Joel Robbins

12 Aug 2004 9:40 AR AR225-AN33-06.tex AR225-AN33-06.
sgm LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: IBC

10.1146/annurev.anthro.32.061002.093421
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2004. 33:117–43

doi: 10.1146/annurev.anthro.32.061002.093421
c 2004 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved
Copyright ⃝
THE GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL

AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY
Joel Robbins
Department of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla,
California 92093-0532; email: jrobbins@weber.ucsd.edu
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2004.33:117-143. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
Access provided by Harvard University on 11/04/18. For personal use only.
Key Words Pentecostalism, religion, cultural change, modernity

■ Abstract Pentecostal-charismatic Christianity (P/c), the form of Christianity in
which believers receive the gifts of the Holy Spirit, is rapidly spreading and can be
counted as one of the great success stories of the current era of cultural globalization.
Literature on P/c presents a paradoxical picture of the cultural dynamics accompanying
its spread. Many scholars argue that P/c is markedly successful in replicating itself in
canonical form everywhere it spreads, whereas others stress its ability to adapt itself to
the cultures into which it is introduced. Authors thus use P/c to support both theories
that construe globalization as a process of Westernizing homogenization and those
that understand it as a process of indigenizing differentiation. This review argues that
approaches to P/c globalization need to recognize that P/c posesses cultural features that
allow it, in most cases, to work in both ways at once. After considering definitional and
historical issues and explanations for P/c’s spread, the review examines how P/c culture
at once preserves its distinctness from the cultures into which it comes into contact
and engages those cultures on their own terms. Also discussed are the conceptions
that allow P/c to establish locally run and supported institutions in a wide range of
settings. A final section considers the nature of the culture P/c, in its homogenizing
guise, introduces, examining that culture’s relation to modernity and its effects on
converts’ ideas about gender, politics, and economics.
INTRODUCTION
The form of Christianity in which believers receive the gifts of the Holy Spirit and
have ecstatic experiences such as speaking in tongues, healing, and prophesying
is one of the great success stories of the current era of cultural globalization. Com-
monly called Pentecostal-charismatic Christianity (P/c), its origin can be traced
to early twentieth-century developments within Christianity in the West, partic-
ularly in North America. Yet despite its originally Western provenience, just a
hundred years after its birth two thirds of P/c’s 523 million adherents live outside
the West in areas such as Africa, Latin America, Asia, and Oceania, as do most
of the nine million people who convert to it each year (Barrett & Johnson 2002,
0084-6570/04/1021-0117$14.00 117
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118 ROBBINS
p. 284). Although some question these statistics (Corten 1997, p. 313; Levine
1995, p. 157; Stoll 1990, p. 6), even conservative estimates see the P/c movement
as having at least 250 million adherents worldwide, and all agree that its most
explosive growth has occurred in the southern hemisphere (Martin 2002, p. xvii).
This growth has made P/c the “the most dynamic and fastest growing sector of
Protestant Christianity worldwide” and one that many predict will soon surpass
Catholicism “to become the predominant global form of Christianity of the 21st
century” (Casanova 2001, p. 435).
P/c’s success as a globalizing movement is attested to not only by its rapid
growth, but also by the range of social contexts to which it has spread. Appearing
throughout the world in urban and rural areas, among emerging middle classes
and, most spectacularly, among the poor, it has been deeply engaged by many
populations that otherwise remain only peripherally or tenuously involved with

other global cultural forms. As such, P/c represents a paradigm case of a global
cultural flow that starts historically in the West and expands to cover the globe.
In recent decades anthropologists and other scholars have begun to register the
global impact of P/c. A number of edited volumes taking regional or comparative
approaches have appeared (Boudewijnse et al. 1998, Cleary & Stewart-Gambino
1997, Coleman 2002a, Corten & Marshall-Fratani 2001b, Dow & Sandstrom 2001,
Garrard-Burnett & Stoll 1993, Glazier 1980, Hunt et al. 1997b, Poewe 1994,
Robbins et al. 2001), as have several widely read synthetic accounts (Brouwer et al.
1996; Cox 1995; Hollenweger 1972, 1997; Jenkins 2002; Martin 1990, 2002). All
of these works make the global spread of P/c central to their discussions. What
is striking, however, is the apparently paradoxical picture these and other works
present of the spread of P/c as a cultural process. On the one hand, many argue
that P/c consistently replicates its doctrines, organizational features, and rituals in
canonical, Western form wherever it is introduced. Lehmann (2003, p. 121), for
example, notes that P/c churches are “notoriously uniform across the globe” and
that they display a “radical similarity of practice” despite the radical “dissimilarity”
of the contexts in which they appear (see also Berger 1990, p. vii; Brouwer et al.
1996, p. 179; Coleman 2000, p. 67; d’Epinay 1969, p. xxxii; Lehmann 1996, p. 8;
Lyon 2000, p. 102; Meyer 1999a, p. 159; Olson 2001, p. 24; Robbins 2001a; Smilde
1997, p. 347). On the other hand, many authors, including many of those who
remark on P/c’s ability to replicate itself successfully in different cultures, stress
that converts are quick to indigenize P/c forms of Christianity, and they credit these
churches with a remarkable ability to adapt themselves to the cultures into which
they are introduced (Bastian 1993, Manning 1980). In terms of debates on cultural
globalization, then, P/c appears to weigh in both for theories that stress processes
of Western cultural domination and homogenization and those that emphasize the
transformative power of indigenous appropriation and differentiation (Robbins
2003).
In response to such seemingly contradictory assertions, it is hard to dispute
Corten’s (1997) claim that the study of the cultural processes underlying P/c’s
spread has been beset by a “lack of precision” (p. 321). As an initial remedy, one
GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 119
might be tempted to refuse the distinction between indigenizing differentiation

and globalizing homogenization and instead construe the globalization of Pente-
costalism as a prime example of a widespread kind of cultural hybridization poorly
captured by either of these alternatives. Yet, in reviewing the P/c literature, it is
more productive to note how important these two frameworks of interpretation
have been and ask what about P/c Christianity leads it to globalize in a way that
appears to fit both of them (cf. Casanova 2001). Following Droogers’ (2001) call
that scholars attend to the “specific characteristics of Pentecostalism” (p. 41) in
discussing its globalization, I assume that specific elements of P/c culture have
steered its globalization in this paradoxical direction. After a section defining P/c
and briefly recounting its history, and another considering explanations for its
growth, I focus on issues of globalization in three sections: one on world-breaking

that examines how P/c introduces its own cultural logics while also preserving
those of people’s traditional cultures; a second on world-making that considers
how P/c’s globally diffused cultural form establishes churches that are organiza-
tionally local and responsive to local cultural concerns; and a third that takes up
the relation of P/c to the globalization of modernity by examining its impact in the
three well-studied spheres of gender relations, political engagement, and economic
behavior.
HISTORICAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES

