this with the means that they will become part of the bourgeoisie in lhe Party,
ideology of the Communist Party- though this was fought by Mao attempting to exercise their leadership position not to guide the
and others. But as the revolution advanced to and in the socialist masses in the struggle for communism, but to enforce the exploita-
stage, the need to make a radical rupture with bourgeois ideology t ion of the masses and bring about the restoration of capitalism
became all the more pronounced. Most members of the Communist with themselves as the ruling bourgeoisie.
Part!. did so._ of course. but some did not. They went from being Mao devoted great attention to this problem and this danger.
participants m. even leaders of, the revolution to becoming the especially in the last few years of his life. His analysis of it was
targets of it; they were transformed from bourgeois-democrats in- thoroughly based on materialist dialectics. But some people have
to capitalist·roaders. And, especially for those in leading positions, argued that if you say. as Mao did, that " the bourgeoisie is right in
this ideological contradiction was inter-related with the fact that t he Communist Party, .. then the masses will not follow the Party,
they held positions of great authority in society after political because it will be the same as saying that the Party is not the
power was seized. vanguard of the proletariat but a bourgeois party. This, again, is
In the midst of the continuing struggle, in the last year of his metaphysics.
life, Mao called attention to this phenomenon and summarized it As Mao explained in "On Contradiction." the nature of a thing,
this way: of a contradiction, is determined by the principal aspect. The
presence of the bourgeoisie-not the whole but the heart of
A!ter the demoor~tic revolution the workers and the poor and lower- it- within the Communist Party in socialist society does not in
m1ddle peasants did not stand still. they want revolution. On the other itself ohange the nature of the Party from proletarian lo bourgeois
hand, o number of Party members do not want to go forwa:rd: some have nor of the society from socialist tQ capitalist. It is only if and when
moved b~ckward .and opposed the revolution. Why? Because they have
becotne high officials and want to protect the interests of high officials. u• the bourgeoisie in the Party rises to the dominant position and a
revisionist line is in command overall that the Party will be
Mao's point here is not that high officials will inevitably become transformed from proletarian to bourgeois; and, if this is not
revisionists-though some will do so at each stage in the revolu- reversed, it will lead to the transformation of the society from
tion-but that if they do not continue to make revolution against socialist to capitalist.
the bourgeoisie, if they do not continue to take part in the struggle Mao's line here is, again. the dialectical materialist one. If there
to advance to communism, they will become bourgeois themselves is no bourgeoisie in the Party even when the principal aspect-and
in their thinking and being, and attempt t.o restore capitalism. A~ therefore the nature-of the Party is proletarian, then how can the
explained in the preceding chapter, there is a material and Party be transformed from proletarian to bourgeois? It is due to
ideological basis for this throughout. the entire period of socialism. the identity as well as the struggle of opposites that in certain con·
The transformation of bourgeois-democrats into capitalist- ditions they can be transformed into each other. The contradiction
roaders, while of particular importance in the Chinese revolution between representatives of the proletariat and of the bourgeoisie
is obviously only one form of the phenomenon of revolutionarie~ exists all along within the Communist Party. even when the pro-
being transformed into counter-revolutionaries and Communist letariat and its Party are not in power. But with the seizure of
Party members, especially top leaders, being transformed into power and the socialization of ownership. the nature of this con-
capitalist-roaders. More generally, the principle that seizing and tradiction changes accordingly: the basis develops for leaders in
exercising political power must not be viewed as an end in itself the Party to turn the contradiction between the leaders and the led
and that it is necessary to continue making the revolution bas as into that between the exploiters and the exploited, and the
its opposite the feet that people who adopt the outlook that bourgeois elements within the Party can become actual exploiters

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196 IMMORTALCONTRlSU'l'IONS 197

even when they do noL have control or the Party and power in
society as a whole. 'l'o deny all this and to act as ir the bourgeoisie the complete victory of the new·democratic revolution and Lhe
suddenly appears in the Party only ir and at the time it usurps liberation of China:
supreme power, is this noL the same as the reactionary Deborin
school. is it not metaphysics and idealism in opposition t-0 the How different is the logic of the imperialists from that of the people!
dialectical materialist line or Mao? :vlake trouble, fail. make trouble again. fail again till their doom; that is
the logic of the imperialists and all reactionaries the world over in dealing
Because Lhe bourgeoisie is conslantly regenerated under with the people's cause. and they will never go against this logic. Thi• is a
socialism. and because bourgeois exploiting elements constantly Marxisl law. When we say "imperialism is ferocious", we mean that its
emerge within l he Party as the core of the bourgeoisie and com- nature will never change, that the imperialists will never lay down their
manders of the reactionory social forces in socialist society. Mao butcher knives. that they will never become Buddhas. till their doom
summed up, the class struggle against the bourgeoisie is the key Fight. fail, fight again. fail again. light again till their victory: that 1~
the logic of the people, and they too will never go against tlus logic. This 1~
link and must be carried out throughout the entire period of another Marxist law. The Russian people·s revolution followed this law,
socialism. with its main target those in authority taking the and so has the Chinese people's revolution.
capitalist road. the bourgeoisie in the Party. And because every Classes struggle. some classes triumph, others are eliminated. Such is
few years a bourgeois headquarters wiU make an all-out attempt at history, such is the history of civilization for thousands of years. To inter-
usurping power. there must be a major struggle every few years. pret history from this viewpoint is historical materialism; standing in OJ>'
position to this viewpoint is hisLOrical idealism.'"'
As Mao said in 1966, at the start of the Cultural Revolution:
Such is the truly immortal contribution of Mao Tsetung to
Great disorder across the land leads to gi-eat order. And so once again MarxisL philosophy and in general, to the revolutionary struggle
every seven or eight years. Monsters and demoo• will jump out on this front and overall, to the liberating l!cience and historic mis·
themselves. Determined by their own class nature, they are bound to
jump out.'" sion of the proletariat.

Contradiction. Struggle, Revolution

Here what is reflected again ond whaL is of the most profound

importance is not simply the analysis that there will be recurrent
major st.ruggles every few years, but the dialectical materialist
stand. viewpoint and method that permeate this statement. Order,
even ''great order," cannot be absolute; it can only be temporary,
conditional and relative. Contradiction, struggle, revolution-this
is universal. unconditional and absolute.
Far from being idealist, Mao's dialectical view is thoroughly
materialist. And as he himself said, "thoroughgoing materialists
are fearless." Communism is inevitable, Mao affirmed. But to ad-
vance to communism-and to continue advancing even lhen-
struggle is always necessary. The ceaseless emergence and resolu-
tion of contradictions through struggle, this is the order, the pro-
cess and the ever upward motion of all things. In the course of any
process. including certainly one so earth·shaking as the advance to
communism. there can be reversals and setbacks, but these, too.
can only be temporary. The new wiU supersede the old, the pro-
gressive the reactionary, this is an irresistible law.
As Mao put it, applying this law to class struggle, on the eve of

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 Chapter 5

CULTURE AND THE

SUPERSTRUCTURE

Introduction

Jn 1967. at the height of the mass upsurge of the Great Pro-

letarian Cultural Revolution in China, the following statement by
Mao Tsetung was put forward as one of the decisive guiding lines
for this unprecedented struggle: ''The proletariat must exercise all·
round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in the realm of the
superstructure, including the various spheres of culture."' Here
Mao was not only stressing the great importance of the superstruc-
ture in genera~ but of culture in particular. And he was emphasiz·
ing not only the need for the proletariat to e:x:ercise dictatorship
over the bourgeoisie in general but specifically to sweep the
bourgeoisie off the cultural stage and defeat its attempts to
dominate this sphere, which plays such a mo.jor role in the
ideological field, in shaping public opinion and influencing the eco·
nomic base, the fundamental structure of society.
From the very beginning, during the new·democratic as well as
the socialist stage of the revolution in China, Mao attached great
importance to the role of culture, and he continued to develop and
deepen a revolutionary line to guide the struggle in this sphere. In-
deed the further development of Manist theory on and a basic line
for culture constitutes yet another of Mao Tse tung 's immortal con·
tributions. Specifically, Mao gave great emphasis to the area of
literature and art, to their role in the overall class struggle. And,
under the guidance of his line, the Chinese people made a qualita·
tive leap in this critical area, beyond anything previously achieved
by mankind, including in the socialist countries.
This chapter will focus on this question of culture and specifical-
ly on Mao's leadership in developing a revolutionary literature and
art serving the struggle of the proletariat to achieve its historic
mission of communism.

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 200 IMMORTAL CONTRIB U'flONS CULTURE AND TllE SUPERSTRUC'l'lJRE 201

the basic indications of how society is not only root.ed in the

Of course, in this area as in others. in making his great and im·
organized struggle of people ~ming together to ?attle and
mortal contributions. Mao was standing on the shoulders of the
transform nature, but is developing from a lower to a higher level.
great Marxists who preceded him, and especially of Marx. Engels,
And besides this, Merit's great. discovery l"the guiding principle or
Lenin and Stalin. lt is thus correct to place Mao 's contributions
my studies." es be referred to it} was that this development or
against the background of the development of the Marxist theory
of art previous to him. human society is ultimately determined by the development of the
basic forces which human beings have built up in their interaction
with nature Lo produce what they need and went-in other wor~s
Marx and Engels
by the productil•e forces of society. This includes the tools and ID·
struments whioh people develop, and it also includes, most impor·
The starting point for Marxism is that man's conscious ac- tantly, the people themselves. with all their skills and abilities,
tivities, of which literature and art are a part, do not stand by
who actually do the producing. .
themselves or on their own, and of course do not create reality, but Jn order to use these productive forces. people have to enter mto
rather, as Marx put it in a famous sentence: "H is noL Lhe con·
certain relations with regard to the overall process of production in
sciousness of men that. determines Lheir being, but on the conLrary
society. And the nature of these relations will differ and change in
it is their social being Lhat determines Lheir consciousness...,
accordance with the development of the productive forces of man·
In other words, the starting point is the material world and the kind. Thus these relations were termed by Marx Lhe relations of
economic activity of people. Material conditions determine the ac-
production of a society. .
tivities, development and products of the human mind. and not the
As Marx goes on to say in the quotation above, these production
other way around. And as Marx explained further in this same
"Preface": relations constitute the economic structure of society They are
also often called the economic base. And this base is the "real foun·
dation." as Marx says, of the whole legal, political, ideological and
In the social production of their existence. men enter into definite.
necessary relations, which are Independent of their will, namely, relations cultural superstructure of society. The politico~ institut.ions, legal
of production corresponding to u detern1inate stage of development of structures, habits, customs. artistic conve~t1ons, P.h1losop~1es,
their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of pro- ways of thinking and looking at the world, etc., of a given soc1e~y
duction constitutes the economic structure of society. the real foundation and epoch ell belong to the superstructure. Tbis is true of the
on which there arises a legal ond political superstructure and to which philosophy, culture, etc., representing the oppressed class(es) as
there correspond definiLo forms of social consciousness. The mode of pro-
duction of material life conditions the social. political and intellectual lif&- well as that of the dominant cle.ss. But. of course. as Marx and
process in general.' Engels stressed. "The ruling ideas of ea~h age have ever ~ t_be
ideas of its ruling class."• ln short. Ill order to est1tbli~h its
In other words, society arises out of the basic need of people to domination in the spheres or ideology. cult~re'. ete., a parttcula_r
eat. to be clothed. have shelter and so on. and in order to carry this class must first seize political power. establish itself os the dorru·
out people have to come together in some particular form so that nant class in this most decisive part of the superstructure.
they can collectively transform nature, to me.ke the various things But, again, not just any kind of politic~ po~er and .r~g
they need to live. Thus the nature of society is rooted in the ideology can be established in any given h1sto~1cal con~1t1ons.
material requirements that people have. But society and nature These things belonging to the superstructure, will be ultimately
are in a constant process of change-and not a cyclical change, determined b~ the nature of Lhe economic base. which In turn will,
coming out the same way it began, but a process of spiral-like in the final analysi~. be determined by the level of development of
change progressing frorn the lower to the higher level and marked the productive forces. . . .
by leaps. In other words, as Marx summed it up rn a letter eurly in his
Thus today we have things undreamed of even 100 years ago, let development as a Marxist:
alone a million years ago or more when the earliest forms of human
life were forming the most primitive kind of society. This is one of Assume a particular level of development of men's productive forces and

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 202 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS CULTURE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 203

you will get a particular form of commerce and consumption. Asswne par·
ticular stagea of development in production, commerce and consumption the superstructure-politi~ forms of tb~ cla~s struggle and its results,
and you wW have a corresponding social system. a corresponding such ae constitutions established by the Vlctonous cla.ss after a successful
organisation of the family, of social estates or of classes, in a word, a cor- battle. etc., juridical forms. and e~y the r~~ect1ons of all. these r:eat
responding civil society. Assume such a civil society and you will get 11 9 trugglea in the bra.ins of the participants, pohtlcal, leg~I, philosoph1cal
polit.lcal system appropriate to it, a system which is only the official ex- theories. religious views and their further development into sya.tem~ of
pression of civil society.• dogmu-also exercise their influen~e upo~ the c~urse o! the histor1~l
struggles and in many cases detenrune their form m particular. There 1s
And, as Marxism also teaches us, assume a certain social system, an interaction of all these elements in which, amid all the endlesa host of
civil society, political system, etc.. and you will get a certain sort of accidents (that is. of things and events whose inner_ interconnection is so
remote or so impossible of proof that we can regard 1t as non-e~stent and
ideology and intellectual life, including a certain sort of culture. neglect it), the economic movement is finally bound to assert itself.'
with literature and art a very important part of this. The inteUec-
tual life includes. as noted earlier, the ideas representing the op- And although the base is overall principal and is the determining
pressed as weU as the ruling class-to cite one outstanding exam- thing. it is also true, as Mao points out, that:
ple, Marxism itself is a product of capitalist society. But, as also
emphasized just above. only when an oppressed class rises to the When the superstructure (politics. culture. etc.I obstructs the devel~p­
position of the ruling class-only when it overthrows the existing ment of the economic base, polit.ical and cultural changes become prm·
political power and establishes its own state power-can its ideas cipal and decisive.•
become the dolllinant ones in society.
This method of studying and understanding society and history, In other words, the relationship between base and super-
whose basic principles Mane first laid out, is known as historical structure must be seen dialectically. not mechanically or
materialism. Engels summed it up as: metaphysically. This is a point which Mao gave great emphasis t.o,
and further developed, specifically in relation to socialist society.
. . that view of the course of history which seeks the ultimate cause and It assumes great significance in looking at Mao's contribution to
the groat moving power of all important historic evenbs in the economic the theory and basic line for revolutionary culture.
development of society, in the changes in the modes of production and ex· Returning to the founders of scientific socialism, it is important
change, in tho consequent division of society into distinct classes. and in here to note that Marx applied the stand, view-Point and method of
the stzugglelJ of these classes against one another.• dialectical and hist.orical materialism chiefly to the political
economy of capitalism and seco~darily to ana!yzing th? cla~s
This view and method of his~rical mat.erialis:m is the basic
struggle in the political sphere as 1t ~as developmg, es~1ally in
framework for the correct understanding of the meaning and role
Europe, when be was alive. A~er his early collaborative efforts
of literature and art. Literature and art and culture generally are
with Engels (in The Holy Family and The German Ideology•) Marx
part of the superstructure. But it should be recalled and re-empha-
did not go on and develop any systematic a.n d all·around theory on
sized that the relationship between the base and superstructure is
the ideological (including cultural) aspects of the class struggle in
not rigid, static or one-way. While Marxism is materialist, it is also
general, nor of literature and art in particular. .
dialectical. The superstructure is not a passive effect of the base;
Engels. on the other hand, did devote so~e sys~a~c work ~
there is a constant interaction between them. Engels forcefully
such forms-notably in parts of Anti-Duhnng and in his Ludwig
spoke to this point in com batting mechanical, as opposed to dialec-
tical, materialism:
Feuerbtu:h and the End of Classical German Philosophy, as well as
in some other scattered essays (the Introduction to the English
edition of Socialism: Utopian an.d Scientific being a good exampl~).
According to the materialist conception of history, the J1ltimat~ly detet-
mining factor in history Is the production and reproduct.lon of real life. But at the same time, Engels. too, did not devote any systematic
Neither Marx nor I have ever asserted more tban this. Hence if somebody a~tention to art. The most that we have from both Marx and
twists thla into saying that the economic factor is the only determining Engels on this topic are more or less off-hand comments about
one, be u.tiaforms that proposition into a meaningless. abstract. absurd past or then-present writers and works. .
phrase. The economic situation is the basis. but the various elementa of However, there is the following brief but profound aside by

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All educational work in I.he Soviet Republic of workers and peasants. in

Marx in one or his works: the fi~ld of political education in general and in the fie.Id of art in par-
ticular. should be imbued with the spirit of the class struggle being waged
by the proletariat for Uie successful achievement of the aims of its die·
The social revolution of the nineteenth century (Marx means the pro- tstorship. i.e.. the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. the abolition of classes,
letarian revolution( cannot draw its poetry from the past, but only from and the elimination of oil forms of exploitation of man by man."
the future EarUer revolut.ions required recoUections of past world
history in order to drug themselves concerning their own content. 1n order
to arrive at its own content.. the revolution of the nineteenth cent1ll'Y must There were. of course. then as now, those who were outraged by
let the dead bury their dead. 1• and attacked such statements as being incompatible with the "in·
dividuality" and "freedom" which is supposed to be necessary for
This statement. with its emphasis on the great difference between artistic creation. Lenin characterized such a view as bourgeois in·
the proletarian socialist revolution and all past revolutions and the dividualism, and pointed out that such talk about absolute
way in which this carries over into the area of proletarian art and freedom from lhe mouths of artists in bourgeois society was sheer
culture, is a theme which is prominent in Mao's contributions on hypocrisy or self·delusion. He explained:
this subject. and one which will be returned to below.
There can be no real and effective "freedom" in a society based on the
Lenin power of money. in a society in which the masses of working people live in
poverty and the handful of rich Uve like parasites. Are you free in relation
to your bourgeois publisher. Mr. Writer, in relation to your bourgeois
Lenin also cannot be said to have developed a complete and all· public, which demands that you provide it with pornography in novels
round theory of art and culture. But Lenin was, of course, in· and paintings, and prostitution as a "supplement" to "sacred" scenk art?
timately involved with a successful proletarian revolution and This absolute freedom is a bourgeois or an anarchist phrase (since. as a
therefore with the setting up of a socialist society. And Lenin did world outlook. anarchism is bourgeois philosophy turned inside outl. One
lay out certain basic principles which played a key part in laying cannot llve in society and be free from society. The freedom of the
bourgeois writer, artist or actress is simply masked (or hypocritically
the groundwork for the development of a revolutionary literature masked) dependence on the money·bag. on corrupt\on. on prostitution.••
and ll1't serving the struggle of the proletariat.
What Lenin particularly stressed in this regard was the necessi· In a class society, it is impossible for literature and art to rise
ty for proletarian culture to be closely integrated with the overall above classes, impossible for them not to both express some class
revolutionary movement of the proletariat. In the upsurge of the viewpoint. and serve the interests of some class. On the other hand,
1906 revolution in Russia, for instance. Lenin spoke of the need for Lenin pointed out. these classes are not on a par with each other,
the development of "party literature," and asked: and the aim of communists is:

What is this principle of party literature? It is not simply that., for the to contrast this hypocritically free literature. which is in reality linked
socialist proletariat, literature cannot be a means of enriching individuals to the bourgeoisie, with a really free one that will be openly linked to the
or groupa: it cannot. in feet. be an individual under.taking. independent of proletariat.
the common cause of the prolet.ariat. Down with non·partisan writers! rt will be a free literature. because the idea of socialism and sympathy
Down with literary supermen! Literature must become part of the com· with the working people, and not greed or careerism. will bring ever new
mon cause of the proletariat, "a cog and a screw" of one single gTeat forces to its ranks. It wiU be a free literature. because it will serve. not
Social-Democratic !communist) mechanism set in motion by the entire some satiated heroine. not the bored "upper ten 1bousand" suffering from
politlca.lly-conscioua vanguard of the entire working class. Literature fatty degeneration, but the millions and tens of millions of working
must become a component of organi8ed, planned and integTated Social· people-the flower of the country, its strength and its future."
Democratic Party work.11
Stalin
The same theme was emphasized by Lenin after the establish·
ment of the Soviet Republic, when (in 1920) he drafted a resolution Stalin was the continuator of Lenin's work in leading the Soviel
on proletarian culture. tbe first article of which read: proletariat in the building of socialism and protecting it against

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 206 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTfONS CtJl,TURE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 207

external and internal enenries. He also upheld end applied many of course of development is inevitably to portray the tremendous
Lenin's developments of Marx:ism, including in the theory of art heroism of the people and the vastest horizons of human progress.
and literature. While the emergence of this concept and ideal of socialist realism
It was under Stalin's leadership that the Soviet Party developed (including revolutionary romanticism as an aspect of it) was a real
the concept of socialist realism, s concept which conforms to the advance for the development of proletarian art, there were also cer·
viewpoint of the proletariat in literature and art, and which laid an tain defects in Stalin's viewpoint in this area. One of these is ms
important part of tbs foundation for Mao's contributions in this idea that the chief thing in the cultural field was to raise the
area. cultural standards of the masses of Soviet workers and peasants-
In 1932, by a decision of the Central Committee of the Com· and, moreover, to view this "raising of standards" in purely tech·
munist Party of the Soviet Union, an organizing committee for the nical 11Dd quantitative terms.•• (This question is specifically dealt
first National Congress of Soviet Writers was set up, which first with by Mao in bis treatment of the contradiction between popu·
formulated the concept of socialist realism. It was defined in the larizstion and raising standards, which will be focused on shortly.)
charter of the Association of Soviet Writers: "Socialist realism, And socialist realism as conceived and applied in the Soviet Union
which is the fundamental method of Soviet literature and letters, did include weaknesses linked to these errors of Stalin's.
requires the artist to present reality in its revolutionry course of Another and related error of Stalin's in this area is spoken to in
development, in a trus and historically concrete manner.'· the summary of a forum 6n work in literature e.nd the arts which
Note that this definition stresses truth and historical con· was convened in Shanghai in early 1966 by Mao's wife, Chiang
creteness, and links this with "present[ingj reality in its revolu· Ching, to formulate s policy for upholding and more thoroughly
tjonary course of development" as the main aspect. In other applying Mao's line in ~be arts:
words, proletarian art is partisan, is part of the revolutionaty
struggle of the working class, and is also truthful. In fact, as gone Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist. His criticism of the modernist
into in more depth later in dealing specifically with Mao's con· literature and art of t he bourgeoisie was very sharp. Bot he uncritically
tributions, such literature and art is truthful precisely because it took over what are known as the classics of Russia and Europe and the
consequences were bod. The classical literature and art of China and of
reflects and serves the outlook and interests of the working class. Europe (including Russia) and even Ameriqan films .hove exercised a co11-
It is truthful because it brings out the real underlying course of siderable influence on our literary and art circles, and some people have
development of history and society, which is revolutionary. regarded them as holy writ and accepted them in their entirety. We should
As the name "socialist realism" implies, there have been other d·raw a lesson from Stalin's experience. Old and foreign works should be
forms of realism in art-notably bourgeois realism. This had s pro- studied too, and refusal to study them would be wrong; but we must study
them crit.i.cally. making the post serve the present and foreign works serve
gressive role to play et one time, just as did the bourgeoisie itself, China."
when it was still a rising class. But, of course, even at that time its
disclosure of reality was hemmed in by the same limitations as is Mao on the Importance of the Superstructure
the wodd·view of the capitalists. The most it could ever disclose is
a world of self-seeking individuals, which is by no means the whole Mao Tsetung made decisive advances in the development of
or even the greater part nor certainly the essence of reality. And, Marxist-Leninist theory in the sphere of literature and art and
as the bourgeoisie has become a totally reactionary class, its culture generally. This is closely connected with the overall ad·
"realism" has turned into its opposite, inoo an attempt to portray vsnce he Led in tnaking in tbe correct understanding of the role of
people in the most sordid, animalistic and cynical manner, or into the superstructure, particularly undet socialism.
pure fantasy end escapism. This advance was associated, in turn, with a summf(tion of the
At the same time that socialist realism was brought forward as theory and practice of Marx.ist-Leninists, and specifically of cer·
the guiding policy of literary and artistic work in the Soviet Union, tain errors of Stalin, in this ares. Thus Mao, for instance, begins
it was also emphasized that this was not inconsistent with roman· bis late 1950s "Critique of Stalin's Economic Problems of Social·
ticism, but that it included romanticism of a new type-reuolu· ism in the USSR'' with the statement, "Stalin's book from first to
tionary romanticism-since to portrey reality in its revolutionary last says nothing about the superstructure. {t is not concerned

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IMMOR'rALCON'rRIBU'rlONS CULTURE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 209

with people; it considers things, not people....,

As pointed out in chapter 3 Ion Mao's contributions to political As noted, the nature of the relationship between the base and
eco~o~y, et~.I. th.is _work of Stalin's, written in the last few years superstructure is a contradiction in which the base is the overall
?f his hfe, did contain some valuable insights into and analysis of principal aspect, but in which the superstructure may become.
1mp~rtant aspect-s of the advance from socialism to communism under certain conditions, the principal aspect. But. in addition, the
the ~inal goal of proletarian revolution. But, as is pointed out there: superstructure plays the i71itiating role in transforming the base.
SI.aim ~nded t.o treat these problems " . from the standpoint of Jt is for both these reasons that the supers!.ructure is of crucial im·
developing production and raising the material and technical level portance in any revolution.
of the masses and not very much from the standpoint of politics But, as also noted, all this applies with even greater force to the
and ideology." (See pp. 91 ff.) proletarian revolution end socialist society. For this revolution,
M?ny of Mao's greatest contributions, of course. centered unlike any previous revolution in human history, does not aim at
precisely in developing the understanding of the nature of socialist bringing a new class of exploiters to power. Rather the goal of the
society and in his consequent emphasis on the need to continue the working class is to do away with all exploitation and oppression.
rev?l~tion under the dictatorship of the proletariat, even after the Its goal is the abolition of all classes-that is, communism. Thus
soc111hst transformation of ownership had in the main been com· socialism. in which classes still exis!. and in which the working
plete~. This was closely linked with Mao's further development of class rules society, is not the final goal of prolet.arian revolution,
Marxist theory concerning the interaction of the base and super· but is a transition stage to that goal
structure, especially under socialism. Because of this transitional nature of socialism. it must be con·
. M~~ showed the decisive importance of continuously revolu· stantly moving forward toward communism. If it does not, then it
lionizing the superstructure as well as t.he economic base. He not will inevitably move backward-to capitalism. This can happen
only upheld the dialectical understanding of the relationship be- most of all because under socialism a new bourgeoisie is inevitably
tween the base and superstructure-which indicates t.hat overall generated, and has its core within the communist party itself,
the base is principal and decisive, but that at certain times the su· especially revisionists in top party leadership, who can seize power
perstruot.ul'e becomes principal and decisive in determining t.he na· from the 'proletariat and restore capitalism. This is what has hap·
LU re and development oft.he economic base. He fuTther summed up pened in the Soviet Union and, following Mao's death, a revisionist
and taught that under socialism the role of the superstructure coup was carried off in China and the process of capitalist restore·
assumes even greater importance and the struggle in the super· tion is now being carried out in that country too.
structure becomes even more acute and complex. Even while the The counter-revolution by a new bourgeoisie begins in the
proletariat holds political power overall in society, the bourgeoisie s uperstructure-here the superstructure plays t.he decisive as well
may actually control certain parts of the superstructure /just as it as the initiating role. And, in preparing the conditions for such a
may con~rol certain units and departments of the economy). coup. these new capitalist leeches will pay great attention to stTug·
Ideology m particular, Mao warned, will be an arena of Jong and gle in the ideological realm, including literature and art. As Mao
tortuous struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. As sharply pointed out in 1962:
early ,as 195 7. as a crucial part of the revolutionary line he
developed in opposition to the revisionists, who preached that "the Writing novels is popular these days, isn't it? The use or novels for anti·
class struggle is dying out," Mao emphatically stated: Party activity is a great invention. Anyone wanting to overthrow a
political regime must create public opinion and do &ome preparatory
ideological work. This applies to counter-revolutionary as well as to
In the ideol~s!cal field, the ques tion of who will win out. the proletariat or revolutionary classes.••
r.he bourgeo1s1e, has not yet been really S<!ttled. We still have r.o wage 8
protracted s truggle against bourgeoill and petty-bourgeois ideology.•• To the degree that the bourgeoisie-in particular top Party per-
sons taking the capitalist road-is not fought in this arena, it will
A.nd .culture, of course, including art and literature, falls squarely gain in strength and will be in that much better a position to seize
W)thm the ideological field.
political power. Thus the great importance under socialism of class

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IMMORTAL CONTRlBUTTONs c uL'rUREl AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 211

struggle in the superstructure and of Mao's statement, quoted llt

the start of this chapter, that "The proletariat must exercise alJ. yeore. the new base areas liberated from the rule of the reac·
round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in the realm of the i.ionaries were built up and then finally an all·out assault was laun·
superstructure, including the various spheres of culture." ched Lo liberate the whole country. During this lot1g process-itself
marked by sub-stages-new relations of production and a new
Mao's Line on Literature and Art s uperstructure were built up in the liberated areas to s~rve t~e
developing struggle of the masses. Although the econolDlc, social
In this connection, the quotation earlier from Marx (from the and political relations were not yet socialist in character-and this
Eighteenth Brumaire) is worth recalling. There Marx was em- was reflected in the realm of ideology and culture-nevertheless,
phasizing how past revolutions could borrow their poetry from the there were aspects of the socialist future, including the leading role
past- could cloak themselves in the past precisely in order t.o hide of the proletariat and its ideology, which Mao consistently fought
from the~Sl'.lves the full meaning of their own revolutionary for against bourgeois (and feudal) elements, inside as well as out-
nature. This 1s because they all represented the seizure of power by s ide the Chinese C-Ommunist Party.
? new exploiting class. Although they were, in their period of rise,
instruments of progress for mankind, previous classes, even while Yenan Forum on Literatnre and Art
carrying out a revolution and rising to power, could not really be
fully aware of this progressive and revolutionary role they were It was on this basis that Mao developed the fundamental orien·
playing- because to be fully aware of it would have meant seeing tation for literature and art. This was concentrated in a series of
their own historically transitory nature, their own eventual doom talks that Mao gave at the montb·long forum at Yenan in 1942 on
and extinction. literature and art. IAs noted earlier in this book, Yenan was the
The proletariat, on the contrary, must be aware and conscious of place where the revolutionary government of the base areas and
just what it is doing and of the fact that its own rule is. from an the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and revolutionary
historical standpoint, only transitory. In fact, the proletariat is the army were centered.)
first and only class in history which aims for the eventual elimina· Two years earlier Mao had V1Titten bis ba.sic work. "On New
tion of its state power and all the conditions material and Democracy," in which he not only summed up the basic strategy
ideological, that make that rule necessary. And i~deed, if this is for the Chinese revolution in that stage-~he new-democratic revo-
lost sight of, its rule will be overthrown and capitalism restored. lution- but gave particular emphaSis to the fact that, as he said,
'.!'hat is why the proletarian revolution cannot draw its poetry, and " For many years we C-Ommunists have 11truggled for a cultural
its culture generally, from the past-but must constantly strive. in revolution as well as for a political and economic revolution,·· and
full consciousness of what it is doing and of its great historic mis· lhllt the new China which was being brought into being through
sion, Lo create something different than mankind has ever known. revolution " will have not only a new politics and a new
Although Mao's main contribution in this area was in connec· economy but a new culture.""" In thls essay he outlined the general
tion with the development of proletarian cuJture1111d its use in con- characteristics of this new culture, and emphasized that:
solidating the dictatorship of the proletariat and carrying forward
the revolution under this dictatorship, be laid out the basic orien· Revolutionary culture ls a powerful nvolutionary weapon for the broad
tation for this even before nationwide political power had been masses of the people. It prepares th~ ground ideo~ogically_ before t~e
established and the socialist stage of the revolution had been revolution comes and is an important. 10deed essential, fight.mg front 10
entered. He was able to do this, in part, because (as seen in the general revolutionary front during the revolution."
previous chaptersl the Chinese revolution developed in such a way ln general. "On New Democracy" lays the ground~ork ~or
that it did not consist of the overthrow of the power of the old Mao's Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art, m which
regime all at once or in a relatively short time. but through a pr~ he goes into the specific characteristics which art must have in
tract.eel armed struggle. Actually, this consisted of a whole series order to serve as a revolutionary weapon.
of different wars through which, in the course of more than 20 First of all Mao spoke t.o the question of class stand. As has been
•

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 214 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS CUL'l'UHE AND 1'HE SUPERSTRUCTURE 2 15

pointed out, all literature and art have to be guided, and objectiv~
ly will be guided, by the world-view and stand of some class in presence of rny fellow studenlS. who were incapable of carrying anything,
society, whether the person producing it is conscious of it or not. either on their 11houlders or in their hands. AL that time I foll Lhat lntellec·
tuol~ were the only clean people In the world, while in comparison worker.
And Mao pointed out that, in this era, in order for culture to play a nnd peasants were dirty.""'
progressive and revolutionary role, it had to serve the proletariat,
because in this stage in human history only the working class is a Mao goes on to recount how his feelings changed:
revolutionary class in a thoroughgoing way and only the working
class can lead the masses of people in thoroughly transforming But after I became a revolutionary and lived V.'ich workers and peasants
society.. And Mao insisted on this, even though the stage of the and with soldiers of the revolutionary army I gradually came to kno"'
revolution then was democratic and not yet socialist. Only with them well. and they gradually came to know me well too. lt_was then, and
only then. thal I fundament.ally changed the bourgeois and petty·
the leadership of the working class in all spheres, including bourgeois feelings implanted in me in the bourgeois schools. I cam~ to !eel
cultuN!. could it be a new-democratic revolution. capable of thaL compared with the workers and peasants the unremoulded mtellee-
thoroughly defeating imperialism and domestic reaction and ad· luals were not clean and that, In the last. analysis. the workers and
vancing to the socialist future. peasants were the cleanest people and. e\·en though their hands were soil
Closely related to this, Mao also sharply posed the question of e<l und their feet smeared with cow·dung. they were really cleaner than the
bourgeois and pelty·bourgeois intellectuals. That is what is meant by n
for whom. For whom, he asks the cultural workers at Yenan, are change in feelings. a change from one class to another!'
you producing your works? The basic question here is: should they
be for the elite, should they be for the supposedly •'superior Revolutionary cultural workers. Mao insisted, had to get to
people," or should they be for the masses of people? And Mao know the people-what their feelings were about things, how they
an~we~ed t~at ~hey must be produced for the masses of people, saw the world, how they were actually carrying forward the strug·
which in China mcluded not only the working class but also bun· g le. '!'hey had to learn the lively language of the people, had _to
dreds of millions of peasants, as well as the soldiers (particularly of learn and develop further the cultural works. the song, music.
the revolutionary arllly). Art must be produced for the masses of dance, etc .. that. was produced by the people themselves, especially
toillng and oppressed people. Mao made clear. It must be em- the more they developed their struggle. Unless this was done,
braced by the masses and taken up &a a weapon in their struggle. I iteralure and art was bound to be rejected by the masses of
In order to fulfill this, Mao insisted, the cultural workers, people people-because it was bound to be a,liea to Lhem, in form as well
producing literature and art, had to go out among the masses, inte- as in content.
grate themselves with them, take part in labor together with them, As the outstanding model Mao pointed to Lu Hsun, a revolu·
and help them to w11ge the struggle against the enemy. He stressed tionary writer during the new-democratic revolution who Look up
that, "Our writers and artists have their literary and art work to the communist outlook and stood finnly with the masses of people,
do, but their primary task is to understand people &nd know them using his pen as a mighty weapon ia their revolutionary struggle,
well."•• Note that he says th&t this is not just an important task, until his death in 1936. Lu Hsun was, Mao acclaimed, "the
but the primary t&sk of revolotiom1ry writers and artists. greatest and most courageous standard· bearer .. of the new, revolu-
What is decisive heN!, Mao said. is the question of intellectuals tionary cultural force that had emerged in China in the wake of the
integrating themselves with the masses, transforming their world May 4th. 1919, anti-imperialist upsurge in China and the spread of
outlook and firmly taking up the revolutionary stand. outlook and Ma~xi:1m·Leninism to that country and the formation in 1921 of
method of the proletariat and Marxism. It is in this connection the Chine5e Communist Party.•• In particular. after the J apanese
t hat Mao describes, in a famous passage, how his own feelings invasion of China. when the task of waging a war of resistance
towards the masses changed a.s he became a revolutionary. As a against Japan came to the forefront, Lu Hsun forcefully champion·
result of bourgeois (even feudal) education, Mao says, he ed the line of a "literature of the masses for the national revolu·
tionary w11r," in opposition to the right-wing line of a "literature of
acquired the ways of a atudent: I then used to feel it undignified to do national defense," which had currency among influential left·wing
even a tittle manual labor, such as carrying my own luggage In the literary circles and even within the Chinese Communist Party and

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 216
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

which represented a line of capitulation and subordination Lo

Chiang Kai-shek. This was a key struggle in the area of literature
and art and was closely linked to and played an important role in
the overall class struggle within the carnp of opposition to Japan
and within the revolutionary movement.
In this and other ways, Lu Hsun stood as a titan in China's
revolutionary cultural army. "All communists," Mao said, "all
revolutionaries. all revolutionary literary and art workers should
learn from the example of Lu Hsun and be 'oxen' for I.he pro-
letariat and the masses, bending their backs to the task until their
dying day."'•
Mao also took up the question, whom should art extol and whom
should it expose and criticize? His answer was precise and to the
point:

All the dark forces harming the masses of the people must be exposed end
all the revolutionary struggles of the masses of the people must be extol·
led; this is the fundamental task of revolutionary writers and artist.&."

