Cuyonon….

For More…or No more in Puerto Princesa City

Elsa Carmen Nolledo-Montaño

Western Philippines University
ecnmontano@yahoo.com
ORCID ID: 0000-0002-6714-301X

Abstract. This study aimed to investigate the status of Cuyonon language in

Puerto Princesa City. It sought to determine the language ability of the
participants; the domains of language use; language attitudes in learning and
using Cuyonon, and their actual Cuyonon proficiency. The participants were
chosen from the genealogies of the oldest, largest, and well-known families listed
in the book Puerto Princesa during the Second World War from 1941-1945, from
the lists of the first personalities in Cuyonon history and the first three barangays
of the city with the most Cuyonon residents. This study used the qualitative
phenomenological method of research through purposive and convenient
sampling. Data were analyzed, transcribed, thematized and coded manually.
Based on the findings, as to the status of Cuyonon, the participants viewed that
Cuyonon speakers in Puerto Princesa City were few yet on surviving status. In
terms of language use, Cuyonon language at home was maintained only when
speaking to their siblings and in interactants in their neighborhoods, workplace
and recognized interlocutors outside their homes. They valued their cultural
identity but most of them were passive speakers since they would not speak
Cuyonon at once, only if interlocutors were recognized as Cuyonon. They did not
find learning and speaking Cuyonon difficult since their parents are Cuyonon
speakers who were considered as the main source of learning the language. The
Cuyonon language use was heritage and language vitality was on Level 7
shifting (EGIDS) and described as definitely endangered by UNESCO. Related to
language attitudes in learning, using, describing, maintaining and preserving the
language, the Cuyonon participants carry both positive and negative attitudes
toward their native language, first and second languages use. The participants
were proficient Cuyonon speakers. To sum up, the more domains for the
Cuyonon language and positive language attitudes the higher language prestige,
preservation and vitality it has; with less or no language use and maintenance,
frequent language shifting and negative language attitudes lead to language
endangerment and loss. Several ways and methods could be used by the family,
school and community to maintain and preserve the Cuyonon language: use
simple command in Cuyonon, support Cuyonon groups in social media, Cuyonon
radio programs, Cuyonon mass, and use of mother tongue in school.

Keywords: Cuyono, language use, language attitudes, language proficiency

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INTRODUCTION

Language is regarded as a vital aspect of ethnicity to express cultural

identity. Remarkably, United Nation Educational Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) estimated that there are 7,099 languages around the
world. However, between 1950 and 2010, 230 languages went extinct, a third of
the world’s languages have fewer than 1,000 speakers left. They claimed that
every 14 days a language dies with its last speaker. With this, 50 to 90
percent of them are foreseen to become extinct by the next century.
The Philippines is diverse in culture and in language (Halili, 2010). It is
blessed with several ethnic groups (Garcia, Abon and Reyes, 2016) and a
multilingual people, mostly non-Tagalogs and non-Cebuan (Quakenbush,1989).
Of the more than a hundred languages being spoken by the different
ethnolinguistic groups of dwellers in the more than seven thousand and one
hundred islands comprising the Philippines, eight of them are considered major
languages. These major languages are Ilocano, Pangasinan, Pampango,
Tagalog, Bicol, Cebuano, Hiligaynon and Waray-Samarnon (Belvez, 2015). In
Palawan, the languages are categorized as indigenous (Kalamianon, Agutaynon,
Batak, Tagbanwa, Palaweńo, Molbog, Cuyonon and Cagayanen) and immigrant
(Ilongo, Cebuano, Ilocano, Waray and Tagalog which is more diverse, etc)
(Quakenbush,1989)
This study aimed to investigate what is the status of Cuyonon language in
Puerto Princesa City; what is the language ability of the participants; in what
domains Cuyonon language is used; what attitudes do the speakers have in
learning and using it; and what kind of Cuyonon speakers are there in the city.
There are several studies that have been conducted locally and
internationally investigating language use and attitude among ethnic groups. It is
very evident that no study had been conducted on the Cuyonon status, use,
attitude and proficiency. Hence, this study is conducted.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This research employed qualitative research in a deductive approach on

the lived experiences of a phenomenon for Cuyono participants in learning and
using the Cuyonon language. The purpose is to describe the commonalities of
the experience. Textual data were gathered though face-to-face interviews with
the help of audio-video recorders. Likewise, the researcher assumed the role as
participant observer in gathering the needed data.