There is little standardization in social scientific usages of terms such as Pentecostal
and charismatic, and several scholars have worried that these terms have become so
broad as to be meaningless (Corten & Marshall-Fratani 2001b, p. 4; Droogers 2001,
p. 46; Kamsteeg 1998, pp. 10–11). The problem stems from at least two sources.
First, all of the terms social scientists use as analytic categories (Pentecostalism,
charismatic Christianity, fundamentalism, evangelicalism, etc.) are also folk terms
possessed of a wide range of meanings (Kamsteeg 1998, pp. 9–10). Scholars
often employ the folk terms used by the groups they study, mistakenly assuming
that local meanings will be widely understood by those working elsewhere. In the
literature on Spanish-speaking Latin America, for example, scholars often translate
the folk term evangélico as “evangelical” even when it is clear that the groups
they are discussing are best understood, for comparative purposes, as P/c (Annis
1987, p. 76; Brusco 1995, pp. 14–15; Kamsteeg 1998, pp. 9–10; Smilde 1998,
p. 287).
A second reason for terminological confusion among social scientists is their
lack of attention to P/c’s history. Although a basic historical sketch cannot solve
all definitional problems, it can establish some useful terminological parameters.
Pentecostalism’s roots lie in the Protestant evangelical tradition that grew out
of the eighteenth–century, Anglo-American revival movement known as the Great
Awakening. Evangelical Christianity, which includes such denominations as
Methodists and Baptists, is marked by its emphasis on conversion. People are
120 ROBBINS
not born into the evangelical faith but must “voluntarily” choose it on the basis of
powerful conversion experiences (often glossed as being “born again”). Because
evangelicals believe this experience is available to everyone, they strongly empha-
size the importance of evangelistic efforts to convert others. They also hold the
Bible in high regard as a text possessed of the highest religious authority and often
endeavor to read it in what they take to be literal terms (Noll 2001).
During the nineteenth century, Methodism was the most important evangelical
denomination in North America. It was distinguished from others by its doctrine of
“Christian perfection” or “sanctification.” This doctrine holds that the saved will
experience a “second blessing” or “second work of grace” after that of conversion
during which the inbred sin people carry, owing to Adam’s fall, is removed. In
the second half of the nineteenth century, a largely Methodist Holiness movement
arose around groups that experimented with different understandings of the na-
ture and number of postconversion experiences that affected a person’s salvation.
Some Holiness groups understood sanctification, often referred to as “baptism in
the Holy Spirit,” as the removal of sin, though others saw it as giving converts an
“endeument of power” for Christian service, particularly for evangelism. To these
ideas, Holiness followers added a commitment to a form of Christian millenarian-
ism known as dispensational premillennialism and an emphasis on faith healing
(Anderson 1979; Synan 1997; Wacker 1988, pp. 935–36).
Pentecostalism was born from the ferment of Holiness efforts to work out a
stable form of frankly supernatural and experientially robust Christianity around
the notion of the second blessing of the Spirit. Its primary innovation was to see
speaking in tongues as the necessary “initial physical evidence” of Spirit baptism.
Credit for this innovation belongs to Charles Fox Parham, a Holiness preacher
who made it central to his teaching from 1900 on. William Seymour, an African
American itinerant holiness preacher from Louisiana, was one of his students. After
a brief period of study, Seymour moved to Los Angles in 1906, where he eventually
opened a ministry in an abandoned African Methodist Episcopal Church on Azusa
Street. The revival his Asuza Street preaching initiated is widely recognized as the
birth of Pentecostalism.
The Asuza Street revival lasted from 1906 to 1909. Along with the doctrine of
tongues, Seymour and others promoted a model of ecstatic Christian life based on
the experience of the Apostles during the original Pentecost as reported in Acts 2.
Synan (1997, p. 98) describes the scene at Asuza Street:
Men and women would shout, weep, dance, fall into trances, speak and sing
in tongues, and interpret their messages into English. In true Quaker fashion,
anyone who felt “moved by the Spirit” would preach or sing. There was no
robed choir, no hymnals, no order of services, but there was an abundance of
religious enthusiasm.
This pattern of enthusiastic worship, relatively unscripted and egalitarian in offer-

ing the floor to all those who the Spirit calls, is the one observers would find all
over the world by the end of the twentieth century.
Aside from its emphasis on tongues, Pentecostal doctrine bears much in com-
mon with that of the Holiness tradition from which it developed. Sometimes de-
scribed as the fourfold, foursquare, or “full gospel” pattern of Pentecostal theology,
it stresses that (a) Jesus offers salvation; (b) Jesus heals; (c) Jesus baptizes with
the Holy Spirit; (d) Jesus is coming again (Dayton 1987, pp. 19–23). Along with a
strict moralism, these are the core Pentecostal doctrines, and they are the elements
of the religion that have proved immensely portable, seemingly able to enter any
number of cultural contexts without losing their basic shape.1
From the beginning of the revival, Pentecostalism rapidly spread throughout the
world and in time established such major denominations as the Assemblies of God
(AOG), the Church of God in Christ, and the Church of God (Cleveland), as well
as such para-church organizations as the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship

International. The most momentous event in the history of P/c after Asuza Street
came around 1960 with the opening up of the mainline Protestant churches to
the gifts of the Spirit. Prior to this time, members of non-Pentecostal churches
who experienced Spirit baptism, spoke in tongues, or received other gifts of the
Spirit were usually compelled to leave their churches and join Pentecostal ones.
But once what became known as the neo-Pentecostal or charismatic movement
began to spread, those who had received gifts of the Spirit retained membership in
mainline churches and often formed charismatic subgroups within them. By 1970,
it was estimated that 10% of clergy and one million lay members of mainline
Protestant churches had received the baptism of the Spirit (Synan 1997, p. 233).
And in 1967, the charismatic movement also entered Catholicism, and Catholics
who received the gifts of the Spirit began staying in their churches and calling
themselves Pentecostal or charismatic Catholics (Csordas 1994, McGuire 1982).
In keeping with this history, the term charismatic Christian has come to refer to
members of non-Pentecostal denominations who believe the gifts of the Spirit are
available to contemporary believers.
Since 1970, the charismatic movement has spawned a large number of what
many call third-wave or neo-charismatic churches (Miller 1997; Synan 1997,
pp. 271–72). Often independent of larger denominations, these churches affirm
the availability of the gifts of the Spirit but refuse either the Pentecostal or charis-
matic label.
The charismatic and neo-charismatic movements differ in several ways from
what has come to be called classical Pentecostalism. They often drop the require-
ment that one speak in tongues to prove one’s Spirit baptism and moderate the
ascetic moralism of the classical Pentecostal churches, some even allowing mem-
bers to drink wine or wear jewelry (Synan 1997, pp. 253–54). Both changes are
1
Of the core doctrines, millenarianism is the most variable in its presence in different
historical and cultural milieus (Dayton 1987, p. 33). In some places, such as Oceania
(Douglas 2001), it is very prominent, whereas in other places, such as Africa and Latin
America, it is less so. Finding explanations for the pattern of its presence and absence both
historically and cross-culturally is an outstanding issue in Pentecostal studies.
122 ROBBINS
correlated with a generally higher-social-class location, as these movements draw

primarily from the established or emerging middle classes of the societies in which
they are located (Freston 1997, pp. 187–88; Hallum 2002, p. 227; Hunt et al. 1997b,
p. 7; Ojo 1988).
Possessed of middle-class leadership with the educational and financial re-
sources to formulate and project their own visions, the charismatic and neo-
charismatic movements have proven to be hotbeds for doctrinal innovation, and
many new ideas generated within them play important roles in the contemporary
globalization of P/c. For example, the Faith Movement, which promotes the “health
and wealth” or “prosperity” gospel, has spread a set of doctrines promising be-
lievers both physical health and material success on earth (Coleman 2000, 2002b).
North American in origin, the movement has had striking success in parts of Eu-
rope, Africa, and Latin America (Corten & Marshall-Fratani 2001b, Gifford 2001,
Hunt 2000). Another neo-Charismatic doctrine enjoying worldwide popularity is
that of spiritual warfare, which encourages believers to view daily life as dominated
by an ongoing struggle between God and local, demonic “territorial spirits,” and
which often promotes rituals of “deliverance” designed to rid believers of demonic
influence (DeBernardi 1999, Gifford 2001, Stritecky 2001).
This historical account has barely touched on the wide variation in aspects of
P/c church structure, doctrine, and practice. The great range of churches grouped
under the P/c rubric needs to be remembered when evaluating statistics on the size
of the P/c movement. It also raises the question of whether it makes analytic sense
to lump all of these churches together. Many scholars assume that it does make
sense on the basis of their common features, most notably their shared emphasis
on ecstatic experiences that are available to all believers. This review takes this
tack and tests the value of treating P/c churches as members of a single category
for the purpose of examining how they have globalized. Yet as Willems (1967,
p. 257) noted long ago, there is also room for work that looks comparatively at
what distinguishes churches within the movement, and systematic social scientific
(as opposed to theological) work in this area has hardly begun (see Chesnut 1997;
Englund 2001; Kamsteeg 1998, p. 234; Lehmann 2001; Marshall 1993).
As broad a category as P/c is, it should be distinguished from Christian funda-
mentalism. Pentecostalism and fundamentalism both are elements of the broader
evangelical movement and both emerged in the early twentieth century. As such,
they share general evangelical features such as conversionism, respect for the Bible,
and ascetic tendencies. These similarities sometimes lead even well-informed
scholars to treat Pentecostalism as a branch of fundamentalism (e.g., Stoll 1990,
p. 49). But even as it makes sense in some analytic contexts for scholars to group
P/c and Christian Fundamentalism together as brands of conservative Christianity
(Woodberry & Smith 1998), it is both a historical and an analytic mistake to as-
sume they are the same (Cox 1997; Freston 2001, p. 288; Hackett 1995, p. 200;
Spittler 1994).
On the historical side, fundamentalists, relying on the widespread doctrine
that the gifts of the Spirit ceased to be available to people after they were given
to the Apostles during the original Pentecost, from the outset firmly rejected
Pentecostalism (Cox 1995, pp. 74–76; Spittler 1994, pp. 108–10). Fundamen-
talists today cling to this rejection (e.g., Harding 2000, pp. 19, 140–41). Less
concerned with boundary maintenance, Pentecostals are not as vociferous in their
rejection of fundamentalism, but they too recognize the distinction.
Scholars have yet to determine the precise historical reasons for the fundamen-
talist rejection of Pentecostalism (Riesebrodt 1993). However, several analysts
point to cultural differences between the two movements that suggest reasons for
their incompatibility and indicate the analytic reasons it is useful to distinguish
them. Cox (1995) distinguishes between “fundamentalist” religions focused on
doctrinal purity and “experientialist” ones that stress the ability of followers to
experience the transcendent. Although he argues that these two tendencies strug-
gle for dominance in contemporary P/c, he admits that historically P/c has been
experientialist, and others have used this distinction to distinguish P/c from funda-
mentalist Christianity (Corten 1997, p. 312; Corten & Marshal-Fratani 2001b, p. 5;
Cox 1995, pp. 310, 319). Riesebrodt (1993, pp. 45–46) offers a second distinction,
noting that fundamentalists take as the sign of their salvation their ability to live by
a strict ethical code, a stance challenged by P/c Christians who find their assurance
in ecstatic experience (see also Ammerman 1987). Finally, Martin (1990, 2002)
notes that fundamentalists aim to remake the political sphere along religious lines,
whereas P/c Christians tend to withdraw from politics and thus to respect the mod-
ern separation of church and state. For Martin, this is part of a broader argument
that fundamentalists react against modernity, whereas P/c Christians find ways to
work within it.
EXPLAINING P/c GROWTH: BEYOND DEPRIVATION

