American Philosophical Society

Trends in Political Anthropology

Author(s): Arthur Tuden
Source: Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 113, No. 5, Frontiers of Cultural
Anthropology (Oct. 10, 1969), pp. 336-340
Published by: American Philosophical Society
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 TRENDS IN POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
ARTHUR TUDEN
Associate Professorof Anthropology,Universityof Pittsburgh
(Read November15, 1968, in theSymposiumon Frontiersof Cultural Anthropology)

POLITICAL SCIENCE AND POLITICAL Briefly,the politicalanthropologist resides and

ANTHROPOLOGY laborsin a worldtheoretically and empirically dis-
POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY first received full similarfromthat of the political scientist. Po-
recognitionby scholarsin 1940 with the publica- litical scientistsaccuse anthropologistsof having
tionof AfricanPolitical Systems.- In contrastto liberal and egalitarianassumptionsand therefore
of anthropol-
its initialoblivion,2this sub-interest ignoringthe elementof power. This argumentis
ogy has burgeonedto such a degree,that in the a shallow one and obscures other more critical
latest registerof anthropologistsin the United areas of meaningful and substantialdisagreement."
States alone, more than ninetylistedpoliticalan- In this heyday of cross-disciplinary work, it is
thropology as one of theirmajor interests.3Since now customaryfor manyyoungerpoliticalscien-
political anthropologyis organicallyrelated in tists to be trainedin non-westernareas, but the
resourcematerialand conceptsto politicalscience, overwhelmingmajorityof politicalscientistsstill
these two fieldshave influencedeach othermore view theirmaterialsin the contextof the western
than cognatefieldsusually do. In fact,the sec- world-stressing political parties, voting, and
ond work which acceleratedthe developmentof bureaucracies-all elementsofgovernment derived
politicalanthropology was an articleby a political fromthe westernworld.7 It is the rare anthro-
scientist.4 Ronald Cohen, in a provocativeand pologist who does not have the opposite basic
insightfularticle appraising the mutual inter- assumption-thatwesternpoliticalbehaviormust
change of these two fields,posed the questionas be playedagainsttheenormousand complexback-
to whetherthe relationshipwas a courtshipor a drop of non-western behavior. Even more perti-
marriage.5 With a separate historicaldevelop- nentis the perceptionby manypoliticalscientists
ment,different materials,and long standingtheo- of a monolithicstructureof non-westernpolitical
reticalmisunderstandings, the analogy of a mar- behavior.8 This tendencyservesto submergethe
riage is perhaps betterphrased as a misalliance wealth of non-westernpolitical behavior into a
ratherthan connubial bliss. If one chooses to simplisticdichotomy. The political anthropolo-
employthe analogyof marriage,it is more mean- gist, on the other hand, too oftenmagnifiesthe
ingfulto ask: who is the dominantmember,who richness and variation of non-westernsystems
controls the intellectualpursestrings,who per- 6 C. J. Friedrick,"Some Thoughtson the Relationof
formsthe tasks,and what are the varyingviews PoliticalTheoryto Anthropology," Amer.Political Sci-
of the world? As withinany marriage,one does ence Rev. 62, 2 (1968): pp. 536-545. In this articlea
not evaluateor allocateblame,but impartiallyre- further statementis madethattheutilityforthe political
scientistof anthropologicalmaterialis seriouslyimpeded
cordsthedifferences. by oversimplification and lack of understanding of the
1 Meyer Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard(eds.), natureof power and authority.Most sourcesused by
African Political Systems (Oxford UniversityPress, theauthorare outof date.
1940). TAristide R. Zolberg,One-PartyGovernment in Ivory
2 Ronald Cohen,"Political Anthropology:The Future Coast (PrincetonUniversityPress, 1964). H. Eckstein
of a Pioneer,"Anthropological Quart.38, 1 (1965): pp. and D. Apter (eds.), ComparativePolitics (The Free
117-131. Press of Glencoe,1963). Both worksare excellentex-
3 Guide to Graduate Departmentsof Anthropology amplesof the new trendby politicalscientists who still
1968-69(Oct. 1968). operatewithintwo frameworks withoutmerging.
4 David Easton,"PoliticalAnthropology,"in B. Siegel 8 Lucien Pye, "The Non-WesternPolitical Process."
(ed.), BiennialReview of Anthropology (StanfordUni- Jour.of Politics 20 (August, 1958): pp. 468-486. G.
versityPress,1959). Almondand J. Coleman(eds.), The Politicsof Develop-
5 Ronald Cohen,"Anthropology and Political Science: ing Areas (PrincetonUniversityPress, 1960). Daniel
Courtshipor Marriage," Amer. Behavioral Scientist Lerner,The Passing of TraditionalSociety:Modernizing
(Nov.-Dec.,1967),pp. 1-7. theMiddleEast (London,1958).
PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, VOL. 113,NO. 5, OCTOBER, 1969