The locale of the study is concentrated in the specific residence in Puerto

Princesa City of the selected participants who are genealogies of the oldest,
largest and well-known families listed in the book Puerto Princesa during the
Second World War a Narrative History 1941-1945 (San Juan, 1998), from the list
of the “firsts” personalities in Cuyonon history (Fernandez, et al, 1989) and the
 3

first three Indigenous People Mandated Representatives (IPMR) and Chieftains

from Bgy. San Manuel, Bgy. Sta. Monica and Bgy. San Pedro which have the
most Cuyonon residents in the city. A group of 24 households composed of
parents/grandparents, aged 31 and over 50 years old, indicators of varying civil
status (single, married, widow, separated) were the participants in this study. It is
important that the first generation (grandparents) and second generation
(parents) have lived for 15 years in the city so they can relate to the old days and
can describe their observations in the recent years, as to linguistic change in
learning and/ or using the Cuyonon language and their language attitudes.

Semi-structured and unstructured interview questionnaire was used to

stimulate responses from the participants. The standards in conducting
interviews was also followed. To maintain the confidentiality of the participants,
their real names were not mentioned in the discussion of the paper but instead
replaced with Cuyonon codes.

The gathered data including the personal experiences and observations

were analyzed in several phases such as transcription, categorization based on
the research problem and purpose of the study and coding. Results were
presented through descriptive-narrative form.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Status of Cuyonon Language in Puerto Princesa City

As to opinion on the present status of Cuyonon language in Puerto

Princesa City, almost all the participants have similar perception that the
speakers of the language were few. The majority of the participants affirmed that
Cuyonon language was gradually losing yet on surviving status.
The participants perception happened with the following reasons: Only
middle age (ages of 40 and 60 years old) to old age (61 years old and above)
were the speakers of pure Cuyonon and the younger generations spoke
Tagalog, influx of migrants, mixed marriage, the city was cosmopolitan with the
presence of language shifting, they adapted to their environment where they
recognized common language in the community and used it in interpersonal
communication so they could relate and associate to the person they were
conversing like friends, peers and non-Cuyonon speakers and they were not
fluent in Cuyonon that they somehow unaware that they language shifted
because the Cuyonon vocabulary is not enough.
As Eder (2004) argued it is through the Cuyonon language that they [the
Cuyonon] are distinguished from others though frequently they also use Tagalog
and English for practical reasons. There are several factors of development of
modern Philippine life that contribute to the gradual decrease of Cuyonon ethnic
identity such as the “influx of migrants from different parts of the country,
 4

education, tourism, frequent intermarriages of Cuyonos to other ethnicity,

geographic mobility of Cuyonon, religion, and growing class differences”.
People are inevitably confronted with difficult choices about which
language they wish or need to speak. The major driver of language shift is the
decision to abandon a more local or less prestigious language, typically because
the target of the shift is a language seen as more modern, useful or giving
access to greater social mobility and economic opportunities (Kandler, Unger,
Steele, 2010). As defined, language shift refers to the process, or the event,
whereby members of the community abandon their original vernacular language
and use another language (Ostler, 2017; Kandler; Dwyer, 2011; Unger, Steele,
2010; Ravindranath, 2009). According to Sofu (2009), language shift is
inevitable, if there are two or more languages in contact. Whatever or wherever it
occurs, it resulted to a common feature to all shift situations, it affects
communities in contact with and under control by a more dominant community.
In the study of Wendel and Heinrich as cited by Heinrich (2005), language shift is
a phenomenon occurring solely in dominated communities.
Concerning the status of Cuyonon language in the city, the participants
were also asked if the Cuyonon language will continue to exist. Based on their
response, they were affirmative that their language will continue to exist, if the
community will do something to preserve it. They thought that the use of
Cuyonon language will be maintained. They also believed that existence of
Indigenous People Mandated Representative (IPMR)/Chieftain in each barangay
and the existence of Gagued ang Cuyonon organization has a positive impact.
They believed that the program of the said organizations as well as the City’s and
Province’s plans and programs related to Cuyonon preservation should be
promoted. Lastly, they stressed that parents should protect the Cuyonon
language by teaching and encouraging their children and grandchildren to speak
and use Cuyonon. The participants also perceived that Cuyonon language will
last if there were still young generation of speakers of the language.