Note the emphasis here. This is the fundamental task of revolu-

tionary cultural workers. (This does not contradict what Mao had
earlier said, that the primary task of revolutionary writers and art-
ists is to understand the people and know them well, for there he
was talking about what is overall primary, whereas here it is in
terms of their fundamental task in actually creating cull.ural
works-in other words he is speaking here to the fundamental task
of culture. literature and arl. in particular.}
Many people in the Chinese Communist Party strenuously ob-
jected to and opposed Mao's line on this question. For a number,
this was part and parcel of opposing bis line on culture as a whole
and, in fact. his revolutionary line overall They said that revolu-
tionary artists should be "objective"-by which they meant even-
handed. We shouldn't always praise the workers, the peasants and
the revolutionary struggle, they insist~ we should also point out
the bad parts, the shortcomings. And if the capitalists do
something good we should give them credit for it; likewise if the
workers do something bad we should point that out, too.
Despite the clalms that such a stand is "objective," in fact it is
not. Making proletarian revolution must be a very conscious strug-
gle, and it means a complete exposure and rejection of all the tradi-
tional ideas, of all the forces of habit. of all the usual, accepted,
• natural ways of doing things. And to be "even-handed'' in this
situation means objectively to serve the capitalist class, which has

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 211'1 IMMORTALCONTRIBU'l'IONS cu 1: rUR8 AND THE SUPERSTltUC1' URE 21!1

the force of habit and the force of Lradition on its side. are influenced to a certain degree by the ideology and cul Lure of the
. This question, and struggle around it. came up many times du~­ enemy) on the one hand and the enemy, its system, its exploitation
mg the c~urse of the Chinese revolution, not only during its new. and oppression and its decadent ideology and culture on the other.
~emocrat1c stage but. even more fiercely in the socialist stage. For
instance, Tao Chu, a revisionist who was a prominent figure in the Popularization and Raising Standards
Chinese Communist Party's propaganda work at the beginning of
the Cu!Lu_ral Revolution, claimed, among many other things, that Given. then, that revolutionary art should serve the masses in
Party wnt.ers _should point out the shortcomings of the people's their struggle, the question that arises is. how to do this? And here
commun~s which had been created through a mass upsurge in the a critical question that Mao addressed in his Yenan Forum talks
countryside and represented a further advance of socialism lhere. was the contradiction between raising standards and pop11/ariza·
Her~, like ?ther re_vision!sts, Tao Chu was diredly going against tion. This was an a rea in which 1\'lao made important new contribu·
Mao s basic hne, mcludmg the basic orientation he had set for tions.
culture. And here, t.oo, we can see again the tremendous role of Some people were saying that, while spreading art and culture
culture in creating public opinion for one class or another and among the masses was important, the most important things was
upholding one system or another. to raise the standards of revolutionary art-in other words that. it
In response to this. Yao Wen-yuan, a revolutionary who came to was too primitive, dull, stereotyped, etc. But Mao clearly and
prominence during the Cultural Revolution and was one of the sharply opposed this view. Popularization. he said, the spreading
Four who heroically fought to defend Mao's tine after his death of art and culture generally among tl1e broad masses, as a key part
reL?rted: "There is a song called The People's Communes Are Pine'. of the overall fierce revolutionary struggle then raging, was the
Ts it necessary to modify this title with another sentence 'the peo- principal aspect.
ple's communes have shortcomings'?'"• But much more crucial was what Mao said about the inter·
The point is not that revolutionary writers should tell lies and be relation between these two aspects. and the relationship of the
one-sided. Exactly the opposite. As Yao explains: whole problem to Lhe task of the cultural workers in integrating
with and learning from the masses:
We .should distinguish between the main current and the minor currenl.s
of life. O~ly whon we focus on the main current can we give a typical We must popul11ri~e only what is needed and can be readily acc~pted by
presentation of thu essence of social advance. Minor currents merely offer the workers. peasants and soldiers themselves. Consequently. prior to Lhe
a contrast to the maln current and can be used a1; a means to present the task of cducaUng the workers, peasants and soldiers, there is the task of
essence. forming a subordinate aspect of the whole, and partial and tern· learning from I.hem. '!'his is even more true of raising standor~s. There
porary twists in the course of advance, never to be regarded as the main must be n basis from which Lo raise. Take a bucket of water, for mstance;
content of life.'• where is it to be raised trom if not from the ground? From mid·oir'I From
what basis. then. are literature and art to be raised? From the basis of the
Of course e~ery~hi~g has both its good and its bad aspect. But feudal classes? Prom the basis of the bourgeoisie? From the basis of the
which aspect is prmc1pal? What is new and vigorous as opposed to petty-bourgeois intellectuals? No, not from any of these: only from 1he
decadenl and declining? And what is the revolutionary artist's basis of the masses of workers. peasants and soldiers. Nor does this mean
raising the workers, peasants and soldiers to the "heights" of the feudal
overall purpose? Already in 1942 in his talks at ihe y enan Forum, classes. the bourgeoisie or the petty·bourgeois intellectuals: it means rals·
Mao had set forth the basic approach to this question. Yes. he said, ing the level of literature and art in the diri:ctio~ in wh!ch ~he workers,
"The people. too. have their shortcomings."•• Yes. the outlook of peasants and 90Jdiers are themselves advancmg, in the direcuon in wluch
the exploiting classes has influence. And it is an impor tant task of the proletariat is advancing. Here again the task of learning from the
revolutionary culture to educate the people and help them cast off workers. peasants and soldiers comes in. Only by starting from the
workers. peasants and soldiers can we have a correct understandinl! of
these burdens. But it must be done on the basis of uniting with popularization and of the raising of standards and find the proper relauon·
them and fully supporting their struggle; it must be done in such a ship between the two."
way as to actually help them throw off these shackles. and not so
as to attack them or draw no distinction between the people (who In other words. revolutionary a.rt and culture must build on

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IMMOR1'ALCON1'Rl8UTIONS CULTUREAND'l'HESUPERS'rRUCTURE 221

what the masses have already created-their own lively ways of

speech and expression, for instance, and the songs, lhe dances, the beyond-all previous culture. Mao emphat.ically said yes: the revi-
music, the folk t.ales which have come from the people. This is the sionists all. in one way or another, essentially say no. Wh_at Mao
st.arting point. And what is the direction? 1t is the direction in was basing himself on and applying was the understanding put
which the masses of people in struggle are already advancing, the forward by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto: the
direction whfoh they are historically taldng and must take-the communist revolution must be t~e most ra.dical rupt~r~ not. only
direction of socialism and communism. with all traditional property relations but with all trad1t1onal ideas
At thu same time Mao noted that it was necessary to produce as well. . .
some works of literature and art specifically to fulfill the cultural This certainly applies to the sphere of culture. It ·~ ~ot possible
needs of the cadres. This. Mao said, must of necessity be on a to carry out the socialist revolution and the. trans1.t1on. to com-
higher level than works produced for the broad masses, since the munism without creating a whole new culture, mcluding literature
cadres generally had more education than the masses and were in and art, which, for the first time in history. p~ts. forward the
fact the advanced elements, politically, of the masses. But suc h outlook and promotes the interests of t~e ~rolet.ar1at m o~erthrow·
literature and art for the cadres must. stiU serve the basic purpose ing everything reactionary and revolut1omzing all of society. This
of arousing and enlightening the masses to struggle more con· cannot be done by supposedly raising "classical" works of art
sciously and resolutely toward the revolutionary goal. Mao ex· "above class," and treating them as the pinnacle of achievement
plained the dialectics of thls as follows: which the "ignorant rabble" of the masses must be "elevated". to
worship. Nor can it be done by creating suppos.e?Jy proletarian
Whatever is done for t he cadres is also entirely for the mosses. because it works of art by utilizing the methods of the ex:plottmg classes and
is only through che cadres thnL we can educate and guide the masses. IC their intellectuals: reliance on a few "great men '' di~orced from the
we go against this aim, if what we give the cadres cannot help them masses and their revolutionary struggles. Instead 1t must be done
educate Pnd guide the masses, our work or raising standards will be like by relying on, learning from and unleashing and developing the
shooting at random and will depart from the fundamental principle of ser-
ving the mas11es of the people." creativity and the creations of the masses themselves, under the
guidan<;e of Marxism.
Radical Rupture in the Sphere of Culture Does this mean, was it Mao's position, that all art and cul~e of
previous epochs should be indiscriminately. negated and. stmply
Why does Mao say that raising standards specifically does not cast aside as useless or harmful? Certainly not. H 1storical
mean raising the masses to the so-called "heights" of the feudal materialism must be applied to assess the role of such works.
and bourgeois classes and the petty· bourgeois intellectuals? What Those which played a progressive role in previous.~pochs sh?uld be
does he mean here and what is the importance of this'/ upheld in that context. while, however, n~ver f~mg to point out
Thls was in direct opposition Lo the line that the task in cultural their class bias and limitations. And on this basis. such works can
work was to "elevate" the masses to where they could properly be used a5 part of educating the masses in historical materialism,
"appreciate" the classical works of the ''men of genius" of past so long a5 this is done from that standpo~t and link~ to
eras. This, along with the position that the present era and the systematic analysis of such works with the saence of Mar~
socialist system should produce a "galaxy" of new "men of Further, certain artistic devices can be adopted from ~?rks which
genius," is exactly the line of the revisionists-in the Soviet represent the outlook and interests of previous. expJ01tmg classes
Union, and in China itself. including those revisionists who today and systems, but these generally will have to be adaJ?ted as we~ to
rule China-who have consistently attacked Mao's line not only on conform to the revolutionary character of proletarian art-smce
culture in general but specifically over this point of what "raising form interpenetrates with content.
standards" means. Mao spoke to this in his talks at the Yenan Forum:
Here what is fundamentally involved is whether or not pro-
letarian culture, including literature and art, represents and must We should take over the rich legacy and tho good tr~ditio~s in litererure
represent something qualitatively different from-and advanced and art that hove been handed down from post ages ID Chinn and foreign
countries, but the aim must still be Lo serve tho masses of the people. Nor

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 CUL'l'URE AND THE SUP~~RSTRUCTURE 223

- do we refuse lo utilize the literary and artistic forms or the past. but Jn our
hands these old forms, remoulded and infused with new con1ent, al'!O
be<;ome $Omething revolutionary in the service of the people.' '
.,,
e.
-
:J
;·
Oii
This was summarized in the following slogans, which. under .\1ao s
leadership, were applied to culture as well as other fields: "Make
the past serve the present and foreign things serve China.. and
"Weed through the old to bring forth the new."
As part of this basic line. il must be grasped that even works
which were progressive in their time-in previous historical
epochs-do not play a progressive role in this epoch precisely if
they are presented uncritically and put forth as classless
"classics" or even staged without systematic Marxist criticism
and education of the masses as to Lheir class content as well as
their historical role. Here again it must be stressed that the force
of habit and tradition weighs heavily in favor of the exploiting
classes and against the proletariat. AU these works of art of
previous epochs. representing the stand and interests of exploiting
classes. will. spontaneously, influence the masses in a direction op·
posed to the proletarian world-view and their own revolutionary in·
terests and, in such conditions. will therefore play a reactionary
role. Again, only if the use of such works is combined wit.h
systematic education as to not only their historical role but also
their class content and world-view. and only if the latter are
thoroughly criticized while the former is explained in lighL of
historical materialism, can they play any kind of positive role in
regard to the proletarian revolution.
And, beyond t.hal, none of these works. however great they may
have been in their own era, can in any way compare Lo the revolu·
tionary cultural creations achieved in this era under the leadership
of the revolutionary proletariat and its ideology. Measured against.
such proletarian works of art, all previous works pale in com·
parison. Regardless of their artistic devices, they can never por·
tray the power and grandeur of the self-emancipating struggle of
the masses of people under the leadership of the most revolu·
tionary class in history. Only culture guided by the outlook and
serving the interests of this class. the proletariat, can scale such
heights.
It is on this point in particular that Mao's contribution in the
sphere of culture is centered, representing a further advance
beyond the previous theory and practice of Marxism and Lhe pro-
letariat in this sphere. And it was exactly under the leadership of
Mao's revolutionary line that the Chinese people created works of

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224 CULTURE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 225
I MMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

art representing the highest pinnacle achieved by mankind yeL in tense and concentrated than life itself: it cannot passively rertecl
culture. life: a play. novel. song, etc., cannot just reflect the minut.e-by·
minute life of someone-there would be no point l{) it. Art must
Art as e Concentration of the Revolutionary Struggle concentrate and intensify life. must raise it Lo a higher plane.
But all concentrations of life are not the same and do not serve
Again. it should be stressed that Mao developed this line and the same interests. This raises the question of truth and reality.
made these contributions precisely through keeping uppermost Bourgeois writers and critics (or at least those who still make a
the aspect of class stand in art and culture. This is what Mao pretense or realism) say: "Well, revolution~y .?n may b~ more
stressed again end again, as when he sajd in his Yenan Talks: idealistic. but our art is more truthful to reality. Ilowever. in facL
the exact opposite is the case. All art expresses some .aspecL or
In the world today all culture. aU literature and art belong to definil.e reality. just because it is a social product. But bourgeois a_rt con
classes and arc geared to definite political lines. There is in fact no such only portray, at most, the surface of things. whereas revolutmnury
thing as art for art's sake, art that •tands above classes or art that is proletarian arL can show the underlying esse~ce. t~e actual truth.
detached from or independent of politics."
Bourgeois art can only concentr~Le what 1s ~y!ng: today pro-
This is the essence. and the heart, or Mao's whole basic orienta- letarian art alone can reveal what 1s new and arising.
tion. Because art is always tied to a definite class. it is also in· As indicated earlier there is no incompatibility between the fact
separable from politics. from the class struggle. that revolutionary art is partisan and that it depicts reality, nor
Now by this. of course. Mao didn't mean that art and culture are between the fact that it is a weapon in the struggle of t.he masses
the same as politics per se, or identical with class struggle in any and that it is truthful. For, as Mao soys in another famous work:
other form, and that there is no role for art and culture in and of
itself. Quite the opposite. Mao stressed that there is in fact the Marxists hold that man·~ social practice alone is the criterion or the
contradiction between political content and artistic form, and thnt tru~h or his knowledge of the external wort~ If you.;-anl knowledge.
you mu~t take part in the practice of chengtng reality.
to really be art a cultural work must of course be good in techni·
que, musL have proper and appropriate form, and must express its "l'he fact that a work of art is created as part of revolutionary proc·
content in this way. He specifically criticized the existence in the tice. and is used to help change reality, does not mean that it
Communist Party and among revolutionaries of that time of what doesn't reflect truth-for in fact truth can only be reflected
he called the "poster and slogan style" of art. For art, in order to through the process of changing reality, and the deeper and more
fulfill its function as art and play a revolutionary role, must be essential truths about history, society and human bemgs can only
good artistically. It must perform the function that the masses be arrived at through the process of changing reality in a revolu·
seek and desire out of art, or else it will not be able to play a revolu- tionary way. . .
tionary role. What, then. does revolutionary art do? Mao sums 1t up su~c1nct­
But what is it, then, that people seek from art? Why is it that ly: "Revolutionary literature and art should create a ~ar1ety of
although art arises out of life itself. people are not just satisfied characters out of real life and help the masses to propel history for·
with life, but demand art as well? Mao's answer is that, although ward."3T ..
on the one hand "works of literature and art, as ideological forms. In connection with the tasks of cultural workers. and spec1fically
are products of the reflection in the human brain of the life of a in relation to literary and art criticism, Mao also d~~ wit~ the
given society.'· on the other hand: dialectical relationship between motive and effect m Judging a
work of art. Effect, he soid, was the principal aspect and, m the
life as reflected in works or lill'.rature and art can and ought to be on a final analysis, the criterion for judging motive'. Bu~ he .warned
higher plane, more intense, more concentrated, more typical, nearer lhe against metaphysics in approachlng t~ question: 1dea!1sW1. he
ideal, and therefore more universal than actual everyday life ...
pointed out, ignore effect whil.e cons1del'u;ig ~nly motive. but
This is what it means Lo be art. A work of art must l:>e more in· mechanical materialists also err m only considering effect and not

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 226
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JM MOR'J'AL CONTRIBUTIONS cu1.TUHE A NO TH mSUPERSTRUCTURE 227

mot.ive. In opposition Lo this. Mao made clear: For instance. in 1951 Mao wrote an editorial (or part of an
editoriall for the People's Daily calHng for criticism of the film 'J"lw
we diolecticel muterialisls insist on the unity of motive and effect The Life of Wu H su11, which was promoLed aL that time. '!'his reac·
~olive o_f serving the masses is inseparably lin.ked with the effect of win·
0
tionary film openly praised this man who, as Mao says,·• living
n~n!f their approval; lhe two must be united. The motive of serving the in· as he did towards the end of lhe Ching Dynasty in an era of great
d1v1duol or a ~mall clique is not good, nor ~ it good to have the motive of struggle by the Chinese people against foreign aggressors and
serving. the masses without the effect of winning their approval and domestic reactionary feudal rulers !Wu lived from 1838-96]. did not
benefimng them In examining the subjective intention of a writer or art-
ist. that.i~. whether his motive is correct and good, we do not judge by his lift a finger against the feudal economic base or its superstruc·
declara11ons hut by the effect of his actions !mainly his worksl on the ture "•• That such a film not only appeared at that time but
mas•es in society." received lavish praise, including from prominent Party members,
indicated that the class struggle was indeed very acute and that
None of this meant, of course, that any work of literature and bourgeois forces were launching sharp attacks, using culture as an
a."l· 111 order to play a positive role. had to be thoroughly revolu- important vehicle for this.
Ltonary or fully reflect the outlook of the proletariat. Indeed there Or again there was, in 1954. Mao's "Letter Concerning the
could be. end were, progressive works whose objective effect was Study of The Dream af the Red Chamber," which was a letter to
mainly to propel the masses forward in struggle against the main the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Party, and
enemy, even though the writer or artist might not be a communist. which concerned critical essays by two young people on the novel
And it was co~rect ~o seek lo unite ~ith, and to influence, such peo- The Dream of the Red Chamber. and of the assessment of it by a
ple. But, precisely 1n order to do this, as well as to fulfill the basic bourgeois intellectual, Yu Ping-po. Mao comments on how these
pu rpose of creating works guided by the proletarian outlook to essays, which seem to have been in the main correct, were sup-
meet tho needs of the masses (and the cadres) in the fullest sense, it pressed rather than welcomed by the literary authorities."'
was necessary for revolutionary cultural workers Lo adopt the This incident revealed the underlying class struggle which con·
orientation Mao seL forth in his Yenan Forum talks and to create tinued very sharply and how it manifested itself in the field of
o~ this basis Ht~~~ture and art that could "help the masses propel culture. And indeed tbis episode proved to be merely a prelude to a
history forward m Lhe most thoroughgoing way and could serve very wide-ranging struggle indeed-the Hu Feng affair.
as models. Hu Feng was 11 P11:rty member and an intellectual figure. Despite
his Party membership, he h11d never actually become a Marxist·
Struggle on the Culture.I Front Leninist, and in facL espoused bourgeois individu11lism for writers
io the People's Republic and artists and opposed putting politics in comm11nd of art. In the
mid·'50s he began organizing dissident groups. particularly in the
Mao's lino, Lhe proletarian line, on art, literature and culture universities.
generally did not win out in the Chinese Communist Party and the In late 1954 the artists' and writers' federations in China began
revolutionary movement without struggle. lt had to be constantly to repudiate the errors of the literary authorities around the
and fiercely fought for throughout the course of tbe Chinese criticism of Yu Ping-po's assessment of The Dream of the RPd
revolution. This held true in 1942 and still more so as the Chinese Chamber. Seeing his chance. Hu Feng began criticizing the Com·
revolution advanced, as it swept away the old exploiting classes munist Party for "authoritarianism" in 11rt. After a struggle, he
and entered the socialist stage with the founding of the People's made a hypocritical self-criticism in January I 955, but in actuality
fu!public in 1949. And. further, while the talks at the Yenan Forum went back t.o organizing his clique of reactionary dissidents with
had set the basic orientation. further development of this line was even greater frenzy. When this came to light. Mao organized a
needed as the struggle advanced from its first stage, that of the campaign, not only against Hu Feng, but to root out hidden
new-democratic revolution, to the stage of the socialist revolution. counter-revolutionaries generally. As part of this, the book
Thus Mao's line had to be both upheld and deepened through ap- Material on the Cou11ter-Reuolutionary Hu Feng Clique was
plying it to new conditions, as the Chinese revolution developed. published, which Mao edited and to which he contributed a preface

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 228 IMMORTALCONTRIBU'rlONS CULTU ltE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 229

as well as editorial notes."

In ~is "Prefa~e," Ma~ goes into Lhe quest.ion of why this our land," as Mao explained." In this. Mao and Lhe Chinese Com·
material was being published and what the importance of the munist Party were following a similar line Lo that argued for by
struggle against Hu Feng consists in: Stalin when he noted that "It is generally recognized that no
science can develop aod flourish without a battle of opinions.
The masses o~ the people are ver.I'. much in need of this material. How do without freedom of criticism."•• Or. as Mao put it, extending this
counleNevoluuonaries employ. their double-dealing tactics? How do they assessment beyond science to art as well:
succe<>d m deceiving us by tbetr false appearances. while runivcly doing
the things we least ex~t? All this is a blank to thousands upon We think that it is harmful Lo Lbe growth of art and science if ad-
thousa~ds ~I 1'dl-mtent1oned ~eople. On this accouni.. many countet- ministrative measures are used to impose one particular style or art or
rcvolut1onarie~ have wormed thelt' way into our ranks (Success! in spot· school or thought and t.O ban another. Qt.estions of right and wrong 1n the
ttn~ and clearmg oul ba.d elements depends on a combination of correct arts and sciences should be settled through free discussion in arci•tic and
gu.1donce from the leading organs with a high degree of political con- scientific circles and through practical work in these fields."
sciousness on the part of the masses, but in this regard our work in the
past was not without shortcomings."
But. of course, this means struggle between forms of art and
schools in science. And Mao empabsized shortly after the above
In short, as Mao summed up: "We attach importance to the Hu
statement that this is part of the overall class struggle in socialist
F'eng case because we want to use it to educate the masses of the
people .. ,. society:
This case thus brings out at least two important points. First. it
Class struggle is by no means over. The clruis struggle between the pr~
shows the close inler·relation of questions and struggles in the lelariaL and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle between the various
realm of lilerature and art with the class struggle in society in political forces, and the class struggle between tbe proletariat and the
general. And second, Mao's summation and action in this case il- bourgeoisie in the ideological field will still be protracted and tortuous and
lustrate how the struggles in this realm can serve as crucial train· ot times even very sharp. The proletariat seeks to transform the world
i?g grounds for the masses in waging the class struggle, par· according to its own world outlook. and so does the bourgeoisie. In this
respect. the question of which will win out, socialism or capitalism. is not
t1cularly under the new conditions of socia:lism. really settled yet .
In the next several years the class struggle further intensified in It will toke a fairly long period of tinle to decide the issue in the
Ch~na al the sa.me tim~ as events were unfolding internationally. ideologicol struggle between socialism and capitalism in our countl'y. 11
which reacted m a maJor way on the struggle in China. Jn the
Soviet. Union. the revisionists seized power. And in a number of So this policy was a way of waging the class struggle. Of course, as
other EasLern European countries there were serious counter· Mao also mentioned, these two slogans in and of themselves do not
revolutionary disturbances wllich drew in significant sections of have a class character-that is, they can be made use of, of course
the messes. playing upon discontent over bureaucratic tendencies in opposite ways, by opposing classes. The proletariat wilt have its
and other defects in the government and its relations with the peo· own criteria for judging the things that sprout up-for
pie. Emboldened by this. the Rightists in China, with unremolded distinguishing. as Mao puts it, fragrant flowers from poisonous
bourgeois intellectuals playing an influential part, launched an at- weeds. Mao mentions several of these criteria, the most important
tack in the Chinese Communist Party end the socialist state. also of which being that they be beneficial to the socialist transfonna-
stirring up disturbances. It was in this context, in early 1957, that tion of society and that they help to strengthen the leading role of
the policy of "letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred the Communist Party.
schools of thought contend" was put forward. Jn other words, not every idea or art work that pops its head up
under th.is policy will be a blossoming flower. Some will be noxious
"HUJ:1dred Flowers" weeds. and they should be rooted out. But the fa.c t that some
weeds sprout under this policy does not mean that it is a bad one.
Thi~ was advanced a~ the long·tenn policy "for promoting pro- On the contrary. For, first. such weeding will have to be done in
gress m the arts and sciences and a flourishing socialist culture in any case: "Weeds will grow even ten thousand years from now,

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 230 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS
~CULTUR& ANO THE SUPERSTRUCi'URE 231

and so we must be prepared t.o wage struggles for that long.·· 1• 1n art 11nd culture. The educational system was one of Lheir
other words. there will be bad and harmful ideas under socialism sLrongholds, leading Mao to say later, in reviewing the course of
for a long time land even under communismJ. The proletariat and the firs t year of the Cultural Revolution in 1967:
the masses of people must be prepared to wage resolute and con-
stant struggle against them. As l see it. the intellectuals, including youog intellectuals still rcc~iving
But besides this, the policy of letting a hundred flowers blossom rducslion in school, still have a basically bourgeois world outlook,
and a hundred schools or thoughL contend will often be useful in whether they are in the Party or outside it. This is because for sevenle<:n
,-ears ufter the liberation the cuh ural and educational circles have been
getting thest> idea• out in the open so they can be combatted and dominated by revisionism. As a result. bourgeois ideas are infused in the
uprooted. And in fact this was what happened in 1957. The bour- blood of th~ intellectuals.'"
geois Rightists in China indeed seized the opponunity given them
by this policy and launched a big offensive. The proletariat and its Here 1t is significant to note that this assessment by Mao or
Part) then took this opportunity to repulse the offensive and culture and education as dominated by revisionism for Lhe 17
smash these reactionaries. years after liberation until the start of the Cultural Revolution has
Some of the Rightists complained that they had been tricked (a all along been sharply attacked by the revisionists in China. Now,
theme taken up by many bourgeois China scholars too). But Mao since seizing power, they have called this assessment the .. two
explained: estimates .. (on education and culture) and attributed Lhem to the
qo-called "gang of four .. as an indirect but blatant attack on Mao
Some people suy this was a covert scheme. We say it was an oven one. For himself and his revolutionary line and as a crucial component part
we mode it plain to the enemy beforehand: only when ghosts and m(msters of their reversal of the Cultural Revolution and the Chinese revolu·
ere allowed to come int.o the open can the_v be wiped out; only when poison- tion as a whole It.here can be no politically aware person in China
ous weed• are allowed to sprout from the soil can I.hey be uprooted. Don·t
who does nol. know that these "two estimates.. were actually made
the peasants weed several times a year? Besides. uprooted weeds can be
used os manur11. 'rhe class enemies will invariably seek opportunities to by Mao himself}.
11sRert ~hcmsolves. _1'hey wiU not resign themselves to losing state powpr Before Lhe Cultural RevoluLion the revisionists were also strong-
and ~erng expropnnlt>d. However much lhe Communist Party warns its ly entrenched in the arts. where they pushed r~presentatives orthc
enemies ln udvonce and makes its basic strategy known Lo them, they wi ll old exploiting classes and new elites as models and promoted
stlll launch attarks. Class struggle is an objective reality. independent of
nrnn 's will. That is to say, class struggle is inevitable. It cannot. be avoided bourgeois and even feudal values. leading to Mao's famous admo-
even if people want to avoid it. 'rhe only t.hiog to do is to make the best use nition Lo the Ministry of Culture that "if it refuses Lo change, it
of the situation and guide the struggle to victory.•• should be renamed the Ministry of Emperors, Kings, Generals and
Monsters. I.he Ministry of Talents and Beautie~ or the Ministry of
The bourgeoisie is going to exist under socialism and it is going Lo Foreign Mummies."
st.ruggle and launch attacks on the proletariat. Sometimes the best Mao saw that public opinion (as well as conditions generally) was
tactic is for t.he prolet.arial. t.o let them come out :in the open, thus being prepared for a takeover by these _revision~sts, and. he lau ~ch·
exposing themselves to the masses and arming the people with an ed a counter-al.tack. concentrating at first particularly rn the field
understanding of what their real program is-restoration of the old of culture and especially literature and art. Beginning in 1963
order- so that the people can be mobilized to strike them down. Mao's wife and close comrade, Chiang Ching, along with Chang
Chun·chiao, another of Mao's close comrades and member of the
Bottle in Cultural .Field Intensifies so-called .. gang of four.·· led in challenging the revisionists on i ust
this turf, bringing about. through extremely sharp struggle.
Despite this struggle and many others. the bourgeoisie was not, pathbreaking transformations. One impo~Lant area ~f ch~Ilenge
of course. by any means eradicated. Bourgeois forces, coocen· was the traditional Chinese art form, Pekmg Opera, m which old
trated increasingly m the Communist Party itself, especially at its feudal and semi· feudal works continued to be performed almost ex·
top levels. continued to have vitality and strength, and in fact elusively.
their strength was centered to a considerable degree in the areas of During that period Mao himself used the form of poetry to pro-

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 232 IMMOR1'ALCOl'11'RIBU1'!0NS c u1:rURE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 233

claim the inevitable triumph of r evolution over reaction. in the face The Cult ural Revolution
of a revisionist adverse current internationally, centered in t he and t he Revolutionizing of Culture
Soviet Union, and of stepped-up attacks from capitalist-roaders in
China, in concert with this international trend of treachery and The Cultural Revolution will be discussed in detail in the next
cowardly capitulation to imperialism. Mao ended a famous poem chapter. Here I.he aspect of art and culture is the center of atten·
written in early 1963 with the following lines: tion. But of course this was a central aspect of this revolution- it
was called the Cultural Revolution for good reason. As the Central
The Four Seas are rising. clou~ and waters raging, Committee of the Chinese Communist Party said, in a decision
The Pirie Continents are roding. wind and thunder roaring. said to have been personally drafted by Mao, and specifically in a
Our force is irresistible,
Away with all pests! " paragraph wb.ich deserves to be quoted in full:

Finally in 1965, after giving overall leadership to preparing Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use
revolutionary public opinion, and aiming the first few blows in the the old ideas. culture. customs and habits of the exploiting clas•c~ to cor-
rupt the masses. capture their minds and endeavor to stage a comeback
crucial sphere of culture. Mao made a direct counter-attack The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head·on every
politically. Interestingly and significantly, this also was connected challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas.
with the field of culture. culture. customs and habits of the proletariat LO change the menl.81
The revisionists had written and staged a play which was set in outlook of the whole of society. At present. our objective is to struggle
the past, but wb.ich by analogy very directly attacked Mao against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the
capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois
Tsetung. The play was called Hai Jui Dismissed from Office and ocodemlc "authorities" and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other
ostensibly defended 11 man who had been dismissed in the feudal exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all
past, but by very clear analogy it was actually attacking Mao for other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist
knocking down the former Defense Minister, Peng Teh·hua i, who economic base, su as to facilitate the consolidation and development of I he
had vigorously attacked China's Great Leap Forward in the late socialist system.'"
'50s. As Mao remarked in December 1965:
1'hus, while the Cultural Revolution was certainly not. solely con
cerned with works of literature and art. nor even simply with
The crux of Hai Jui Dismissed from Office was tbe question of dismissal cu lture generally, but ultimately (since it was a real revolution) hod
from office. The Chia Ching Emperor (of the Ming Dynasty, 1522-661
dismissed Hai Jui from office. In 1959, we dismissed Peng Teh·huai from to center on the political question of who will hold power in societ.y,
office. And Peng 1'eh·huai is "Hai Jui" too." still the field of culture generally and that of literature and arl in
particular was a very important arena in which this political ques-
So Mao suggested that criticism of this play should be organiz· tion was fought out.
ed. But this could not be done in Peking, so tigb.tly were the revi· Therefore, the struggle in the field of art was very sharp. A good
sionists-headed by Liu Shao-chi. Teng Hsiao-ping, Peng Chen example is the case of The White-Haired Girl a revolutionary
(then Mayor of Pekingl and others-in control there. It had to be drama created relatively early in the Chinese revolution, which has
done in Sbangbai, where the revisionists also had the upper hand gone through a number of transformations in the course of I.hat
then, but not such tight control as in Peking. Yao Wen-yuan, in revolution. This opera is based on a true story of an episode during
close consultation with Mao, wrote a blistering critique of the play the war of resistance against Japan. which was told of in folk·LBles,
("On the New Historical Dtarna Hai Jui Dismissed from Office"). which were in turn rewritten cooperatively by several writers in
exposing its real social purpose and essence. This article, as Mao the Red Army and then rewritten again on the basis of the
was later to say, was the signal for the beginning of the Great Pro- criticisms of peasants. During the last years of the war against
letarian Cultural Revolution. Japan and during the civil war that followed, iL was performed
many. many times in the liberated areas. The form that it took
then was as follows.