336

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VOL. 113, NO. 5,1969] TRENDS IN POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 337

and constantlyfindsmoreand moredifferences in entistshave freelyborrowedfromeach other. In

political behavior withoutemphasizingthe com- the Association of Social Anthropologymono-
monalities. The result is a proliferationin the graphs on Political Systemsand the Distribution
numberofpoliticaltypologies.Y of Power, the authorsdraw extensivelyupon po-
These subtlefactorsresultin varyingreactions litical scientistsfor theoreticalbackground.1' In
to similar problems. Anthropologistsanalyzing addition, world-wideyet fundamentalpressures
change tend to stressthe importanceof past cul- have moved the two disciplinescloser together.
tural patternsin newlyemergingnations,10 while All social scientistshave, withoutdoubt,been in-
political scientists,even those who acknowledge fluencedby the hurricaneof social change in the
the variationin non-westernsocieties,implicitly present-day worldand are now forcedto recognize
stress the importanceof impinginguniversalfac- that the typicalgovernmental-structure approach
tors." To compound these differences, the politi- is not providing adequate answers. Secondly,
cal anthropologists collect their materialswithin thepreviousfocusupon theequilibriumof a social
a different framework-withina microscaleus- systemdoes not reflectthe worldaroundus. We
ually in small segmentsof tribesor villages. The breathein a world of movementratherthan sta-
foci are on such variables as familytypes, re- bility-our political world is experiencingrapid
ligions, ecology, and exchange systems. For changes and shiftswhich most politicaltheories
anthropologists,political behavior is viewed at were not devisedto cope with. Both anthropolo-
thevillagewell in thecontextof systematic gossip. gists and political scientistshave been forcedto
Political have
scientists a theoretical framework re-evaluatetheirapproachesand to introduceor
imposedby such politicalboundariesas those of search for theoriesand concepts which will as-
the nation, and their analysis is based on such similatecomplexity, change,and a timedimension.
information as a level of education,partymem- With this brieflistingof the factorsinvolved
bership,and economic development.12 Springing in the two different fields,I would like to sum-
fromthesematerialsare broadcomparativestudies marize a theoreticalapproach to the analysis of
of stability,coalition, and regularitiesof bu- political behavior-one which is comfortablefor
reaucracies. Thus, fundamental differences about both political anthropologistsand political sci-