As what the Chair of the Permanent Forum of the Indigenous Issues of

New York (2016) explained “saving indigenous languages is crucial to ensure
the protection of the cultural identity and dignity of indigenous peoples and
safeguard their traditional heritage.” Based on the response of the participants,
they were also aware that Cuyonon language is declining and they expressed
fear of losing

Personal and Reported Language Ability

Based on personal profile, almost all household participants revealed that

their language at home was mostly Cuyonon though very few of them speak
bilingual as Cuyonon and Tagalog and rare speak pure Tagalog, Tagalog and
English or Cuyonon and English. Further, their language spoken were Tagalog,
English, Bisaya and Ilonggo. Most of them were parents and grandparents from
31 and over 50 years old, born in Puerto Princesa City. They were mostly
 5

professionals and government employees. As to language background, their first

language learned and language best spoken was Cuyonon. Similarly, the
language most frequently used was Cuyonon alone followed by Tagalog and
Cuyonon. Lastly, the first language spoken by their parents was mostly Cuyonon.

The participants were also asked to evaluate their language ability to

speak English, Tagalog and Cuyonon. This was done through interview. Each
language has set of four micro skills of language learning such as listening,
speaking, reading and writing that allow an individual to understand and speak
languages for effective interpersonal communication. To better establish the
reported language ability of the participants, the researcher preferred to place
their responses on the table to show how they evaluated themselves.
Table 1. Reported language ability of the participants
How do you rate 1 2 3 4 5
your skills in: Very Good Just Can Do not
Good enough understand know
(Semi- only (Non-
speaker) (Passive speaker)
speaker)
English
1. speaking English 2 12 9
2. listening to English 4 10 9
3. reading English 4 10 9
4. writing English 1 12 10
Tagalog
1. Pagsasalita sa 2 13 8
Tagalog
2. Pakikinig sa Tagalog 3 12 8
3. Pagbasa sa Tagalog 3 12 8
4. Pagsusulat sa 3 11 9
Tagalog
Cuyonon
1. Paglimeg y Cuyonon 9 12 2
2. Pagpamati y 9 11 2 1
Cuyonon
3. Pagbasa y Cuyonon 8 10 5
4. Pagsulat y Cuyonon 8 9 5 1

Table 1 shows that Cuyonos in Puerto Princesa City were highly

multilingual/bilingual speakers since they can speak more than one language
such as Cuyonon/Tagalog, Tagalog/English, Cuyonon/English or
Cuyonon/English/Tagalog combined. Mostly regarded themselves with a good
ability not only in Cuyonon but also in English and Tagalog. It could be noted that
the very good and good ratings in communication skills in Cuyonon were nearly
equal. This indicates that they were really Cuyonon speakers. However, it could
 6

also be noted that writing skill was the lowest in good rating since the participants
found it difficult to write in Cuyonon languages.

Some Filipinos have the capacity to use more than two languages. As
described by Halili (2010), some Filipinos are trilingual, speaking in Filipino,
English and an indigenous/ethnic language. Filipinos speak different regional
languages and dialects because of intermarriages and internal migration and
language education have helped to reduce language barriers. In addition, the
languages that the participants declared as spoken is noted to determine if they
are bilinguals or multilinguals since this would lead to language shift. Suek (2014)
explained that being bilingual or multilingual speaking is not always
advantageous in the community somehow it has also its disadvantage such as
the minimal use of and negative attitudes to the native language that would
eventually lead to the language loss of the native language.

The Domains of Language Use

A domain in a sociocultural concept that is based from topics of

communication, relationships between communicators, and locales of
communication that describes where, when, who speaks, which language, to
whom and about what. These domains can be used as indicators if there is a
language a shift. As Are (2015) emphasized that the more the language is used
in different spheres, the better its chances of survival.
To determine the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scales
(EGIDS) level, it is necessary to determine first the domains of language use
since the first questions for assigning an EGIDS level is “How is the language
used?” (Quakenbush and Simons, 2015). With this, the following questions
were asked to the participants. What language do you use whenever you speak
with in the following: (1) sister/brother at home? (2) teacher in the community?
(3) co-workers? (4) neighbors? (5) Cuyonon vendors/sellers (6) food attendants
in the restaurants, fast food, cafes? (7) a Cuyonon friend? (8) priest/pastor
after the mass? (9) jeepney drivers? (10) in the banks? (11) in the
hospitals/clinics? (12) speaking with community visitors you do not know? (13)
speaking with visitors you do not know who arrive at your home? (14) speaking
with Cuyunon city councilor/barangay officials? (15) praying to God?