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 284
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IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS cu 1,TUllE AND THE SUPERS'l'l{UC'fURE 235

The heroine of the opera is the daughter of a peasant. She is seiz- t>Cing more and more persecuted for resisting her oppression.
ed by the landlord when her father is unable to pay his debts at. Now many people might say (as indeed they did in China) that
New Year's, and is forced to become a maidservant in the such changes make the opera less realistic. that Chiang Ching and
landlord's house, beaten and tormented by the landlord's wife. Her those who followed Mao were trying to make it seem that every
rather commits suicide. She is raped by the landlord. When she peasant who had to give up his daughter to Lhe landlord (and this
becomes pregnant and threatens Lo expose him, he plans to murder was a very common occurrence in feudal and semi-feudal China),
her. She flees to the wilds and gives birth to the baby. her hair ond every peasant girl whom the landlord tried to rape (and this
turning white from her hardship and living conditions in a cave. was also common) put up militant resist.ance, when this wasn' t ac·
She gets food from a village temple, where the peasants leave offer- tually true. And of course it is a fact. that not everyone in those cir-
ings, thinking she is a ghost or a goddess. ~Vhen the Communist cums tances put up this kind of resistance; there were some who
Party-led Eighth Route Army comes into the area, they hear of the were submissive and some who resisted in a whole range of other,
apparition. Pursuing the "ghost" they find the white-haired girl less straighLforward. ways than do the peasant father and his
and her baby. Learning how things are changing, she goes back daughter in the changed White-Haired Girl But there were also
with the army to her old village and denounces the landlord. who is many who did resist militantly. , .
beaten. The white-heired girl is reunited with another peasant who All these different ways o[ acting could be said to be typical. and
had been her boyfriend before, and the impression is that they t11n portraying any one of them in the drama could be a .concentrati~n
settle down and live happily now. of one or another aspect of life. But what was being created m
Beginning before. and in what constituted an important part of China was reuolutionory art, a revolutionary concentration of li£e.
the preparation for, the Cultural Revolution, and specifically under something, in other words, that will help the masses. propel his.tory
the leadership of Chiang Ching, many changes were made in this forward and aid in the revolutionary transformation of soc1et.y.
work. The opera in many ways reflected the period in which it was And for this purpose what is most important to portray is Lhe
made- the new-democratic stage of the revolution, and even more fierce resistance or the people to their oppression, and how they
specifically the sub-stage of the struggle against Japanese aggres· can break their chains.
sion. As the revolution moved forward through the completion of Further, this does not mean falsifying things, contrary LO I.he
the new-democratic revolution and into the socialist stage, works claims that such revolutionary art is "unrealistic." Of course, as
of art had to reflect this progress and propel further advances. wus just said. both the peasant who commits suicide and the one
Tlils work in particular had played a positive and imporwmt role in who resists are real. But, actually, which one of these most truly
the past, but was far from suited, in its old form, to the needs of presents the essence of what was happening among the peasantry
the continuing struggle in the socialist stage. In fact. if it were not during the Chinese revolution1 Wasn 't it much more of the ess~nce
transformed lo keep pace with the advance of the revolution and of things, much more the tendency of where things were go1~g,
the growing consciousness of the masses, it would tum into its op- that the peasants were rising up like a mighty storm, smashing
posite-it would become a vehicle for promoting ideas and sen- their oppressors and playing a vital part in transforming society'/
timents in opposition to the carrying forward of socialist revolu- The whole Chinese revolution, like any revolution, seemed unreal,
tion and socialist construction. It is not for no reason. nor simply something that was impossible to believe or accept. for reac-
out of spite against Chiang Ching. t.hat, since seizing power in Oc· tionaries-and (so long as their outlook was not really remolded)
toiler 1976, the revisionists in China have restored the old version even for people among lhe bourgeoisie or petty bourgeoisie who
of The White-Haired Girl. wiping out the revolutionary changes went along with the revolution. at least in certain stages. They
(summarized below) made in it under Chiang Ching's leadership. could not really grasp the essence of what that revolution was
One change initiated by Chiang Ching was that the father no about and the actual and decisive role of the masses. And so Lhe
longer committed suicide, but was killed while resisting the attack portrayal of the reality of heroic peasants was also bound to seem
of the landlord's thugs. And likewise the heroine herself is no •·unrealistic" to these same people.
longer raped, but rather puts up continual resistance to the tyran· Also. in line with this socialh;;t orientation, the end of the drama
ny of the landlord and his wife and finally has to flee because she is was changed too. Instead of being beaten, the landlord is taken off·

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236 CMMORTALCONTRIBUTIONs CULTURE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 237

stage and executed. The reason is that in the opera the landlord of this is that the system of transportation and communication is
essentially symbolizes the reactionary forces and his execution still relatively undeveloped, especially in the rural areas. Under I.he
shows how the Chinese people were rising up and overthrowinr: leadership of revolutionaries like Mao and Chiang Ching. and
these reactionaries by force of arms. (It was found that if he were especially during the decade of the Cultural Revolution in its dif·
to be killed onstage, this would create involuntary sympathy for ferent stages and various forms. from 1966 to 1976, new ways were
him among the audience.I developed to get these new t,ypes of culture to the people-sue}\ as
Also, in the new version, in the reunion of the white-haired girl the development of small movie projectors which could be carried
with her boyfriend. the love theme is played down and made very easily into the mountainous regions of tile countryside or could be
secondary to the struggle of the peasants and the Chinese peopJe mounted on bicycles, so that films could be taken and shown even
as a whole. And instead of the two of them going off to live happil) in remote and relatively inaccessible areas.
ever after, they both pledge themselves to carry forward the Also, different Peking Opera companies and other performing
revolutionary struggle. This, again, was necessary and correct not troupes would tour in the countryside, with bicycles and back-
only in more accurately portraying the demands of the new. packs, performing in remote areas, helping local groups stage
democratic revolution, which was as yet unfinished in the bime model works. and watching performances of local works in order to
which the end of the play portrays, but still more so in meeting the learn from them.
requirements of the socialist stage, where, as Mao had summed up, These were concrete ways in which the proletariat, its Party and
there was the need to continue the revolution and, in line with this, cultural workers strove to break down the differences between city
the need to depict in works of art the protracted. ongoing and cen- and country in the cultural field, thus helping to transform society
tral role of the class struggle. under socialism in the direction of communism.
The White-Haired Girl was also made into a ballet during this
period. one of the great works of art. of mankind. In it West.ern The Arena of Culture in Mao's Last Greet Battle
forms of dancing and musical traditions were integrated with
traditional Chinese forms, and the effete and bourgeois types of But tile Cultural Revolution was not all one straight line of prog-
gestures and positions which are almost synonymous with ballet ress, no m.ore than anything is. l twas a revolution, and of course it
in the West were transformed int.o militant and revolutionary was fiercely resisted by counter-revolutionaries, headed by
gestures and positions. capitalist·roaders in the Party itself. There were many twists and
These works of art like the changed White-Haired Girl were turns and different stages in which different tactics were required
known as "model works"-that is, pacesetters which the people all to deaJ with new conditions.
over China could use as models in their development of numerous Tile final stage of the Cultural Revolution. the stage of Mao:s
and various artistic works. Further, under the guidance of Mao's lest great battle. began with the defeat of the treachery. of Lm
line and with the concrete leadership of Chiang Ching and others Piao, who in the fell of 1971 died in an airplane crash. fleemg tile
carrying out this line. not only were model works produced in other country after having failed in an attempt to essBRsinate Mao and
areas of literature and art (besides ballet and Peking Opera), such pull off a coup. But Lin llad been identified in many ways witll the
as symphonic music, but there was a tremendous proliferation of Cultural Revolution, so his treachery gave 811 opening for many of
revolutionary works, especially creations of the masses those who had been knocked down durfog the Cultural Revolution
themselves, in such fields as film, other forms of drama, short and others who opposed it from the start or who later cameintD op-
stories, poetry, paintings, music, dance, etc. position to it. Further. tile Right was able to ~ake.adventag~ of the
And be8ides this. in an unprecedented way. during this period of fact that during this stage China was entering mto cert81Jl com-
the Cultural Revolution tremendous advances were made in promises, establishing diplomatic relations and making cer~n
mobilizing the masses themselves to wage struggle in the cultural agreements. with the U.S. and the West. in order':° keep .the SoVJeL
field and develop socialist culture. One of the problems in China is Union off balance. es it had become a direct and immediate threat
that it is sttll a backward and relatively undeveloped country. This to China. This last battle ended, after tile death of Mao, with the
is particularly true in the countryside, and one of the ramifications counter-revolutionary coup in October 1976 which saw tile arrest

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 cut.'l'URE ANO THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 239

of Mao's closest comrades, the leaders of the forces of the Chinese

proletariat who are now vilifi~ as ~he "gang of four." Revisionism
triumphed, for the moment, m China.
In this last great battle, culture and art was once again a crucial
field of struggle. The revisionists sought to reverse the gains that
the proletariat had made on all fronts, including (and even especial·
()') on this front.
In 1973 they brazenly staged an only thinly disguised remake of
a drama which had championed Liu Shao-chi's line in opposition to
Mao's before the Cultural Revolution. Around the same time,
under the cover of the "opening to the West," and to serve their
aims of capitulating to imperialism, they uncritically promoted.
and denied the class character and content of, works of art from
the Western imperialist countries, in particular "absolute music"
(instrumental music with no descriptive title). Along with this
they launched a fierce assault on the new. revolutionary works of
literature and art brought forward through the Cultural Revolu-
tion, including a sharp attack on the model works and specifically
on the revolutionization of Peking Opera.
They accused the revolutionaries of suppressing artistic crea-
tions and complained that there were not enough " Oowers bloom-
ing"-attempti ng to infuse the policy of letting 100 nowers
blossom with a bourgeois content and to pose it against Mao's line
that "The proletariat must exercise all-around dictatorship over
the bourgeoisie in the realm of the superstructure, including the
various spheres of culture," which Mao put forward in dialectical
unity with the "100 flowers" policy and which strengthened the
proletarian basis of this policy. Along with all this. the revisionists
struck out at the transformations in education and the fields of
science and technology that had been brought about through the
Cultural Revolution, whining ~hat these·new policies had made a
"mess" of things and specifically thal they prevented China from
"catching up to and surpassing" -in reality they meant tailing
after. aping and capitulating to-the "advanced" countries of the
world-that is, the imperialists.
Mao and the revolutionary forces he guided. with the
Members of. the White-Haired ~irl ~ance ~oupe travel along rug· Four-Wang Hung-wen, Chang Chuo-chiao, Chiang Ching and
g~ '!'ountain paths to Wengruu Village m Kwangsi. where they
will live, wor~ end ~tudy with ~he masses as well as perform for Yao Wen·yuan-as the active leading core, not only fought back
them. Tours like this across Chine, including to remote areas far vigorously against these specific attacks but launched a counter-
removed from the cities, historically the centers of culture, enabled offensive in the realm of the superstructure and the creation of
cnltural workers to get to know the lives and the feelings of the public opinion. Shortly after the Tenth Congress of the Chinese
"!asses, so as to. be able to produce revolutionary culture in the ser- Communist. Party (in August 1973). they launched the movement
Vlce of proletarian revolution. to Criticize Lin Piao and Confucius, a campaign mainly educa-
 240 JMMORTALCON'rRIBUTIONs ctJl.'l'll RE AND THE SUPERSTRUCTURE 241

lional in form but constituting an extremely important struggle in rid which were reissued on New Year's Day in 1976. This was 11
1
lhe realm of lhe superstructure. Through this campaign, using lhe ~essagc to the Chinese people that, just as in the period of 1965,
method of historical analogy and based on the application of and ; here wa s a great danger of the revisionists taking over and restor-
education of the masses in historical materialism, the revisionists' ing capiLalism, and therefore (even though the forms might have to
count.er-revolutionary line and policies and their preparations for a differ in some respects from the start of the Cultural Revolutionl
seizure of power. reversal of the revolution and capitulation to im- there was also a need for a big, all-out struggle to prevent s uch 11
perialism were exposed and mass criticism of them was mobilized. r~versal.
Later. in the summer of 1975, as the overall class struggle was One poem " Chingkangshan Revisited" is full of revolutionary
coming to a head, Mao used literature and art as a sharp weapon in optimism, recalling the epoch-making victories of the Chinese
this battle. In particular he focused attention on and called for revolu tion over the previous 38 years and pointing the way for-
revolutionary criticism of an historical novel, Water Margin, ward to the fierce struggles that will bring new victories in the
whose hero (Sung Chiang) was actually a traitor to the peasant tuture. Chingkangshan were the mountains where the firs t base
rebels in whose ranks he had usurped leadership. Similar to those nrea for the revolutionary army had been established, starting the
in present day China who joined the revolution in its democratic Chinese revolution on the road of armed struggle, in 1927.
stage but were never thoroughgoing revolutionaries. never made a The other poem. " Two Birds: A Dialogue," portrays a struggle
radical rupture with bourgeois ideology. Sung Chiang joined the be~wcen a revolutionary and a revisionist, analogized as two birds,
peasant rebels only to fight corrupt officials and not the Emperor. the legendary roe and the twittering, frightened sparrow who
In lhe end he took the offer of amnesty from the Emperor and longs for potatoes and beef !Khrushchev's "goulash communism"!
enlisted in his service to fight the peasant rebels who continued the und puts his faith in the "triple pact" lthe sham nuclear test ban
struggle and were determined to carry it through. trea ty concluded between the U.S .. Britain and the USSR in 1963),
The criticism of this novel was, Mao stressed, no mere academic The revisionist sparrow, like Khrushchev and his counterparts in
exercise or aesthetic pursuit: the merit of the novel, Mao said, was China, thinks the revolutionary upsurge and turmoil in China and
precisely that it would help the masses of people to recognize the world is "one hell of a mess." And the answer of the roe, the
capitulationists, modern-day Sung Chiangs. wbo would betray the powerful bird representing revolution, is that the world is being
revolution at home and sell out to imperialism. The targets were turned upside down, is being transformed through these revolu·
those in authority, especially at the top ranks of the Party. who t,ionary struggles. These poems, along with the struggle on the
were pushing a revisionist line and taking the capitalist road- peo- r ultural front generaUy, played an imponant part in this last great
ple like Teng Hsiao-ping, and behind them, Chou En·lai-vet.eran battle of Mao Tsetung, in arming the masses, including rank and
leaders who had failed to advance with the continuation of the file Party members and revolutionary cadres, to carry forward the
revolution in the socialist stage and had turned from bourgeois· revolutionary struggle right into the teeth of the revisionist hur-
democrats (bourgeois-democratic revolutionaries) into capitaHst· ricane being whipped up by the capitalist-roaders in authority
roaders, counter-revolutionaries. The triumph of the revisionists in this last battle, their seizure of
As this last battle further boiled up and broke out into open, all· power. shows precisely the correctness of Mao's line that
out struggle. Lhe spheres of education and culture were extremely throughou t socialism there are classes and class struggle and the
important battlefronts. Besides focusing attention on the battle in danger of capitalist restoration las well as attacks by imperialism
the educational field in late 1975-early 1976 and calling attention and other foreign reactionaries) and that therefore it is necessary
to the fact that thls was a sharp refiection of the overall class to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the pro-
struggle at that time, Mao led the revolutionary forces in the letariat. It s hows specifically how correct Mao's line was on the
struggle in the cultural field, as another very important arena of role or the superstructure-not only tbat it assumes tremendous
the all-around showdown. And one of the main shots fired by Meo Import.once under socialism but that at times it plays the principal
was not only about art but was in the form of art. Specifically, as and decisive role. The revisionist coup, which constituted the
he had done before, Mao used poetry as a salvo in the struggle-in qualitative change and the beginning of the actual procel!S of
particular two poems, which Mao bad originally written in 1965, reversing the revolution and restoring capitalism. obviously occur-

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 Two Birds: A Dialogue
TWO POEMS Autumn 1965

The roe wings fanwise,

Soaring ninety thousand Ii
Chingkangshan Revisited And rousing a raging cyclone.
The blue sky on his back, he looks down
To survey man's world with its towns and cities.
May 1965 Gunfire licks the heavens,
Shells pit the earth.
A sparrow in his bush is scared stiff.
I have long aspired to reach for the clouds.
"This is one hell of a mess!
Again I come from afar
0. I want to flit and fly away."
To climb Chlngkangshan, our old haunt.
Past scenes are transformed,
"Where, may I ask?"
Orioles sing, swallows swirl,
The sparrow replies,
S treams purl everywhere
"To a jewelled palace in e!fland's hill~.
And the road mounts skyward.
Don't you know a triple pact was signed
Once Huangyangchieh is passed
Under the bright autumn moon two years ago?
No other perilous place calls for a glance.
There'll be plenty to eat.
Potatoes piping hot
Wind and thunder are stirring, With beef thrown In."
Flags and banners are flying "Stop your windy nonsense!
Wherever men live. Look you. the world is being turned upside down."
Thirty-eight years are fled
With a mere snap of the fingers.
We can clasp the moon in the Ninth Heaven
And seize turtles deep down in the Five Seas:
We'll return amid trium phant song and laughter. MAOTSETUNG
Nothing is hard In this world
If you dare to scale the heights.

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244 IMMORTALCONTRlBUTIONs

red exacLly in the superstructure, and naturally could occur

nowhere else.
Further. this last battle itself, like all previous struggles in
socialist. Chine-and in the earlier period of the Chinese revolu· Chapter 6
lion- illustrates the tremendous importance of not only the
superstructure in general but of the field of culture and the strug- CONTINUIN G THE REVOLUTION
gle in that sphere in particular. It shows how correct and what an
import.ant contribution was represented by Mao's precise formula· UNDER THE DICTATORSHIP OF
tion Lhat, upon seizing power. it is decisive that, "The proletariat THE PROLETARIA T
must exercise all-around dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in the
realm of the superstructure. including the various spheres of
culture," and the policies and achievements that were developed
under the guidance of Mao's revolutionary line on culture and the
superlltructure. And no revisionist coup and temporary reversal in
China can in any way negate or detract from the tremendous end I n.troduction
truly immortal contributions of Mao Tsetung, including in the
vital area of literature and art and culture as a whole. fo a famous quotation by Lenin on the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat he states emphatically that:

Jt is often said and written that the main point in Mar:>:'s teachings is
the class struggle; but this is not true. A nd from this untruth very often
springs the opportunist distortion of Marxism. . Those who recognize on·
ly the class struggle are not yet Mar:>:ists; they may be found to be still
within the boundaries of bourgeois thinking and bourgeois politics. , .. On·
ly he is a Marxist who extends the recogniti<m of the,class struggle to the
recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is what constitutes
the most profound difference between the Marxist and the ordinary petty
(as well as big) bourgeois. 1
Today, no less than in Lenin's time, the correct stand toward the
dictatorship of the proletariat constitutes the mos~ profound dif-
ference between a Marxist and a non-Marxist understanding and
guide to action in relation to society and history. In particular it
marks the most profound political difference between Marxism
and revisionism. An.d it is precisely in this all-important area that
Mao Tsetung made the most important of his immortal contribu·
tions to Marxism-Lenin.ism and the revolutionary cause of the in·
ternational proletariat.
Mao deepened the Marxist-Leninist analysis of what the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat is. deepened it in an absolutely in.·
dispensable way, by showing how there continue to be classes
under socialism, how these classes continue to struggle, and how
the working class must wage its struggle under these new condi·
tions, mlL!t continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat. Just as, at the time when Lenin wrote the above, the

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 246 IMMORTALCONTRIBUTlONs OlCTATORSHIPOFTHE PROLETARIAT 247

communism, to classless society. This does not make the rule of

key task of Marxists wa;; to uphold the dicta,torship of the pro- the proletariat one bit less necessary, but it underlines the facL
letariat. so today the vital task of Marxist-Leninists is 10 Rrasp that it is necessary exactly for the achievement of the real goal of
a'.rd uphold thl' deepened understanding of continuing the reuo[u. the proletarian revolution-the wiping out of all class distinctions.
tion under the dictatorship of the proletariat wllich was rh'! As Marx emphatically states in a famous passage:
!(realest contribution of Mao Tsetung.
This Socialism is lhe dec/iJratum of the permarrence of thr rruolution, the
Theory of Proletarian Dictatorship class dictatorship of the proletariat as the necessary transit poinl lo the
obolitron of class di4tinctions generally, to the abolition of all the relat.ions
.or cour~e .the bas_ic concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat of production on which they rest, to the abolition of all the social relations
that correspond to these relations of production, to the revolutionising of
?1d noL origma.te with either Mao or Lenin. but was part of Marx- all the ideas that result from these social relations.•
ism from the first. Marx himself had made a profound statement
on this in a letter, rather early in his development as a Marxist: Upholding the dictatorship of the proletariat is a cardinal ques·
tion and a touchstone of Marxism. For without establishing and
(Is to myself, no.credit is due to me for discovering the existence of classe• exercising this dictatorship it is impossible for the proletariat to
'" mod~rn _,oc1~ty or the str~ggle between them. Long before me achieve its historic mission of communism. "We want the abolition
bourgeois h1sumons had descnbed the historical development of this
class struggle and bourgeoi• economists the economic anatomy of the of classes." Engels said. "What is the means of achieving it? The
clas•es. What I did that was new was to proove: l) that the existence of only means is political domination of the proletariat."•
clas.<c$ is only b?und up wiLh particular historical phases in the deue/op-
nu•nt ofproduct1011, 2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dic- The Paris Commune
ratorslup _o{ '"" proletaria~._31 that this dictatorship itself only constitutes
the 1.rans1t1on to the aboltt1()n of all classes and to a classless society.'
But, although the recognition of the dictatorship of the pro-
It should be noted thal. thJs was written before Marx had done his letariat was an integral part of Marxism right from the beginning,
~eat ~nd ~ystematic work in polil.icaJ economy, and that whal. he this does not mean that this doctrine, any more than any other
is 1.alking about her!! is his contribution to the discovery of the part of Marxism, could be developed all at once and in absl.raction
general lows of I.he historical development of human society, and from the actual class struggle between the proll)tariat and the
n~t about his conl.~ib~tions in I.he field of political economy. And. bourgeoisie. At first, in the 1850s, Marx simply recognized the
w11.h regard to I.hrs field of the laws of historical development, necessity of the class rule (the dictator!lhip) of the proletariat,
what Marx emphasb~es in I.he statement above is a basic principle without trying to speculate on exactly what form it would take.
firsi elaboral.ed and conl.inually stressed by Marx and Engels, as Even this initial recognition was the product of summing up the
for example at the end of I.he second chapter of I.he Communist class struggle. As Lenin pointed out:
Manifesto:
Mane deduced from the whole history of Socialism and of the political
Political power, ~roperly so called, is merely the organised power of one struggle that the state was bound to disappear, and that the transitional
form of its di88ppearance (the transit.ion from state to non-state) would be
cla~s for, O_P~ross1ng another. If the proletariat during its contest with the the "proletariat organized as the ruling class." But Mau did not set out
bourg4'01S1~ 1s compelled. by the force of circumstances, to organise itself to di4cou•r the political forms of this future stage. He limited himself to
as a class. if. by means of a revolution. it makes itself the ruling class. and.
precisely observing French history. to analyzing it, and to drawing the
u ,uch, sw~ps away b)' ~o~cc the old conditions of production, then it conclusion to which the year 1851 had led. viz.• that matters were moving
will. along with these cond1t1ons. have swept away the conditions for the
e:ustence of class antagonisms and of classes generallv. and will thereby toward• the $MlUhing of the bourgeois state machine.•
hove abolished 11.s own supremacy 8li a class.• ·
But as the actual revolutionary practice of the working class
Whal. _Ma.rx and Engels emphasize is that the dictatorship of the went forward, it was possible and necessary for Marx's theoretical
proletariat 1s a means. not an end in itself. a means of transition to understanding to progress also. And the revolutionary struggle of
 248 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS DICTATORSHlPOFTHE PROLETARIAT 249

t~e prole~riat di.d go forward, making a qualitative leap in 1871 aclmowledged representatives of the working class." Further, "the
with the first seizure of power by the working class-the Paris Commune was to be a working, not a parliamentary, body, ex-
Commune. ecutive and legislative at the same time."•• All Commune
The. Paris Commune came into being at the end of the Franco· members and officials received workers' wages.
Pruss~an War when the French bourgeoisie surrendered to The army and police force were done away with, and in their
Prussia. But the worker~ of Paris were still armed to fight the war, place the National Guard enrolled all able-bodied citizens. The
a~d they rose u~ and seized power in Paris, vowing to defend the state subsidy for the church was swept away. Pawn shops were
city bo.t~ agamst the Prussian invaders and the French closed down. Crime was met wlth the iron force of the armed
hourgeo1s1e, who fled to Versailles, set up a reactionary govern- wo~kers themselves. and the streets became safe for the ordinary
ment. and p_roceeded to collaborate with the Prussian army in at· citizens. Rent was cancelled. The Vendome Column, a monument
tacking Pans. As the Central Committee of the workers' National to France's chauvinist wars of aggression, was pulled down.
Guard proclaimed, in its manifesto of March 18, 187 J: Schooling was made free and open to all. The factories, whose
capitalist owners had fled, were seized and run cooperatively by
The proletarians of Pari~. amidst the failures and treasons of the ruling the workers. The night shift was abolished.
c!asse~, have un~erst?<Jd that. the hour has struck for them to save the There were other new forms developed by the proletariat in its
s1~uat1on by taking mto their own hands the direction of public af- brief but glorious dictatorship in Paris, before it. was crushed with
fairs .They have understood that it is their imperious duty and their ab- the utmost savagery and revengeful cruelties by the French
~lute nght lO render themselves masters of their own destinies. by seiz-
ing upon the governmental power.' bourgeoisie. Not all of these forms, of course, were of equal value.
Some were "false starts," others were quite correct in the im·
Marx believed that the Commune would not be successful in mediate circumstances but were not necessarily models for a long·
holding o? .to its power. In the previous year he had pointed out term socialist society, while others would indeed be features of any
that condittons were not ready for an uprising by French workers, society which could really be called socialist. But regardless of all
and he thought after the seizure of power that the proletariat the details of particular features of the Commune. one fact stood
would he defeated after a time. But when the workers did rise and out, which Marx summa~ized as follows:
" stormed heaven" las Marx termed it). he gave them full and ab-
solute support, mobilizing the International Working Men's It was essentially a working-c:IASs government, the produce of the strug·
Association in behalf of the Commune, declaring, "What Oeltibili- gle of the producing against the appropriating class. the political form at
last discovered under which to work out the economic emancipation of
ty, ~~1et historical initiative, what a capacity for sacrifice in these labor . The Commune was lherefore to serve as a lever for uprooting
Par1S1ans! . History has no comparable example of similar the economical foundations upon which rests the existence of classes, and
greatness! "• therefore of class·rule. With labour emancipated. every man becomes a
A~ the same time a~ he haile? i~ as the most glorious height yet working man, and productive labour ceases to be a clasa attnl>ute."
attamed by the working class m its revolutionary struggle, Marx
~so e~gerly studied the Commune in order t.o grasp its great Once again, in other words, the main thing about the dictator-
hlstor1c lessons, especially concerning the form which the rule of ship of the proletariat is its character as a traasitional form to com-
the proletariat would take. As Lenin said: munism. And in order first to consolidate its rule and advance to
communism, the working class must smash the old bourgeois state
And when .the r.nass revolu.tionary movement of lhe proletariat burst machinery. with its governmental bureaucracy, its police and ar·
f?rth• Ma':''- m sp1t.e of the frulure of that movement, in spite of its short my, its judicial and prison system, etc. As Marx and Engels noted
life and its patent weakness, began to study what forms it had in their preface to a new German edition of the Communist
dtscouered. • Manifesto in 1872:
These forms were many, rich and vital. The Commune itself was One thing especially was proved by the Commune, uiz.. that "the working
composed, as Marx pointed out. mainly of "working men. or class cannot simply lay hold or the ready·mllde state mechinery lltld wield
it for Its own purpe>Ms...,. '

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'
OJC'fATORSH I POFTHE PROLETAR IAT 251

Critique or the Gothe Programme

These same themes come to the fore even more explicitly in

Marx's other main work on this subject. his Critique of the Gotha
Programme. This was his criticism (at first sent privately and only
published after Marx's deathl of the draft programme for the
Socialist. Workers' Party of Germany (later the German Social·
Democratic Party), which was the product of the unification of two
working class parties in Germany, one under the leadership of
followers of Ferdinand Lasalle, the other led by followers (more or
less) of Marx.
In this work Marx marked off clearly what he called the two
"phases of communist society," which since that time have come
to be called socialism. on the one hand, and communism, on the
other. He emphasized that:

Between capitalist ond communist society lies the period of th~ revolu·
tionary transformation or the one into the other. Corresponding to this is
also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the
revolutionary dictatorship of the proutariat. ••

But. besides emphasizing again the transitional nature of

socialism, and the fact that politically this transition must be
marked by working class dictatorship, Marx also showed what the
crucial difference is between socialism and communism in terms of
economic organization. This difference can be expressed in the
form of two maxims or slogans.
- The maxim of socialist society is: from each according to his
ability, to each according to his work. This corresponds to the
general level of development of production relations that
characterizes socialist society (which in turn is ultimately deter·
mined by the level of development of the productive forces}. This
means that, while provision is made for those actually unable to
Fighters man lhe barricades or the Paris Commune the first dic- work, etc., and after a certain amount is set aside for accumulation.
tatorship or the proletariat. . public services, and so on, generally each person gets back in the
way of consumer goods an equivalent to what his labor has con·
tributed. In all socialist societies that have existed, the exchange
of tabor for consumer goods has taken place so far through the
medium of money-that is. workers receive money·wages with
which they buy these consumer goods. This is i&self a commodity
relation and is an aspect of the situation where commodity rela·
tions have not been eliminated in society as a whole. To the degree
that this is the case the law of value continues to operate (the law

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252 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS O IC'l'ATORSHIP OP THE PROLJ~TAR!AT 253

iU own foundat.ions, but. on the contrary, just as it emPTges from

that the value of commodities is determined by the socially neces- capitalist society; which is thus in every respect, economically, morally
sary labor time required to produce them) and exerts an influence and inteUectually. st.ill st.amped with the birth marks of the old society
on the distribution of means of production and still more so in the from whose womb it emerges."
distribution of means of consumption (consumer goods).
Under socialism, because of the transformation of the ownership Thus Marx sketches here the basic difference between socialism
system from capitalist to socialist, the operation of the commodity and communism, and therefore what socialism must. be in motion
system and the law of value is restricted. And labor power itself is toward. And it follows from Marx's analysis that the general ob-
0

no longer a commodity under socialism-no longer can some peo- jective of the dic tatorship of the proletariat could be summed up in
ple appropriate wealth from the labor of others on the basis of one phrase: the elimination of bourgeois right. Marx presented this
private ownership of the means of production, and instead each as a question both of overcoming the social distinctions and
person's income is acquired solely from the labor he or she con· ideological influences left over from capitalism and of achieving
tributes-so long as socialist relations of production actually exist. the necessary material abundance for communism, with these two
But even so the persistence of commodity relations represents things obviously closely inter-related. As he put it:
both a remnant of capitalist economic relations and a contradic·
tion which can be seized on by bourgeois elements in attempting to In a higher phase of communist society. after the enslaving subordinn·
restore capitalism. tion of the individual to the division of Jabour, and therewith also the an·
tlthesit! between mental and physical labour, has vanished: after labour
And, even if the distribution of consumer goods under socialism has become not only a means of life but life's prime want; after the produc·
were no longer literally in the commodity form, so long as it was tive forces have also increased with the all·round development of the lndl·
based on exchange of equal values, as Marx e.itplains, the "same vidual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth now more abun·
principle prevails as that which regulates the e.itchange of commo· dantly-ooly theo can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in
its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his
di ties . . " 1 • And this principle is one which indicates that society ability. to each according to his needs!'"
has not yet completely transcended the confines of capitalist rela·
tions, although it has made a qualitative leap beyond capitalism Butt.he fact that the "birth marks of the old society" would not
with the achievement of socialist ownership. "Hence," Marx says. only continue to exist under socialism for a long time but. also give
"equal right here !under socialism] is still in principle-bourgeois rise constantly to a new bourgeoisie, that the transition to com·
right. . .... muniem would be a very long one, throughout which there would
This equality is also bourgeois in that it is still a formal equaJJty. be classes and class struggle, and that the driving force in moving
As Marx says: "This equal right is an unequal right for unequal society forward to communism would be the class struggle of the
lsbour . It is, therefore, a right of inequality, in its content, like proletariat against the bourgeoisie-that, as Mao was to explain it,
euery n'ght. "•• Different people will differ in their skills, in natural the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie
endowments, in how many others they msy have to support, and would be the principal one all throughout socialism and the class
so on. So in actual fact, despite formal equality, one person will be struggle between them the key link-all this was not grasped by
getting more than another, one will be richer than another. Marx, who had only the short-lived experience of the Paris Com·
It is this bourgeois rightr-this equality whfoh is still formal, mune as a concrete inst.a.nee of working class rule from which to
bourgeois, and hence really still inequality-which will be over- develop theoretical conclusions (in addition to the general lessons
come in advancing to communist society, a society in which, es he drew from capitalism and previous class societies! concerning
Marx puts it, the principle prevails: from each according to his the nature of the state in genereJ and the dictatorship of the pro-
ability, to each according to his need. letariat in particular. This understanding was developed only
But this transition to communism cannot be achieved im· later, especially by Lenin and Mao-the former in an embryonic
mediately or all at once. As Marx points out trenchantly: and partial way and the latter as a systematic line-on the basis of
What we have to deal with here is a communist society, (Marx means further experience in the actual practice of the dictatorship of the
communiem in its first etage. eocialism) not as it has <Uvelcp•d on proletariat and with Marx's conclusions as a foundation.