what are relevant data separate the two fields.13 entists. This researchtrendappearedand is more
Although marked methodologicaldifferences discernibleamong graduatestudentsand younger
exist between these cognate disciplines, some Ph.D.s,'5 and has only appeared in the writings
carry-overin concepts and materialshas taken of the more recentgenerationof anthropologists
place. On the broadest level, both disciplines and politicalscientists.
borrow and share field materials. In the two
most recentlycollectedworks concernedwith po- TRENDS IN THEORY
litical behavior,anthropologists and political sci- The new politicalanthropology, not yet clearly
defined,has several factors which characterizeit.
9 David Tait and J. Middleton(eds.), Tribes Without
Rulers (London,Routledgeand Kegan Paul Ltds.,1958). It is distinctivein the materialthat it selectsfor
10T. Vansina,"A Comparisonof AfricanKingdoms," analysis; it widens the usually accepted dimen-
Africa32, 4 (1962): pp. 324-325. A. W. Southall,"A sion ofpoliticalbehavior;it de-emphasizesa struc-
Critiqueof theTypologyof Statesand PoliticalSystems." tural functionalapproach; and finally,it views
Political Systems and the Distribution of Power, ASA
MonographNo. 2 (1965). Lloyd A. Fallers, Bantu political behavior as a cyclical process,
with a
Bureaucracy (London, Routledge Kegan Paul, 1955). number of crucial phases. A feasible starting
A. W. Southall,Alur Society(CambridgeHeffer,1956). point for the analysis of political behavior is a
11 David Apter,The Gold Coast in Transition (Prince-
ton,1955). LucienPye, "Democracy,Modernization, and Ibid.,A. S. A. monograph.
14
Nation Building,"in J. R. Pennock (ed)., Self-Govern- Bulletinsof the AmericanAnthropological
15 Associa-
ment in Modernizing Nations (Prentice-Hall, 1964). tion. Preliminary program1967annualmeeting.Session
Martin Kilson, Political Change in a West African State: in politicalanthropology and bulletinsof the American
A Study of the Modernization Process in Sierra Leone Anthropological Associationin Vol. No. 4, pp. 213-220.
(Cambridge,HarvardUniversity Press, 1966). Lists of recentPh.D. dissertationsespecially. Triloki
12 Irma Adelman, Society, Politics and Economic De- Nath Pandey, Factionalismin a SouthwesternPueblo
velopment: A Quantitative Approach (Johns Hopkins (Universityof Chicago,1968). Michael P. Freedman,
Press, 1967). GabrielA. Almondand G. B. Powell,Jr., The Social and Political Organizationof the Siassi Is-
Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (Bos- lands (Universityof Michigan,1967). Joan Vincent,
ton,LittleBrown,1966). Statusand Leadershipin an AfricanCommunity (Colum-
13 RonaldCohen,ibid. (1967), p. 5. bia University,1968).