AND DISORGANIZATION
The rapid growth and worldwide spread of P/c regularly inspire scholars to ask
why it attracts so many converts. Their answers routinely deploy broad sociolog-
ical arguments about the role of deprivation and anomie in fostering the growth
of ecstatic, sectarian, and millenarian religious movements. This section focuses
on what such explanations overlook, suggesting that those who use them ignore
important aspects of P/c culture and that their narrow emphasis on explaining the
why of conversion leads them to disregard the question of how P/c transforms the
cultures into which it is introduced.
This is not to say that deprivation and disorganization arguments are without
value. The majority of Azusa Street converts, like the majority of converts in Latin
America, Africa, and elsewhere, have been rural migrants to cities, people at the
lower end of the social class scale, or rural stay-at-homes displaced from the cen-
ter of their own worlds by social change (Martin 1990, pp. 190–91). To displaced
people, unsure of their social links and morally adrift, P/c’s formation of tight
communities around a high-intensity, time-consuming ritual life (services in these
124 ROBBINS
churches rarely last less that two hours and sometimes go most of the night) and
a collectively policed ascetic moral code surely provides a social foundation and
sense of direction. To the deprived, those who feel they are not getting their lot
in life, P/c offers ecstatic escape, hope for millennial redress, and an egalitarian
environment in which everyone is eligible for the highest religious rewards (i.e.,
salvation and the gifts of the Spirit). Many of the early classics in P/c history and
ethnography convincingly deployed these kinds of disorganization and depriva-
tion arguments (e.g., Anderson 1979, d’Epinay 1969, Willems 1967), and these
arguments have become so much the common sense of the P/c literature that most
works draw on them at least implicitly.
Yet even as deprivation and disorganization arguments are regularly used, they
are widely criticized in the P/c literature, and beyond, for attempting to explain a
narrower phenomenon (conversion) with a wider one (absolute or felt deprivation

or anomie) and for the tautological ways scholars often deploy them (making
the fact of conversion the proof of prior experiences of deprivation or anomie)
(Chesnut 1997; Gerlach & Hine 1970; Hine 1974; Heelas & Haglund-Heelas
1988; Holston 1999; Hunt 2002a,b; Wacker 1982). Scholars also have taken these
arguments to task for failing to give a place to native models of the conversion
process (Brodwin 2003, 87; Levine 1995, p. 166; Wacker 2001, p. 60). Even in
the face of such criticisms, no one denies that these explanations do tell part of the
conversion story in many cases. Yet these criticisms do reveal that there are aspects
of P/c Christianity other than those highlighted by deprivation and disorganization
arguments, and they suggest that in many cases these neglected aspects of P/c
Christianity are important for understanding its growth and global development.
Foremost among these neglected aspects is the paramount importance P/c
churches place on evangelization, encouraging all members to act as evange-
lists working to convert others. The emphasis on outreach was apparent from
the start of the movement, with visitors to Asuza Street carrying the message all
over North America and the world almost from the outset of the revival (Cox
1995, pp. 101–2, McGee 2001, p. 73). The P/c emphasis on evangelism is also
a mainstay of the cross-cultural literature, in which reports of recent converts
becoming evangelists are common, and a pattern has been well established in
which the movement spreads by indigenous channels (e.g., local evangelists, street-
corner preaching, returning labor migrants) as soon as a first group has converted
(Annis 1987, pp. 77, 106; Bowen 1996, p. 41; Chesnut 1997, pp. 138–39; Kamsteeg
1998, p. 68; d’Epinay 1969, p. 55; Lehmann 2001, p. 63; Stoll 1990; Martin 1990,
p. 121).
Given that evangelization is the most important activity in P/c culture, as
d’Epinay (1969, p. 55) and Blumhofer (1993, pp. 208–9) argue, one can say that
the culture is rationalized around the value accorded to it. On the level of doc-
trine, such rationalization in evident in the belief that anyone inspired by the Spirit
can evangelize regardless of educational qualifications, a belief that encourages
all converts to see themselves as evangelists (Willems 1967). The Spirit is also
expected to sustain evangelists, and all over the world people “go out on faith” as
missionaries and evangelists, asking for no funding from their home congregations
and assuming that if they are truly inspired they will succeed in building churches
whose tithes will sustain them (Blumhofer 1993; Stoll 1990, p. 127; Wacker 2001,
pp. 130–31).
The egalitarianism of P/c doctrine also supports evangelical efforts as it aids
evangelists in attracting a following. Led by an African American preacher and
attended by many whites, Asians, and Latinos the Azusa Street mission was, at
its outset, strikingly integrated, and on the assumption that all are equal when
used by the Spirit it was notable for its openness to letting African Americans and
women speak at services (Anderson 1979, p. 69; Synan 1997, p. 99; Wacker 2001,
pp. 103–5, 144). Although racial divisions were reinstated in North America as the
Pentecostal church grew, P/c has continued to feature its egalitarian inspirational
logic both in its outreach, which is often to the poor or otherwise marginalized,
and in the life it offers its converts, who are encouraged to see their most im-
portant identity not as one of class, race, gender, or ethnicity, but as children of
God (Burdick 1998, p. 123; Freston 1998, p. 81; Robbins 1998). Burdick (1993,
p. 172) highlights the force of P/c egalitarianism as an evangelistic tool, noting
that in Brazil negros are flattered when light-skinned evangelists speak to them
on the street, and if they attend church they are further impressed by the number
of negros in the congregation, some serving as preachers. From the point of view
of evangelism, P/c egalitarianism both makes the field of potential converts truly
universal and serves as an important ground for appealing to the unconverted.
To the doctrinal factors that fit P/c for evangelization must be added the con-
tribution of P/c’s distinctive social organization. P/c Christians are a far-flung
network of people held together by their publications and other media produc-
tions, conferences, revival meetings, and constant travel. Gerlach & Hine (1970),
the first to give this point due emphasis, describe the organization of global P/c
as decentralized, segmentary, and reticulate. It is characterized both by a lack of
centralized authority able to question the propriety of local evangelical efforts
and by a web-like structure of personal connections that allows members to eas-
ily find support in new locales they enter for evangelical purposes. Histories of
early Pentecostalism are rich in data on how these networks functioned to promote
evangelism (e.g., Blumhofer 1993, Synan 1997), and similar networks today sup-
port the globe-trotting efforts of well-known evangelists and the more limited but
equally important evangelizing circuits of countless lesser-known P/c Christians
operating at all scales throughout the world. Coleman (2000) examines in detail
the shape of one of these networks and the conferences, media productions, and
ideas about language and exchange that underpin it (see also Csordas 1992). Fur-
ther work is needed on how such networks function and particularly on the role
P/c uses of media have played and continue to play within them (Anderson 1979,
Hackett 1998).
Turning from evangelism, another factor in P/c’s success often underplayed in
deprivation and disorganization accounts is the appeal of its ritual life. As Brouwer
et al. (1996) state, “one of the greatest appeals of the new Pentecostal groups is
126 ROBBINS
the manner of worship. Services appear spontaneous, experiential and exuberant”