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 254 IMMORTALCONTRIBUT!ONs
01CTA'l'ORSH IP OF THE PROLETARIAT 265

Engels as Continuator of Marxism But. as has been touched on earlier end will be gone into more
fully later, while recognizing the need for the dictatorship of the
.Engels, of cour~e, was Marx's close collaborator while Marx was proletariat end forcefully insisting on this point in fierce struggle
alive _and the contt~uator and upholder of Marxism aft.er his death. against the revisionists of the time. Engels as well as Marx did not
This 1s also true with regard to the crucial question of the dictator- recognize the continuation of the class struggle, and its central
ship of the proletariat. role. over a long period under socialism and did not recognize that
During the ti~e. ~hen they were both alive, for instance, Engels it was not merely a question of the proletariat exercising dictator-
also strongly criticized the Gotha Programme for its deviation ship over the overthrown exploiting classes but of continuing the
from some crucial Marxist principles. Shortly after Marx's death class struggle particularly against a newly engendered
Engels not only upheld the Marxist principle of the withering bourgeoisie. They tended to see the task of ..stamping out the
away of the st.ate, but also pointed out that: resistance of the capitalist class and re-organizing society.. (in
Engels" words) as a task which could be accomplished more quick·
Al the same time w~ have always held. that in order to arrive al I.his and ly (and more easily) than bas proved to be the case. Thus again,
the other, fa! more 1m~rtant ends of the social revolution of the future, while the theoretical contributions of Marx and Engels, both in
the. ~roletiman class will first_ have. to. possess itseU of the organised general and on the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular,
poli.t1~l force of the stale and w1lh this rud stamp out the resistance of the
capitalist class and re-organise society." have served as a foundation, they remained to be built upon and
further developed.
Again, in 1890, Engels found it necessary to stress sharply, in
cor:e~pondence with certain people in Germany, the character of Lenin
socialism as a transitional society and one in the process of motion
and change. He wrote against those to whom .. . . . 'socialist socie- Lenin was able to lead the successful Russian revolution because
ty' appeared not as something undergoing continuous change a nd he kept a firm grip on Marxism and further developed it lo the face
progress but as a stable affair fixed once for all . . , " and stated of the revisionist cancer which infected the revolutionary workers'
~hat ''To my ~nd, the so-called 'socialist society' is not anything movement in the beginning decades of this century. This had two
~mmutable. Like all other social formations, it should be conceived aspects. On t he one hand, it meant applying Marxism ~o the ever·
rn a state of constant flux end change.'"" changing concrete situation. whose principal feature was the
~nd finally, there is the ilUltance of Engel's sharp reassertion of movement of capitalism into a new stage-imperialism. On the
this central doctrine in his "Introduction" to the third German edi- other hand, it meant vigorou.sly defending-even resurrec·
tion of The Civil War in France, published in 1891 to mark the ting-some fundamental principles of Marxism which the rcvi·
twentieth anniversary of the Paris Commune: sionists were attempting to bury and "forget."
Lenin's initial work with regard tothe theory of the dictatorship
Of late, the Social·Democratlc philistine has once more been filled with of the proletariat was centered on the second. which he does
wbole110me terror at the words: Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Well and primarily in State and Revo/utioTL There be point.ed out that, due
good, gentlemen, d? you want to know what this dictatorship looks like? Lo the growth and influence of revisionism. ·· now one has t.o
Look at the Pans Commune. That was the Dictatorship of the engage in excavations. as it were. in order to bring undistorted
Proletariat."
Marxism to the knowledge of the masses.' ·u Lenin's "excavation"
It is obvious that Engels is here delivering a sharp blow to cer· in this book consists in giving a history (much more thorough than
ta.in trends in the German Social-Democratic Party, trends which that above) of the evolution of the views of Marx. and Engels on the
were to give birth, just five years afterwards. to the full-blown state.
revisionis.m of Eduard Bernstein. I t is significant that Engels· In the course of recounting this development. there are several
blow a.g amst these trends centers here on the question of the points which Lenin emphasized as essential to Marx and Engels'
recognition or the dictatorship of the proletariat. teaching on the state. First, as already seen in the passage quoted
at the beginning of this article, Lenin strongly pointed out that

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 256 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

recognit.ion of the dictatorship of the proletariat was an important

difference between Marxism and various forms of bourgeois
ideology, including revisionism.
Secondly, he emphasized that this recognition means nothing
less than upholding the necessity for violent revolution on the part
oft.he working class and the smashing of the state apparatus of the
bourgeoisie. Thirdly, he also underlined the transitional nature of
socialism.
And finally, Lenin also emphasized what Marx had said about
the persistence of bourgeois right:

And 90. in the first phase of communist society (usually called

Socialism) " bourgeois right" is not abolished in its entirety, but only in
part, only in proportion to the economic revolution so far attained, i.e., on·
ly in respect of the means of production. "Bourgeois right" recognizes
them as the private property of individuals. Socialism converts them into
common property. To that e..tent-and to that extent alone-"bourgeois
right" disappears.
However, it continues to el<ist as far as its other part is concerned; it
continues to exist in the capacity of regulat-or (determining factor) in the
distribution of products and the allotment of labour among the members
or society."
A litt.le later Lenin points to very important aspect.s of the
economic basis for the complete withering away of the state, which
requires:

such a high stage of development o{ Communism that the antithesis be-

tween mental and physical labour disappears, when there, consequently,
disappears one of the principal sources of modern social inequality-a
source, moreover, which cannot on any account be removed immediately
by the mere conversion of the means of producLion into public property,
by the mere expropriation of the capitalists.••
•
This is a profound analysis of some of the basic factors involved
in the transition from socialimi to communism, and one of its im·
plications would seem to be that this transition period. socialism.
will cover a relatively long historical period-for. as Lenin notes
here, the economic basis for communism is by no means achieved
by the expropriation of the capitalists, but only by the resolution
of the contradiction between manual and mental labor. (In saying
this Lenin was following Marx and Engels, who had pointed out
that the division of labor into mental and manna! is the basis for
classes.) And it is clear that the overcoming of this contradiction
(between mental and manual labor) will take a fairly long historical
period.

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DI CTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT

Lenin too at the time he wrote State and Revolu1io11 Un August

H~wever. in other parts _of State and Revolution. it seems that and September 1917, just before the October revolution), were
Lem~ lhoug~t tha~ th~ penod of proletarian dictatorship would hi! analyzing the question in advance of any actual extended ex-
relatively brief. This Vlew that the transition to communism would perience of proletarian rule. As a result, they could correctly grasp
be relatively quick is also to be found very clearly in Marx and the essential features and direction of socialist. society, but they
Engels, as for instance in the following sentences from A nti- could not forsee certain of its most important features and con·
Duhring. which Lenin a lso quotes: tradictions.
As Lenin says, speaking of Marx's analysis of the state in 1852:
The proletariat seizes the state power and transforms the means of pr<>-
duction in the first instance into state property. But in doing this it puts
an end to itself as proletariat. it puts an end to all clus differen~es and True to his philosophy of dialeclical materialism. Marx takes as his basis
class antagonisms: it puts an end also to the state as state." the historical experience or the great years of revolution, 1848 to 1851
Ifere. as everywhere, his teaching is I.he summing up of experience. ii·
luminated by a profound philosophical conception of the world and a rich
This comes through also in a famous statemenl. by Marx, where 11.nowledge of history."
he says I.hat:
In other words, it is a principle of dialectical materialism that, in
From f~rms of d~velopm_ent of the productive forces these relot.ions [of general and overall, theory sums up practice. This is an aspect of
~roduct~on) tum into Lheir fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolu· the fact that practice is primary over t.heory, a fundamental princi·
t1on. With the change of the economic follndation the entire immense
superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed.•• pie of materialism. Human beings can grasp material reality in
thought, and sum it up theoretically, but human thought, though
This is corre<:t as a general description of the .transition from one it can grasp the laws of motion-dialectics- and on th.is basis pro-
system of exploitation to another (though even in such cases there ject into the future, cannot thoroughly comprehend things which
is a generally long period of quantitative change before the final will only emerge in the fulLtre. Jn other words, armed with a correct
q~alitative leap to the firm establishment of the new system). Bllt science (which is itself the product of theoretical summation of
with regard to the transition from capitalism to communism, bhis practice), man can grasp the essence of a thing and hence its
statement errs in two ways. First it does not sufficiently recognize general course of development. but this does not mean that all the
the difficulty, complexity and protracted nature of the struggle to particularities of future development can be predicted by any
transform the superstructLtre, tending to view this process as more means. This is a point which is stressed repeatedly by Lenin in
or less passively tailing in the wake of the changes in t.he economic State and Revolution, 2 " who often expresses it by saying that
base. And secondly, it underestimates the protracted process of Marxists are not utopians. trying to invent a new society, but are
transforming the economic base itself. which involves not merely instead theoretically Sllmming up the development of the new
the change in the ownership system but the elimination of the divi· society from the old."" This basic point was also emphasized. by
sio~ of. labor characteristic of class society and the vestiges of Mao. who said bluntly that Marxists are not fortun&otellers.
capitalism rn the system of distribution. Thus. while Marx and And Lenin, of course, UJas to have experience of several years of
E_nge~s spoke to the necessity to overcome "the enslaving subor- the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the famous postscript to
dinst1on of the individual to the division of labor'' and to pass com· State and Revolution he notes that the book was also to have in-
pletely beyond the horizon of boLtrgeois right, and while more cluded a chapter on "the experience of the Russian revolutions of
generally they stressed that the communist revolution was 1906 and [February) 1917," but before it could be written he was
qualitatively different from all previous revolutions and must in- "interrupted" by the October Revolution of 1917.
volve a radical rupture with both oil traditional property relations On the basis of the revolutionary practice of the Russian pro-
and all truditional ideas, nevertheless they underestimated the letariat. led by Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, in exercising its dic-
time- and the struggle-that would be required to bring about tatorship in the remaining seven years of Lenin· s life, he began to
these radical ruptures. make certain further developments in the Marxist theoretical
As noted before, the reason for this is that Marx and Engels, and understanding of the state, of the practice of building socialism

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260 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS DICTATORSHIP Of" THE PROl.ETARlAT 261

Some six months later. Lenin returns to these themes, in his

and the implementation of the dictatorship of the proletariat. famous hook on "Left-Wing" Communism, where one of his pul"
During these years the Soviei working class fought both internal poses is to sum up the first two and a hal_f years in w.hi~h the die·
and external enemies, carrying on a fierce struggle against the tatorship of the proletariat has been exercised and soc1ahsm begun
bourgeoisie and other exploiters within the Soviet Republic and to be built in the Soviet Republic. Here he particularly stresses the
also against the imperialists and other foreign reactionaries who influence of petty· bourgeois production and of the immense force
banded together LO try to crush the new proletarian state. From of habit and tradition. He point.s out:
this experience, Lenin drew very important conclusions about the
persistent character of the struggle to advance to communist Classes have remamed, and will remain everywhere for y ears after the con-
society, about the persistence of the bourgeoisie, bourgeois in· quest of power by the proletariat The ~bolition of classes m~ns not ?n-
fluences and bourgeois relations, and the regeneration of bourgeois ly driving out the landlords end capitehsts- Lhat we accomplish~d with
elements under socialism-both from sources within socialist comparative ease-it also means abolislti11g the small commr:dity pro·
ducer•, and they cannot be driven out. or crushed; we must /we In h~
society itseli and also from international sources. many with them; they can tend must> be. re~oulded an~:e-educated only
Lenin made these points in a number of writings in the early by very prolonged, slow. cautious orgamiational work.
years of the Soviet Republic. Just two years after the October
Revolution, he began to sum up the experience of the rule of the Here he is particularly referring to the peasantry in the coun·
working class in an important article in Pravda, "Economics and tryside. but also to small traders and other elements of. the petty
Politics in the Era of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat." Here. be bourgeoisie in the cities. Lenin considered small production to be a
points out that classes still exist: prime source of a possible capitalist restoration. and in another
famous passage he says:
And classes still remain and will remain in the era of the dictatorship of
the proletariat. The dictatorship will become unnece"ary when classe$ small production enJ(enders capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously.
disappear. Without the dictat.orslUp of the proletariat they will not disap- daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale.••
pear.••
Thus Lenin saw the main dangers of a capitalist restoration as
The classes which Lenin has in mind here are the following. First coming from the deposed ruling cla~ses and th~ persistence of
is the petty bourgeoisie and most especially the peasantry, to petty-bourgeois (small·scale) production. Hence 1t. foU?wed t~t
which Lenin devotes a lot of attention in this article and others, the main tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat, m movmg
discussing how the dictatorship of the proletariat must move socialist society forward to communism and preventing its moving
toward doing away with the class distinction between peasants backwards to capitalism. were to crush the resistance of the old
and workers by eventually transforming the peasants into landlords and capitalists and to gradually eliminate small-scale
workers. Secondly, Lenin has in mind the former roling class of production. The class contradictions which the proletariat would
Russia. about which he says: have to eliminate before the classless society of communism could
come into existence were those with the remnants of the old ex·
The class of exploiters, the landowners and capitalists, has not dissp- ploiting classes, on the one hand, and with the peasantry ~nd other
peared and cannot disappear all at once under the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat The exploiters have been smashed, but not destroyed. '!'hey still petty-bourgeois elements. on the other. And he recognized th~t
have an international base in the form of international capital. of which two different means would have to be used to resolve these two dif.
they are a branch. They stW retain certain means of production in part, ferent types of contradictions-the first antagonistic and the s~
they atW have money, they atiU have vast social connections. Because cond non-antagonistic.
they have been defeated, tbe energy of their resistance has increased a This is the main tbrust of Lenin's view, but it is not the whole of
hundred· and a thousandfold. The "llft" of state, military and economic his analysis of socialist society. Lenin also began to deal more ea·
administration gives them a auperiority, and a very gniat superiority, so
that their importance is incomparably greater than their numerical pro- t.ensively with how a new bourgeoisie could begin to develop
portion of the population.•• within socialist society. Thus already in 1918 he says:

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 262 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTJONS OICTA1'0RSHJP0FTHE PROLETARIAT 263

Here, clearly, Lenin is saying that the period of socialism is transi·

Yes, by overthrowing the landowners and bourgeoisie we cleared the way tional, that it must constantly be moving forward to communism,
but we did not build the edifice of socialism. On the ground cleared of one and that the dictatorship of the proletariat must not only stamp
bourgeois generation, new general.Jons continually appear in history, as out the resistance of former exploiters and eliminate the difference
long as the ground gives rise to them, and it does give rise to any number
of bourgeois. As for those who look at the victory over the capit.alists in between worker and peasant, but must resolve all the contradic·
the way that the petty proprieLers look at it- "'they grabbed, let me have a tions which give rise to classes-with the consequence that the die·
go loo'"- indeed, every one of them is the source of a new generation of tatorship of the proletariat will occupy a fairly long historical
bourgeois. " period. .
In this same article Lenin is also concerned with another aspect
However. as can be seen, Lenin identifies this danger here almost of the transitional nature of socialism, and the fact that it is a bat·
exclusively with the influence of petty-bourgeois production. And tleground between the communism which is struggling to develop
indeed, in the same speech. he makes the flat statement. that ''in and the capitalism which resists elimination. In particular, Lenin
the transition from capitalism to socialism our chief enemy is the calls attention to certain "shoots" of the future communist society
pett.y bourgeoisie, its habits and customs. its economic which were already developing in the first early stages of socialism
position."•• 1t should be noted that Lenin, as he explicitly says in the Soviet Republic. In particular these were the "communist
here, is speaking of the transil;ion from capitalism to subbotniks"' !communist Saturdays), in which workers con·
socialism-that is. from capitalist to socialist ownership-which tributed voluntarv labor to advance socialist construction in the
the Soviet Republic was then undertaking. In other words, he is society overall-,;ot on the basis of being lured with bonuses or
not here addressing the question of the transition to communism. forced with guns, nor because they wanted to see their particul~r
!And it should also be noted that when Lenin says that. the "chief unit prosper or profit, but because in fact the workers were m
enemy'" is the petty bourgeoisie. he does not literally mean that power and were remaking society in their own interests and these
the petty bourgeoisie should be dealt with antagonistically, but "subbotnik" workers in particular were guided and inspired by the
that petty production and trading and the petty producer men· communist outlook and the vision of the historic mission of achiev·
tality-which is essentially bourgeois-will be the most difficult. ing communism. . ._ . .
obstacles to overcome.) On the basis of their conscious deter mmat1on to mruntarn the
A year later, Lenin referred specifically to "the new bourgeoi1,1ie rule 0£ the working class and transform all of society. the most
which have arisen in our country." As pa.rt of the source for this, class conscious workers, in putting in such unpaid days of labor,
Lenin speaks of the fact that. "the bourgeoisie are emerg- began to work, as Lenin said, not for "their 'close' kith.and kin,
ing from among our Soviet government employees"-many of but. [for] their 'dist.ant" kith and kin-i.e., . (for) society as n
whom were actually bourgeois intellectuals trained in the old socie- whole . "•• And Lenin correctly summed up that this was a
ty. But he goes on to say that "only a very few can emerge from fragile but very important shoot of the future communist society.
their ranks" and that the new bourgeoisie is mainly emerging a sprout of the future production relations (as well as superstruc·
"from the ranks of the peasants and handicraftsmen. . "•• ture, in particular ideology) that would be established throughout
At. the same time Lenin also began to put forward in some society. .
writings that the struggle to reach communism, the abolition of In this essay Lenin, on the basis of the limited pracl.ice of ~ro­
classes, would be long and arduous. For instance. in his important letarian dictatorship up to that time, began to point to several Lm·
article. "A Great Beginning," he stresses: portant aspects of this dictatorship which were later developed
much more fully by Mao Tsetung, on the basis of a much more ex·
Clearly. in order to abolish classe.g completely, it is not enough to over- tended and deepened historical experience of the dictatorship of
throw the exploiters. the landowners and capitalists. not enough to
aboliah r~eir rights of ownership; it is necessary also to abolish all private the proletariat. In particular, Lenin pointed to the ~a~t that the
owne1'8hip of the means of production, it is necessary to aboliah the task of this dictatorsrup. of abolishing classes and arnving at com·
distinction between town and country, as well as the distinction between munism, will require a long and complex struggle, involving the
manual1
workers and brain workers. This requires a very long period of use of many different means and taking many forms, in order to do
time.•

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264 OlCTATORSHIPOFTHE PROLETARIAT 265
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

away with the underlying contradictions that give rise to classes against class enemies both within and outside the Party. In p~­
(notably the contradiction between mental and manual labor). ticular, he led the struggles which de~eated Trotsky, Bukh~rm,
But at the same time, i.o Lenin there is only a hint of the view, and other, especially leading, people m the Party whose Imes
which was later to be developed by Mao, that. throughout this would in one way or another have wrecked socialism and brought
transitional period of socialism there remain antagonistic classes back capitalism to the Soviet Union. (These struggl.es ha~e been
and the antagonistic struggle between the proletariat and the outlined in chapter 3, "Political Economy, Econoauc Policy and
bourgeoisie. Socialist Construction.· 't
This was a most import.ant part of Stalin's leadership in carrying
Stalin out the actual transformation of the ownership system in the com·
plex conditions of the Soviet Union. The transformation of owner-
This was an understanding which Mao forged on the basis of ship included not only the replacement of cap~talist relations by ~
summing up the historical experience of the dictatorship of the cialist ones but also the advance, through various stages of collectl·
proletariat in the Soviet Union. in China, and in other socialist vization. from feudal survivals on a large scale in the countryside to
countries. But before turning directly to Mao's development of the socialist forms of ownership. But after the socialist transformation
theory and practice of revolution in this most crucial sphere, it is of ownership had been basically completed, in the mid and late '30s
important to make an assessment of the role of Stalin, particularly in particular, Stalin drew conclusions which were serio~s~y wrong
on this question of upholding and carrying out the dict.at.orship of concerning the nature of Soviet society and the contradictions that
the proletariat. characterized it (for background on this see chapters 3 and 4. on
It was Stalin who led the Communist P11rty of the Soviet Union political economy and philosophy, respectiv~ly). .
(CPSU) and through it the masses of working people in the Soviet These eM'Ots are exemplified. for example, in the followmg quota·
Union in maintaining the rule of the working class and building tions from Stalin's report, "On the Draft Constitution of the
socialism for 30 years. And, while providing leadership to such a U.S.S.R .. " delivered in 1936:
momentous task under extremely difficult conditions and without
any prior historical experience is a truly great contribution of 'fhus the complete victory of the socialist system in all spheres of tho
Stalin, it is also true that in this process Stalin made mistakes, national economy is now a fact.
some of them quite serious. Therefore a correct summation of not And what does this mean? .
only Stalin's contributions but also his errors, specifically around lt means that the exploitation of man by man has been. a1;><>liah~
eliminated Thus all the exploiting clAsses have now been eliminated.
the tOuchstone question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. is
very important. Stalin goes on to say that there still remain th~.wor~~ c_lass'. the
In The Foundations of Lenhiism, written just after Lenin's peasant class and the intelligentsill, but that tbe di"1ding bnes
death in 1924, Stalin summed up the basic principles of Lenin's between the working class and the peasantry, and between these
contributions to Marx.ism, including as one of the main points the classes and the intelligentsia, are being obliterated . . ,"that "the
theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Stalin correctly economic contradictions between these social groups is declining,
presented the question of the transition to communist society as are becoming obliterated." and that "the ?Oliti~ contra?.!~tio~s
one of struggle, a protracted battle both against the remnants of between them are also declining and becoming obliterated. This
the ruling classes of the old society and against the influences of analysis leads Stalin to say, in his report to the 18th Party Con·
the petty producers and their outlook-and one which required the gress in I 939, that:
transforniation of the thinking not only of the peasantry. not only
of aU the petty-bourgeois elements, but also of the masses of The feature that distinguishes Soviet society today from any capitalist
workers, including the factory workers. This struggle, Stalin show· society ia that it no longer contains anatago~stic, hostile classes; that the
ed. was part of the basic task of the dictatorship of the proletariat. exploiting classes have been eliminated. while the workers: pe~ts and
And Stalin continued to uphold these principles in leading the intelleduab, who make up Soviet society, live and work lll friendly col-
working class in carrying out very acute and complicated struggle laboration.••

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 266 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS OJCTATORSlHPOFTHE PROLETARIAT 267

It should be clear, after the historical experience of the Chinese th~ focl that they were in fact new, bu t also hecause of a certain
revolution and the theoretical summations of Mao Tsetung, that amount of metaphysics and mechanical materialism in Stalin'<> ap·
this is incorrect. Antagonistic classes continue to exist under proach l n essence. Stalin o~e-sidely emphasized th.e ownership
socialism; what distinguishes socialism from capitalism is not the svsu~m and failed Lo deal suff1c1ently and correctly with the other
disappearance of hostile classes. but the fact that the working a~pect~ of the relations of production and the superstru<'lurc and
class is the ruling. rather than the oppressed, class. their reaction upon the ownership system. This led to hi' er·
But, based on his erroneous analysis in the mid and late '30s. roneous conclusion lmosl clearly expressed at the 18th Part) Con·
Stalin took the position that the only reason for the continuation !.'Tess in 19391 that once ownership wa~ s~ialiied. a~tag~nistic
of the dictatorship of the proletaria~ was the Soviet Union's en- classes and the intrrnal basis for cap1whst restoration in the
circlement by imperialist enemies. There were others in the Soviet Soviet Union had been eliminated.
Party who argued that, since (supposedly) there were no longer an- Interconnected with these errors is the fact that Stalin did not
tagonistic classes in the Soviet Union. then the state should be rely sufficiently on the masses of people and his closely related ten·
done away with. But in answering them, Stalin. sharing their in- dencv to rely too much on bureaucratic methods. All of this had
correct view on the non-existence of antagonistic classes in the the c'onsequ~nce that Stalin made mistakes also with regard to th<'
U.S.S.R., says only that their view demonstrated "an underesti· suppression of counter-revolutionaries. Because of ~is an~lysis ol
mation of the strength and significance of the mechanism of the socialist society. he thought that all counter-revolut1onar1es must
bourgeois states surrounding us and of their espionage spring essentially from foreign capitalist sources rather than from
organs . "" Stalin even drew the conclusion that the Soviet the contradictions internal to socialism. Partly for this reason, he
Union could, rather soon, achieve communism itself. but even then failed LO rely sufficiently upon the people to ferret out and drag
the Soviet state would still remain "if the capitalist encirclement is counter·revolut.ionaries into the light of day. but instead placed al
not liquidated. , "•& most exclusive reliance upon the Soviet intelligence service. And
Of course it was absolutely correct for Stalin to uphold the dic· because he did not correctly understand the source of counter-revo·
tntorship of the proletariat against those who wanted to liquidate lutlonary activity /seeing it as coming p11rely from external sour-
it, and it was also correct to point out that the Soviet state was ces). he made a number of errors in dealing with it and often wrong·
necessary to protect the gains of socialism against foreign im- ly widened t.he target. and con fused contradictions among the peo·
perialists. But it was one-sided and in this sense incorrect to only pie with contradictions bet.ween the people and the enemy.
point to these factors, and consequently to see the internal strug· During the last part of his life. Stalin. di~ begin to a.t.tem~t Lo
gles and contradictions within Soviet society as arising out of the analyze some of the part.icular contradictions that still ex1~t~d
activities of foreign ~ents and not out of the internal dynamics of under socialism. and in the Soviet Union in particular. This is
socialist society itself. especial!)' so in one of his last works, Economic Problem.~ of
Thus it can be seen that on the one hand Stalin firmly upheld the Socialism in the U.S.S.R. The strengths and weaknesses of th.is
need for the dictatorship of the proletariat. but on the other hand, work have been outlined in an earlier chapter (31 on political
during this period especially, the basis on which he did so was not economy. For present purposes. what is important to note is that
entirely correct by any means and in fact reflected serious errors in Stalin does here lay stress on the fact that in particular the con·
thinking. In a sense, it can be said that Stalin's errors did not lie in tradiclion between the forces and relations of production continues
seriously deviating from Lenin's specific conclusions on the dic- to exist in socialism and lhal if not correctly handled this con·
tatorship of the proletariat so much as they did in not correctly ap- tradiction could become antagonistic and even provide a basis for
plying the method of Marxism-Leninism to analyze the new condi· capitalist elements to arise and drag society backward. But Stalin
tions that arose in the Soviet Union with the (basic) socialization of did not deal with the continuing contradiction between the base
ownership, conditions which Lenin himself las well as previous and superstructure and still more he did not sum up that the con·
Marxists) bad no basis to concretely analyze-since they did not tradictions between the forces and relations of production and the
exist in their time. When Stalin did deal with these historically base and superstructure nol only constitute the basic contradic·
new conditions, he drew incorrect conclusions, partly because of lions in socialist society but also find expression throughout
268 llAMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 269

socialism principally in the existence of the bourgeoisie and the the Dictatorship of the Proletariat" on t.he basts of this evaluation."
proletariat and the struggle between them, an antagonistic class
contradiction. Later that same year. in November 1956, Mao put things even
more sharply:
Chinese Analysis of Stalin
I would like to say a few words about the Twentieth Congress of t.be
The Chinese Communist Party, under Mao's leadership, serious· Communist Party of the Soviet Union. I think there are two "sword•·:
one is Lenin and the other Stalin. The sword of Stalin has now been
ly and all-sidely addressed tbe question of Stalin's role in the inter- discarded by the Russians. Gomulka and soma people in Hungary ~ave
national communist movement, makmg an assessment of both his picked it up to stab at the Soviet Union and oppo~e so-called S~li~1~m.
achievements and his mistakes. ThUJ, after the infamous "secret The Communist Parties Qf many European countries are also cr1t1ct7.111g
speech" by Khrushchev at the 20th Party Congress in 1956 and the Soviet Union. and their leader is Togliatti. 1'he imperialis!-8 als~ use
the subsequent antl·Stalin campaign launched by the revisionist this sword to slay people with. Dulles. for instance. has brandished 1t for
some time. This sword has not been lent out. it has been thrown out. We
usurpers of the CPSU, the analysis of the Communist Party of Chinese have noL thrown it sway. Fir-'!t. we protcet Stalin. and, second, we
China summed up crucial lessons at that decisive hour concerning at the same Lime criticize his mistakes. and we have written the STlicle
the practice of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Soviet "On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Pr~letariat."
Union and Stalin's leadership of it. Unlike some people who have tried to defame and destroy Stalin, we are
This summation was in the form of two articles in the People's acting in accordance with objective reality. . .
As for the sword of Lenin, hasn't it too been discarded to a cert.am ex·
Daily (April 5 and December 29. 1966). Although the revisionists tent by some Soviet leaders? Jn my view, it has been discarded to a con·
in Chin.a did succeed in getting some of their line into these articles siderable extant I.!! the October Revolution still valid? Can it st.ill. •erve as
(especially the first) and they do contain some positions that are the example for all countries? Khrush~ov:s re~rt al the '.f~ent1et~ Con·
questionable or downright wrong (for example on Yugoslavia), gress of the Communist Party or the 80Vlet Umo.n says it _is:poss1ble to
overall these articles defend Stalin and clearly uphold the dictator- seize state power by the parliamentary road. that 18 to say, 1.t tS no long~r
necessary for all countries to learn from the October Revolution. Once this
ship of the proletariat. The first article. "On the Historical Ex· gate is opened, by and large Leninism is thrown away.••
perience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat," emphasizes that
contradictions continue to exist under socialism and that the tna8S Mao obviously paid a good deal of attention to making a detailed
line is key to correct communist methods of leadership. The second and objective assellsment of Stalin. and as noted, it was especially
article, "More on the Hi8torical Experience of the Dictatorship of upon the summation which he reached of both Stalin's achieve-
the Proletariat,'· is longer and discusses many topics, but its main ments and errors that Mao made bis own great contributions to the
thrust is to stress that although Stalin made errors. he was a great theory and practice of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
revolutionary, whose achievements rather than bis mistakes were Mao of course led the masses of Chinese people in liberating
the primary aspect in summing him up, and to attack those who their country from the grip of imperialism, feudalism, and
were using the criticism of Stalin to try to liquidate the dictator· bureaucrat-capitalism, an historic victory which was basically ac-
ship of the proletariat. It is clear that this attack is aimed not only complished in 1949. And the particular form of state that w~
at Khrushchev but also his revisionist counterparts in China who established in China on this basis was what was called the peoples
were bent on doing exactly that.•• democratic dictatorship. This was in facL (if not in name) the
This is also clear from another of Mao's writings from the same specific form which the dictatorship ,o f the p~ole~riat took in
year, "On the Ten Major Relationships," where he says: Chino with the founding of the Peoples Republlc. given that the
Chinese revolution was initially a new-democratic revolution. (See
In the Soviet Union, those who once extolled Stalin to the skies have chapter l, "Revolution in Colonial Countries.") And be':8use of
now in one swoop consigned him t.o purgatory. Here in China some people this particular character of the Chinese re~olution, the alltanc~ or
are following their example. It is the opinion of the Central Committee the working class with the peasantry. which had been a very tm·
that Stalin's mistakee amounted t.o only 30 per cent. of the whole end his
achievement. t.o 70 per cent, end that aD things considered Stalin was portant question for the proletariat in maintaining its rule ~nd
nonetheless a grut Marxist. We wrote "On the Hiat.orical Experienca of building socialism in the Soviet Union. assumed even greater tm·