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338 ARTHUR TUDEN [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.

new dynamicconceptof politicswhichcenterson whichexpand politicalprocesses. Fruitfulstudies

such aspects as change, decision-making, resolu- are thosewhichanalyze the area or politicalfield,
tion of conflicts,negotiation,and settlementof isolatingthose forceswhichconstrict,expand, or
political issues withina varietyof culturalcon- influencethe directionof a political struggle."'
texts,18ratherthanthe traditionalview of politics The definitionof political behavior in the most
as a static,well-definedintegratedsystem. Po- recentstudiesreflectstheseshiftsand orientations.
liticalactivitycan occur in any area of a society; Political behavior is definedas a public com-
it is not restrictedto governmentalbodies, and petition over goals involving the struggle for
can even incorporateindividualsfrom different power by groups.20 This definition illuminatesa
societies. Politicalbehavioris no longerseen only numberof factorsleadingto a crucialarea of the
in the contextof a well-integrated system,but as politicalprocess. Individualsinvolvedin political
a complicated,constantlyshifting,oftenradically activityseek to legitimizetheiractions,and thus
developingpolitical phenomenon. To follow a to achieve theirgoals. The use of forceor coer-
political struggleand to employthe term "inte- cion is only one of the many methodswhereby
grated system" show a lack of precision and key figuresin the politicalprocesses attemptto
clarity,for the politicalprocess is typifiedby di- gain compliancewith theirdecisionor to remove
versity,competinggroups,sharpconflicts and lack opposition. Althoughit is clear thatsocietiesdif-
ofconsensus. ferin the amountand techniqueswhen theyapply
To limitthe studyof politicalbehaviorto a dis- naked force,this is never the only means of as-
tinctsocial boundarydetractsfromthe realityof suring compliance.21 The political process is a
the politicalprocess. Not only may one question constantinterplayof manyfactorsby individuals
the validityof the concept of a well-integrated seeking compliance. These factors-legitimacy,
of
system,but even the implicationof a systemitself persuasion,influence,directand indirecttypes
all marshalled to mobilize political
pertainingto politicalprocessesmaybe questioned. support-are
Competing groups try to enlarge the struggle capital, which creates, at the least, agreement
beyondtheexistingframework in orderto achieve withformulations ofpolicy.
their goals. The factors which influence politi- One area of active researchis the varietyof
cal processes oftenextendbeyondthe commonly techniquesthat politicalfiguresemployto gather
conceivedunitof study. Politicalbehaviorshould supportin their own politicalarena. Mobiliza-
not be demarcatedby preconceivedboundarylim- tion of political capital is most effectivewhen
itations. On the contrary,the properframework groups ratherthan individualsare broughtinto
for politicalanalysis is a contractingor expand- the arena. Anthropological literatureusuallyhas
ing "field" or "arena" of struggle;the boundary overstressedkinship grouping as an automatic
of which is only determinedby the interestsor means of buildingpoliticalsupport. Recent stud-
the involvementof the members. The arena ies have indicated that the interplayof other
changesover a period of timeas new groupsbe- factors such as legitimacy,symbolism,and the
come involved,or as they drop out of the po- structuralpositionsof leaders play a major role
liticalprocess.17 Generally,politicalbehaviorhas in theflowofa politicalstruggle.22
a tendencyto expand to includemore groups es- The studyof politicalprocesses,or the observa-
pecially if the goal is crucial for some of its tion of conflictsover goals, has a timedimension,
members.'8 For example, what affectsa small and this is best viewed as a numberof related
town in the United States can be generatedby phases. Analytically,the total process can be
action taken in Saigon-a point which we all 19M. Gluckman,Customand Conflictin Africa (Ox-
recognize,but perhaps do not acknowledgein ford,1955). Igor Kopytoff, "Extensionof Conflictas
our research. Political processescannot be her- a Method of ConflictResolutionAmong the Suku of
meticallysealed, and the firsttask of the investi- the Congo,"Jour.ConflictResolution5, (1961): pp. 61-
in an African
gator is to uncover those forces and avenues 69. V. Turner,Schism and Continuity
1957).
Society(Manchester,
16M. Swartz, V. Turner,A. Tuden (eds.), Political 20 Swartz,Turner, Tuden (eds.), ibid. (1966), p. 10.
21 L. Plotnicov and A. Tuden, ComparativeSocial
Anthropology (AldinePress,1966),p. 2.
(in press).
1t Marc Swartz,Local-LevelPolitics (Aldine Publica- Stratification
22 E. Colson,"The Alien Divinerand Local Politics,"
tion, 1968), pp. 9-15. For a discussionof differences
whicheffect thesize of involvement. in PoliticalAnthropology (1966), pp. 221-229. P. Fried-
18 F. Bailey, Tribe, Caste, and Nation (Manchester rich, "The Legitimacyof a Cacique,"
in Local Level
Univ. Press, 1960). Politics(1968), pp.243-271.

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VOL. 113, NO. 5, 19691 TRENDS IN POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 339

broken into ideal proceduralphases; a political In thisconstructof analyzingpoliticalprocesses,