(p. 179). They have an eventful quality, with people waiting to see what the Spirit
will do (Corten 1999, pp. 42–43; d’Epinay 1969, pp. 52–53), and they often erase
older boundaries between worship and leisure (Burdick 1993, p. 87). Many people
are compelled to attend services, revivals, and other ritualized gatherings by a
“spiritual acquisitiveness” generated in them that presses believers “relentlessly
on to the next experience” (Blumhofer 1993, pp. 210–11). These ecstatic rituals
clearly are, in part, a counterpoint to the ascetic lives converts are enjoined to live
outside of religious contexts, and their structures frequently reiterate the alternation
of control and release (Kiernan 1976; McGuire 1982; Robbins 2004; Stringer 1999,
p. 159; cf. Thompson 1966, pp. 368–69). Further examination of P/c ritual life
focused on the ways it engages issues of the management liberation and constraint
in the face of modernizing cultural change would be valuable. Yet despite its
widely acknowledged importance, detailed study of P/c ritual is notably scarce
in the literature. From an anthropological perspective, it represents probably the
greatest lacuna in the work done thus far.
A final explanation for the rapid global spread of P/c Christianity neglected in
deprivation and disorganization accounts begins with the argument that African
religious elements, as mediated through African American culture, have been
part of P/c’s composition from the outset (MacRobert 1988). Hollenweger (1984,
p. 405), the dean of Pentecostal historians, singles out the “black roots” of P/c
as the most important reason for P/c’s growth. These roots show in P/c’s “orality
of liturgy,” “narrativity of theology and witness,” emphasis on participation, use
of dreams and visions in worship, and model of mind/body correspondence that
promotes healing by prayer. Other influential scholars have developed related ideas
to suggest that P/c Christianity expands because it is connected to “a kind of primal
spirituality” made up of “archetypal modes of worship, elements that lie close to
the surface in some cultures but are buried more deeply in others” (Cox 1995,
pp. 101–2; Martin 1990). From an anthropological perspective, these arguments
skate close to a kind of generic primitivism and at least implicitly invoke binaries
the discipline no longer charters.
Yet even as most anthropologists step back from the “mythic” framings of these
arguments (Corten 1997, pp. 313, 321), it is important to recognize that many of
them promulgate similar forms of cultural explanation when they assert that P/c
proves attractive to people around the world because it embraces enchanted and
ecstatic cultural forms very much like their own. Such claims underwrite much
of the work that sees P/c as highly malleable and quick to localize because it is
extraordinarily open to syncretizing with indigenous forms of worship.
On close inspection, however, these more anthropologically acceptable argu-
ments often prove to be as troublesomely broad and insensitive to the nuances
of cultural dynamics as their less acceptable cousins. To begin with, they assume
ecstatic experience is generic, such that, for example, possession is possession
regardless of its cultural framings. They also overlook the very conscious antisyn-
cretism of most P/c adherents, who are quick to point out that any resemblance
between P/c and traditional practice is illusory (Corten 1997, p. 312; Dombrowski
2001, p. 153). Finally, they fail to register the sense in which P/c accepts local
enchanted cosmologies only to attack them, thus profoundly altering the way they
are understood (e.g., Maxwell 1999, pp. 195–96; Robbins 2003, p. 223). These
and related cultural dynamics, dynamics that arguments for easy local cultural as-
similation based on similarity often overlook, are precisely what give P/c cultural
globalization its distinct profile, and they are the focus of the next section.
WORLD-BREAKING: DUALISM, ASCETICISM,

AND ONTOLOGICAL PRESERVATION
Martin (1990) argues that the P/c symbolic world is “integrated around the key
notion of transformation” (p. 163). True in almost all cases,2 the kind of transfor-
mation involved is a radical one that separates people both from their pasts and
from the surrounding social world. This is why Burdick (1993) calls P/c not just a
“cult of transformation” but also one of “discontinuity” (p. 224). Converts are rou-
tinely enjoined, as Meyer (1998) found in Ghana, to make a complete break with
their pasts, and as Gill (1990, p. 714) reports from Bolivia they sharply distinguish
between their pre- and postconversion lives. Similarly, once they make the break,
they keep themselves separate from the surrounding social world by adhering to
an ascetic moral code that prohibits most of its pleasures and figures it as a realm
governed by Satan.
P/c discourse is littered with images of rupture and discontinuity. This emphasis
on discontinuity is an important part of how P/c globalizes. Its commitment to
schemes of discontinuous transformation effectively makes it, as Dombrowski
(2001) aptly puts it, a culture “against culture.” All conversionist religions share
this concern for transformation to some extent. But the literature suggests four
ways the P/c approach to transformation is distinctive: P/c elaborately ritualizes
discontinuity; it maintains discontinuity through an ascetic code embedded in a
thoroughgoing dualism of great hermeneutic force; it preserves that which it breaks
from; and its dualism provides a flexible language of satanic influence that is very
sensitive to local social concerns. I address each of these topics in turn.
Baptism is an important ritual of discontinuity in Christian traditions that em-
phasize adult conversion, and it is in P/c as well (Maxwell 1999, p. 68). Yet P/c
also offers a host of postconversion rituals aimed at deepening the break made
at conversion. Thoroughgoing in their emphasis on disjunction, these varied rites
2
Though not discussed in detail here, the one exception would be charismatic Catholicism,
for which McGuire (1982, p. 50) notes an emphasis on continuity in the rhetoric of con-
version, and Csordas (1994) offers accounts of rituals for healing memories and healing
ancestry that recuperate the past. In this emphasis on continuity, charismatic Catholicism
is likely influenced by a tendency in this direction in Catholicism more generally (Burdick
1993, p. 151; Lester 2003).
128 ROBBINS
can be grouped as “rituals of rupture” that ground the P/c concern with discon-
tinuity in ritually effective action (Robbins 2003, pp. 224–27). The baptism of
the Spirit, understood as annulling the influence of Adam’s sin, is perhaps the
prototype. Other examples of formal techniques P/c has developed to help people
break with their pasts include the deliverance rituals by which Ewe Pentecostals
in Ghana seek to rid themselves of the demonic influences brought upon them by
the traditional ritual practices of their unconverted kin (Meyer 1998, 1999b), and
the ritualized practices of “spiritual warfare” by which communities attempt to rid
themselves of territorial spirits they engaged with in the past (DeBernardi 1999,
p. 86; Robbins 2003, p. 226). There are also rituals of rupture that drive a wedge
between converts and the contemporary social world. Sessions aimed at Spiritual
“in-filling” and tongue speaking that aim to “seal off” Malawian Pentecostals from
the society around them and the evil forces that it harbors (e.g., witchcraft) are a
good example (van Dijk 1998), as are in a mundane way the numerous lengthy
church services and prayer group meetings that P/c Christians everywhere attend
in lieu of participating in their communities’ non-P/c social lives.
These rituals of rupture must be understood in the context of the dualistic
schemes P/c regularly establishes to define the ruptures it produces. In the first
instance, P/c dualism divides the world into those whose lives are directed by God
and those who follow the devil (Droogers 2001, p. 46). But the divine and the sa-
tanic operate in this scheme as symbols with an open-ended range of referents so
that in some places or contexts their opposition comes to figure the opposition be-
tween the past and the present (Meyer 1998, Robbins 2004, Tuzin 1997), whereas
in others it provides an understanding of the differences between the church and
the world, or the public and private realms (Brusco 1995; Chesnut 1997, p. 125).
P/c dualism also brings itself to bear on action through its moral codes, which ban
contact with the satanic world by forbidding drinking and drug use, extramarital
sexuality, fighting and aggressive displays, gambling, ostentatious dress, and par-
ticipation in secular entertainments such as cinema and dancing (Brodwin 2003,
p. 88; Wacker 2001, p. 122). The asceticism these codes enjoin provides people
with guides for living with the ruptures P/c ritual and dualism create. Some analysts
suggest that their reorientations of people’s moral fields are one of the most im-
portant aspects of P/c cultural transformation (Austin-Broos 1997; Brodwin 2003;
Levine 1995, pp. 171–72; Mariz 1994, p. 8, 1998; Marshall 1993, p. 234; Robbins
2004).
P/c dualism also brings about what is perhaps P/c’s most distinctive quality in
comparison with other forces for cultural change: its tendency to preserve peoples’
beliefs concerning the reality and power of the spiritual worlds from which they
have broken. P/c preserves these beliefs in the sense of accepting their cognitive
claims concerning the existence of spiritual forces, but it does not retain the “nor-
mative presuppositions” about the moral value of the spiritual world that often
accompany them (Mariz 1994, p. 68; Csordas 1992, p. 6). By a process of demo-
nization, P/c makes indigenous spirits representatives of the devil (Meyer 1999b).
Having demonized the indigenous spirit world, P/c dualism then leads people to
devote much of their energy to struggling against it, an activity that has the effect
of further proving its existence and demonstrating its relevance to postconversion
life (Casanova 2001, pp. 437–38; Corten 1999, p. 36; van Dijk 1997; Werbner
1998a, pp. 11–14).
P/c’s preservation of indigenous spiritual ontologies and, most importantly, its
continued ritual engagement with the spirits that populate them distinguishes it
from other forms of Christianity (Casanova 2001, pp. 437–38; Meyer 1999b) and
from other sorts of globalizing projects, such as development (Marshall-Fratani
1998, p. 291). Through such preservation, P/c avails itself of locally meaningful
idioms for talking about the past and about current social problems—for spirits
always are a language for talking about broader concerns. This openness to local
spiritual languages allows P/c dualism to operate differently and mean different
things in different places (cf. Corten & Marshall-Fratani 2001b, p. 10). Among the
Ewe of Ghana it is an idiom for breaking from kin relations (Meyer 1999b). Among
young urban preachers in Malawi, it is the gerontocratic power structure and the
witchcraft it controls against which one must struggle (van Dijk 1992, 1995, 1998;
see also Maxwell 1999 on Zimbabwe). In many parts of Latin America, it is the
male prestige sphere of drink, adultery, and popular Catholic ritual investment
that represents the realm of Satan (Annis 1987; Brusco 1995; Burdick 1993, 114;
Chesnut 1997), though in others, Satan’s domain is also represented for young
people by the demonic attractions of a youth culture focused on sexuality and status
competition (Burdick 1993), the lures of the drug trade (Lehmann 2001, p. 65), or
the domination of traditional elites (Bastian 1993, pp. 46–47). Among the Tlingit
and Haida of Southeast Alaska, the demonization of traditional culture provides an
idiom for contesting emerging socio-conomic differences (Dombrowski 2001). In
these and other cases, the demonized content shows great variation as P/c followers
construct it out of local social concerns. Yet even as it absorbs local content, P/c
dualism also maintains its globally recognizable shape as a struggle between the
divine and the demonic (Barker 2001, 107).
Understanding that this struggle, although similar in form everywhere, is so
diverse in content, we can appreciate why investigators often say of P/c that it
is both “radically antisyncretic” and “profoundly localized” (DeBernardi 1999,
p. 77); that it “is often most indigenous when inveighing against the local most
strongly” (Gifford 2001, p. 74); or, finally, that regarding P/c churches “it is in
their very struggle against local culture that they prove how locally rooted they
are” (Casanova 2001, p. 438). P/c localizes not by fitting into indigenous cultures
via some sort of syncretic melding prepared by its “primal” qualities, but by ac-
cepting as real local spirit worlds and the problems they represent. This allows
P/c converts to turn their new religion immediately to addressing local issues in
locally comprehensible terms.
This section has picked apart the tangle that has developed around discussions
of P/c globalization that represent it both as a prime example of a homogenizing
cultural force and as one of the Western cultural forms most susceptible to local-
ization. If read carefully, the literature shows that P/c’s homogenizing force is in
130 ROBBINS
large part based on its emphasis on rupture, dualism, and moral asceticism. These
features encourage believers to distinguish P/c from what they come to see as their
traditional culture and to work to keep the two separate, thus leading believers to
maintain relatively canonical versions of P/c itself. Its localization is also a product
of its dualism. Although that dualism is antisyncretic, it does lead to the preser-
vation of local ontologies and the social concerns they reflect, albeit as resituated
within P/c as an aspect of the demonic world. The resulting cultural formation is a
particular kind of hybrid in which the parts of the mixture are kept distinct despite
the relations that exist between them (Robbins 2004). The nature of this hybrid
accounts for why global and local features appear with equal intensity within P/c
cultures.
WORLD-MAKING: INSTITUTIONAL PRODUCTIVITY