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 270 OIC'l'ATORSHIPOFTHE PROLETARIAT 271
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

portance in China, where t.he overwhelming majority of people power of the revisionists headed by Khrushchev and the beginning
were peasants chained i? semi-feudal relations in the old society, of the process of reversing the entire revolution in the USSR and
and where the countryside bad for a long time been the pivotal reverting to capitalism. As a necessary and very essential part of
point of the revolution. carrying out the process of capitalist restoration, Khrushchev
But beyond this, part of the character of the new-democratic launched an attack on the dictatorship of the proletariat. As we
revolution was that certain sections oft.he Chinese capitalists-the have seen already, a central part of this took the form of a virulent
national bourgeoisie-who were also held back by the combination and vulgar attack on Stalin, who had led the Soviet working class
o~ feuda~sm and foreign capital, could be. and had to be, united in consolidating and carrying out its dictatorship. But at the same
with durmg the first stage of the Chinese revolution, and even (as time, Khrushchev also launched a more general, theoretical attack
far as possible) during the socialist stage, especially during its ear· on the dictatorship of the proletariat, arguing that earlier {under
ly years. Under this particular form of the rule of the working class Lenin and in the early part of Stalin's leadership. perhaps) this had
(the people's democratic dictatorship), it was necessary to restrict been necessary, but now there was no longer a need for it-and
the development of, but at the same time to utilize, the national therefore the Soviet state could become what he called a "state of
bour~eoi~ie. Mao even insisted 11,5 late as 1957 that to the degree the whole people"! The state was no longer to be an instrument of
possible it was necessary to handle the contradiction with the na- a class, but of everyone, of all classes, in Soviet society. This,
tional bourgeoisie non-antagonistically-that is, to phase it out as which Khrushchev called a ''creative development of Marxism,"
a class of private owners and at the same time attempt to win over was actually and obviously only the most straight-out form of the
as much of this class as possible. ideology of the bourgeoisie, which always tries to make the
And because overall this and other contradictions were correct.ly pretense that the state is above classes precisely in order to exer-
handled at thia time, the reactionaries in China, wl\.ile they seized cise dictatorship over the proletariat and disarm it politically.
on certain grievances of the masses and attempted to turn these in- As noted before, the Chinese Communist Party under Mao's
to an anti-socialist revolt, were not able to succeed in the same way leadership launched a counter-offensive against these attacks on
and on the same scale as they were in some other socialist coun- Maridsm·Leninism, both by defending the achievements and
tries at that time-most notably Hungary in 1956, where a reac- overall role of Stalin and by defending the basic theory of the dicta-
tionary rebellion was able to draw in a significant section of the torship of the proletariat. But at the same time, as a reflection of
m11;9ses: In fact, when die-hard rightist elements jumped out in the struggle that was going on within the international communist
China m 1957 and went head-on against the advances of the movement as well as the class struggle in China as a whole, there
socialist .system. the great majority of the masses were politically was a sharp two-line struggle raging within the Chinese Com·
aroused m defense of socialism and these counter-revolutionaries munist Party itself. Those within the Party, especially at its top
were relatively quickly isolated and beaten back. levels, who were bent on taking the capitalist road naturally found
By this time, in 1957-58, two very important developments had support for their position in the revisionism of Khrushchev & Co.
taken place in the international communist movement and within and bitterly resisted the efforts of Mao and other revolutionary
the. a~ialist countrie.s. One was that in China itself by I 956 the leaders in the Chinese Communist Party to expose and fight
socialist transformation of the ownership system had in the main against this revisionism. So at this time Mao w11s waging fierce
bee? achieved. This meant I.hat in industry, state ownership had struggle against revisionist leaders like Liu Shao-chi and Teng
basically been established, while in agriculture a lower form of Hsiao-ping, who were arguing that classes and class struggle were
s~ialist ownership dominated the countryside. a collective owner· dying out in China, and essentially that there was no need for the
ship of the land and the major implements of production by groups dictat.orship of the proletariat any longer in China either.
o~ peasants. And this, of course, was a great advance and a great As part of this struggle, Mao made two very important
victory for the Chinese revolution and for the proletariat statements about the class struggle in China itself at that time,
throughout the world. whkh were also statements having more far-reaching implications
. But at the same time a great reversal was being brought about about the whole period of socialism in general. In March 1957, in
m the world's first socialist country. This, of course, was the rise to his "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Con-

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272 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS OlCTATORSHlPOFTHE PROLETARIAT 273

ference on Propaganda Wotk," Mao made the important analysis ticularly around the Great Leap Forward. This was the general
that: movement, of course, out of which the people's communes were
born, and the movement in wh.ich masses of people, especially the
•ro achieve its [socialism's! ultimate consolidation, it is necessary not only peasants, rose up and did all kinds of things in carrying out
to bring about the socialist industrialization of the country and persevere socialist revolution and socialist construction that were unheard of
in the socialist revolution on the economic front. but also to carry on con- and were condemned by reactionary and conservative forces both
stant and arduous socialist revolutionary atruggles and socialist educa- inside and outside the Party.
tion on the political and ideological fronts l.n China the struggle to The Great Leap Forward has been discussed in pr·evious
consolidate the socialist system, the suuggle to decide whether socialism chapters, and what was said there will not be recapitulated here.
or capitalism will prevail, will take a long historical period."
But one aspect of this period should be mentioned and highlighted
And a month earlier, in "On the Correct Handling of Contradic· here, and that is the subject of pay differentials. While Mao
tions Among the People, .. Mao had st.ated clearly that: recognized that wage scales, with people with differing skills and
differing productivity being paid different rates, were an aspect. of
lo China, although socialist transformation has in the main been com· bourgeois right, and hence inevitable during the socialist. period,
pletoo as regards the system of ownership. and although the large-scale he also recognized that the task of the dictatorship of the pro-
turbulent class struggles of the masses characteristic of times of revolu· letariat was to restrict bourgeois right and, as part of this, to con·
tion have in the main come to an end, there are still remnants of the over- tinually restrict these differences in what people received. But in
thrown landlord and comprador classes, there is still a bourgeoisie. and the period of the 1950s. much to Mao's displeasure, such pay·rate
the remoulding of the petty bourgeoisie has only just started. Class strug·
gle is by no means over. The class struggle between the proletariat and differentials had actually been expanded, particularly with regard
the bourgeoisie, the class struggle between the various political forces, to Party leaders and full·time Party officials, with large income
and the class struggle bet ween the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the gaps being created between various levels of officials, and between
ideological field will still be protracted and tortuous and at Limes even officials and the masses.
very sharp. The proletariat seeks to transform the world according to its As part of the fight against this-and the revisionist line and
own world outlook, and so does the bourgeoisie. Jn Lhis respect, the ques-
tion of which will win out. socialism or capitalism, is not really settled policies in general-during this period Mao supported and struggl·
yet."' ed to get published an article by Chang Chun·chiao, one of those
now villified in China as a member of the "gang of four," which at·
These two passages are of tremendous importance, because in tacked the ideology of bourgeois right. The article pointed out that
them. for the first time in the history of the international com· many so-called communists were acting like misers totaling up
munist movement, it wos pointed out explicitly that classes and their cash registers. They were treating themselves like com·
class struggle continue to exist under socialism, that in particular moditles, and if they put in an extra hour working for the revolu·
the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie con· tion they wanted overtime pay for it. And Mao succeeded. during
tinues even after the socialist transformation of the system of the Great Leap Forward, in leading a fight which cut back on some
ownership is (in the main) completed, and that this would be true of this.
for a long time. with the struggle at times becoming very sharp. Through the experience of the mass revolutionary upsurge of the
But at the same time. it is obvious that, since proletarian revolu· Great Leap Forward, Mao began to see more clearly the nature of
tionary practice was still in certain ways only in its beginning the class struggle and the contradictions in socialist society itself
stages on this front. and since Mao was only beginning to sum it and to develop his basic line and theory of continuing the revolu·
up theoretically, his understanding of this was nlso at the begin· tion under the conditions in which llOCialism had been basically
ning stages of development. This is particularly true of his under· established-that is, the socialist political system, the dictatorship
standing of the nature of classes. and especially of the bourgeoisie, of the proletariat, had been established and the socialist transfor-
under socialism. But as the class struggle in China sharpened, so mation of ownership had in the main been clltried out.
did Mao's understanding of that struggle. This understanding of Mao's had made a qualitative leap by
And Lhe class struggle did sharpen up in China at tllls time. par· 1962. It was in August and September of that year at the 10th

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DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT

Plenary Session of the 8th Central Committee of the Chinese Com. documents "A Proposal Concerning the General Line of the Inter-
munist Party that Mao put forward what came to be known as the 11ational Communist Movement" (June 1963) and the nine-part
basic line of the CCP for the historical period of socialism: "Comment on the Open Letter of the Central Committee of the
CPSU" (September 1963-July 1964). ln particular, the last of the
Socialisl 50Ciety covers a considerably long historical period. In the rune-part "Comment," which is entitled "On Khrushchov's
historical period of socialism, there are still classes, class contradictions Phoney Communism and Its Historical Lessons for the World," is
and class struggle, there is the struggle between the socinlisl rood and th~ of special importance because in it can be found in concentrated
capitallst road. and there is the danger of capitalist resLoratioo. We mu•t form the basic understanding which Mao had by this time arrived
recognize the protracted and complex nature or this struggle. We must a t concerning the class struggle under socialism. Against the
heighten our vigilance. We must conduct socialist education. We must
correctly understand and handle class contradictions and class struggle thoroughly revisionist line coming out of the Soviet Union at that
distinguish the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy from ti.me, "On Khrushchov's Phoney Communism·· s.tresses that an·
those among the people and handle them correctly. Otherwise a socialiSL tagonistic classes and class struggle continue to exist under
country like ours will turn into its opposite and degenerate, and a socialism generally and that therefore the reversion from working
capitalist restoration will t.ake plac('. From now on we must remind class rule to a bourgeois dictatorship and the restoration of
ourselves of this every year. every month and every day so that we can r!'-
t.ain a rather sober understanding of this problem and have a Marxist· capitalism in a socialist country is possible- not only through the
Leninist. line.,., armed intervention of the foreign bourgeoisie fas had happened in
t he Paris Commune and the Hungarian Soviet Republic of 1919
The analysis which is expressed here is a new development in and was attempted in the Russian Soviet Republic right after it
Marxist.·Leninist theory, an analysis which represents a quali· was founded). but also when "the state of the dictatorship of the
tative advance over anything previously achieved in the interna· proletariat takes the road of revisionism or the road of 'peaceful
tional communist movement. evolution' (into capitalism) as a result of the degeneration of the
Mao in this quot.ation mentions that "we must conduct socialist leadership of the Party and the stat.e. "'" This article ends with a
education," and in 1963, following this up, the Party at Mao's in· series of measures which a socialist country can and should take to
itiation began the Socialist Education Movement, which was prevent tl\e restoration of capitalism.
meant to combat revisionism and bourgeois practices and think· "On Khrushchov's Phoney Communism" served as a weapon
ing. In many ways this movement was the predecessor of the not only in the international struggle between Marxism and revi·
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. On the one hand it actuaUy sionism which was raging at the time, but also in the same kind of
prepared the ground for the Cultural Revolution, and on the other struggle t.hat was raging sharply within the Chinese Party itself as
hand it was a first attempt by Mao to develop new forms and a concentrated reflection of the class struggle in society as o whole.
methoda for continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of H is also important because on the one hand it shows the un·
the proletariat. Tt was during these years of the early '60s that the precedented level to which the Marxist-Leninist understanding _of
proletariat, particularly under the leadership of Chiang Ching, the dynamics of socialism and the class struggle under the dic-
launch1..'<1 a sharp counter-offensive against the revisionists in the tatorship of the proletariat was being carried by Mao. while on the
crucial sphere of art and culture (see t.he preceeding chapter). And other hand it shows that Mao's analysis was still developing and
it was during this period that the most deep.rooted and hidden of had not reached the new level~ which it was to attain in conjunc·
the new bourgeois forces in Chino· s socialist society began to feel tion with the Cultural Revolution.
their position seriously endangered and hence began to jump out in The pamphlet states that:
earnest in their struggle with the proletariat for the rule of society.
It should also be borne in mind that at the same time the Cbine$e In the Soviet Union et present. not only have the new bourgeois
Communist Party was conducting a fierce struggle internationally elements increued in number 8!I never before. but their social status has
with Soviet revisfoni.sm. It was at this time that open polemics fundamentally changed. Before Khrushchov come to power, they did oot
began between the CCP and the CPSU. with the Chinese Com· occupy the ruling positions in Soviet society. Their activities '!'ere
restricted in many ways and they were subject to attack. But since
munist Party publishing, among other things, the important Kbrushchov took over, usurping the leadership of the Party and the stat.e

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276 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 277

ing this same period. Mao did make a number of very sharp and
step by step. the new bourgeois elements have gradually risen to the ruJ. pointed comments. part.icularly concerning those in positions of
ing position in the Party and government and in the economic. culi.w-a1 authority in China's socialist society. which show the further direc·
and other departments, and formed a privileged stratum in Soviet tion in which his thought was moving. For instance, it was at this
society." time that he made the remark that "leading cadres who are taking
the capitalist road have turned. or are turning, into bourgeois
Yet despite its many important insights, still, in its analysis of
classes, end in particular the bourgeoisie, under socialism, this elements sucking the blood of the workers." •• Putting this more
work is not entirely clear, especially regarding the role and nature directly in class terms, he also said in 1964 that:
or bourgeois elements inside the Party. Nor, along with this. is it
The bureaucrat class on the one hand and the working class together with
entirely clear regarding the source and material basis or the the poor and lower-middle peasants on the other are two classes sharply
bourgeoisie under socialism-specifically alter socialist ownership antagonistic to eacb other "
has (in the main) been established.
In documenting the existence of bourgeois elements in the Now what Mao was saying was not that every person that work·
Soviet Union, it lays stress on illegal activities, such as profiteer· ed in an office, or every official or cadre, was a bureaucrat sucking
ing, black marketing, illegal appropriation of collective property, Lhe blood of the workers and a new bourgeois elemenl. In fact. in
etc. And in enumerating the sources of new bourgeois elements the main and in most cases, their relations with the workers and
who carry on these and other ant.i·socialist activities, it mentions peasants were comradely relations of cooperation. But on the other
(in addition to the overthrown exploiters and international hand, there existed certain actual inequalities between them. They
capitalism) "political degenerates" that emerge among the work- occupied objectively different positions in the socialist system.
ing class and government functionaries and "new bourgeois in· The cadres, especially full-time leading officials, did a different
tellectuals in the cultural end educational institutions and intellec- type of work than the masses of working people. they occupied a
tual circles" as well as "new elements of capitalism" that ere ''con- relatively more privileged position, they received a higher rate of
stantly and spontaneously generated in the petty·bourgeoi!! at• pay, they tended to have a different sort of outlook-akin to that of
rnosphere" (referring to the persistence of small-scale production the petty bourgeoisie-amd the material condi~ions of their lives
and trade).•• But it does not identify the revisionists (capitalist· tended to foster and strengthen this different outlook. And it was
roaders) in top leadershlp of the Party and state-including necessary to wage struggle to keep such people from going over to
economic ministries and institutions-as a social stratum con· the capitalist way of doing things and following revisionist leaders
stituting a bourgeois class withln socialist society itself end with at the top in carrying out capitalist methods and taking the
ita core right in the Communist Party. Nor does it sufficiently capitalist road.
piece emphasis on the central question that these revisionists can, Also et this time. in the summer of 1964, Mao had a series of
in the areas and departments they control. even under socialism. discussions with his nephew, Mao Yuan-hsin (who was a close
seize on and expand the capitalist aspects within socialist, produc- follower of Mao Tsetung and, as they now call him, a "sworn
tion relations themselves-the remaining inequalities, t.he ex· follower'' and "sworn accomplice" of the so·called "gang of
istence of bourgeois right. etc. within and between economic four''-he was arrested and/or apparently killed when the counter·
units-to transform socialist ownership into a mere outer shell and revolutionary coup took place after Mao's death). In this series of
in this way convert collective property into private property discussions Mao raises a very important question:
(capital) and build up their strength in preparation for an ell·out at·
tempt to usurp power end then restore capitalism in society as a Are you going to study Marxism·LeniWsm. or revisionism?
whole. Yuan-hsin: Naturally, I'm studying Marxism·Leninism.
The Chairman: Don't be too sure, who knows what you're studying? Do
For this and other reasons "On Khrushchov's Phoney Com· you know what Marxism·Leninism is?
munism" did not represent the full development of Mao's analysis Yuan-bain: Marxism-Leninism means that you must carTy on the class
of the bourgeoisie and the danger of capitalist restoration in a struggle, that you must carry out revolution.
socialist country, nor or the means for fighting against it. But dur- The Chainnan: The basic idoa of Marxism·Leninism ie that you must

W\f./W. wengewang org

 278
~
IMMORTAL CONTRIBUT!ONs O!CTATORSHJ P OF THE PROLETARIAT 279

Clll'ry out revolution. But what is revolution? RevoluUon is the proletariut the Cultural Revolution (as seen in ~he preceeding ch~pter).
overthrowing the capitalists. the peasoots overthrowing the la11dlords, 1'his fundamental question was directly addressed m a central
and then afterwards setting up a workers' and peasants' political power, art of the Constitution of the Chinese Communist Party at its 9th
aad moreover continuing to consolidate it. At pre11ent, the task of the
revolution has not yet been completed; it has not yet been finally deter- ~d 10th Congresses (in 1969 and 19731:
mined who, in the end, will overthrow whom. [n the Soviet Union, is not
Khrushchev in power. ls not the bourgeoisie in power? We, too. have cases The basic programme of the Communist Party of Chio.a is the comp/etr
in which polJticaJ power is in the grip of the bourgeoisie: there are produc- overthrow of the bourgeoisie and aU other i:tPl~1t.tng classes, the
tion brigades. factories, and hsien committees. as well u district and pr~ establishment of the dktatorahip of the prolc~t .10 place of ~he_dic·
vincial committees, in which they have their people, there are deputy tatorship of the bourgeoisie ~d the trio_mp~ of socialism over cap1talis'!'·
heads of public security departments who are their men ... '('he ultimate aim of the Party 1s the realization o( commurusm. [Emphasis
added.I"
Here, what Mao is saying, of course. is that even though we have
the socialist form, and everyone claims to be a Marxist-Leninist, And indicating the great significance of thls point, when the
the decisive question is the content, the substance-whether the revisi~nists did seize supreme power after Mao's death they of
Marxists and the masses of people are in command and leading so- course rewrote the Party Constitution. and on this fundamen_tal
ciety in the direction of communism, or whether the revisionists point-the basic programme of the Pa~ty-they took '.11'ything
and a handful of bourgeois elements are in command and leading about ouerthrowing out of the Constitution, so that now 1t merely
things in quite another direction, back to capitalism. Of course to says that they will "eliminate the bourgeoisie and all other ex·
take socialism back to capitalism requires a qualitative change. lt ploiting classes step by step...., . .
requires having control not just over this or that area of the Now it might seem at first glance that this change is not all that
economy, thfa or that part of the auperstructure, this or that in· significant, or even that the new version of the basic programme is
stitution or security agency. but rather it means seizing control of more correct. It might seem that the task of overthrowm~ the
society as a whole and completely transforming it. But Mao is bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes bas ~n accomplished
pointing out that even within the socialist system there are and now the task is to eliminate them. But that ignores, ~r.r-eally
pockets-and not insignificant pockets-which fall repeatedly denies, the all·important feet that so long as the bourgeo1s1e con·
under the sway of those who take up the bourgeois outlook.. take to tinues to exist it will not only repeatedly attempt to overthrow t~e
the bourgeois style of life and the bourgeois way of doing things, proletariat and restore capitalism. but will succeed, as part of this,
and who therefore implement bourgeois policies and practices, and in usurping portions of power even in the conditions where the pro-
basically begin to institute capitalist relations under the signboard letariat holds power overall in society. And this becomes all the
of Marx.ism· Leninism. more an urgent question when it is grasped that the cor~ of t~e
So this raises the fundamental question, which Mao insisted bourgeoisie and the commanders of the reactionary_ forces m ~oc1e­
(with good reasonl had not yet been solved: Who is going LO over- ty consist precisely of revisionists in the Commurust Party itself,
throw whom? Even under socialism, Mao was saying, it is especially at its top levels. . .
necessary for the proletariat to continue to overthrow the In order to deal with this problem and LO contmue to consolidate
bourgeoisie. Not in the sense. of course, that the bourgeoisie bas its dictatorship and advance toward communism, the prolet~iet
supreme power and runs society as a whole, but in the sense that must not merely suppress the bourgeoisie (and other ex~lo1tmg
continually and repeatedly the working class has to rise up, class elementsl but must continually seize back the portions_ of
mobilize its forces and strike down the revisionists in positions of power usurped by the bourgeoisie. And this meen_s .overthrowmg
power, and thus regain control of those parts of society which have those die-hard revisionists who occupy these pos1t1ons of power
been usurped from proletarian control. And, of course, there may and are determined to take the capitalist road. In oth~r v.:ords,
be certain parts of sociel.y where the working class bas not yet, at eliminating the bourgeoisie means repeatedly ouerthroruing_ 1t, by
a certain time, been able to gain real control, so in these areas it mobilizing the masses to seize back from_ belou'. t~ose P?rtions ~f
may be a question of the proletariat's asserting its power for the power the bourgeoisie repeatedly usurps _in ~ociali~t ~ety. This
first time. This was the situation in China in the case of art before is the point Meo was stressing when he insisted (m his converse·

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 280 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS DICTATORSH IP OF THE PROLETARIAT 281

tions with his nephew Mao Yuan·hsin) in 1964 that the question of rn the past we waged struggles in rural areas, in factories. in the cultur~l
field and we carried out the socialist education movement. But ell this
who will overthrow whom was not settled. failed to solve the problem because we did nol find a form. a method. to
It was at this same time that Mao clearly pfopointed who it wa 8 arouse the broad masses to expose our dark aspect openly, in an all-round
that posed the main danger to the continued advance of socialism way and from below,••
to c-0mmunism. and hence who it was that constituted the main
target of the revolution at its present stage. Speaking with This statement brings out many things. one of which is that the
reference to the Socialist Education Movement. then in progress, Cultural Revolution was unprecedented. not oaly in general or in
Mao said: Chine but in the history of socialism. It went against all the
"nor~s" of what socialism was supposed to be, what a communist
The main target or the present movement is those Party persons in power party is supposed to do, end so on. '!'his, of course, is true only in a
t.aking the capitalist roud." superficial sense, because in reality the sole purpose of a. com-
munist party is to lead the proletariat in making revolution to
la other words. the main target was no longer the bourgeoisie in achieve communism, and this is what Meo was leading the Com-
society in general, or outside the Party fo particular, but had munist Party of Chine to do. But it was something that went
become Party persons in power taking the capitalist road, or against ell the traditions and the force of habit that had been built
"capitalist·roaders," as they came to be called. up and had in fact become obstacles under socialism. The force of
It can be seen that this was another significant advance in the habit cannot be followed in making revolution, including under so-
understandfog of class struggle under socialism. And this cialism. Social habit and tradition has been built up by thousands
understandfog was deepened in the course of the next few years, as and thousands of years of class society, and following such tredi·
the class struggle in China sharpened. For of course. with Mao tion will not lead toward classless society.
opening the attack on revisionists in the Party, and makfag them And. of course. it was unprecedented for the chairman of a com-
the main target, the revisionists were going to fight back. '!'hey munist party to call upon the masses to rise up end strike down
tried in every way possible to b lock the propagation of these powerful persons in the party. But revolutio11 does not work on
policies by Mao and their adoption by the Party, aad where they precedent. end in fact within the Par~y there we~e two hen~·
couldn't do that they tried In ell sorts of ways to block their im· quarters. The capitalist-ronders bad their own machine end their
plementation. In particular at that time they did everything they own headquarters. end this was what was necessary to dislodge
could to sidetrack the Socialist Education Movement and tum it them in order to prevent China from being taken down the road to
into a fight among the masses. capitalism.
Thus Mao summed up that it was not enough to talk about u~
Cultural Revolution holding the leadfog role of the Party, etc. It was a ~ue~~ion of ~on­
stantly revolutionizing the Party as part of revolut1oruzmg S-OCtety
Things were coming t-0 a head, and they erupted two years later as a whole. Of course overall the Party had to play its leadfog role.
with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. H wiU not be Even when the Party in Chine was being shaken to its very roots
possible here to recount the hist-Ory of this unprecedented and and ceased to exist in many areas, it never ceased to exist national-
eerth·shaking revolution end the different events and twists and ly and Meo bed every intention of reconstituting the Party. The
turns which it involved. The important thing for the purposes of C~ltural Revolution was also the form for reconstituting end
this chapter is the theoretical underpinnings of the Cultural strengthening the Party, and doing it unit by unit, area by area,
Revolution, how the theory that guided It represented the greatest from the base up, by relying on the mass action of the people. And
of Mao's immortal contributions to the science of Marxism· unless such revolutionizotion of the Party was carried out, unless
Leninism. the messes were mobilized to recognize, to drag into the light of
Mao explained in 1967 why this Cultural Revolution was a day, and strike down top leaders of the ~arty who wer~ .U:ying to
necessity in the following words: turn it into a bourgeois party, and to subJect to mass cr1ttc1sm and

\'V\"l\'V. wenqe\"lana. era

 down all the various controls and plots of the revisionists," and
Peking University,. May 11!66: China's first Marxist-Leninist big "wipe out all ghosts and monsters and all Khrushchev-type counter-
character poster. With Mao s support, newspapers and radio across revolutionary revisionists, and carry the socialist revolution
the country carried this poster's call to uphold Mao Tsetung lhrough to the end."
Thought and unite around Mao and the Central Committee, "break
 DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 28:>

supervision the leading cadres in general, then through the force or

habit and the conscious action of revisionist high officials the Par·
ty would become an instrument of the bourgeoisie and socieLy
would be taken "peacefully" down the capitalist road under its
leadership.
So Mao summed up this most important point from the
historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat both in
China and int.ernationally, particularly the counter·revo1ution in
the Soviet Union, and began to develop the ways and means of
reconstituting and revolutionizing the Party, driving out of its
ranks those in authority taking the capitalist road. And. again, the
form, the method. that was found was basically reliance upon the
masses. The Party was in fact reconstituted by bringing the Party
leaders and members before the masses to receive their criticism
and supervision. In this way, together with guidance from the pro-
letarian headquarters in the Party led by Mao, the Party units on
the various levels were reformed and linked together according to
democratic centralist organizational principles. As indicated
above, such a rectification of the Party was, like the Cultural
Revolution as a whole, completely unprecedented. For with regard
to the Party. as well as the society as a whole, it was determined
that the so-called "normal way" of doing things was not sufficient
to root out revisionists and shake the upper levels of the Party, in
particular, out of the bureaucratic mold into which they were being
increasingly cast. A party in power, Mao siimmed up, must con·
tinue to be the vehicle for leading the proletariat in the continuing
class struggle under socialism, but it can also become the vehicle
for a bureaucratic stratum to pursue bourgeois interests. Only mo-
bilizing and relying on the masses. under the guidance of a Marx·
ist·Leninist line, collld solve this problem. (This is very much
related to Mao's analysis of the bourgeoisie in the Party it·
self-which will be dealt with in detail later.)
Through this Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution further
transformations were made not only in the Party but throughout
society. Here again, the working class and masses of pepple, led by
Mao and other communist revolutionaries, carried out changes
which were unprecedented. Divisions and inequalities were reduc-
ed between different strata and sectors of society, including be-
The celebration of the founding of the Honan Province Revolu· tween the country and the city. The people rose up in their bun·
tionary Committee in Chengchow. Mao hailed and gave great im· dreds of millions. developing and strengthening not only new
portance to these new organs of power of the Great Proletarian economic and social relations and the revolutionization of culture,
Cultural Revolution for defending and continuing the revolution of people's thinking, etc.. but also the different forms of struggle
under the dictatorship of the proletariat. so characteristic of the Cultural Revolution-big-character

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286 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS
DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 287

posters, public mass criticism of pei:sons in power, the organize· The great proletarian cultural revolution is a powerful motive force for the
tion of brigades of youth. which came to be called the Red Guards. development of the social productive forces in our country. Any idea of
and so forth. counterposing the great cultural revolution to the development of produc·
Mao warmly supported the struggles and initiatives of the tion is incorrect.
masses and constantly urged them on to persevere in their revolu·
tionary upsurge. He wrote an open letter to the Red Guards, for in· But, perhaps most importantly for the subject of this chapter,
stance, saying that their actions the "16-Point Decision" also talks about the organizations created
by the masses:
express your wrath against and your denunciation of the landlord
cla~s. the bourgeoisie, the imperialists, the revisionists and their running Many oew thin~ have begun to emerge in the great proletarian culcural
dogs. all of whom exploit and oppress the workers, peasants, revolu· revolution. The cultural revolutionary groups, commit~ and other
tionary intellectuals and revolutionary parties and groups. They show organizational forms creaLed by the masses in many schools and units are
Lhat it is right to rebel against reactionaries. I warmly support you." something new and of great b.istoric importance.
The~ cultural revolutionary groups, committees and congresses are ex·
To provide leadership and guidance to the masses in this ceUent new forms of organization whereby the masse.• educate themselves
under the leadership of the Communist Part.y. They are an excelJenL
momentous mass struggle. in August 1966 the "Decision of the bridge to keep our Party in close contact with the masses. They are organs
Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party Concerning of power of the proletarian cultural revolution.
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" was issued. (All quotes
below are from this pamphlet of the same name.) 61 Commonly These groups became, through a process of development in the
known as the "16·Point Decision," this was worked out under Cultural Revolution, the Revolutionary Committees which were
Mao's personal guidance and obviously represented a victory of set up at many different levels of society. These creations of the
his line over fierce opposition on the leading bodies of the CCP. masses were, of course, hailed by Mao. And jusl as predictably.
There 11.fe many important points in this decision, and it warrants the capitalisf;.roaders who have usurped power for the time being
the close study of all communists. Some of the points it covers in China have hastened to do away with. them on the basic levels of
were brought out in previous chapters. What should be emphasiz· society and to transform them into bourgeois-bureaucratic devices
ed here are the following: where they have been retained in form.
'l'he "16·Point Decision" b.ighlights the fact that "the outcome Through the course of the Cultural Revolution. Mao did not
of this great cultural revolution will be determined by whether or stand still, but continued to both sum up the practice of the revolu·
not the Party leadership dares boldly to arouse the masses." The tion up until that time and to map out the strategy and tactics for
title of this section expresses what might be called the motto of the its further advance. The Cultural Revolution itself went through
Cullural Revolution: "Put Daring Above Everything Else and many twists and turns. du.ring all of which Mao provided guidance
Boldly Arouse the Masses." The article points out in the same vein in the struggle. but what will be concentrat.ed on here is the overall
in the next section: "In the great proletarian cultural revolution, sweep of the revolution and the general theoretical lessons which
the only method is for the masses to liberate themselves, and any Mao drew from it.
method of doing things in their stead must not be used." One of the deepest and most important of these lessons is that it
The "Decision" reaffirms that "the main target of the present is not enough to conduct struggle against revisionists only "at the
movement is those within the Party who are in authority and are top"-that is, only on the leading bodies of the Party and state-or
taking the capitalist road." It gives basic guidance on correctly only "from the top down"-that is, deal with revisionists and
handling both contradictions among the people1llld the question of other counter-revolutionaries by decision of the leading bodies
cadres. as well as the policy towards scientists. technicians and first and then conduct education among the ranks of the Party and
"ordinary members of working staffs" (Le., those not in authority). the masses about why a particular person was purged, what the
It talks about the line on education and the armed forces. It em· iasuea and questions of line, etc., were. Instead it was necessary. as
phasizes the real connection between revolution and production: Mao said, to arouse end lead the broad masses to wage struggle
and defeat the class enemies from below. And the meas upsurge of

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288 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

the Cultural Revolution was an unprecendented example of exact-

ly this. It represented, on a broad and deep scale. a new form and
method, as Mao summed up, for defeating die-hard capitalist·
roaders and further revolutionizing society, including the Party.
Mao often stated that the Cultural Revolution was "absolutely
necessary and most timely." In speaking at the 1st Plenary Ses·
sion of the 9th Cent.ral Committee of the Chinese Communist Par-
ty in April 1969, he gave an important indication of why this was
so:

Apparently, we couldn't do without the Great Proletarian Cultural Re-

volution, for our base was not solid. From my observations. I am afraid
that in a fairly large majority or factories-I don't mean all or the over·
whelming majority-leadership was not in the hands of real Marxists and
the masses or workers. Not that there were no good people in the leader-
ship or the factories. There were. There were good people among the secre-
taries. deputy secretaries and members of Party committees and among
the Party branch secretaries. But they followed that line of Liu Shao-chi's,
just resorting to material incentive, putting profit in command, and in·
stead of promoting proletarian politics, handing out bonuses, and so for·
th But there are indeed bad people in the factories ... This shows that
the revolution is sti.11 unfinished."'