group preparesfor a shiftin power and employs a startingpoint in the conflictexists only as an
various culturalmethodsof gatheringresources; ideal. In many cases, one phase of the total
a breach of the peace is precipitated;a crisis or process,such as a crisis,can continueindefinitely.
rupturein the normaloperationof affairsoccurs; The total continuumcan be abbreviatedor, if a
overt conflicterupts; effortsto introduceadjus- settlementis reached,it may eventuallygenerate
tive mechanismsare made; and finally,another other conflictsat other times opportunefor the
peacefulphase begins.28 A numberof excellent politicalleader and his supporters. The increas-
studiesby anthropologists recordand analyzepor- ing volume of writingson factionalismand con-
tions of this total process. Here is the richest flictresolutionand detaileddescriptionsof redres-
contributionof political anthropology,but, un- sive mechanisms,suggeststhattherewill be more
fortunately, as stated recently,almost nothingis concretedescriptionsof these cycles of political
knownabout the totalprocessof a particulardis- processesin thefuture.
pute.24 In general,politicalanthropologists have
not observedor followedthroughthe totalpattern POLITICAL ECONOMY
of a politicalcase-study,but have only recorded A long-standinginterestin anthropologyhas
and emphasizedthe phase of open conflict. For been revivedand is now influencing the direction
a completepicture,he should observethe gather- of political anthropology,a classic example of
ing of resources,and the disruptionof the normal old wine in new bottles.29In the fieldof anthro-
flowof events,as some recentstudieson factional- pology,therehas been withinthe last fiveyears
ism have done.25 Anothervital area is the analy- a re-examinationof the relation between the
sis of the redressivemechanismsused in stopping economicand politicalprocesses. By continuing
the conflict,and the eventual conclusionof the to describethe quantitativeand qualitativeshifts
struggle.26Where anthropologyis weakest and of societallevels,theresearchhas remainedfunda-
political science strongestis in the analysis of mentallywithin the broad historicalcontext of
choices made by individualsin all steps of the evolutionarytheory. In a sense this combination
politicalprocess. Anthropologists are also weak of economicanthropology and politicalanthropol-
in theformulation of a generaltheoryon decision- ogy closelyresemblesthe older school of political
making,whichis thecore of thepoliticalprocess.27 economy.
Anthropologists, who pride themselveson case In a recentpublicationa generaloutlineof the
historiesand depthanalyses,have been singularly different levels of societieswas proposed.80Aside
deficientin advancingsystematicdata which ex- frommakingexplicita basic evolutionaryorder-
plain individual choices made when opening a ing of societies,the work puts a key featureof
conflictor reducinga political struggle. Only societiesinto proper perspective-i.e., the effects
recentlyhas there been any attemptto break of the economicprocesses upon the politicalor-
away froma mechanisticapproach,and includea ganization. The general question raised is the
pictureof individualssearchingfor alternatives.28mutualeffectthata politicalprocesshas upon the
23 Swartz,Turner,
allocationof economicresources. Political econ-
Tuden,ibid.,pp.33-35. omy should not be viewed as an esoterictrend
24 R. Beals and B. Siegel, Divisenessand Social Con-
flict(StanfordUniversity Press,1966),p. 26. or as vulgar Marxism,but as complementing and
25F. Bailey, "ParapoliticalSystems,"in Local Level enrichingpolitical analysis. In specific cases,
Politics (1968). R. Nicolas, "Rules, Resources,and analysis of the economicfactorsadds flesh and
PoliticalActivity,"in Local Level Politics (1968). Tri-
loki Pandey,ibid.,1967. Basque Villages" (Universityof Chicago Dissertation,
26 J. Gibbs,"Poro Values and CourtRoom Procedures 1967). MerwynGarbarino,"Decision-MakingProcess
in a Kpele Chiefdom,"SouthwestJour. Anthropology and Study of CultureChange,"Ethnology(1967). J.
(1962). A. Tuden,"Leadershipand the Decision-Making Thompsonand A. Tuden,"OrganizationalDecision-Mak-
Process,"in Political Anthropology (1966). M. Gluck- ing,"SymposiaStudiesSeries, No. 8 (The NationalIn-
man,Rituals of Rebellionin South East Africa (Man- stituteof Social and BehavioralSciences,1961).
chesterUniversity Press,1954). 29 R. Frankenberg, "EconomicAnthropology:
One An-
27 H. Simon,"PoliticalResearch:The Decision-Making thropologist View,"in ThemesIn EconomicAnthropology
Framework," in Varietiesof PoliticalTheory(1966). (1967). Gerhard Lenski, Power and Privilege (Mc-
28 F. Barth, The Role of the Entrepreneur in Social Graw-Hill, 1966). Morton Fried, The Evolution of
Change in NorthernNorway (Norwegian Universities Political Society (Random House, 1967). M. Sahlins,
Press, 1963). William A. Douglass, "Opportunity,Tribesmen(PrenticeHall, 1968).
Choice-Making, and Rural Depopulationin Two Spanish 30 M. Fried,ibid.,1967.