The Family or Home Domain

Based on interview, the most dominant language used at home when
talking to their children was Tagalog though few revealed that they also
conversed to them in Cuyonon. Parents affirmed that they were understood
when communicating to their children because they responded but in Tagalog.
So, this somehow shows that the children understand the language but they
cannot speak it.
Yet, very few participants reported that their children are trained in English
because it is a universal language and they need it for their career. When asked
why in Tagalog and English, they affirmed that the pronunciation and fluency of
 7

their children would be affected by the distinct accent of being a Cuyonon, Bisaya
and Ilonggo.When speaking to their spouses, they are also using Tagalog.
Clyne’s study (as cited by Abelhadi, 2017) stressed that the family
environment is a motivating factor in the promotion of successful
intergenerational maintenance of the community language. However, the
language used at home may be affected by external factors such as mixed
marriages, the birth of new children, entering in the workforce, and children’s
departure from the parental home. According to Warsi (2017), using one’s
mother’s tongue at home is the major preserver of own cultural identity since
there is a constant interaction in the home language which is a contradiction in
this paper.
Warsi (2017) emphasized that the use of mother tongue should be
encouraged. It should always be practiced, spoken, and taught to the new
generations. The result of this study shows that the domain of Cuyonon language
use at home happens when both parents are Cuyonon but Tagalog/English or
Tagalog alone is used by parents who speak different languages when
conversing with their children and spouses. Result of this home domain implies
that the family has a big role in the maintenance of the language of the cultural
ethnicity.

The common reasons given for Tagalog preference at home

The common reasons why Tagalog is preferred at home include: (1)

common ground for communication because spouses have other
language/dialect spoken; (2) it is the language they heard at home because
parents prefer to use it; (3) the pronunciation and fluency of the children might
be affected by Cuyonon language which has peculiar characteristics; and (4) it
is the choice of their children to learn Cuyonon when they grow up.

As Alzayed (2015) emphasized, native language preservation is not only

about the first generations’ obligation but other generations should as well learn
to keep it. He also pointed out that the success of maintaining and preserving a
native language depends on family relationship, parental attitudes and peer
influence. Kama and Yamirudeng (2011) have found that Malay language is
seen as a relevant ethno-cultural marker and its usage is limited within family,
relatives, and close friends and Malay language is preserved along with Thai
language, making many Malay Muslims bilingual, which is quite typical in the
northern border provinces of Thailand. This finding is also similar to the result of
this study that both Cuyonon and Tagalog languages are kept and used at home
by members of the family. This implies that it is everyone’s accountability and
responsibility to keep, practice, use, and preserve one’s language regardless of
age or generation.

The Education or School Domain

When at school, they were speaking Tagalog or English as medium of
instruction; while Cuyonon is spoken outside classes. Wan, et al., (2015)
 8

explained that the consequence of education somehow gives pride to their family
that the children will able to have prestige in the economic and social benefits
that are enjoyed by other communities. However, education is seen detrimental
to the ethnic language because they are not able to use and practice their own
language. As Teng and Ling (2012) reported that ethnic language is still strong
in the family and religious domains but has little place in education and mass
media domains. This finding partly contradict in this study, wherein in this paper,
only the family shows strong domain while religious, education and mass media
domains have little sphere. This implies that somehow schooling affects the use
of Cuyonon language since there is a mandated medium of instruction in the
Philippines where their proficiency in Cuyonon is affected.

The Work Domain

In the realm of employment (work domain), most of the participants were
working in the government and they revealed that they used Cuyonon language
to their co-workers and neighbors though there were few who speak Tagalog
and English too. It is evident that the participants insist on using Cuyonon
language in their workplace, even in the presence of those who cannot
understood it.