AND THE LOCALIZATION OF RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY
When scholars refer to P/c as localized, they often have in mind its engagement
with local ontologies. Yet frequently they are also making a point about the way
the governance of P/c churches tends to be in local hands. P/c churches are often
local from the start, having been created by evangelists with local roots. Even
when they are part of major Pentecostal denominations such as the AOG, local
churches tend to be run by local people. Where the church is dominated by foreign
missionaries from non-P/c groups, charismatic revivals often provide “a handy and
effective means for local indigenous Christian leaders to break free of domination
by missions” and make their churches effectively local regardless of their denom-
inational embeddedness (Bays 1993, p. 175; Robbins 2001b). In most cases, then,
P/c churches are staffed from top to bottom with locals who constitute them as
institutions responsive to local situations. The question this raises is that of how P/c
lends itself so readily to generating locally constructed and operated institutions.
The answer is rooted in the cultural assumptions that make P/c a tool for produc-
ing institutions inexpensively and with local materials. One of these assumptions,
previously mentioned, is that believers do not need special education to preach or
run a church; only Spiritual inspiration is required (d’Epinay 1969, p. 75; Stoll
1990, p. 13; Willems 1967, p. 136). The lack of prerequisite credentials for leader-
ship gives nascent P/c churches a large pool of potential local talent from which to
draw. And most converts are given an opportunity to serve in some capacity, since
P/c churches sport numerous lay preachers, deacons, and leaders of various men’s,
women’s, and youth groups (D’Epinay 1969, p. 49). Blacking (1981) writes of the
South African Zionist church, “the general principle seemed to be that as many
members as possible should have an opportunity of holding positions . . .” (p. 45),
and even in the large, highly structured AOG church studied by Chesnut (1997,
p. 135) in Brazil, 79.5% of the people he interviewed had held church office.
By letting so many members occupy formal roles, P/c churches mobilize large
numbers of local people in their institution-building efforts.
P/c churches also successfully demand heavy participation from members, who
attend church services, meetings, and home Bible studies and participate in evan-
gelization efforts. Chesnut’s (1997, p. 141) quantitative data again is telling: the
Brazilians he studied participated in an average of 4.7 church activities per week.
Such high involvement keeps local P/c institutions active and stable (Gill 1990;
Willems 1967, p. 168).
The requirement to tithe and give offerings is another aspect of P/c culture that
fosters its ability to create local institutions (Mariz 1994, p. 73). d’Epinay (1969,
p. 54) claims that tithing maintains the local autonomy of P/c churches in Chile.
Other researchers argue that poor members find in tithing a way to experience the
power of occupying the donor role, thereby furthering their sense of involvement
in the church (Chesnut 1997, p. 119; Corten 1999, p. 59).

These features of P/c culture give “the tools of association to everyone” and
create local social worlds possessed of strong institutional grounding (Levine 1995,
p. 169). This institutional productivity is crucial to P/c’s value because many of
the places where it flourishes are, as Martin (1998, pp. 117–18, after Lash & Urry
1994) puts it, experiencing an “institutional deficit.” Comaroff & Comaroff (2003)
similarly suggest that P/c-like movements flourish where “neoliberal forces have
eroded the capacity of liberal democratic states to provide education, health and
welfare. . .” (p. 121). In such situations, P/c can quickly establish locally run and
funded institutions that provide their own manner of health, job placement, and
educational services (Chesnut 1997; Marshall 1993, p. 225; Willems 1967). The
community-building success of P/c churches is of course a mainstay of deprivation
and disorganization accounts of its appeal. But it is also important to note that this
success is rooted in ideas of Spiritual empowerment, institutional commitment, and
religious generosity, which distinguish P/c from other globalizing cultural forms.
P/c FORMATIONS OF GENDER, POLITICS,