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340 ARTHUR TUDEN [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.

blood to the abstracttheoreticalframeworkad- or coercionis culturallyaccepted by individuals.

vancedearlier,and aids in the explanationsof the Only when economiccomplexityachieves a high
political materials. It does more than indicate enoughlevel,does an authorityemergewhichmay
that economic power is translatedinto political levythedeathpenalty.35
power. The economicprocessesare again helpfulwhen
One key elementin political behavior is the analyzing anotherlevel of the same question. As
analysis of the differentmethods of obtaining we have discussed it, the conceptof the political
compliancewith a decision. It has been sug- arena is an amorphousconstruct, and by following
gested that the basis for legitimacyof a political economicnetworkswe see some guidelineswhich
leader is enhanced by control of economic re- explain how it can expand by drawing in new
sources. 31 In societies where there is no clear adherentsor opponents. The classical study of
distinctionbetweenthe means of productionand the Kula ring in Melanesia has been revised,and
ownershipof the means of production,individuals it is now seen as an economicexchange system
who wear themantelof legitimacy also controlthe which expands a small politicalrelationshipinto
distribution of the resources. By participating in a seriesof inter-connected alliances.36 These alli-
and controllingthe flow of goods in the system ances are documentedby trade relationships, and
of distribution, the politicalrole is enhancedby definedby bothsymbolicand actual flowof goods.
the economic role. Generally a societally ac- Among the Ila, the crude anatomyof the com-
cepted economicinequalitycan be translatedinto petingfaction,or the politicalarena,is clearlyde-
a societallyaccepted political imbalance,and is lineated by exchanges of cattle. This type of
perceivedby the societyas a basis of legitimacy. propertyis the major means of assuring alle-
The variationin degrees of legitimacyfluctuates giances and acquiringfollowers. Propertyis the
accordingto a quantitativeeconomicfactor. The clearestbarometerof supportand lack of support,
largerthe flowof propertycontrolled,the greater whichcan be translatedas potentialoutbreaksof
the depthof the leader's legitimacyin the political conflictwithinthe group.37 In response to our
processes.32 initialinquiry,politicalanthropology and political
Many works documentthe way by which eco- science overlapin but
interests, sharp discrepancies
nomic resources are transferredinto political exist in method,sophisticationof analysis, and
supports33 and othersgo farther by indicatingthat contentof materials. Both fieldsdraw upon stud-
anthro-
a mutualintertwining occurs. The economicsuc- ies fromdivergentfields,while political
pology tends to emphasize the importanceof the
cess of a potentialleader is followedby political
total societalcontext,and recentlyto incorporate
power. Leaders must first achieve economic
a concept of fluidityand dynamismin political
dominancebeforepoliticalofficecan be attained. processes. There is also a discernibletrendto-
Among the Tolai and the Gilbertese,political wards analyzingthe fundamentaleconomicbasis
compliancefollowsthe economicroad and sym- of politics-a healthyreturnto a criticalproblem.
bolic presentsare exchangedwhich validate the Political science,however,draws upon rich theo-
political relationship.34In a grosser sense, the retical studies of decision-makingand systems
economicfactorshave been viewed as paramount analysis. Anthropology, to its detriment,has not
when ascertainingthe pointat whichnaked force yet recognizedfullythe importanceof utilizing
31 Marshall Sahlins, Social Stratificationin Polynesia the new technologicaladvances for the study of
(1958). politicalbehavior.
32 Marshall Sahlins, "Political Power and the Economy

in Primitive Society," in Essays in the Science of Ctul- 35M. Ember,"The Relationship BetweenEconomicand
ture,ed. Dole and Caneiro (1960). Political Developmentin Non-Industrialized Societies,"
83 B. Lambert, "The Economic Activities of a Gil- Ethniology 2 (1963).
bertese Chief," in Political Anthropology (1966). R. 36 Singh Uberoi,Politics of theKula Ring (Manches-
Salisbury, "Politics and Shell Money Finance in New ter,1962).
Britain," in Political Anthropology(1966). 37 A. Tuden, "Ila PropertyRelations and Political
34B. Lambert and R. Salisbury, ibid., (1966). Processes,"in Local Level Politics(1968).

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