This finding is supported by Tajolosa (2014) where she found that Batak is
used primarily by members of the community at home and when conversing with
Batak friends, neighbors, and coworker. As observed in other offices visited,
there were signages written in Cuyonon like “Dayon Camo”, “Matamang Salamat
Kaloyan kamo ateng Guinong Dios” and the like. This implies a good sign of
positive attitudes as language maintenance towards their cultural identity.

The Neighborhood Domain

Most of the participants admitted that they used Cuyonon when
conversing to their neighbors, though others signified that they also used
Tagalog since they also have neighbors who were non-Cuyonon speakers.

The Friendship Domain

For friendship domains and identified interlocutors, such as Cuyonon
friends, Cuyonon vendor, Cuyonon city councilors/barangay officials, they were
really speaking Cuyonon to them. Results revealed that Cuyonon language was
used by the participants if they knew the ethnic identity of their interactants.

The Religious or Worship Domain

As to the domain of worship or religious domain, only few revealed that
they prayed in Cuyonon, the rest prayed in English, Cuyonon and Tagalog. Very
few confirmed that they attended Cuyonon mass and rare declared that his
personal prayer was in Cuyonon because he felt that he got closer to the Lord
when praying in Cuyonon.

The Social and Public Domain

 9

In terms of language use in social/public domain, the participants also have

pattern in the following domains: speaking to food attendants in the restaurants,
fast food, cafes, priest/pastor after the mass or service, jeepney drivers, in the
banks, in the hospitals/clinic, visitors they do not know in the community and
visitors they do not know who arrive at home. The majority of them revealed that
they preferred Tagalog first but whenever they recognized that the person they
were talking to was Cuyonon or known to be Cuyonon, only then they spoke
Cuyonon.

Findings revealed that Cuyonon language was not customarily used by

the majority of the participants when they were outside their home. They tend to
ask first if they were on the same ethnicity and/or sense the accent or tone or
vocabulary of the people they talked to before they will speak Cuyonon
spontaneously if not they went back to Tagalog as means of communication.
This means that Cuyonon speakers also spoke Tagalog outside their home or
when conversing to non-Cuyonon speakers. Findings of this study is supported
by what Tajolosa (2006) have found that Tagbanua use Tagalog in
communicative venues outside the home when they communicate with non-
Tagbanua speaker or even within their own ethnolinguistic group. Another study
of Tajolosa (2014) supports the findings of the study that Tagalog is preferred
with pastor, teachers, and non-Batak visitors in the community.

With the languages used by the Cuyonon speakers in different domains,

results showed that Cuyonon language vitality index is heritage, the language
retains an identificational function for its native community but it is no longer used
fluently by all generations. (EGIDS 7-9). With the basic understanding of this
EGIDS level and considering the responses of the participants, data fall on Level
7 which is labeled as shifting. This is described as the child-bearing generations
can use the language among themselves but they do not normally transmit it to
their children which UNESCO identified it as definitely endangered.

Language Attitude
Language attitudes are the summary evaluation of linguistic stimuli
(McKenzie, 2019). They are evaluative reactions to different language varieties
that can be socialized through various agents like educators, peers, family and
the media (Dragojevic, 2017). The study surveyed the attitudes of the Cuyonon
participants toward their own language and other dominant languages they
speak to assess the Cuyonon language vitality.

The prestige of Cuyonon ethnicity/cultural identity of Cuyonon language

Prestige has been an enriching agent of language attitude findings
(Garrett, 2009). As to language prestige of ethnicity identity, Cuyonon language
is the most prestigious ethnolinguistic language among the minority groups in
Palawan (Tajolosa, 2014).

Speakers’ Portrayal of Cuyonon Language

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Description of a language from the participants is significant for this

postulate their language attitude toward their vernacular language. Cuyono
participants described their own language as amazing, very precious, very rich in
vocabulary, unique, musical and sweetest language that was easy to understand,
natural, soft, very meaningful, it fosters unity, have a Spanish and Latin culture,
romantic accent, beautiful, its segregated them from the rest because it showed
cultural identity, it had a request signal like patigayon [please, kindly, would you
mind if], it could interpret other language in one word like pagpasunaid
[empathy], it sounded very peaceful, friendly and loving language.
They also stressed that Cuyonon was the language closest to their heart.
It was their innate identity because of the following reasons: it showed who they
are; it was the language of the heart and symbolized their ethnicity; their parents
are Cuyonon; they were born and grown up with it; it was where they came from;
it signified closeness.