AND ECONOMICS
This review has focused thus far on aspects of P/c culture that allow it to engage
local cultures and establish local institutions. But P/c’s other tendency—to estab-
lish its own cultural frameworks wherever it travels—raises the issue of the nature
of the culture it carries. Taking into account P/c’s Western origins and looking
back to Weber (1946, 1958) and sometimes to Halévy’s (1937) and Thompson’s
(1966) work on Methodism, scholars speculate on the extent to which P/c culture
can be seen as initiating converts into modernity, introducing them to individual-
ism and preparing them for lives in the global capitalist economy (Martin 1990,
Martin 2001). Debates on this issue are not well developed or close to consen-
sus. Indeed, they indicate difficulties with any argument that would simply equate
P/c with modernity or gloss it merely as an enchanted version thereof. P/c is far
from Weber’s Calvinism (Cox 1995, p. 230; see also Thompson 1966, p. 363 on
Methodism); its evident inner-worldly asceticism is tempered by an equally evident
132 ROBBINS
mysticism (Weber 1946, pp. 325–26). And Pentecostalism was developed not by
the bourgeoisie but by people whose own relationships to early twentieth-century
modernity were contradictory and complex (Comaroff 1985). The ambiguously
modern culture their efforts bequeathed to global P/c is best seen in the literature
on P/c constructions of gender, political engagement, and economic behavior.
A consistent finding in studies of P/c churches worldwide is that more women
than men are active members. Martin (2001, p. 56) reports that 75% of adult evan-
gelicals are women, and studies more narrowly focused on P/c churches report
similar percentages (Chesnut 1997, p. 22; Comaroff 1985, p. 204; Cucchiari 1990,
p. 698; Gill 1990, p. 712; Hunt 2002c, pp. 159–60). In general women outnum-
ber men in Christianity (Woodhead 2001, p. 73). But P/c’s strong commitment to
Pauline notions of patriarchy in which women are expected to subordinate them-

selves to men and participate in churches formally run by men has stimulated much
research aimed at determining why P/c Christianity appeals to women.
Discussions of this issue focus either on the openness of P/c institutions to
women’s involvement and leadership or on the distinctiveness of P/c patriarchy.
In looking at the scope P/c churches provide for women’s involvement, many in-
vestigators note that these churches recognize two bases of authority: inspirational
and institutional (Corten 1999, pp. 27–28; Cucchiari 1990, pp. 693–94; Ireland
1991, p. 96). Whereas men monopolize formal institutional positions such as pas-
tor or missionary, women are routinely seen as receiving more gifts of the Spirit,
and these gifts underwrite their work as lay preachers, healers, evangelists, and
prophets whose voices are often heard in church and other public settings (Chesnut
1997, p. 99, 2003, pp. 141–43; Cucchiari 1990, pp. 689–94; d’Epinay 1969, p. 202;
Hunt 2002c, pp. 159–60; Mariz & Machado 1997, pp. 43, 49; Martin 2001, p. 54).
P/c churches also foster the creation of all or predominantly female services and
prayer groups. These settings provide opportunities for women to develop public
leadership skills and are often the one place in patriarchal societies where women
can forge new relations outside their kin networks without exposing themselves to
charges of immorality (Brusco 1995, pp. 133, 138; Chesnut 1997, p. 139, 2003,
p. 145; Dombrowski 2001, pp. 36, 60; Gill 1990, p. 712; Hunt 2002c, p. 159;
Stewart & Strathern 2001).
Studies of the nature of P/c patriarchy examine how, despite its support for male
domination, it manages to enhance “women’s autonomy and equality” and improve
relations within their households (Smilde 1997, p. 343; Brusco 1995; Chesnut
1997; Cucchiari 1990; Martin 2001, p. 54). The solution to this “paradox” lies in the
way P/c dualism and asceticism contribute to its construction of gender relations.
Many of the behaviors P/c asceticism prohibits (e.g., adultery, gambling, drinking,
and fighting) were valued primarily by men in preconversion culture (Austin-
Broos 1997, p. 123; Chesnut 2003, p. 136; Kiernan 1994, 1997, p. 250; Mariz &
Machado 1997, p. 50; Willems 1967, p. 49). In prohibiting these behaviors, converts
demonize traditional patriarchy and the public sphere of male prestige competition
(Burdick 1993, p. 114; Chesnut 1997, p. 112; Maxwell 1999, p. 106). At the
same time, P/c dualism enjoins respect for the marital bond and the household,
realms defined as female in many preconversion cultures (Brusco 1995, p. 123;

Burdick 1993; Mariz & Machado 1997, pp. 42–43; Marshall 1993; Ojo 1997). By
promoting the household while condemning traditional male activities, P/c dualism
“domesticates” men by turning their attention and resources to traditionally female
concerns (Brusco 1995, pp. 5, 125; Burdick 1993, p. 114; Gill 1990, p. 717; Mariz
& Machado 1997, p. 42; Willems 1967, pp. 169–73). Because of the domestic
cooperation it demands of men, P/c gender models are only a “patriarchy in the
last instance,” according to Stacey & Gerard (1990, p. 108).
P/c patriarchy also reconfigures women’s understanding of their own positions.
Women converts see themselves as obedient primarily to God (Burdick 1993,
p. 11). Their submission to men is legitimate only when men fulfill their tasks
as God’s chosen leaders and do not make demands women would have to sin to
fulfill (Smilde 1997, pp. 345, 348). On this basis, observant women feel com-
fortable criticizing men who sin (Burdick 1993, pp. 112–13) and can draw on
divinely given dreams and visions of male misbehavior to lend authority to their
criticisms (Chesnut 1997, p. 101). They can also invoke their commitment to God
and P/c morality to resist unwanted male sexual advances and regain control of
their sexuality (Marshall 1993, pp. 231–32).
Pointing to the scope P/c gives women to limit men’s claims to authority, Smilde
(1997) says P/c establishes a distinct “religiously bounded patriarchy” (pp. 354–
55). Yet it also appeals to men because it does not publicly question their authority
and even solidifies it within the household by taking the antagonistic edge off of
marital relations (Burdick 1993, p. 114; Mariz & Machado 1997, p. 46; Martin
2001, p. 55). As Chesnut (1997:112) puts it for the Brazilian case, male converts
go from being “king of the street” to being “master of the household” (Chesnut
1997, pp. 112). And beyond the household, male converts also can rebuild their
identities by taking up leading roles in the church (Austin-Broos 1997, p. 126).
Several classic works suggest that P/c constructions of gender find their value in
modernizing situations. Willems (1967, pp. 169–73) argues that P/c constructions
of gender render meaningful changes in women’s roles caused by industrialization
and urbanization in Brazil and Chile. Looking at the Colombian case, Brusco
(1995) argues that P/c rearticulates men’s and women’s values after capitalism has
sundered their relative conjunction within the peasant household. Cucchiari (1990,
pp. 699–70) and Austin-Broos (1997) offer similarly rich historical analyses for
the Italian and Jamaican cases, respectively. There is, however, little discussion
in the cross-cultural literature of how P/c gender constructions relate to those of
secular modernity. Discussions of women’s involvement in churches and their use
of church institutions to forge new social networks suggest that in many places
P/c churches serve as hybrid public/private spaces (Cucchiari 1990) that, like the
department store in Western history (Felski 1995), facilitate women’s efforts to
construct public social lives for themselves as modernity develops. But Mariz
& Machado (1997, pp. 49–52; Mariz 1998, p. 206) argue that scholars working
on P/c gender constructions, at least in Brazil, understand them only partially
and evaluate them only poorly if they insist on viewing them through the lens
134 ROBBINS
of modern liberal political thought. They note that P/c models of oppression and
liberation are grounded in ideas about demonic influence and freedom as the ability
to choose to follow P/c’s ascetic moral codes that are distinct from canonical
modern formulations in the West (cf. Mahmood 2001).
Much of the literature on P/c political culture focuses on its potential contri-
bution to movements toward democratization. The two primary positions on this
issue were staked out early and are based on judgments of the relative novelty
of P/c church organization in relation to the political structures of the surround-
ing society. Willems (1967, p. 157), writing on Chile and Brazil, argued that the
emphasis on egalitarianism and lay control in Pentecostal congregational church
structures was a “symbolic subversion of the traditional social order” organized by
notions of hierarchy. In response, d’Epinay (1969), also writing on Chile, claimed