And it follows, as the last sentences make clear, that the

Cultural Revolution, while preventing a revisionist seizure of
power and capitalist restoration right then, did not and could not
solve this problem once and for all. The revolution must be con·
tinued under the dictatorship of the proletariat for a long time-in
fact throughout the long transition period of socialism. during the
entire course of the dictatorship of the proletariat, until the
bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes are completely ex-
tinguished and classes as a whole have been abolished along with
the basis for them to arise. And, as Mao insisted, many more mass
upsurges. like that of the Cultural Revolution in its first few years.
would be necessary in the future in order to accomplish this
historic mission. together with the people of the entire world.
And this in turn has to do with the deeper purpose of the
Cultural Revolution. In 1967. in the midst of this upsurge, Mao
had this to say:

Here I'll ask you a question: Tell me, what is the object of the great pro- Mao reviewing Red Guards in Tien Ao Men Square on August 18,
letarian cultural revolution? (Someone answered that it was to struggle 1966, showing bis backing for the mighty tide of the Cultural
against the capitalist roaders in the Party.I The struggle against the Revolution sweeping the country.
capitalist roaders in the Party is the principal task, but not the object. The
object is to solve the problem of world outlook and eradicate revisionism.
The Center hos repeatedly stressed the importance of self-education,

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 Ol C'l'A'rORSHl POt"NlE PROLETARlA'r 291

because a world outlook cannot be imposed on anyone, and ideological

remolding represents external factors acting on internal factors, with the
latter plll,)'ing the primary role. lf world ouUook is not reformed, then
although two thousand capitalist roaders are removed in the current great
cultural revolution, four thousand others may appear the next time. We
are paying a very high price in the current great cultural revolution. The
struggle between the two.c.lasses and the two Jines cannot be settled in
one. two, three or four cultural revolutions. but the results of the current
great cultural revolution must be consolidated for at least fifteen years.
Two or three cultllral revolutions should be carried out every hundred
years. So we must keep io mind the uprooting of revisionism and
strengthen our capability to resist revisionism at any time.••

In the course of the Cultural Revolution, and most especially

during the mass upsurge of its first few years, the profound truth
that Lenin expressed-that masses of people learn in a few weeks
of struggle in a revolutionary period what they could not learn in
years of "normal times"-was once again powerfully demonstrat·
ed and proved to be of decisive importance not just for the struggle
in capitalist society but in socialist society as well. AU this has
everything to do with the fundamental question of who is to be
relied on in advancing society to communism. Reliance, Mao in·
sisled over and over, could only be placed on the broad masses.
The dictatorship of the proletariat can only be really that if it is
dictat.orship exercised by the broad masses themselves, which
means mobilizing 1md arming them with a Marxist·Leninist line lo
fight against the class enemy-and enabling them to distinguish
the correct from the incorrect line and the actual interests of the
proletariat from those of the bourgeoisie through the course of
their own struggle and the study of Marxism-Leninism to mast.er
its basic stand, viewpoint an d method.
If any other method is used. Mao summed up, then if revi·
sionists seize leading positions and are able to put the official
"stamp of approval" on a counter-revolutionary line-in the guise
of Marxism-the masses wiU be in a passive position politically,
and, in the name of adhering to the line of the Party and loyalty to
its leadership, they will be led back to the hell of capitalism. In
In Jan~ary 1967, prole_Larian revolutionaries in Shanghai Jed the short. the dictatorship of the proletariat must not be treated
revolu~1~nary m 88~~s m overthrowing the old capitalist-roader metaphysically-in a static and absolute way-or it will be lost.
a uthori ties and se1Z1ng power from below. This marked a new Exercising dictatorship over the bourgeoisie, Mao showed, means.
phase of the Cultural Revolution. Mao supported this whole- and can only mean. continuing the revolution under the dictator-
heartedly , deciding to have the rebels ' proclamation issued to the ship of the proletariat. continuing to wage the class struggle
whole country. Here a message of greetings and s upport from Par- against the bourgeoisie and aU e.xploiting classes through reliance
ty and ~tate leaders hip is dis tributed among the citizens of on the broad masses. This does not mean that the kind of mass up-
Sbanghru, who respond with jubilation.
surge characteristic of the first few years of the Cultural Revolu·

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 292 IMMOR1'AL CON1'RrBUTlONS DICTATORSHJ POFTHE PROLETARIAT 293

tion is always necessary and possible. What it does mean is that,

through different. forms, the masses must be politically mobilized Therefore, it is wrong to speak lightly of the final victory of the revolution
in our country: it runs counter to Leninism and does not conform to
and led to wage the class struggle and that, repeatedly through the facl.8."
socialist period, at certain points in the development of the class
struggle such mass upsurgea will indeed be "absolutely necessary Here Mao makes clear that final victory cannot be achieved for a
and most timely." long time both because exploiting classes still exist in the world as
As noted. Mao stressed many times that the Cultural Revolu- a whole and because the bourgeoisie still exists in China itself.
tion which began in 1966 could not be the only one if China was to And, with regard to the second point in particular. Mao is not
remain a socialist country. At different times Mao gave somewhat merely describing a phenomenon-that the bourgeoisie still exists
different estimates of how often such a thing would be necessary, in China-but is emphasizing again a fundamental objectiue law of
and possible, but the important thing, of course, is not the exact socialist society; that, as be bad summed up several years earlier,
timetable. which will be determined by the twists and turns of the socialism is not an end in itself or something which can be fully
class struggle both with.in the country and internationally, but the consolidated as such, but is precisely a long period of transition, all
fact that such a revolution is necessary repeatedly, again and throughout which the bourgeoisie will continue to exist and with it
again, throughout the historical period of socialism. And Mao also the danger of capitalist restoration; and that the key link in conti·
indicates above why this is so. Of course, the people who are the nuing the advance toward communism is class struggle, in unity
targets al a particular time, individual capitalist·roaders, may be with the struggle of the proletariat and oppressed people the world
overthrown and cast down-and certain ones may even be won over.
over. But throughout the period of socialism new individuals (or At this point in the Cultural Revolution-1968·69-Mao also
sometimes I.he same ones again) will come to the fore as revisionist summed up the need for a change in tbe form of struggle end gave
leaders constituting the core of a new bourgeoisie, and they must leadership to this process, building on the achievements and
be continually overthrown. That is why the real object of the transformations that had been made and carrying them forward,
Cultur11l Revolution, as Mao points out here. is not just to over· further developing and consolidating them. Mao acted here in ac-
l.hrow those capita.list.-roaders who have, at that time, entrenched cordance with the law that the class struggle lloes not proceed in a
themselves in the party of the proletl\riat; rather, i~ must be to straight line and always at the same level of intensity, but in a
remold the world outlook of the masses of people. so that they t.ake wave-like fashion, or in spirals. The 9th Party Congress in 1969
up the stand. viewpoint and method of the proletariat, Marxism· represented the consolidation of the struggle. and the achieve-
Leninism, and thus are increasingly armed to recognize, isolate ments of the Cultural Revolution so far, at a certain stage and laid
and strike down revisionists whenever they raise their heads, while tbe basis for carrying forward the struggle and building on these
at the same time strengthening their mastery of society land achievements in the next period. But at the same time, Mao warn-
nature) and their ability to win over and remold the majority of in· ed again that, even though the form of the struggle might change,
tellectuals, cadres, etc. this did not mean that the struggle was over or that there would
The same point is stressed again when Mao talks, a year later in not. again be a need to overthrow a bourgeois headquarters in the
1968, of the victories which have been won through the Cultural Party. To fact. right after the 9th Congress, Mao stated that such
Revolution: an all-out battle would probably have to be fought within a few
years.
We have won great victory. But the defeated class will still struggle. And indeed a new bourgeois headquarters did arise within the
These people are still around and tha class still exists. Therefore we can· Party within the next few years, this time led by someone who had
nol speak of 6nal viclory. Not even for decades. We must not lose our been closely associated with the Cultural Revolution. The person,
vigilance. According to the Leninist viewpoint, the final victory of a
socialist country not only requires the efforts of the proletariat and the of course, was Lin Piao, who tried to pull off a coup in 1971, includ·
broad muses of the people at home. but also involves tbe victory of the ing a plot to assassinate Mao, and was killed in a plane crash try·
world revolution and the abolition of the system of exploitation of man by ing to flee the country after his plan was foiled. Mao had recog-
man over the whole globe. upon which all m•nkind will be emancipated. nized quite early that Lin Piao bad treacherous characteristics,

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 294 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 296

even though he bad played a generally positive role at an earlier letariat and Combat and Prevent Revisionism. What Mao was
stage of the Chinese revolution, and even though Mao felt it was stressing in this quotation, and what was stressed in this cam·
necessary to unite with Lin during the first stage of the Cultural paign, is that it is necessary to understand why, for what purpose.
Revolution in order to knock out the strongly entrenched Rightists the dictatorship of the proletariat is being exercised. It is not
associated with Liu Shao-chi. enough just to understand that there must be a dictatorship of the
The defeat of Lin Piao' s plots and the smashing of his head- proletariat-it is necessary to understand what the proletariat
quarters, although a great victory for the proletariat, also created must accomplish, and in what direction it must be moving.
new conditions-new contradictions and new problems. Many of through its dictatorship.
the veteran leaders of the Party who, in the face of the mass up- What this direction is, is clarified in another statement by Mao
surge of the Cultural Revolution and the determined support for it during the same time:
by Mao and other revolutionary leaders, had to one degree or
another been won-or forced-to go along. began to back off and Our country at present practices a commodity system, the wage system is
oppose it, using Lin Piao's treachery as a rationalization-or unequal, too, as in the eight-grade wage scale. end so forth. Under the dic-
pretext-for their opposition. tatorship of the proletariat such things con only be resl1'ict.ed. Therefore
0

if people like Lin Piao come l.o power, it will be quite easy for them to rig
In effect, Mao's opponents argued that almost no one was more up the copit.alist system. That is why we should do more reading of
identified with the Cultural Revolution than Lin, and now that he Marxist-Leninist works.••
had shown his true colors. one should suspect everything that he
had promoted and been involved in. They covered over the fact What Mao is talking about here are the remnants-what Marx
that there had been many defects in the way in which Lin had pro- called the "hitthrnarks"-of the old society which exist within the
moted the Cultural Revolution, that by the time of the 9th Con· socialist economic base-within socialist production relationa
gress he had begun to attack many of the achievements and gains themselves. Such things-the commodity system, differences in
of the Cultural Revolution, and that he had argued that revolu- distribution, etc.-can be generally described as bourgeois right.
tionary turmoil was fine for a while (namely for as long as it took since they belong to the category of economic relations
for him to get on top), but that the time had come for the masses to characterizing the bourgeois epoch and signal that the horizons of
quiet down, put their noses to the grindstone and just produce. these relations have not been entirely crossed (to use Marx's
Those who now saw their chance to attack the Cultural Revolu- words), although these things operate within a different cont.ext
tion. of course, tried to ignore this, the rightist thrust of Lin Piao· s under socialism. since the exploitation of wage labor is abolished
li~e, as wel.1 as its rightist essence, and instead wanted to portray by socialist production relations. These "birthmarks" are closely
him as a wild-eyed "ultra-leftist," and by implication to smear the linked to the continued existence of what the Chinese often called
Cultural Revolution as a whole with the same brush. the "three great differences"-between workers and peasants,
In the course of this struggle Mao made some extremely impor- town and country, and mental and manual labor.
tant summations, which pushed even further forward the Marxist.· Mao is calling attention to the fact that, on the one hand, bour-
Leninist understanding of continuing the revolution under the die· geois right-broadly defined as above-continues to exist through-
tatorship of the proletariat. Thus in late 1974 Mao publicly fo- out the period of socialism and that the dictatorship of the prole-
cused attention on the crucial question: tariat can only restrict it. This is why capitalist restoration con tin·
ues to be a very dangerous possibility. But on the other hand, he is
Why did Lenin speak of exercising dictatorship over the bourgeoisie? It 111 emphasizillg that the proletariat must precisely restrict bourgeois
essentlal to get this question clear: Lock of clarity on this question will right and that the increasing restriction of bourgeois right, in ac·
lead to reviaionism. This should be made known to the whole nation.•• cordance with the material and ideological conditions at each
point, must be carried out throughout the period of socialism.
With its publication in February 1976, soon alter the end of the Otherwise, the growth and power of the bourgeoisie will be fos·
4th National People's Congress, this instruction of Mao's launched tered and it will be strengthened in its attempt to seize power, im·
the campaign to Study the Theory of the Dictatorship of the Pro- pose bourgeois dictatorship over the masses and restore

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296 IMMORTAL CONTR IBUTIONS DICTATORSHIPOFTHEPROLETARIAT 297

capitalism, with its supreme bourgeois right- the right to exploit 1.asks that lie ahead f11r the dictatorship of the proletariat in this respect.
the proletariat. Moreover. we must see that both ownership by the whole people and col·
What exactly the difference between socialism and old Chin11 lective ownership involve the question of leadership, that is, the question
was and in what ways they were the same wa s further clarified in of which class bolds the ownership in fact and not just in name."
something else that Mao said at the same time: Second. there is the fact that ownersbip, whlle it is the most im·
port.ant and basic aspect of the relations of production. is not the
In a word, China is a socialist country. Before liberation she was much the
same as a capitalist country. Even now she practices an eight-grade wage only aspect. There ere also two other aspects: (1) the relations
system. distribution according to work and exchange through money, and among people in the process of production, and (2) the relations of
in all this differs very little from the old society. What is different is that distribution. Both of these, under socialism, continue to be in·
the system of ownership has been changed." fected, to varying degrees. with bourgeois right. We saw that
Marx, in the Critique of the Gotha Programme, talks about the
This makes a precise and scientific economic differentiation or bourgeois right which is inherent in the socialist system of
capitalism from socialism. The system of ownership has changed. distribution according to work, and Mao refers to this in the above
It has become basically socialized But this does not mean that the quotation es well Bourgeois right cannot be completely eliminated
relations of production have been totally transformed, by any in this aspect of the relations of production under socialism, but it
means-and Mao is emphasizing t hat although there has been an Clln and must be continually restricted That was one reason Lenin
advance, it is only the first step. hniled the communist subbotniks-because they represented an
Further, there is the question of whether t he system of owner- overcoming of bourgeois right in distribution relations in a certain
ship itself has been fully socialized. When agriculture becomes col· respect. Even the eight-grade wage scale represented a restric·
lectivized, as it was in China by the late 1950s, with t he land and tion- for there had been many more grades in the wage-scale
major implements of production being owned collectively by earlier, in the 1950s-but it could not be viewed as a static thing
groups of people who also work the land, this is socialization, but it and the final limit of such restriction.
is not full socialization-this only comes when the land and means lf bourgeois right is not continually restricted in these aspects of
of production are collectively owned by the whole of society. the production relations-in distribution and' in relations among
t hrough t he state, and the peasants are transformed in to workers. people in production, the division of labor- then it will grow, and
This step in the socialization of agriculture has never yet been these aspects, together with the influence of the revisionist line.
completed in any socialist society. Further, a s Chang Chun·chiao will react back-in a bourgeois direction-on the ownership
shows in an important article not long after the publication of system. Chang Chun·chiao sums up these important points as
these q uotations from Mao, even in commerce and industry, state follows:
ownership is not complete. Chang points out:,
It is perfectly correct for people to give full weight t.o the decisive role of
However, we must see that with respect to the system of ownership the the system of ownership in the relations of production. But it is incorrect
issue is not yet fully settled. We often say that the issue of ownership to give no weight to whether the issue of ownership has been reeolved
"has in the main been settled": this means thatjt bas not been settled en- merelv in form or in actual fact, to the reaction upon the system of owner·
tirely, and also that bourgeois right has not been totally abolished In this ship exerted by the two other aspects of the relations or production-the
realm. The statistics cited above show that private ownership still eidsr.s relations among people and the form of distribution- and to the reaction
partially in industry, agriculture and commerce, that socialist public upon the economic base exerted by the superstructure: these lwo aspeclll
ownership does not consist entirely of ownership by the whole people but and the superstructure may play a decisive role under given conditions.
includes two kinds of ownership, and t.b.at ownership by the whole people Politics is the concentrated expression of economics. Whether the
is still rather weak In agriculture. which is the foundation of the national ideological and political line is correct 11r incorrect, and which class holds
economy. The disappearance of bourgeois right in the realm of the sys~m the leadership, decides which class OWll!! those factories in actual fact.••
of ownership In a socialist society. as conceived by Marx and Lenin. un-
plies the conversion of all the means of production into the common p~ A result of these inevitable contradictions under socialism, both
perty of the whole of society. Clearly we have not yet reached that stage. within the economic base (the relations of production), and be-
Neither in theory nor in practice should we overlook the very arduous

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 I IVI IYIVlt j 111. tJUN' l'ttll:IUTroNs DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 299

tween the base and superstructure, is that a new bourgeoisie is it. Mao dealt with this same phenomenon in another important
constantly, and likewise inevitably, generated within socialist statement during his last great battle:
society. Mao also spoke to this in the following statement:
After the democratic revolution the workers and the poor and lower·
Lenin said that "small production engenders capitalism and the bourgeoi- middle peasants did not stand still, they want revolution. On the other
sie continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale" They hand. a number of Party members do not want to go forward; some have
ore also engendered among a part of thu working class und of the Partv moved backward and opposed the revolution. Why? Because they have
membership. Both within the ranks of the proletariat and among the pe~- become high officials and want to protect the interest.'! of the bigh of·
10nnel of state and other organs there are people who Lake to the ficials."
bourgeois style of life.'"
1.....- ln any revolution there will be people who get some benefits
1n all these areas, as a result of the contradictions in socialism and from it and a tendency for some of them not to want the revolution
the continued existence of bourgeois right, there are people who to go further lest their benefits are endangered. As Chang Chun·
"take to the bourgeois style of life" and thus become the social chiao put it:
base for a new bourgeoisie to seize power. But the leading force,
the real bourgeois headquarters, is not here under socialism-al They do approve of the dictatorship of the proletariat at a certain stage
least after socialist transformation of ownership has in the main ond within a certain sphere and are pleased witb certain victories of the
been completed. Rather, it is actually in the communist party of a proletariat, because these will bring them some gsins: once they have
secured their gains, they feel it's time to settle down and feather their
socialisL country, as Mao points out later: cosy nests. As for exercising aU·round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie,
as for going on after the first step on the I0,000·/i long march [i.e., continu·
With the socialist revolution they themselves come under lire. At the time ing the revolution after the seizure of power), sorry, let others do the job:
of the c<.>-operative tTansformation of agriculture there were people in the here is my stop ond J must get off the bus.'"
Party who opposed it. and when it comes to criticizing bourgeois right.
they resent it. You are making the socialist revolution. and yet don 't know This does not mean that all such people are hopeless reac·
where the bourgeoisie is. It is right in the Communist Pnrty-those in tionaries. Some may be won over through struggle-but there does
power toking the capitalist road. The capitalist-roaders ere still on the
capitalist road " have to be struggle. Immediately after the statement above,
Chang Chun·chiao goes on to say:
When Mao refers here to those who opposed the co-operative
transformation, or in other words the socialization, of agriculture, We would like to offer a piece of advice to these comrades: It's dangerous
to stop half·way! The bourgeoisie is beckoning to you. Catch up with the
he is referring to those in the Chinese Communist Party who were ranks and continue to advancei1<
revolutionaries in the new·democratic stage of China's revolution,
but who wanted to bring a bait to the revolution when it came to But it is crucial to grasp that those who are not won over form an
moving into the socialist stage end, who increasingly came into op- import.ant part of the social base for the revisionists at the top
position to the revolution as it advanced in the socialist stage. ln levels of the Party in their attempts to mobiliz.e support for the
other words, they had never really advanced, in actuality. beyond usurpation of power from the proletariat and the restoration of
being bourgeois-democrats, never made a radical rupture with capitalism.
bourgeois ideology. This phenomenon of "bourgeois·democrat to As emphasized several times already, jt is precisely the top
capitalist-roader" bad to do specifically with a country like China, leaders of the Party who take to the capitalist road that constitute
where the revolution involved a long democratic struggle as the the greatest danger LO eocialism and must be the main target of
direct prelude to the socialist stage. the revolutionary struggle. It is they who can give support to more
But Mao's remarks are much broader, and have application to any privileged strata in society in resisting further transformations
socialist society. The socia.list revolution, as we have seen, must con- that strike at this privilege and who can play upon the negative
tinue to move forward. end as it does so there will be people who aspects-the bourgeois thinking end style of life-that tend to
think it has gone far enough and do not went to move forward with arise among these tJtrata on the basis of this privileged position.
800 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS OIC'l'ATORSH IP OF THE PROLETARIAT 301

Further, it is they who are in a position to coordinate opposition to renegades and ~worn followers. Lin Piao wanted to overthrow the pro-
the advance of socialism throughout the society, who can unite the let.ariat and au.empted a coup. Did class struggle die out?"
forces of such opposition around a common line and program, give
them leadership and direction and actually mobilize them for an at- In concluding this chapter, it is necessary to return in a concen·
tempt to usurp power. And, of course, it is they who not only act as trated way to several points which were touched on earlier and
the commanders of these forces, but can provide the best cover for which relate to some major questions that are raised either in the
counter·revolution, since they are leading members of the Party form of uncertainty about. disagreement with or outright attacks
and can capitalize on the respect that the masses have for the Par- on Mao's basic line on classes and class struggle in socialist socie-
ty and its leadership This is why Mao called attention to the pro- ty and the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictator·
blem that you "don't know where the bourgeoisie is" and to the ship of the proletariat.
answer-" It is right in the Communist Party-those in power tak·
ing the capitalist road." Bourgeoisie in the Party
The contradictions of socialist society itself-the remaining divi·
sion of labor, differences in income. the persistence of commodity Is it correct to say, as Mao explicitly did, that in' socialist socie-
relations, etc.. as well as the continuing influence of bourgeois ty. even after the socialization of ownership is Hn the main) com·
ideology-provide the basis not only for bourgeois elements to be pleted, the bourgeoisie. as a class, actually continues to exist? Fur-
constantly generated in society generally, but especially for them to ther, is it correct to say. as Mao did. that the bourgeoisie is right in
repeatedly emerge at the top ranks of the Party and for them to the Communist Party, and how should this be understood?
mobilize a social base for counter-revolution. This does not mean First, it must be said I.hat the bourgeoisie does not, of course, ex·
that all leading people, by mere virtue of their position, are bound to ist under socialism (after socialization of ownership) as a class which
become bourgeois and turn traitor to the revolution. But it does privately owns the means of production, as it does under capitalism.
mean that some of them- in particular those who take to the By applying such a definition to socialist society we would have to
bourgeois style of life and adopt a revisionist ideological and conclude that indeed the bourgeoisie does not and could not exist
political line-will do so and that they will bhen have both the after the ownership system is transformed. But by ul!ing this same
necessity and the opportunity to rally a following for an attempt to method-which, it must be said, is scholastic and not Marxist-we
seize power and restore capitalism. This, as Mao summed up. wiJJ would also have to conclude that the proletariat no longer exists
continue to be the case all throughout socialism, until the contradic- once ownership is socialized, because strictly speaking the pro-
tions of socialism are resolved tbrough the revolutionary advance to letariat is by definition a class deprived of all ownership of the
communism. means of pr<>duct.ion. And if this were the case., then naturally it
Class struggle not only does not and cannot die out under would be ridiculous to talk of the dictatorship of the (non-existent)
socialism. but it remains the motive force in socialist society. and proletariat-over the (non-existent) bourgeoisie. Thus it can be seen
the outcome of that struggle-and specifically the struggle be- what trouble such a method would quickly land us in-and how it
tween the proletariat and the bourgeoisie-determines whether would, in fact, land us in unity with Khrushchev-type revisionists
society continues the advance toward communism or (in the shor~ with their theory of "the state of tbe whole people."
run) is dragged back to capitalism. As Mao summed up near the Dialectics teaches that when the struggle of opposites undergoes
end of his life: a qualitative change, each of the opposites undergoes a change as
well. This applies to the struggle between the proletariat and the
In 1949 it was pointed out that the principal contradiction within the bourgeoisie. When the proletariat seizes power from the
country wes one between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. ThirteeD bourgeoisie, establishes its OWll dictatorship over the bourgeoisie
years lat.er the question of class struggle was reiterated, and mention was and socializes ownership, the proletariat changes from the ruled to
also made or the fact that the situation began to tum for the better. What
ill the Great Cultural Revolution for? To wage cl8!1s struggle. Liu Shao-chi the ruling class and from being deprived of all ownership of the
advocated the theory of the dying out of class stroggle. but he him8elf means of production to being the collective owner of the means of
never ceased to wage class struggle. He wanted to protect bis bunch of production. But this does not yet eliminate the proletariat; it con-

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302 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

tinues to exist until communism is achieved with the abolition of

all class distinctions and the basis for them. So. therefore, must its
opposite-the bourgeoisie-exist, for there can be no proletariat
without a bourgeoisie. and vice versa. The bourgeoisie in fact has
undergone a change in the opposite direction: it has changed from
the ruling to the ruled class and from a class privately owning the
means of production to a class deprived of ownership of the means
of production.
Let's examine more closely this question of the bourgeoisie
under socialism. Here what is meant by the bourgeoisie is the
social class and not the specific individuals who make it up at any
given time-and, in particular, not merely or even mainly the
capitalists who are overthrown when the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat is first established (which. for clarity. can be referred to as
the old bourgeoisie). There are instances under socialism where
private ownership and the exploitation of wage labor actually take
place literally and in the same basic form as under capitalism. It is
not generally possible for the proletariat, after seizing power, to
expropriate all bourgeois enterprises at once. Further, even after
the old bourgeoisie has been stripped entirely of its former capital.
there are cases of illegal operations-underground privately-
owned sweatshops, etc. Of much more significance, however, is the
relationship between the leadership and the masses within the
socialist economy. If a Marxist-Leninist line is in command, then
these relations, while they involve inequality, will be ones of com-
radely cooperation-and such inequality will be narrowed step by
step. But if a revisionist line is in command, then this turns the
relationship between the leaders and those under their leadership
into one of oppression, and one that is tantamount to exploitation.
If the leading cadres do not take part in productive labor
together with the masses; if at the same time they increase their in-
come relative to that of the masses. through expanded wage dif-
ferentials, bonuses proportional to wages. etc.; if they put profit in
command; and if they monopolize management and planning while
the masses of manual workers are effectively barred from these
things rather than being politically activated to take part in them
and supervise the leading cadres; then in essence how much dif·
ferent is the relationship between the leading cadres and the work·
ing masses from that between the workers and the capitalists in
capitalist society? And with regard to the high officials who exer-
cise leadership in the ministries. in finance and trade. etc.. if they
follow the same revisionist line, divorce themselves from the
masses and productive labor and effectively monopolize control

I =i n f':I l'"\I'"
 DICTATORSHlPOFTHE PROLETARL;,T 305

over these spheres, how much different are they than executives 0£
big corporations and banks in the capitalist countries?
There is, of course, one basic difference-the difference between
socialism and capitalism. That is, these revisionists, even if they
control important spheres of the economy, portions of political
power. etc., under socialism. are still operating in the conditions
where overall in society the working class has power and the econ·
omy is socialist. This is all the more reason that they must make an
all·out attempt to seize power so that they can pursue their
bourgeois interests more fully through the restoration of capitalism.
This is precisely the process that occurred in the Soviet Union.
This does not. however, change the fact that even under
socialism such capitslist·roaders will not only emerge but. where
and to the e.xtent that they are able to implement a revisionist line,
they will be able to transform the relations between themselves
and those under their leadership, especially the basic working
masses, into ones of oppression and, in essence. exploitation.
These revisionists will seek out each other, form factions and blocs
and their own apparatuses within the Party and st.ate (as well as
outside them) in opposition to the principles of the Party, its basic
line and the revolutionary leadership and forces within it, as well
as to the masses of people. Thus it can be seen that they actually
constitute a bourgeoisie-or the heart of it- wit.bin socialist socie-
ty and with the characteristics of that class under the conditions of
socialism.
In sum: in socialist society. power over the means of production
as well as over distribution is concentrated as the power of
political leadership. Where and to the e.xtent that power is not in
the hands of Marxists and the masses but instead in those of revi·
sionists, then bourgeois relations of production can be generated
even within the collective form, although the full development of
bourgeois production relations requires the seizure of power by the
bourgeoisie-led by the capitalist·roaders in top Party leader·
ship-and the restoration of capitalism in society as a whole.
From this it can be seen why it is not only correct but necessary
to speak of the bourgeoisie within the Party-the capitalist·
1968 Chinese demonstration of a million people in support of th!l roaders in positions of authority. For the great majority of people
Black people's struggle in the U.S. Mao stressed that the advance ol who hold leading posts in the economy at the various levels are
the dictatorship or the proletoriat in China was inseparably linked precisely Party members-it is they who (especially after the first
to the development or the world proletarian revolution. In bis few years of socialism) are overwhelmingly the managers, plan·
famous statement " In Support or the Afro-American Struggle ners, heads of ministries, etc. And those of them who take to the
Aga.in8t Violent Repression," Mao called it "a new clarion call to capitalist road and implement a revisionist line become indeed a
all the exploited and oppressed people of the United States lo right
against the barbaTous rule or the monopoly capitalist class." bourgeoisie within the Party-with its power deriving from their

nro
 306 TMMORTAL CONTfUBUTlONs
- O!C'l'A'l'ORSHtP OF THE PRO LETA RlAT 307

' stems from both the contradictions of the

leading positions. This oppose-the socialist system. Mao's policy on this was quite cor-
socialist system, as summarized earlier, and from the fact that the rect-it isolated the enemies, including those among the national
socialist economy is a collective one, with the state the decisive bourgeoisie who resisted the policies of the Party and attacked
economic unit and the Party the leading force. socialism. and il enabled the broad masses to unite more firmly to
This does not mean. of course. that the entire bourgeoisie resides defeat these enemies.
in the Communist Party. There are many bourgeois elements In fact. especially after the socialist transformation of owner-
generat.ed (or remaining from the old society) outside the Party. ship (accomplished in the main by 1956). the national bourgeoisie
But the core of the bourgeoisie under socialism. those in the posi- in China-which was being phased out of any remaining private
tion to exercise the greatest power with regard t,o the economy as ownership-posed much less of a problem than the newly emerging
weU as in the superstructure of politics. culture, etc., are obviously bourgeois elements and in particular the revisionists in the Party
those in the Party itself. especiaUy at the highest levels. Analyzing itsell, especially at its top levels. For with this transformation. the
all this, and developing the means for struggling against these conditions arose whereby the core and most important elements of
forees as the main target of the class struggle against the the bourgeoisie would be within the Party rather than outside it,
bourgeoisie, is truly a great contribution of Mao Tsetung. as explained earlier.
Under these circumstances, while the national bourgeoisie-or
Mao's Treatment of National Bourgeoisie remnants of it-still had a dual character and could possibly be
unit.eel with, this was not the case with die-hard capitalist roaders
This is closely connect.eel with another question that is raised: in authority in the Party and state, who posed the greatest danger
why did Mao say, as late as 1957, that in China the contradiction to and must be the main target of the proletariat in exercising its
with the national bourgeoisie should still be handled non· dictatorship and carrying forward the class struggle. Again,
antagonistically? Was this correct, and if so why-why did it not analyzing these changes in class relations and developing the
constitute capitulation to the bourgeoisie? means and methods for continuing the revolution in these condi·
During the first, the new-democratic, stage of the Chinese tions was a truly great contribution of Mao Tsetung.
revolution, the Chinese Communist Party under Mao's leadership
had in fact correctly applied the policy of uniting with the national The AIJ.lfound Dictatorship of the Proletariat
bourgeoisie-as opposed to the big, comprador bourgeoisie-as far
as possible (for more on this see chapter 1J. Following that, when Finally, in summing up Mao's contributions with regard to the
the revolution entered the socialist stage with the founding of the decisive question of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and in par-
People's Republic, Mao recognized that it was correct to attempt ticular the theory of continuing the revolution under this dictator·
to win over or at least neutralize as much of the national ship, it is ironically appropriate to Jet his enemies-specifically
bourgeoisie as possible, on the basis of its patriotism and desire to those in China who have carried out the (temporary) reversal
see China overcome the legacy of imperialism and feudalism, there-point to these contributions. In an attempt to discredit the
which objectively could only be accomplished by taking the so-called "gang of four" (and above all Maol. the revisionists in
socialist road. At the same time, Mao also recognized and point.eel power in China now, in attacking Chang Chun·chiao's article On
out that thls policy toward the national bourgeoisie could only be Exercising All·Round Dictatar$hip Over the Bourgeoisie, cite a
accomplished through struggle and that it might not be possible to statement by a "sworn follower of the 'gang of four' ";
handle this contradiction non-antagonisticaUy-that the national
bourgeoisie, or sections of it, might very well resist this and pose Lenin merely said c.hal only those who recognized the dictatorship of the
themselves directly in opposition to the advance of socialism.1 • proletariat were Marxists. When Chang Chun-ehiao wu writing this IU'ti·
And. in fact. there were two tendencies among the nation11l cle, he found Lenin's words inadequate in driving home his point. As he
bourgeoisie: some sections of it joined with the camp of counter- - • it. only those who recognize the all-round dictatorship of the pro-
letariat over the bourgeoisie are genuine Marxists. But be didn't put it in
revolution in attacking socialism, while others among the national the article lest others. on reading it. should think Lenin was not a
bourgeoisie did basicaUy go along with-or at least did not openly Marxist."
 O!C'l'ATORSHlP OF THE PROLETARIAT 809

To this the revolutionaries in China must plead "innocent as

charged." For what is being emphasized in the statement just
above-which is clearly expressing Mao's line and not just Chang
Chun·chiao's, and which just as clearly is in unity with and a
development of Lenin's line-is that, on the one hand, the dictator-
ship of the proletariat is the necessary product of the development
of society through the class struggle at a certain stage, but that on
the other hand, it is not an end in itself-it is a transition to com·
munism. It is at the heart of Mao's line on this question that if the
dictatorship of the proletariat is treated as an end in itself then it
will be turned into its opposite-into a dictatorship by a revisionist
new bourgeoisie over the proletariat and masses of people.
As Chang Chun·chiao explained in his article, exercising all·
around dictatorship over the bourgeoisie means exercising this die·
tatorship in all spheres of society and throughout the entire transi·
tion period of socialism. To limit this dictatorship to certain
spheres can only mean strengthening the bourgeoisie and its at·
tempts to usurp power, and to stop part way along the transition
can only mean that the bourgeoisie will overthrow the proletariat
and restore capitalism. To curtwl this dictato.r ship and to bring a
The four top revolutionary leaders overthrown in the October 1976 halt to it at a certain point is, as pointed out earlier, precisely the
revisioni.st coup in China: above, Chiang Ching (left) and Chang
Chun·cluao at the rostrum at the Tenth National Congress of the program of revisionists, especially those in high office, who have
Communist Party of Chine. secured certain gains from the victories of the revolution and the
exercise of the proletarian dictatorship in certain spheres and for a
certain time. They do not want the revolution to advance further
and the dictatorship of the proletariat to be exercised in an all·
around and long·term way. for then the gains they have secured,
the privileged position and control over parts of the economy and
lhe superstructure they hold, as well as the basis for these
privileges, will be struck at and ultimately eliminated.
Chang Chun·chiao's article explains this point by referring to a
famous statement by Marx (cited earlier) where he says that the
dictatorship of the proletariat must be "the necessary transit
point to the abolition of class distinctions generally, to the aboli·
tion of all the relations of production on which they rest, to the
abolition of all the social relations that correspond to these rela·
tions of production, to the revolutionising of all the ideas that
result from these social relations:"[Emphasis in original!'• Chang
Chun·chiao goes on to give the following explanation, wildly at·
tacked by the revisionists in China:

In all the four cases, Marx means all. Not a part. a greater part. or eveo
Yao Wen-yuan. the greatest part, but all! This is nothing surprising, for only by emAn·
Wang Hung·wen.