that Pentecostal churches, centered as they are on the authority of their founding
pastors, restored the authoritarian patron/client structure of the collapsed hacienda
system and thus failed to transform traditional constructions of political relations.
Bastian (1993) and Martin (1990, 2002) revived this debate in the 1990s.
Bastian (1993, pp. 35, 50) picked up d’Epinay’s line of argument and claimed
that P/c embraced the authoritarianism of traditional popular religion, becoming a
“Catholicism without priests” that supported corporatist political structures. Martin
(1990, 2002), by contrast, embedded Willems’ claims in a sweeping and influential
argument that P/c in Latin America (and elsewhere outside the West) is destined to
play the politically (and economically) modernizing role its Methodist progenitor
played in England and the United States. The core of his argument claims that
P/c’s dualistic rejection of the secular world allows its members to withdraw into
churches that constitute a “free space,” a “protective social capsule,” in which they
can innovate new social forms without challenging elites (Martin 1990, pp. 187–89,
202; cf. Comaroff 1985, p. 213). Within this space, they experiment with volun-
taristic and egalitarian social relations and develop new skills in leadership, literacy,
public speaking, organization, and self-help (Burdick 1993, p. 226; Dodson 1997,
p. 34; Marshall 1993, pp. 224–25; Martin 1990, pp. 108, 234, 284; Stoll 1990,
p. 117). Through these experiments, Martin and others suggest, P/c introduces
radical changes in the structures that traditionally governed social and political life
in Latin America and elsewhere, preparing people for democratic participation.
Ireland’s (1991) finding that, in terms of the classic church/sect dichotomy, insti-
tutionalized P/c churches operate differently at different levels suggests a way out
of the impasse that marks the debate on P/c organizational structure. In their hier-
archies, Sunday services, and Sunday schools, P/c churches operate like churches,
but in their small-group prayer meetings and home services, they function as sects
(Ireland 1991, pp. 89–93). Members tend to emphasize only one of these sets of
activities; some are, in effect, church members, whereas others belong to a sect.
Willems’ and Martin’s arguments about P/c transformations of traditional political
culture are correct for sect members, but arguments for continued authoritarianism
better represent the situation of those who attend church (Ireland 1991, pp. 214–15,
221–22).
Ireland’s thesis is supported by Dodson’s (1997, p. 32) claim that Bastian ex-
trapolates from the experience of large P/c denominations, as do other exponents
of the authoritarian position (e.g., Chesnut 1997). By contrast, those asserting
P/c’s transformative potential stress its sectarian and schismatic character, arguing
that by keeping churches small it maintains their participatory, egalitarian features
(Brusco 1995, p. 143; Willems 1967, pp. 113–16).
Ireland’s argument indicates the complexity of the empirical situation. P/c
church organization is very flexible, and generalizations about organizational ex-
perience need to be based on a range of careful ethnographic reports (Kamsteeg
1998, p. 6). Making a related point, Gifford (1998, p. 37) and Freston (1998, p. 45)
assert that arguments in favor of P/c’s democratizing force are generally specula-
tive. Martin’s (1990, pp. 267–68) argument, for example, is ultimately couched in
subjunctive terms; he suggests that the political changes P/c makes within the free
space of its churches exist in a latent state, waiting to emerge as full-fledged de-
mocratization movements when political conditions allow. Those who have done
the most far-reaching empirical studies prefer to adopt a neutral stance, neither
pessimistic nor optimistic, on the question of P/c’s potential contributions to de-
mocratization, and they counsel caution when trying to read from what Martin
(1990, p. 6) calls P/c’s “cultural logic” to its socially modernizing effects (Freston
2001, p. 310; Steigenga 2001, pp. 145–46).
Another common observation about P/c political culture is that it leads to con-
servatism. What Stoll (1990, p. 327) labels the conspiracy theory view—that P/c
churches are largely funded and ideologically shaped by the North American new
right—has met with little scholarly support and critics stress that P/c churches are
usually run by local leaders whose own agendas resist cooptation (Bastian 1993,
p. 51; Coleman 2002b, pp. 12–13; Corten & Marshall-Fratani 2001b, p. 6; Englund
2003; Freston 2001, p. 289; d’Epinay 1969, pp. 87–88; Marshall 1993, pp. 213–
15; Steigenga 2001, p. 140). Empirical studies of voting behavior also challenge
claims of P/c conservatism, generally finding that church members tend to vote the
way others of their social class do (Gill 2002, p. 214; Martin 1990, p. 240; Smilde
1998, pp. 299–30).
Yet several aspects of P/c culture can sometimes foster kinds of conservatism
that may not come out in election surveys. For example, the P/c tendency to-
ward withdrawal from public life, even as it may create Martin’s free space, can
encourage conservatism or at least political quietism. Many authors find that al-
though P/c Christians vote, they tend to shy away from “hard” political acts that
they consider immoral, such as working for parties, criticizing public officials,
or running for office (Steigenga 2001, p. 141). But other researchers point to the
political complexity of P/c withdrawal, noting that it can be a way of maintain-
ing political autonomy (Stoll 1990, p. 319), avoiding the depoliticizing blandish-
ments of mass culture (Freston 2001, p. 302) or building associations that may
contribute to the construction of civil society (Dodson 1997, p. 33). P/c with-
drawal’s embeddedness in narratives of the struggle between God and Satan also
makes it sometimes capable of generating radical critiques of the existing order
136 ROBBINS
(Burdick 1993, pp. 218–19; Englund 2003, p. 96; Kamsteeg 1998; Marshall 1993,
p. 234).
Another aspect of P/c culture that lends it a conservative caste is its individualism
(Smilde 1998, p. 288; Martin 1990, p. 266). By emphasizing evangelization as the
remedy for all ills, P/c promotes individual as opposed to structural solutions for
social problems and leaves its followers without models of an ideal earthly society
on which to base political action (Martin 1990, p. 266; Robbins 2002). As with
withdrawal, scholars temper this view by stressing that P/c individualism should
not be seen in all cases as apolitical and as hindering a concern for collective well-
being (Mariz 1998, p. 215; Martin 1990, p. 234; Stoll 1990, p. 310). In particular,
some argue that it is tempered by the moral links the religion fosters between
converts and by the way it locates converts within their families (Chordas 1980;
van Dijk 1998, p. 176; Martin 2001, p. 95).

Finally, there is a widespread pattern of P/c Christians construing themselves
as leaping over their immediate political environment to identify with and recruit
real or imagined support from distant P/c sources (Martin 2002, p. 26; Englund
2003). Via such distant identifications, people can resist identifying themselves in
ethnic or national terms (Corten & Marshall-Fratani 2001b, p. 3; Robbins 1998);
claim formal powers, such as the ability to conduct marriage ceremonies, usually
denied them by local authorities (Austin-Broos 1997, pp. 111–12); and connect
with members of socially distant classes (Csordas 1992, p. 12; Gifford 1998,
p. 341). These identifications may at times appear quixotic—if withdrawal leads
to too great a narrowing of the political domain, leaping over sometimes expands
the political domain beyond workable limits. Yet it remains true that these distant
identifications transform the local political field in ways not captured by common
models of political modernization.
The key debate in discussions of P/c economic culture concerns the extent to
which P/c plays a role in establishing the “Protestant ethic” in today’s converts
similar to the one played by Calvinism in Weber’s (1958) account of the devel-
opment of capitalism. Empirical studies of the effect of conversion on economic
status are inconclusive (Martin 1990), with some arguing that the status of con-
verts rises (Annis 1987) and others arguing that it does not (Brouwer et al. 1996,
pp. 235–36). Analyses of P/c cultural conceptions of the economic domain present
a similarly complicated picture. P/c asceticism renders members trustworthy and
reliable workers who employers often seek out (Chesnut 1997, p. 166; d’Epinay
1969, p. 133; Martin 1995; Maxwell 1998, p. 354). By hiring P/c Christians to fill
lightly supervised positions in the postfordist service economy, employers can, in
effect, outsource the task of work discipline to the churches (Martin 1995, p. 111,
cf. Thompson 1966). Disciplined though they are, however, P/c Christians’ first
commitment is to the church. On account of their dualism, they do not sacralize
earthly work, may not focus on it as they execute it, and sometimes may quit
to pursue evangelical goals (Chesnut 1997, p. 116; d’Epinay 1969, pp. 151–52).
Their attitudes toward accumulation also are mixed. Forgoing investment in tra-
ditional ritual and male prestige pursuits, and often cutting their ties with their
extended families, the way is open for P/c Christians to keep what they earn, but
the requirement that they give generously to their churches can prevent substantial
accumulation (Maxwell 1998, p. 369). Considering this mixed picture, many schol-
ars settle on characterizing the P/c economic ethos as one that stresses “coping,”
the avoidance of extreme poverty and ill health, but does not aim to produce great
prosperity—and they have found that P/c asceticism often allows converts to meet
these goals even in difficult circumstances (Brusco 1995, pp. 144–46; Chesnut
1997, p. 117; Mariz 1994; Maxwell 1998). Some researchers may see this ethos
as an adjustment to converts’ life chances. But it is more than just resignation;
its disregard for prosperity is anchored in P/c’s demonization of the world and its
pleasures and can, in some cases, issue in partial criticisms of capitalist cultural
models of individualism, accumulation, and desire (Burdick 1993, pp. 119–23;
Meyer 1995, 1999a).

The discussion has thus far focused on the traditional P/c economic ethos. This
ethos has been significantly transformed in the teachings of Faith churches that
recently have become popular. The prosperity gospel preached in these churches
holds that health and wealth are the believer’s due and that illness and poverty are
caused by sin and demonic influence (Coleman 2002b, Gifford 2001). Converts
are encouraged to give generously with the promise that their gifts will be returned
lavishly. With the donations this doctrine generates, Faith churches have grown
quickly and heavily invested in media technology to further spread their message
(Coleman 2000; Freston 1995, p. 132; Hackett 1995, p. 202). Although Faith
churches encourage accumulation, individualism, and entrepreneurship in a way
the traditional P/c ethos does not, their “magical” approach to wealth and heavy
emphasis on tithing ensures that they too do not promote the classic Protestant
ethic but instead represent “an advanced stage of. . .[its] decline” (Freston 1995,
p. 131; see also Eves 2003; Gifford 1998, p. 337; Hunt 1998). Although the ultimate
scope of Faith churches’ popularity remains to be seen, it is interesting to note that
members of more traditional P/c churches draw on their own economic ideas to
formulate criticisms of these churches, even participating in riots aimed at Faith
church members who flaunt their wealth and disregard community obligations
(Maxwell 1998, p. 367; Smith 2001).
CONCLUSION
Several years before the booms in anthropological writing on both P/c and glob-
alization, Comaroff (1985) wrote that the charismatic Zionist church she studied
was “part of a second global culture. . .lying in the shadow of the first” (p. 254).
This review examines what the literature tells us about the dynamics of this sec-
ond global culture. Its gender, political, and economic constructions suggest that
it would be a mistake to reduce it to a mere reflex of the modern as defined by
the secular market and political ideas of the first global culture. At the same time,
P/c’s complex relationship with the traditional cultures it encounters—a relation-
ship of both rejection and preservation—indicate that to see it as a simple force for
indigenizing cultural localization is equally wide of the mark. Further studies of
138 ROBBINS
the mechanics of P/c’s spread promise to enrich not only our understanding of P/c
but also of the range of dynamics that mark cultural globalization more generally.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank Brian Brazeal, James Holston, Keith McNeal, Alejandro Paz, and Richard
Werbner for supplying references and for conversations that helped me develop
some of these ideas. I am especially grateful to Jon Bialecki, Simon Coleman,
Bruce Knauft, Bruce Koplin, Tanya Luhrmann, Bambi Schieffelin, and Rupert
Stasch for their comments on drafts and for extensive discussions that helped
shape this review.

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at http://anthro.annualreviews.org
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August 17, 2004 15:53 Annual Reviews AR225-FM
Annual Review of Anthropology

Volume 33, 2004
CONTENTS
Frontispiece—Marilyn Strathern xiv
PREFATORY CHAPTER
The Whole Person and Its Artifacts, Marilyn Strathern 1

ARCHAEOLOGY
The Archaeology of Ancient State Economies, Michael E. Smith 73
Political Economic Mosaics: Archaeology of the Last Two Millennia in
Tropical Sub-Saharan Africa, Ann Brower Stahl 145
Primary State Formation in Mesoamerica, Charles S. Spencer
and Elsa M. Redmond 173
The Archaeology of Communication Technologies, Stephen D. Houston 223
Origins and Development of Urbanism: Archaeological Perspectives,
George L. Cowgil 525
BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Early Dispersals of Homo from Africa, Susan C. Antón
and Carl C. Swisher, III 271
Social Status and Health in Humans and Other Animals,
Robert M. Sapolsky 393
The Peopling of the New World: Perspectives from Molecular
Anthropology, Theodore G. Schurr 551
The Evolution of Human Skin and Skin Color, Nina G. Jablonski 585
LINGUISTICS AND COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES
Language Revitalization and New Technologies: Cultures of Electronic
Mediation and the Refiguring of Communities, Patrick Eisenlohr 21
New Technologies and Language Change: Toward an Anthropology of
Linguistic Frontiers, Susan E. Cook 103
Language Birth and Death, Salikoko S. Mufwene 201
Talk and Interaction Among Children and the Co-Construction of Peer
Groups and Peer Culture, Amy Kyratzis 625
vii
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viii CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND REGIONAL STUDIES

Christianity in Africa: From African Independent to
Pentecostal-Charismatic Churches, Birgit Meyer 447
Anthropology in Area Studies, Jane I. Guyer 499
SOCIOCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Music and the Global Order, Martin Stokes 47
The Globalization of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity,
Joel Robbins 117
Hang on to Your Self: Of Bodies, Embodiment, and Selves,
Steven Van Wolputte 251

The Body Beautiful: Symbolism and Agency in the Social World,

Erica Reischer and Kathryn S. Koo 297
Inscribing the Body, Enid Schildkrout 319
Culture, Globalization, Mediation, William Mazzarella 345
The World in Dress: Anthropological Perspectives on Clothing, Fashion,
and Culture, Karen Tranberg Hansen 369
Anthropology and Circumcision, Eric K. Silverman 419
Thinking About Cannibalism, Shirley Lindenbaum 475
THEME I: THE BODY AS A PUBLIC SURFACE
Hang on to Your Self: Of Bodies, Embodiment, and Selves,
Steven Van Wolputte 251
The Body Beautiful: Symbolism and Agency in the Social World,
Erica Reischer and Kathryn S. Koo 297
Inscribing the Body, Enid Schildkrout 319
The World in Dress: Anthropological Perspectives on Clothing, Fashion,
and Culture, Karen Tranberg Hansen 369
Anthropology and Circumcision, Eric K. Silverman 419
The Evolution of Human Skin and Skin Color, Nina G. Jablonski 585
THEME II: NEW TECHNOLOGIES OF COMMUNICATION
Language Revitalization and New Technologies: Cultures of Electronic
Mediation and the Refiguring of Communities, Patrick Eisenlohr 21
Music and the Global Order, Martin Stokes 47
New Technologies and Language Change: Toward an Anthropology of
Linguistic Frontiers, Susan E. Cook 103
The Archaeology of Communication Technologies, Stephen D. Houston 223
Culture, Globalization, Mediation, William Mazzarella 345
P1: JRX
CONTENTS ix
INDEXES
Subject Index 651
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 25–33 663
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volume 25–33 666
ERRATA
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology
chapters may be found at http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

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12 Aug 2004 9:40 AR AR225-AN33-06.tex AR225-AN33-06.

sgm LaTeX2e(2002/01/18) P1: IBC

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2004. 33:117–43

THE GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL

Key Words Pentecostalism, religion, cultural change, modernity

populations that otherwise remain only peripherally or tenuously involved with

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 119

might be tempted to refuse the distinction between indigenizing differentiation

growth, I focus on issues of globalization in three sections: one on world-breaking

HISTORICAL AND DEFINITIONAL ISSUES

This pattern of enthusiastic worship, relatively unscripted and egalitarian in offer-

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 121

as such para-church organizations as the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship

correlated with a generally higher-social-class location, as these movements draw

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 123

EXPLAINING P/c GROWTH: BEYOND DEPRIVATION

narrower phenomenon (conversion) with a wider one (absolute or felt deprivation

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 125

the manner of worship. Services appear spontaneous, experiential and exuberant”

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 127

WORLD-BREAKING: DUALISM, ASCETICISM,

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 129

WORLD-MAKING: INSTITUTIONAL PRODUCTIVITY

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 131

in the church (Chesnut 1997, p. 119; Corten 1999, p. 59).

P/c FORMATIONS OF GENDER, POLITICS,

Pauline notions of patriarchy in which women are expected to subordinate them-

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 133

realms defined as female in many preconversion cultures (Brusco 1995, p. 123;

notions of hierarchy. In response, d’Epinay (1969), also writing on Chile, claimed

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 135

van Dijk 1998, p. 176; Martin 2001, p. 95).

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 137

Meyer 1995, 1999a).

shape this review.

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at http://anthro.annualreviews.org

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 139

Race, and Popular Christianity in Brazil. Corten A, Marshall-Fratani R. 2001b. Introduc-

Freston P. 1995. Pentecostalism in Brazil: a in 1815. London: Penguin

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 141

spectives. New York: St. Martin’s Chicago Press

Oxford: Blackwell as a Global Culture. Columbia: Univ. South

Martin D. 2002. Pentecostalism: The World Carolina Press

GLOBALIZATION OF PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY 143

mats’: the influence of feminism on con- 27:135–59

Annual Review of Anthropology

The Whole Person and Its Artifacts, Marilyn Strathern 1

INTERNATIONAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND REGIONAL STUDIES

Steven Van Wolputte 251

The Body Beautiful: Symbolism and Agency in the Social World,

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