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310 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

cipoting all mankind can the proletariat achieve its own final emancipa·
tion. The only way to attain this goal is to exercise all-round dictatorship
over the bourgeoisie and carry the continued revolution under the die·
tatorship of the proletariat through to the end. until the above-mentioned Conclusion
four alls are banished from the earth so that it will be impossible for the
bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes to exist or for new ones to
arise: we definitely must not call a halt along the path o[ the transition. In MAO TSETUNG,
our view. only those who understand the matter this way can be deemed
to have grasped the essence of Marx's teaching on the state.-.. THE GREATEST REVOLUTIONARY
Again. "our view" clearly refers not just to that of Chang Chun- OF OUR TIME
chiao but to that of Mao and the other revolutionaries in China.
For it is the essential point of Mao's development of Marxist·
Leninist theory on the state and the dictatorship of the proletariat Introduction
in particular that exercising this dictatorship and carrying The preuious chapters haue examined Mao Tsetung's co11tribu·
through the transition to communism can mean nothing less than tions in a 11umber of specific fields. illcluding his greatest contribu·
continuing the reuolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. tion-the application of materialist dialectics to socialist society
This theory is the product of Mao· s application of materialist and the d!'uelopment on that basis of the uru:lerstar1dillg that
dialectics to socialist society, and it represents the greatest of his classes a11d class stmgg/e e.~isr all during the period of socialism
immortal contributions to Marxism-Leninism and the revolu· and the theory of continuing the reuolution under the dictatorship
tionary struggle of the international proletariat. Despite what the of the proletariat throughout this long transition period. in urri~y
revisionists in China may say or do, and regardless of the slanders with the i'lll-ernational working class and the oppressed people rn
and distortions of reactionaries and opportunists in general. th.is 1,wery country, until the final uictory of communism world·wide. _It
theory will continue to stand as a powerful weapon of the pro· has been shown how Mao enriched and deueloped Marxism·Le11111·
Ietariat and sooner or later will be wielded by it in every country in ism in this most important area, as well as in other spheres, in
carrying through th.e transition to the historic goal of communism. dialectioal rmity with leading the reuolutio11ary stmggle of huri·
dreds of millions in China to unprecedented heights. and provided
In this way inspiration and illumination to reuolutiortary people in
the millio11s on euery part of the globe.
From this it carr be see11 that Mao Tsetw1g's corttributions are iii·
deed immortal. Jn concluding this book, howeuer, it is important
and necessary to wok at Mao's role as a reuolutiortary leader i11 a
concentrated and at the same time sweeping way, in order to more
thoroughly comprehend why and how it is that he was the greatest
reuolutionary of our time-and in fact since the time of Lenin.

www. wenae\~ana or
 312 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS CONCLUSION 313

Moo: A Greut Helmeinan in Uncharted Waters Stalin spoke to this question. specifically in reforence to the Rus·
sian revolution and Lenin's leadership of it. He pointed out that
That Mao led the struggle in Chino which finally resulted in the prlor to the experience of the Russian revolution. Marxists
founding of the People's Republic, and that this radically altered generally held the view that a parliamentary democratic republic
China and the whole world, are facts which are widely known and would be the form in which the working class would rule- a view
which few would (dare) dmy. It is also a fact that throughout the strengthened by Engels' statements to that effect. Further, Stalin
course of that protracted struggle. through its different i;tages and noted, Engels and Marx had concluded that socialism could not be
many twists and turns, Mao had to wage a fierce battle against op· built in one country-and this too was the accepted rule and had
portunists within the Chinese Communist Party who. from the acquired the force of dogma among many Marxists. What would
right and the "left." opposed and attacked the correct line of ad· have happened, Stalin asks, if Lenin bad been bound by the letter
vance which be led in forging. But beyond that. and as a decisive of Ma_rDsm at that time rather than basing himself on the spirit,
part of forging the correct line and providing that leadership, Mao applymg the method, of Marxism? The Soviets would not have
also had to challenge and break with the force of convent.ion within been developed as the form through which the working class ac·
the international communist movement. Specifically, he had to tually exercised its rule in that country- in fact there wou ld have
fight against the mechanical approach which insisted that the been no Soviet Union and no socialism built in that country. It
revolution in China must proceed in exactly the same way as that goes without saying what a loss that would have been to the ~ter·
in Russia-that the bourgeoisie must be treated as an enemy national proletariat.'
rather than as a possible ally, that the cities must be seized first, And so it was in China. Mao consistently argued that the univer-
not the countryside. etc. Had Mao not done so, and instead gone sal principles of Marxism-Leninism must be applied and that the
along with those who demanded that the Chinese revolution be a basic lessons of the October Revolution in Russia must be
clone of the Soviet revolution, and who invoked the Soviet ex· upheld-especially the need for the seizure of power through the
perience and the Soviet Union itself as a holy icon and treated their armed struggle of the masses and for the leadership of the revolu-
association with it as capital, then it can be safely said that there tionary party of the proletariat-but that these had to find dif-
would have been no Chinese revolution and no People's Republic of ferent application in China's concrete conditions than they had in
China. Russia. It was on this basis that. as a part of le11ding the struggle
It can be further said that it is even a Jaw of revolution. and for the seizure of nationwide political power in China, Mao made
especially of proletarian revolution, that in order for it to succeed some of his important contributions which enriched and developed
in any particular country, the struggle in that country and those Marxism-Leninism-especially in the formulation of the strategy
leading it will have to depart from and even oppose certain par- of new-democratic revolution leading to socialism. in military line
ticular conceptions or previous practices which have come to be in· and thought, and in laying the basic groundwork of his develop-
vested with the stature of "established norms" in the revolu· ment of Marxist philosophy.
tionary movement. This is an expression of materialist dialectics. ff it was true that Mao could not have led the Chinese revolution
because every revolution arises out of the concrete conditions (con· in its first stage to victory, to the founding of the People's
tradictions) in the country (and the world) at the time it is occur- Republic, without challenging and breaking with powerful conven·
ring, and every new revolution inevitably involves new questions, tions in the international communist movement, this was still
new contradictions to be resolved. It is the basic principles and the more the case with regard to leading the continuing advance in the
method of Marxism-Leninism that must be applied as a universal socialist stage, after the People's Republic was founded. This was
guide for revolution- but these, too, are constantly being so in such fields as political economy and culture and it was most
developed and enriched, just because scientific knowledge is con· definitely the case with the greatest of Mao's immortal contribu-
stantly being deepened, including the Marxist·Leninist com· tions-the basic line and theory of continuing the revolution under
prehension of reality in the fullest sense, and because reality is con· the dictatorship of the proletariat.
stantly undergoing change, which requires and calls forth the con· Most of all, is it conceivable that there would have been a Great
tinuous deepening of this knowledge. Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, an unprecedented event

W\f../W wenqewana.ora
 314 IMMORTAL CONTRrBUT!ONS CONCLUSION 316

in the whole history of the communist movement and the socialist Mao led the revolutionaries in China in summing up the positive
countries, if Mao had been unwilling to "go against the tide" (to experience and the shortcomings and mistakes of the building of
use his own phrase)-not only to fly into the face of bitter opposi· socialism in the Soviet Union and the leadership of Stalin. as well
lion within the Chinese Communist Party itself. most especially as the positive and negative experience of China and other socialist
from powerful (and, among many. popular) leaders of the Party, countries in general, and on that basis made a further leap in carry·
but also to depart from. even "violate," certain "norms" which ing forward lhe struggle for communism. This found theoretical
some have come to regard as sacred. in such basic areas as the expression in the basic line of continuing the revolution under the
functioning of the Party and il.s relation to the masses? Of course, dictatorship of the proletariat. But most of all. it was the concrete
I.his is inconceivable. And it is also inconceivable that without practice of hundreds of millions of Chinese people under the
such "violations"- that is to say. developments- of Marxism- guidance of this llieory. particularly in the Great Proletarian
Leninisrn, the Chinese revolution would have scaled the heights it Cultural Revolution. which once again (to use a phrase of Mao·s)
did. not only making new breakthroughs on the path to com- spread the salvos of Marxism· Leninism and the basic truth that it
munism but inspiring, teaching and impelling revolutionaries all is right to rebel against reaction and that the future of communism
over the world toward the same goal. will be brought about by the proletariat and masses of people.
spread this to every corner of the world.
Cultural Revolu tion: A Burst or Light Through the Clouds But, with the revisionist coup in China itself in October 1976,
Mao's great contributions and his overall leadership in the Chinese
After the treachery of Khrushchev & Co. in the Soviet Union and revolution have come under new attacks. First of all. the revi·
the terrible loss for the proletariat there. it was above all revolu· sionists in power in China now are intensifying their offensive
tionary China under the leadership of Mao Tsetung that ever more against Mao's line, concentrating their fire especially on the
brilliant.ly shone as a beacon light for revolutionary people on ev· Cu!Lural Revolution and its achievements, which represent not
ery continent. This was a time when, reaching its high point in t he just. the great.est advance of t he Chlnese people's revolutionary
1960s and early 1970s, there was a tremendous storm of revolu· struggle but also the highest pinnacle yet reached by the interna·
tionary struggle in nearly every country in the world, and most es· tional proletariat. While these renegades and impostors still must
pecielly in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. But, make some pretense to uphold Mao- at least as a natiomd sym·
with the reversal in the Soviet Union and Khrushchev's blatant re- bot-they are more and more openly trampling on the basic t.hings
pudiation of revolution and revision of Marxism-Leninism, tbere he stood for and fought for-and indeed they must do so in order to
was also a greet deal of confusion and even demoralization, includ· carry out their suppression of the revolutionary masses and the
ing within the ranks of revolutionaries. Piercing through the restoration of capitalism.
clouds that Khrushchev's betrayal had cast. the experience in Chi·
na and the Thought of Mao Tsetung not only gave heart to mil· Reversal in Chinn and New Attacks on Mao
lions of revolutionaries outside China but also kindled their deter·
mination to take up and wield the science of Marxism-Leninism. At the same time others. on the basis of the triumph of the
Was this only or mainly because the Chinese Communist Party counter-revolution in China. have launched assaults on Mao and
defended the revolutionary experience and the achievements of the Mao Tsetung Thought. Some of these even include attacks on
Soviet people in building socialism before Khrushchev & Co.'s Mao's line and leadership in the new-democratic revolution, as well
coup? Because they defended St;a!in and the dictatorship of the as in the socialist revolution.
proletariat in the Soviet Union against the completely unprinci· But, again. the most concentrated offensive has been against
pied slanders and denunciations of the Soviet revisionists? Mao's basic line on classes and class struggle under socialism and
Because they insisted that the basic lessons of the October Revolu· the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of
tion and the banner of its leader, Lenin, were still valid and must the proletariat-the most important of his immortal contributions.
be upheld? No, all of these are very important and part of the All thia has led to a gTeat deal of turmoil in the international com·
reason. but they were not the main thing. Mainly it was because munist movement. Some out of opportunism, and others out of ig-

\AllAI
310 CMMOR1'AL CONTRIBUTJONS 317
CONCLUSJON

norance, have t.aken the position that since there has been a rever· beginning and basic analysis of that has been made elsewhere.
sat in China, since the revisionists have after all seized power and while there remains the task of building on and deepening that
are rapidly taking China down the capitalist road. then Mao's analysis-by applying Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse11mg
basic line on classes and class struggle under socialism end the Thought). Rather. what is in.volved here is. the analysis-~nd
theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the criticism-of the approach which says that, since the revolution
prolet.ariat. es well as the practice of the Chinese people under the was reversed, then the revolutionaries must be at fault-or must ~t
guidance of that basic line and theory, especially in the Cultural least have made serious errors. As indicated earlier, this method is
Revolution. must have been wrong. Or else, it is said, Mao and the pragmatic-and therefore opposed to Marxism. But, beyond that,
other revolutionary leaders in China must have made serious such an approach also fails to understand the actual proces~ o~ the
mistakes. even if their overall line was correct. Chinese revolution and the development of the contradicl1ons
As for the first point, whet was said in Chapter 4 (on philosophy) which characterized it. especially after the founding of the People's
speaks directly to that: Republic. and therefore fails to correctly evaluate the tremendous
achievements of the Chinese revolution as well as the tremendous
This kind of thinking 1s nothing but empiricism and relativism. The cor· obstacles It was up against as it advanced into the socialist stage.
rectness of this theory does not depend on the immediate results in any
particular situation: it has been verified in practice. in the mass struggle
of hundreds of millions of Chinese people. and will be further verified in Magnificent Achievements of the Chinese Revolution,
the future in the revolutionary struggle not only in China but in every Contributions of Mao Tsetung
country. lSee p. 187.I
As pointed out many times in this book. the Chinese revolution
And as for the question of mistakes by the revolutionaries, certain· first proceeded-and could not but. proceed-through th~ s~age of
ly they must have made some-no one can avoid that-but that is new democracy before it was possible to advance to soc1al~sm. In
not the main thing to focus on in analyzing the setback in China. this respect it was in some important ways not that much different
While it is correct to investigate and sum up what errors they may from many other anti·imperialist liberation movements that have
have made, an all-sided analysis of the reve.rsal, applying the swept the countries of Asia, Africa end Latin f.merica since World
stand, viewpoint and method of Marxism· Leninism, makes clear war 2. And the experience of such struggles has clearly demon-
that any such mistakes were not the cause of this setback." strated that. while it is an arduous task to win victory in the strug-
In this regard, as a general and basic point, it is important to gle to end colonial (including neo·coloniall domination, it is far
really grasp that the class struggle under socialism is exactly more difficult to carry forward the struggle to establish socialism
that-end that the bourgeoisie in a socialist country may, especial· and then continue to advance in the socialist stage-and this h.es
ly at certain times. have a more favorable situation than the pro- proven true even where the struggle has been led by a commumst
letariat, owing to the development of the internal contradictions in party. The greatest. number of these movem~nts, e~e~ where led by
that country at that point as well as the international situation organizations declaring themselves Marxts~·Len1mst: have not
and Lhe interrelationship between these two at the time. Here a gone forward to socialism an~ theri:£ore have. _in f~ct, failed to even
statement by Mao himself is most relevant: win complete liberation from 1mper1alism. falling mstead under the
sway of one or another imperialist power-generally one or the
In 50Cial struggle, the forces representing the advanced class sometimes other superpower in this period. .
suffer defeat not because their ideas are incorrect but because, in the Viewed in this light, it was indeed a tremendous achievement of
balance of forces engaged in struggle. they are not as powerful for the t.ime
being as the forces of reaction; they are therefore temporarily defeated. the Chinese revolution even to make the initial transition from new
but they are bound to triumph sooner or later.• democracv to socialism. And this was not. accomplished without
monurnen"tal struggle-including within the Chinese Communiat
The point here is not to analyze the struggle in China leading up Party. "d
to the revisionist coup of October 1976 and the causes and lessons Many in the Party. including a number of top leaders, di not
of this reversal (as suggested in this chapter's introduction, a really want to carry forward the revolution, after the country had
 318 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS CONCLUSION 319

been liberated. As Mao said many times, they were keen on over· imperialisl power or another.•
throwing imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism but
not so keen on carry ing out the struggle against the bourgeoisie t.o Further. as al110 noted several times in this book. such people and
bring about the victory of socialism over capitalism and the con· I.he revisionists in general had a social base which. under certain
tinued advance toward communism. And the further the revoh1- conditions. could be mobilized as a powerful force for the over·
tion progressed in the socialist stage. the more that many of these throw of the proletarian dictatorship-as indeed happened in 1976.
leading people came into Opposition to it.-noL aU of them, but not Again. in light of all this. it can be seen what a remarkable ac·
only a few either. What is involved here is the phenomenon ofbour- complishment it was of the Chinese masses end their revolutionary
geois·democrats turning into capitalist·roaders in the sociallst leadership. headed by Mao Tsetung. that they not only forged
stage. which bas been dealt with several times in this book. their way forward through tremendous struggle to take China on
To really grasp this it is necessary to understand that in a coun· the socialist road, not only broke new ground tn building socialism.
try like old China only the proletariat and the Communist Party as for example in the GreaL Leap Forward. but continued the revo-
could lead the democratic, anti·imperialist struggle in a thorough· lution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, carried oul an un-
going way. and therefore many, many people joined the Commu- precedented mass revolutionary movement under socialism, the
nist Part.y-and even became leaders of it-who genuinely desired Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and through it beat back
to carry out the democratic anti-imperialist struggle but were not attempts at capitalist rest.oration for a whole decade-advancing
yet communists in their outlook. Is it not a widespread phenomen· the struggle of the international proletariat to new heights! All
on in many countries today which have not yet been liberated from this is not to say that the reversal in China was inevitable. that the
imperialism, and have not completed the democratic revolution. proletariat in China was bound to lose power or any other such me-
that there are many people who claim to be socialists. even com· taphysical and fatalistic nonsense. But it does provide the correct
munists, who are in fact nothing of the kind and are (at most) framework for underst11nding the actual struggle-the continuing
bourgeois revolutionaries? And such was also a widespread class struggle-that went. on in China and both the unprecedented
phenomenon in old China. including within the Chinese Com· achievements of the Chinese revolution as well as i.he causes and
munist Party. which proved to be the only force capable ofleading lessons of its setback. And it provides the correcl framework for
the struggle to victory, even in its first stage. Now many of these appreciating the magnificent contribut.ions of Mao Tsetung.
people did keep pace with the advance of the revolution and did
develop ideologically into communists. But many did not. As Mao's Role. the Role of Leaders
noted, the deeper the revolution went in the socialist stage, ~he
more that these latter types came into opposition to it and the In discussing. and defending, the contributions of Mao Tsetung
more desperate they became in their attempts to turn it around. and the role of people like Mao, and Lenin. in the revolutionary
And for those who became high officials this puU was even great.er. movement, the point is not to say that great leaders never make
The article in the Revolutionary Communist Party's central mistakes or t.hat history is made by heroes and not by the masses.
organ Reuolution (December 1978) on Chou En·lai, who may be The greatest revolutionary leaders put on their shoes one at a time
considered the premier model of such people, explained this like the rest of us, and they eat and empty their bowels in the same
phenomenon: way as us.
And it is indeed the messes who make history. In a fundamental
F'or these bourgeois democrats. the goal of the revolution was to overcome way it is the masses who "make" great revolutionary leaders. It is
China' 8 backwardness and the near total strangulation of Chinn by the im- the revolutionary struggle of the masses which brings forward its
perialist powers. Therefore they turned to "socioJism"-public owner·
ship-as the most efficient and rapid means of turning China into a highly leaders. Leaders do, in turn, play a very significant role in the revo-
industrialized, modern country. As the socialist revolution advanced, they lutionary struggle of the masses. But they can only play a positive
fought for this development to t.ake place along increasingly bourgt'Ois role, and in tbe final analysis can only be or any real significance, if
lines-which under China 's coo<fitions would not onl)' restore capitalism they continue to stand with, and in a fundamental sense in the
but would also lead to bringing China back under the domination of onn
midst of. the struggle or the masses and on that basis lead it for·
320 IMMORTAL CONTRIBU'I'IONS CONCLUSION 321

ward. In this era, in the most thoroughgoing and radical revolution part of the bloc of countries headed by that imperialist state which
in history. the proletarian revolution, that means they play their does then pose such a dangerl. This becomes especially complex
role by applying the science of Marxism-Leninism to both learn and acute in the situation where war between imperialist states is
from and guide the struggle. ln this way they can and do exert a approaching and the likelihood of an attack on a socialist state.
tremendous influence on the movement of the masses and can ac· particularly by one imperialist bloc. is seriously increasing.
tually accelerate the inevitable revolutionary process (just as they Specifically, in the last few years of Mao's life it became clear
can retard it through errors and deviations from Marxism. that the Soviet Union posed the main danger to China and,
Leninism). especially in the context of sharpening developments toward inter·
Further, just as great leaders carry on the normal functions of imperialist war with lhe U.S .. the Soviet Union was very likely to
life in the same way as the rest of us. they also carry out their role launch a large-scale attack. perhaps even an all-out invasion.
as revolutionary leaders in the same basic way as all class con· against China. In these circumstances. it was quite correct for
scious fighters make their contributions to the revolutionary China to make certain diplomat.ic and other moves to keep the
movement. That is. they do it precisely by mastering and apply· Soviet Union off balance end to make use of contradictions be-
ing, in a living way, the science of Marxism-Leninism in light of tween the imperialist blocs to put China in the strongest position
the concrete conditions in their country and the whole world. The to deal wit.h a Soviet attack on it. But this ha$ to be done in a way
point, then, in focusing on the role and great contributions of such which. overall. contributes to the development of the revolutionary
leaders is precisely to learn from them and to strengthen the re- struggle worldwide and does not call on revolutionaries in the
solve, end ability, of all in the revolutionary movement to master countries of the U.S. bloc to give up the struggle for revolution. or
aod apply the science of Marxism-Leninism and to make in this reduce "revolution"" to the struggle against the Soviet Union.
way their greatest contribution to the historic mission of the pro- On the whole. Mao and the proletarian headquarters he led in the
letariat. Chinese Communist Party (with the so-called ""gang of four"" its ac·
As part of this. it must be understood that no one. no maLter tive leading core) dealt with this contradiction in a revolutionary
how great his or her contribution, can be free of mistakes. This, of way. They fought for t.he line of supporting genuine revolutionary
course, applies to great leaders as well, including Mao. And. while struggles in other countries, including those in the U.S. bloc. while
upholding and learning from their tremendous contributions. and at t.he same time warning the revolutionaries not to allow the
defending these. as well as the overall role of such leaders, from at· Soviet Union to infiltrate and use these struggles and convert
tacks, it is also necessary to understand and learn from their er· them into their own appendage in the name of "support." Further.
rors. they fought vigorously against the line of depending on-in fact
Specifically with regard to Mao, there seems to have been a Len· capitulating to-U.S. imperialism and selling out the revolution in
dency to project too much of the experience of the Chinese revolu· China itself io the name of "modernizing" the country and
tion onto a world scale. In particular, thi11 took the form of giving a "strengthening its defense" against the Soviet Union. But. on the
n.a tional character or aspect to the struggle in (at least some) capi· other hand, they did adopt the analysis that the Soviet U oion was
talil!t. even imperialist, countries in the conditions where such the most dangerous source of wat, on a basis similar to that on
could not play a progressive role. Thls is an extremely complicated which Stalin declared the fa~cist imperialist states the main enemy
question. and no thorough analysis of it can be made. or even seri· in the late 1930s. And this included, at least to some degree, the
ously attempted, here. Rather. a few points will be very briefly promotion of the line of ""national struggle"" against tbe Soviet
touched on in relation to this. Union in the capitalist and imperialist states that, together with
AJI this is closely linked to the question of how to handle the con· the U.S .. make up its imperialist bloc Oust as Stalin had similarly
tradiction between defending e socialist country on the one hand done, even in the 1930s, with regard to those countries opposed to
and on the other hand carrying forward the revolutionary struggle the fascist imperialist bloc). As our Party stated et its 1978
in other countries. where the proletariat is not yet in power. esp& memorial meetings for Mao Tsetung.
cially capitalist and imperialist countries which do not pose the
fllllin danger to the socialist country at a particular time (or are not This error to a certain ex Lent strengthened the revisionists in Chino, who
322 lMMORTAL CONTRIBUTJONS CONCLUSION 323

were-and are-arguing LhaL Lhe Soviet danger t.o China justifJes and re-
quires writing off revolution &L home and abroad. This sort of error by Learn from Mao Tsetung, Carry Forward
revolutionaries has, as pOil!ted out, existed in the international commu·
nist movement, going back l.O the 1930s. and there is a real need to more the Cause of Communism
thoroughly s um it up and criticize it in order t.o avoid it in Lhe ruture.•
Throughout this book, as well as in this concluding chapter in
At the same time our Party has consistently, and correctly, parlicular, an analysis has been made of some of Mao Tsetung's
drawn a clear line of demarcation bel.ween the line and policies of most important contributions. including the greaLest of these- the
Mao and his revolutionary comrades on the one hand and on the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the
other hand those revisionist traitors who have usurped power proletariat. These contributions not only tower over any mistakes
throug h smashing the proletarian headquarters in the Chinese lv,lao made, they also mark him as the greatest revolutionary of our
Communist Party after Mao's death and are rapidly restoring time. But the point has further been made that the purpose in exc·
capitalism and capitulating to imperialism. And it should be amining the contributions of a great revolutionary leader like Mao
pointed out that Mao and his comrades in China learned from and is precisely to learn from them and carry forward more powerfully
corrected some of the mistakes of Stalin in regard to the contradic· the revolutionary cause for which such people have provided such
lion between defending a socialist country and carrying forward tremendous inspiration and guida nee.
the world struggle. They did not take the stand of subordinating Looking, then, at Mao's role and contributions overall and in a
everything to the defense of China. Most especially, they rec-0gniz· sweeping way, whet stands out most, what in fact underlies all of
ed the importance of leading the class struggle of the proletariat these contributions, what is most basic to learn from, is the
against the bourgeoisie in China and continuing the revolution thoroughness with which Mao applied the stand, viewpoint and
under socialism. and the dialectical relationship of this to a correct method of Marxism-Leninism, and in particular his application of
line for defending China. But, more than that, they also continued, dialectics in opposition to metaphysics. The ceaseless emergence
as stated, to fight for support for genuine revolutionary struggles and resolution of contradictions, as against all notions of ab-
in other countries, even those within the U.S. bloc.• 5-0Juteness and stagnation- this Mao grasped as the driving force
Thus, despite certain disagreements our Party has with Mao and in the development of all things, in nature, society and thought,
his comrades over some questions relating to the international and this understanding runs like a crimson path 'through Mao's
situation, the character of the revolutionary struggle in various writings and actions. Can anyone even conceive of Mao as a stodgy
imperialist countries and the relation of this to the defense of bureaucrat or "comfortable veteran" resting on his laurels!
Chine, overeU we recognize their fundamentally revolutionary role More specifically, Mao's application of dialectics in understand·
in this regard and the need to learn from both their contributions ing and explaining the relationship between matter and conscious·
to internationalism and certain errors they made in this sphere. ness, and the constant transformation of the one into the other. led
Most fundamental, however, as stated, is the need to more him to correctly place tremendous emphasis on the role of the
thoroughly sum up not merely the line and actions of Mao and the superstructure, on politics end consciousness, in guiding revolu·
other revolutionaries in China, but the history of the international tionary practice to transform the world. including the people. This
communist movement around this question, its positive and is a fundamental point which hes great importance both in prepar-
negative lessons, going back 40 years and more. This is especially ing for and carrying out the seizure of power and in continuing the
crucial in light of the present int.ernational situation, which is revolution after political power hes been gained. It is a point which
marked not only by the reversal in China and a great deal of tur- Lenin oJS-O gave great emphasis to in leading the revolutionary
moil in the international communist movement, but by the deepen· movement, as expressed in his monumental work, What Is To Be
ing crisis of imperialism and the growing developments toward Done? as well es elsewhere. But it is also a point which, in a real
both world war and revolution. sense, Mao revived and further developed in leading the Chinese
people and the international proletariat to I.heir highest ascent yet.
Whether in class struggle, including warfare, fa production or
scientific experiment, Mao stressed reliance on the conscious ac-

W l\J l\J WF'nnP\i\lr:tnn ni-9

324 IMMORTALCONTRLBUTJONS

tivism of the masses, not on technology and technique; on people,

not on thlngs.
For thls, of course, the bourgeoisie, the revisionists and oppor·
tunists of all stripes, inside and outside Chlna. have labelled Mao
an "idealist." But Mao was a thoroughgoing materialist. He based
himself on the real world, in its process of constant motion and
change, from the lower to the higher, on the inevitable superses·
sion of the old by the new. Because of thls he never lost sight of but
continually grasped the link between the present and the future,
the existence of elements of the future within the present, and the
fact that the struggle of the proletariat world-wide against the
bourgeoisie and all reaction would eventually and inexorably,
despite twists and turns and temporary reversals and setbacks,
advance mankind to the historic goal of communism, whlch itself
would be propelled forward by contradiction and struggle.
It is thls which infuses all of Mao's work and his truly immortal
contributions. And it is this. most of all, which all those who are
determined to make revolution and aspire to the lofty goal of com-
munism can and must learn from Mao Tsetung.

WWW wennPWrtnn nrn

 Above, British riot police fail to break up 1967 protest in Hong
Kong as demonstrators hold on tightly to their Red Books, Quota·
lions from Chairman fllao Tsetung. Below, scene from January 29,
1979 march outside the White House in Washington, D.C. where
500 revolutionaries led by the Revolutionary Communist Party,
USA unfurled Mao's banner in the face of the visit by Chinese
revisionist traitor Teng Hsiao-ping.

Congolese youth upholding Mao Tsetung.

 FOOTNOTES

Footnotes are numbered by chapters. and the following abbrevia·

tions are used:

MESW Marx E11gels Selected Works, Progress Publishers.

Moscow, 1973.

Above, workers in Guinea study Mao's works at a construction site. MESC Marx a11d Engels Selected Correspondence, Progress
Below, Japanese workers on top of a street barricade bold up a red Publishers. Moscow. 1975.
banner inscribed with the words " Long Live Mao Tsetung
Thought." SW Selected Works of Mao Tsetung. Foreign Languages
Press. Vol. 1·4, 1975: Vol. 5, 1977.

SMW Mao Tsetung's Selected Military Writings, Foreign

Languages Press, Peking, 1967.

HCPSU History of tlte Commu11ist Party of the $ouiet U11ion

(Bolsheviks). International Publishers, New York,
1939.

CW Refers to tbe 45·volume Moscow edition of Collected

Works of Le11i11.

FLP Foreign Languages Press, Peking.

www.wenqewana .ora
330 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS FOOTNOTES 331

28. I bid.. p. 350.

29. 1bid.. p. 351.
30. Mao Tsetung. "Some Points in Appraisal of the Present lnterna·
1. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Commurnst Par- tional Situation." SW, Vol. 4, p. 87.
ty, Foreign Languages Press, Peking. I 977, pp. 34. 37, 38. 31. Ibid., p. 88.
2. Marx, "Revolut.ion in China and jn Europe." Karl Marx and 32. MaoTsetung. "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship, " SW, Vol.
Fr«lerid Engels on Colonialism. Progress Publishers, Moscow, 4. p. 03.
1968, pp. 21 ·22. 33. Mao Tsetung. "On Practice," SW, Vol. 1. pp. 306·307.
3. Engels, "Engels to K. Kaut.sky," ibid., p. 347. 34. Mao Tsetung. "On Contradiction," SW. Vol l, pp. 325-326.
4. "Engels to K. Kautsky," 1882. ibid.. p. 342. SS. Pelting Reuiew, Number 38. 1976, September 13, 1976, pp HI.
5. Lenin, "Socialism and War," l.Anin on War and Peace. Three Ai- 36. Apologists of Neo-Colonialism. FLP, Peking. 1963. p. 2.
ticle&, FLP, Peking, 1970, pp. 16, 17. 37. Ibid., pp. &7.
6. Lenin, "Under a False Flag," Collected Works (CW), Moscow, p. 148. 38. Ibid., pp. 8. 9·10. 31·32.
7. Ibid., pp. 140, 142. 39. Ibid., p . 27.
8. Lenin, "A Caricature of Marxism, " CW, Vol 23, p. 38. 40. Ibid.. p. 35.
9. Lenin, "Two Tactics of Social·Democracy in the Democratic Revolu·
tion," CW, Vol. 9, pp. 86. 87. Chapter 2
10. For the remarks by Lenin summarized in the paragraph above, see
Lenin, CW. Vol. 9, p. 100.
II. Stalin, "The October &volution and the National Question," I. Mao Tsetung. "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary
Worh, Vol. 4, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, War," Selected Military Writings/SMWJ, FLP. Peking, 1967, p. 78.
1953. pp. 169·170. 2. Mao Tsetung, "Problems of War and Strategy," SMW. p. 269.
12. Lenin, "The Second Con~ess ol the Communist International," see 3. Ibid.
"Report of the Commission on the National and the Colonial Ques· 4. Mao Tsetung, "Why Is It That Red Political Power Can Exist In
tione," CW. Vol. 31. p. 244. China?", SMW, p. 13.
IS. Ibid. 5. Ibid.
14. Mao T$ttung, "Report of an Inuestigation of the Peasant Mouement 6. Mao 7'setung. "A Single Spark Can Start A Prairie Fire," SMW, p .
in Hunan," Selected Works of Mao Tsetung (SW), Vol. l FLP, Pek· 75.
ing, 1975. pp. 23·24. 7. Ibid., p. 66.
16. Ibid., pp. 28. 29. 8. Ibid., p. 72.
16. Mao Tsetung, "Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society," SW. 9. Mao Taetung, " Problems of Strategy io China 's Revolutionary War.
Vol. 1. p. 13. SMW, p. 111.
17. Ibid., p . 19. 10. I bid., p. 90.
18. Mao Tsetung, "Introducing The Communist," SW, Vol. 2, pp. I I. Ibid., p . 92.
286·287. 12. Ibid., p. 89.
19. While this set the Chinese Party on the correet road, it was not until 13. Ibid.. p. 99.
years later, in the early I 940s, during a stage of stalemate in the 14. Ibid.. p. 185.
war, that the opportunist lines were thoroughly uprooted in an all· 15. Ibid.
round way. Mao led a reetificat.ion campaign within the Party which 16. Ibid., p. 113.
was aimed against subjeetivism and in particular tendencies that 17. Ibid., p. 118.
failed to combine the universal truths of Mariism·Leninism with 18. Ibid., p. 121.
the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. This campaign coo· 19. Ibid., p. 140.
siderably raised the Marxist-Leninist level of the Party as a whole. 20. Ibid., p. I 42.
20. Mao Tsetung, "On Coalition Government," SW. Vol 3, p. 252. 21. Mao Tsetung. "Problems of Strategy in Guerrilla War Againsl
21. Ibid., pp. 252·253. Japan," SMW. p. 153.
22. See, for example. "The Situation and Tasks in the Anti-Japanese 22 Ibid., p. 158.
War after the Fall of Shanghai and Taiyuan," written November, 23. I bid., p. 159.
1937, in Mao Tsetung's Selected Works, Vol 2, pp. 61·70. 24. Ibid., p. 181.
23. Mao Taetung, "The Identity of Interests between the Soviet Union 25. Ibid., p . 182.
and All Mankind. " SW, Vol. 2. pp. 277, 279. 26. Mao Tsetung, " On Protracted Wsr.'' SMIV. p. 187.
24. Mao Tsetung. "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist 27. Ibid., p . 201.
Party, " SW, Vol. 2. pp. 326·327. 28. Ibid.. p. 204.
25. Ibid., pp. 330-331. 29. Ibid.. p. 206.
26. Mao Tsetung. "On New Democracy." SW, Vol. 2, p. 344. 30. Ibid.. p. 255.
27. See, in particular, "On New Democracy," ibid., p. 349. 31. Ibid., pp. 256-256.
 FOOTNOTES 333
332 IMMORTAL OONTRIBUTIONS

32. Ibid., p . 263.

33. Mao Tsetung, "Concentrate a Superior Force to Destroy the Enemy f>. History of the Communist Party of the Souiet Union, edited by a
Forces One by One," SMW, p. 317. Commission of the CPSU(B). International Publishers, New York.
34. Mao Tsetung, "On Protracted War." SMW. p. 189. 1939. p. 262.
36. Ibid., pp. 217· 218. 6. Ibid., p. 276.
36. Ibid., p. 228. 7. Stalin. Economic Probkms of Socialism in rhe USSR, FLP, Peking,
37. !bid., p. 259. 1972, p. 60.
38. Ibid., pp. 233·234. 8. I bid., p. 69.
39. Ibid., p. 239. 9. Mao Tsetung, "Concerning Economic Probkms of Socialism in rhe
40. Mao Tsetung. "Problems or War and Strategy," SMW. pp. 269·270. USSR" and "Critique of Stalin's Economic Problems ofSocialism in
41. Mao Tset.ung, "The Turning Point in World War II," SMW, p. 299. tM USSR," Critique of Soviet Economics, pp. ISO, 135.
42. Mao Tsetung. "On Coalition Government," SMW, p. 301. 10. Mao Tsetung. "Our Economic Policy." SW. Vol. 1, p. 141.
11. Mao Taetung, "On New Democracy," SW, Vol 2, p. 353.
43. Ibid., p. 302.
«. Ibid., p. 304. 12. Mao Taetung, "Spread the Campaigns to Reduce Rent, Increase
45. Ibid., p. 306. Production, and Support the Go\'ernment and Cherish the People in
46. Mao Tsetung, "Concentrate a Superior Force to Destroy the Enemy the Base Areas." SW, Vol. 3. p. 131.
Forces One by One," SMW. p. 317. 13. Ibid.. p. 133.
47. Mao Tsetung, "A Three Months' Summary," SMW, p. 321. 14. Mao Tsetung, "Get Organized!", SW, Vol 3, p. 154.
48. See Mao Tsetung, "The Concept or Operations for the Northwest Ui. Ibid., p . 155.
War Theatre, " SMW, p. 327. J6. I bid.. p. 156.
49. Mao Tsetung. "Strategy for the Second Year of the War of Libera· 17. Ibid.
tion," SMW, p. 332. 18. MaoTsetung, "We Must Learn To Do Economic Work." SW, Vol 3.
50. Mao Tsetung, "The Present Situation and Our Tasks," SMW p. p. 191.
348. • 19. Ibid.
61. Ibid., p. 350. 20. Mao Tsetung, "The Situation and Our Policy Aft.er the Victory in
52. Mao Tsetung, "The Concept. or Operations for the Peiping·Tientsin the War or Resistance Against Japan," SW, Vol. 4, p. 19.
Campaign,'' SMW, p. 377. 21. Ibid.
63. Mao Tsetung, "Our Great Victory in the War to Resist U.S. Aggres- 22. Ibid., p. 20.
sion and Aid Korea And Our Future Tasks.'' SW. Vol. 5, pp. 23. Mao Tsetuog, "On the Policy Concerning Industry and Commerce,"
116·!17. SW, Vol. 4, p. 203.
54. Ibid.. p. 118. 24. Mao Tsetung, "Report to the Second Plenary Session or the Sevent.h
56. Mao Ts$tUng, "U.S. Imperialism i.s a Paper Tiger," SW. Vol. 6, p. Central Committee of the Communist Party of China," SW, Vol. '1,
309. p. 366.
56. See Mao •rsetung, "All Reactionaries are Paper Tigers.'' SW. Vol. 6, 26. I bid.. p. 368.
p. 517. 26. Ibid.
57. See "Speech at the Group Leaders' Forum of the Enlarged Meeting 27. Ibid., p. 367.
of the Military Affairs Committee," Chairman MM Talks to the 28. Mao Tsetung. "Reading Notes," Critique of Souiet Economica, p.
People, edit.ed by Stuart Schram. Pantheon Books, New York, 1974, 40.
p. 128. 29. Mao Tsetung. "Report. to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh
58. Mao Tsetung, "Reading Notes on the Soviet Text Political Central Committee of the Communist Party of China." SW. Vol. 4 ,
Economy," A Critique of Souiet Economics, translated by Moss p . 369.
Roberts, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1977, pp. 91·92. 30. Ibid.
59. Ibid., p. 91. 31. Mao Tsetung. "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship.'' SW, Vol.
60. Mao Tsetung, "Summing Up After the Ninth Congress," Schram. 4, p. 419.
pp. 28f>·286. 32. Ibid., p . 421.
33. Mao Taetung, "On the Struggle Against. the 'Three Evils' and the
Chapter 3 'Five Evils'," SW, Vol. 5, p. 65.
34. Ibid.
35. Ibid., p. 64.
I. Mao Tsetung, "Reading Notes on the Soviet Tellt Political 86. Ibid.. p. 69.
Ecanomy," Critique of So11iet Economics, p. 110. 37. Three Major Struggles on China's Philosophical Front. FLP. Pek·
2. Ibid. ing. 1976. p. 3.
3. Mau, "Letter to J . Weydemeyer, " Marx Engels Selected Works 38. Mao Tsetung. "On the Co-operative Transformation of
fMESWJ, Vol. I, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1973. p. 528. Agriculture," SW. Vol. 5, pp. 201-202.
4. Marx. "The Class Struggle in France 1848to1850 "MESW. Vol 1
p. 282. • ' .•
334 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS FOOTNOTES 335

39. Mao Tsetung, "The Debate On the Co-operative Transformation of Chapter 4

Agriculture And The Current Class Struggle," SW, Vol. 5, p. 217.
40. Mao Tsetung, "On the Co-operative Transformation of I. "Momentous Struggle on the Question of the Identity Between
Agriculture," SW. Vol. 5. pp. 199·202. Thinking and Being," Three Major Struggles on China's
41 . 286. Tsetung. "On the Ten Mai· or Relationships·. • SW. Vol . 5•p.
Mao Philosophical Front, p . 47.
2. Mao Tsetung, "Talk on Questions of Philosophy." in Schram,
42. Ibid. pp.212·213.
43. Ibid.
Ibid., p. 291.
s. Ibid., p. 215.
44. 4. Engels. "Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German
45. Ibid. Philosophy," MESW Vol 3, pp. 339.
46. !bid. 5. Ibid., p. 340·341.
47. Ibid., p. 292. 6. Ibid., p. 342.
48. Ibid.. p. 294. 7. Ibid.. p. 343.
49. "T.h~ '.l'h~!'Y of Synthesized Economic Base Must Be Thoroughly 8. Ibid., p. 344.
CT1t1Clzed, Three Major Struggles on Chino's Philosophical Pron~ 9. Ibid.. p. 364.
p. 27. 10. I bid.. p. 359.
50. Mao Tsetung. "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among 11. Ibid.
the People." SW. Vol. 5. p. 409. 12. Ibid., p. 361.
51. Mao Tsetung, "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National 13. Ibid., p . 336.
Conference on Propaganda Work," SW, Vol. 6, p. 434. 14. Marx. "Theses on Feuerbach,'' MESW, Vol. 1. p. 13.
52. Three Major Struggles on China's Philosophical Front, p. 6. 15. Ibid.
63. Mao Tsetung. "Speech at the Lushan Conference," Schram. p. 146. 16. ibid.
54. Mao Tsetung, quoted in Report to the Ninth Notional Congress of 17. fbid.
the Com~unist Porty of China, by Lin Piao, FLP, Peking, 1969, pp. 18. Engels, "Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German
22·23. This report was delivered by Lin Piao but remains Mao's line Philosophy." p. 345.
in opposition to the line of Lin Piao and the report he bad attempted 19. Marx. "Theses on Feuerbacb," p. 15.
to have "dellvered" to the Congress. 20. Ibid., p. 14.
56. ~~o Tselung. "Reading Notes," Critique of Souiet Economics. p. 21. Marx and Engels, "Feuerbach Opposition of Materialistic and
ldealisti~ Outlook," MESW, Vol. 1, pp. 29-30
66. Ibid., p. 79. 22. Marx. "Theses on Feuerbach." pp. 13·14.
57. Ibid., pp. 80·8l. 23. Ibid., p. 15.
58. Ibid., pp. 111·112. 24. Marx. Poverty of Philosophy, International Publishers. New York,
59. Mao Tsetung, quoted in ·'The Theory of 'Combine Two Into One• ls 1973, p. 109.
A Reactionary Theory For Restoring Capitalism." Three Major 25. Lenin. "Empirio-Criticism and Historical Materialism," CW. Vol.
Str11ggles on China's Philosophical Front, p. 60. 14, p. 329.
60. See "On Contradiction," SW. Vol. 1, p. 335. 26. Engels. "Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German
61. Mao Tsetung. quoted in On Exercising All-Round Dictat-0rship Philosophy.'' p. 362.
Ouer. The _Bourgeoisie, Chang Chun~hiao, FLP, Peking, 1975. 27. Ibid.• p. 375.
Reprmted in And Mao Makes 5. edited by R. Lotta. Banner Press. 28. Engels, "Socialism. Utopian and Scientific," MESW, Vo. S. p . 131.
Chicago. 1978, p. 213. 29. See "Against Pragmatism." The Communist, Vol 2, No. 2. RCP
62. Rel?ort To The T_enth National <;ongress of the Communist Party of Publications, Chicago, 1978.
China. FLP. Peking, 1973, Repnnted in And Mao Makes Fiue, p. 80. 30. Lenin. "Materialism and Empirio-Criticism," CW. Vol 14, p . 23.
63. Ma~ Tsetung. quoted in "Capitallst.-Roaders Are The Bourgeoisie 31. Ibid.. p. 20.
Inside The Party." Fang Keng, Peking Review, No. 25, June 18, 32. Ibid.. p. 29.
1976, p. 7. IU!printed in And Mao Makes 5, p . 358. 33. Ibid., p. 30,38.
64. ~~o Tsetung, "Reading Notes," Critique of &vut Economics. p. 34. Ibid., p. 260.
35. Ibid.. p. 260-261.
65. Mao Tsetung. quoted in On The Social Ba.sis of tlu? Lin Piao Anti· 36. Ibid., p. 261·262.
Porty Clique, Yao Wen-yuan, FLP. Peking, 1975. Reprinted in And 37. Ibid., p. 261 .
Mao Mok•s 5. p. 196. 38. Ibid.
39. Lenin. "Marxism and Revisionism," CW. Vol 15. p. 37·38.
40. Lenin. "On the Question of Dialectics." CW, Vol 38, p. 359.
41. Ibid., p. 360.
42. Ibid.

IVWW AllQnru::. AJ;::t...,,., l"\l"l"I

 FOOTNOTES 337
336 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

92. Ibid.
43. Ibid., p. 362. 93. Ibid., pp. 335·336.
44. See I bid.. p. 359. 94 . Mao Tsetung, "Talks wit.h Mao Yuan·hsin," in Schram, p. 252.
45. Mao Tsetung, "On Contradiction," SW, Vol. 1. p. 330. 95. Mao Tsetung, "Talks at Chengtu: The Pattern of Development," in
46. Mao Tsetung. A Cn'tique of Souiet Economics, p. 119. Schram. pp. 107·108.
47. HCPSU, ~· 109. (For Lenin quot.e see "On the Question of 96. Mao Tsetung. "Talks at a Conference of Secretaries of Provincial,
Dialectics,· CW, Vol. 38. p. 360). Municipal and Autonomous Region Party Committees," SW. Vol. 5,
48. Lenin. "On the Question of Dialectics," p. 360. p . 367·369.
49. Lenin. "Conspectus of Hegel's Book The Science of Logic.." CW, 97. See Ibid., p. 377.
Vol. 38, p. 223. 98. See Mao Tsetung, " Be Activists in Promoting the Revolution," SW.
50. Ibid.. pp. 359·360. Vol. 5, pp. 492·493.
51. HCPSU. p. J 10. 99. Mao Tsetung, "Talks at a Conference of Secretaries," SW, Vol. 5, p.
52. Ibid., p. 110. 377.
53. Ibid.. p. 111. 100. Mao Tsetung, " On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions
54. Mao Tsetung, "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Among the People," SW. Vo. 5. p. 392.
Conference on Propaganda Work," SW. Vol. 5, p. 433. 101. Ibid.
55. Mao Tsetung, "On Practice," SW, Vol. 1. p. 295. 102. I bid., p. 398.
56. Ibid.. p. 296. 103. See ibid., especially p. 109.
57. Ibid., p. 297. 104. See Mao Tsetung. "On Contradiction," SW, Vol. I., p. 345.
58. Ibid., p. 298. 105. "Momentous Struggle on the Question of the Identity Betwtien
59. Ibid. Thinking and Being," Three Major Struggles, p. 31.
60. Ibid. 106. Ibid., p. 45.
61. V.l. Lenin, "Conspectus of Hegel's Book, The Science of Logic," 107. Ibid., p. 39.
CW, Vol. 38. p. 171. (Also quoted in Mao. "On Practice," p. 29.I 108. Mao Tsetung, "Where Do Correct ldeas Come Fro~." Selected
62. Ibid., p. 299. Readings from the Works of Mao Tsetung, FLP, Pekmg 1971, p.
63. Ibid. 508.
64. lbid.. p. 305. 109. Ibid., p. 503.
65. Ibid.. p. 306. 110. Mao 'l'setung, "On Contradiction," SW, Vol. 1, p. 336.
66. Ibid., p. SOS. 111. "The Theory of 'Combine Two Into One' Is a Reactionary
67. V.I. Lenin, "Materialism and Empirio-Criticism," CW. Vol. 14, p. Philosophy for Restoring Capitalism," Three Major Struggles, p. 49.
133. 112. Ibid., p. 51.
68. Ibid., .P· 134. 113. Ibid., p. 60.
69. Mao TSC)tung. "On Practice," SW, Vol. l, p. 307. 114. Ibid., pp. 60-61. .
70. ibid., p. 307. 116. Mao Tsetung. "Reading Notes" A Criti.gue of Soviet Economics, p.
71. Ibid. 7L
72. Mao Tsetung, "On Contradictions," SW, Vol. 1, p. 311 . 116. Mao Tsei.ung, "'ralks on Questions of Philosophy," in Schram, pp.
73. Ibid., p. 345. 224·225.
74. Ibid., p. 315. 117. Ibid., 226.
75. Ibid., p. 316. 118. Ibid.
76. Ibid. 119. Ibid.
77. Ibid., p. 318. 120. Ibid.
78. Ibid., p. 338. 121. Ibid., pp. 226·227.
79. ibid., p. 343. 122. Ibid.
80. Ibid., pp. 319·320. 123. Ibid.
81. Ibid., p. 320. 124. Mao Tsetung, "Where Do Correct Ideas Come From, " Selected
82. Ibid., p. 343. Readings. p. 503.
83. lbi'<J., p. 344. 125. Mao Tsetung quot.ed in "Firm]y Keep to the Orientation. of the
84. ibid., pp. 321·322. Struggle," People's Daily editorial. Ap"! 6. 1976, reprinted m Pek·
85. ibid., p, 320. ing Revi•w. No. 16, April 9, 1976 and m And Mao MaAH 5, PP•
86. Ibid.. p . 329. 271-272.
87. Ibid., p . 330. 126. Mao Tsetung quoted in "The Great Cultural Revolution Will Shin~
88. Ibid., p . 325. Forever," by the Editorial Departmen~ of R~nmin .Ribao, 1:fongq~
89. Ibid., p . 331·332. and Jiefangjun Bao, May 16. 1976: repnnted m Pelnng Reu1ew, No.
90. Ibid.. p . 333. 21. May 21, l 976, p. 9.
91. Ibid.

A.l\Al\AI
338 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS FOO'l'NOTES 839

127. Mao Tsetung quoted in On the Social Base of the Lin Piao Anti· 18. Mao Tsetung, "Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National
Conference on Propaganda Work." SW, Vol. 5, p. 484.
Parer Cll?ue, by Yao Wen-Yuan, FLP. Peking 1975. pp. 17·18 Mao TseLung, "Speech at lbe Tenth Plenum of the Eight Central
repnnted 1n And Mao Makes 6, p. 204. ' 19.
128. ~uoted in 0~ !he Social Base of the Lin Piao Anti-Party Clique, and Committee," quoted in Schram, p. 195.
!n On E:rerc11mg All-Round Dictatorship ouer the Bourgeoisie, and 20. Mao Tsetung. "On New Democracy," SW, Vol. 2, p. 340.
Ill And Mao Makes 5. p. 196 and p. 209. 21. I bid., p. 382.
129. Marx, "Marx to J. Weydemeyer," MESW, Vol 1. p. 528. 22. Mao Tsetung, "Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art, "
130. Mao Tsetung. "Talks at a Conference of Secretaries "SW Vol c p SW, Vol. 3. p. 72.
377. • ' "· . 28. Ibid., p. 73.
131. Mao Tset:ung. "Reading Notes" Critique of SouietEconomU:s p 57 24. Ibid.
132. Ma<! T~tung qu_oted in "Capit.alist Roaders Are Represent.atlv~s of 25. See Mao Tsetung, "On New Democracy," pp. 371-373.
Capitalist Relations of Production." by Chuang Lan, reprinted · 26. Mao Tsetung, "Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art."
And Mao Makes 6, p. 372. Ill p. 96.
133. M~o 'fse~~ng 9uoted in "Report on the Revision of the Party Con- 27. I bid., p . 91.
st1tut1on, delivered by Wang Hung·wen, Documents of the 10th 28. Comments on Tao Chu 's Two Books, FLP. Peking, 1968, p. 27.
Party Congress of the Communist Party of China, p. 45, reprinted in 29. Ibid.. p. 26.
And Moo Makes 5. p. 96. so. Mao Tsetung, "Talks at the Yenan Forum on Literature and Art, "
134. Mao Tsetung, "Cast Away Illusions, Prepare For Struggle," SW. p. 71.
Vol. 4. p. 428. ' 31. Ibid., p. 80-81.
32. Ibid.. p. 83·84.
Chapter 5 33. Ibid., p. 71.
I. Mao Tsetung, "Chairman Mao On Continuing the Revolution Under 34. Ibid., p. 86.
the Dictatorship of the Proletariat," Peking Reuiew, September 26, 35. Ibid., pp. 81, 82.
1969, p. 9. 36. Mao Tsetung, "On Practice," SW. Vol. 1, pp. 296, 300.
37. Mao Tsetung, "Talks at the Yenan Forum on Llt.erature and Art,"
2. Marx, Preface and Introduction to A Contribution to the Critique of
Political Ecorrorny, FLP. Peking. 1976. p. 3. p. 82.
3. Ibid. 38. I bid., p. 88.
Marx and Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, p. 57. 39. Mao 'l'setung, " Pay Serious Attention to the Discussion of the Film
4.
6. Marx, "Marx to P.V. Annenkov in Paris," Marx and Engels The Life of Wu Hsun," SW, Vol. 6, p. 57.
Selected Corresponclerice, IMESCJ, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 40. Mao Tsetung, "Letter Concerning the Study of TM Dream of tire
1975, p. so. Red Chamber." SW. Vol 5, pp. 150·161.
41. Mao Tsotung, "Preface and Editor's Notes to . Material on the
6. Engels. "Introduction to the Engli.sh Edition."' Socialism: Utopian Cow>t~r-revolutionary Hu Feng Clique," SW, Vol. 5, pp. 176·182.
and Scientific, p. 23-24.
7. Engols. "Engels to Joseph Bloch in Koningsberg," MESC. pp. 42. 'bicl., pp. 177·178,
394-395. 43. !bid., p. l 78.
Mao Tse tung, "On Contradiction." SW, Vol 1, p. 336. 44. Mao Tsetuog, "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among
8. the People," sw; Vol. 5, p . 408.
9. These "'.orks ~ave now been translated completely into English and Stalin, Marx1$m and Problems of Li11guistU:s, FLP, Peking, 1972, p.
are ova1luble m Marx and Engels, Collected Works, International 45.
Publishers, N.Y .. 1976, Vol 4 moly Family) and Vol. 5 (German 29.
46, Mao Tsetung, "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among
fdeology).
10. Man<, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, International the People," SW. Vol. 5. p. 408.
Publishers, New York. 1963. p. 18. 47. Ibid., p. 409.
Lenin. "Party Organization and Party Literature." CW, Vol 10, p. 48. Mao Tsetung, "Talks at a Conference of Secretaries," SW, Vol. 5. p.
11.
45. 359.
49. Mao Tsetung, "Wen Hui Pao 's Bourgeois Orientation Should be
12. Lenin, "On Proletarian Culture," CW. Vol. 31, p. 316. Criticized," SIV, Vol. 5. p. 454 .
13. Lenin, "Party Organization and Party Literature," p. 48. Mao Tselung, as quoted in "Excerpts from A Tolk by Chairman
14. I bid.. pp. 48-49. 50
See Stalin's handling of this subject in hisJ"epOrts to the 16th. 17th Mao u•ith a Foreign /Albanian/ Military Dekgo.rion," Peoples Chino.
15. edited by David Milton, Nancy Milton, and Franz Schurmann, Vin·
and 18th Party Congresses, Works, Vol. 12, pp. 307·308. and Pro- tage Books. New York. 1974, p . 263.
blem• of Leni.Uam, pp. 725-727 and 908-911. Mao Tsetung. "Reply to Comrade Kuo Mo-Jo," Poems. FLP, Pek·
16. Summary of the Forum on the Work on Literature and Art in the 51.
Armed Forces with which Comrade Lin Piao Entrusted Comrade ing, 1976. p. 47.
52. Mao T!etung, Speech at Hangchow, D~mber 1965, quoted in
Chiang Ching, FLP. Peking. 1968, p. 14. Schram, p. 237. Also cited in Han Suyin, Wind in the Tower, Little
17. Mao Teetung. A Critique of Soviet Economics, p. 135.
Brown, Boston, 1976. p. 266.
340 IMMORTAL OON'l'RIBUTIONS
FOOTNOTES 341
53. Decision. of the CMtral Committ!e of th# Chinese Communist Party
Concemmg the Great Proletanan Cultural Revolution, adopted
August 8. 1966, FLP, Peking, 1966. p. I.
40. Ibid., p. 803.
41. Stalin. "Report To The Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S. U.(B.) On
Chap ter 6 The Work of the Central Committee." Problem• ofLenini•m.. p. 874.
1. Lenin, The State and Revolution. FLP, Peki11g, 1970, pp. 39·40. 42. Ibid., p. 928.
2. Marit, "Marx to J . Weydemeyer in New York," MESW. Vol. 1. p. 43. Ibid., p. 935.
628. 44. This was revealed. for example. in the line presented in the reports
3. Marx and Engels. Manifesto of the Communist Party, pp. 60·61 by Liu Sha<><:hi and Teng Hsiao-ping at the Eighth Party Cong1'ess
4. Marx. "The Class Struggle in France 1818·1850," MESW. Vol. 1. p. in 1956.
282. 45. Mao Tsetung, "On The Ten Major R~lationships," SW, Vol. 5, p.
s. Engels," Apropos of Working·Class Political Action," MESW, Vol. 304.
2. p. 245. 46. Mao Tsetung, "Speech At The Second Plenary Session of the
6. Lenin. The State and Revolu tlon, p. 66. Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of ChJna,' ' SW,
7. Marx. "The Civil War in Ftance," MESW, Vol. 2. p. 217. Vol. 5. p. 341.
8. Marx, "Marx co Ludwig Kugelmann," MESC. p. 247. 47. Mao Tsetung, "Speech At The Chinese Communist Party's Na·
9. Lenin. Th.e State and Revolution, p. 66. tional Conference On Propaganda Work," SW. Vol. 5, p. 403.
10. Marx. "The Civil War in France," MESW. Vol. 2. p. 220. 48. Mao Tsetung, "On The Correct Handling Of Contradictions Among
11. Ibid., p. 223. The People," SW. Vol 5. p. 409.
12. Marx and Engels, Manifesto. p. 2 (the quote within thi~ quotation is 49. Quoted in The Ninth National Congreu of the Communi•t ~arty of
from The Civil Wlll' in France). China (Documents). (9th Party Congreu Report). FLP, Peking, pp.
13. Marx, "Critique of the Gothe Program." MESW, Vol. 3, p. 26. 22·23.
14. Ibid., p. 18. 50. On Khrushchov's Phoney Communism And Its Historical Les•ons
I 5. !bid For The World, FLP, Peking, 1964, p. 81.
16. Ibid. 51. Ibid., pp. 28·29.
17. Ibid., p. 17. 52. See especiallv Ibid., pp. 7-13.
18. Ibid., p. 19. i;s. Moo Tsetung, quoted in "Wit.at is the Essence of the '20 Articles'?"
19. Engels, "Engels tO Phil Van Patten in New York." MESC. p. 341. by Yen Feng, in Study and Criticism, Shanghai, No. 7, July 14.
20. Engels, "Engels to C. Schmidt in Berlin" and "Engels to Otto Von 1976.
Boeniek in Breslav." MESW. Vol. 3, pp. 484, 485. 54. Ibid.
21. Marx. "The Civil War in France," MESW, Vol. 2, p. 189. 56. Mao Tsetung, "Talks With Moo Yuan·hsin," in Schram, p. 243.
22. Lenin, State and Revolution, p. 65. 56. "Constitution Of The Communist Perty Of China," Documents
23. Ibid., p. I 12. From The Tenth National Congress of the Communist Party Of
24. Ibid.. p. JJ 4. Chino, FLP. Peking. 1973, p. 61.
25. Ibid-. p. 18. 57. "Constitution Of The Communist Party Of Chino," Documents
26. Marx. Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political From The Eleventh NtJtionaJ Congress Of The Communist Party Of
Economy, MESW, Vol. l, p. 604. Chino, FLP. Peking, 1977. p. 121.
27. Lenin, State and Revolution, p. 33. 58. 9th Porty Congress Repor~ p. 25.
28. Tbid., see pages 36, 43. 66. 59. Ibid.. p. 27.
29. Ibid., seep. 57. 60. Ibid., p. 35.
30. Lenin, "Economics and Politics in the Era of the Dictatorship orthe 61. Decision Of The Chinese Communist Porty Conceming The Graat
Proletariat," CW. Vol. 30. p . 115. Proleuirian Cultural Revolutior~ FLP. Peking, 1966.
31. ]bid. 62. Mao Tsetung, quoted in On Exercising Al1'Round Dictatorship
32. Lenin, Left Wing Communisn~ An lttfantile Disorder, FLP, Peking. Over The Bourgeoisie, pp. 9-1 O. Reprinted in And MM Makes 6. p.
1970,p. 32. 213.
33. Ibid.. p. 6. 63. Mao Tsetung. quoted in Peoples Chino, Milton and Schurman ed ..
34. Lenin, "Report On The Immediate Tasks 0£ The Soviet Govern· pp. 263-264.
ment," CW, Vol. 27. p. 300, 64. 9th Party Congress Report. pp. 64-65.
35. Ibid., p. 294. 65. Mao Tsetnng, quoted in Marx. Engels And Lenin On Th11 DU:tato,..
36. Lenin. "Eighth Cong1'ess Of The RCPfB)," CW, Vol. 25. p. 189. ship Of The Pro/et.aria~ FLP. Peking, 1972, p. l.
37. Lenin, "A Great Beginning," CW. Vol. 29. p. 421. 66. Ibid., p . 2.
38. Ibid., p. 427. 67. Ibid., pp. 1-2.
39. Stalin, "On The Draft Constitution, " Problems of Leninism.. pp. 68. Chang Chun·chiao, 011 Exercising All-Round Dictatorship Over The
799·800. Bourgeoisie, pp S.9. Reprinted in And MM Makes 6. p. 213.
342 IMMORTAL CONTRIBUTIONS

69. Ibid., p. 10. Also see, And Mao Makes 5, p. 214.

70. Marx. Engels and Lenin, On The Dictatorship Of The Proletariat,
pp. 2·3.
71. Quot.ed in People'sDaily editorial, March 10, 1976, reprinted in Pek·
ing Review II I, March 12, 1976. and in And Mao Makes 5. p. 262.
72. Quot.ed in Chuang Lan. "Capitalist-Roaders are Representatives of
the Capitalist Relations of Production." Study and Criticism 16,
And Mao Makes 5. pp. 272·73. This article contains a good discus·
sion of this whole subject.
73. Chang Chun·chiao, On Exercising All-Round Dictatorship Over the
Bourgeoisie, p. 18.
74. Ibid., pp. 18·19.
75. Quoted in "Firmly Keep to the General Orientation of the
Struggle," Peking Review 115. April 9, 1976 and in And Mao Makes
5. pp. 271·272.
76. See Mao Tsetung. "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions
Among the People," SW, Vol. 5, especially p. 386.
77. See Peking Reuiew 13. January 29. 1978.
78. Marx. The Class Struggles in France 1848·1850, MESW. Vol. I, p.
282.
79. Chang Chun·chiao. On Exercising All-Round Dictatorship Over the
Bourgeoisie, pp. 16·17.

Chapter 7

1. For Stalin's discussion of this see "Conclusion," History of the Com·

n11wist Party of the Souiet Union, especially pp. 356·359.
2. For more on this see Revolution aI1d Co1wter-Reuolution: The Reui·
sionisl Coup in China and the Struggle in the Reuolutionary Com·
munist Party. USA and The Loss ir< Chirra and the Reuolutiorrary
Legacy of Mao Tset1111g, both published by RCP Publications,
Chicago. 1978.
3. Mao ·rsetung, "Where Do Correct Ideas Come From," Selected
Readings. p. 503.
4. "Reactionary Mantle of Chou En·lai," Reuolution, organ of the Con·
tral Committeil of the Revolutionary Communist Party, December,
1978, p. 16.
5. Bob Avakian. The Loss in China and the Revolutionary Legacy of
Mao Tsetu11g, p. 114.
6. For more on this see. in addition to the material cited above,
" 'Three Worlds' Strategy: Apology for Capitulation." Revolution,
November 1978, p. S.