Feeling of pride being Cuyonon speakers

Showing pride towards one’s language is confirmatory of their attachment
to their cultural identity. As stated in UNESCO Factor 8 which is Community
Member’s Attitudes toward their Own Languages, member of a speech
community may see their language as essential to their community and identity,
and they promote it. The more positive their attitudes are and more pride they
have in language and traditions, the stronger the language is.
Almost all household participants liked the Cuyonon language very much
and they spoke best in Cuyonon because they affirmed it was their language and
they declared they used it at home. They never feel ashamed of being known as
Cuyonon as it is God’s gift. Yet, they were proud having a tribal identity. For them
“being ashamed of the language is the key to the language loss of Cuyonon
Moreover, the participants expressed happiness whenever they hear
someone speaking Cuyonon. For some, they feel close and secured whenever
they hear Cuyonon speakers especially when they are in other places.

Feeling of Sadness, Dismay and Regret being Cuyonon speakers

Cuyonon speakers also expressed sadness not only to those parents who
are both Cuyono but their children cannot speak, read and write Cuyonon but
also those who are identified Cuyono but cannot speak, read and write Cuyonon
language as well. They feel frustrated about it. Most of them feel sad, pity, sorry,
shame, bitterness and annoyance. They feel that these people have a feeling of
shame, arrogance, selfishness, ungratefulness on their culture.
A negative attitude for keeping ethnic language was expressed by very few
of the participants, for them being nationalistic was important that is why Filipino
was the language first taught in the family and it will be and still be taught for
practical reasons while English for them is for global.
Some also expressed regret for not teaching their children Cuyonon,
because of mixed marriage though they wish that they did somehow.
 11

Few are still wishing and hoping to teach Cuyonon though very little
parents/grandparents revealed that they never tried teaching the children the
Cuyonon language and one commented that it is seen ‘not in’ in their age.
As Molina (2012) affirmed that the attitude of the family is using the
language contribute to the biggest threats to Philippine languages. This is
through their conscious and unconscious decisions of not passing on their native
language and culture to their children instead prioritizing the regional and
national languages. In some provinces, children who are fluent in regional and
national languages are more suitable to have better education and employment.

The language vitality

Language vitality is the ability to maintain and protect its existence through
time with a distinctive identity and language. Most of the participants affirmed
that they were able to speak Cuyonon language and they did not find it difficult to
learn and use because their parents are Cuyonon while rare declared that they
learned because of their Cuyonon nanny, relatives, friends, neighbors and
companions at home. In this case, they were able to frequently hear and use the
language.
Yet, at the parents’/grandparents’ level, very few attested that they taught
the language to their children. As Olaifa (2014) emphasized, “therefore, it is
important for any human society to prevent its languages from becoming
unknown.” Responses showed that the participants were passive Cuyonon
speakers who learned the language at home by hearing it utmost from the
parents. This implies that frequent language use is very effective in learning the
language.
The participants were also very appreciative and happy for people who
were non Cuyonon but have shown interest to learn the language. They found
them very commendable for learning Cuyonon language.
These findings are supported by ethnologue that describes the vitality of
the language if it is being passed on to children as their first language, or when it
is used frequently and widely within the community. Other factors related to
language vitality are descriptions of languages that are used, use of this
language by others and the degree and nature of language shift that may be
taking place (Eberhand, Simons and Fennig, 2019). During interview, there were
participants who also reported that they knew non Cuyonon speakers who are
very fluent in the language. This somehow shows language vitality since the
language is learned and used by non-Cuyonon ethnicity.
Moreover, most of the participants also agreed that it was necessary for a
Cuyono to speak the language. For them, it was very important and a mandate
that an individual could and should speak Cuyonon language so he could be
called a genuine Cuyonon and so people will recognize him as Cuyonon.
Similarly, for some, if an individual could not speak Cuyonon, for them it was a
sign of ignominy of the language.
However, some confirmed that their children refused to learn the language
and commented that the way to learn and use the language was the children’s
 12

choice. This case indicates that the parents have a big role to perform. Related
to this, most of the participants suggested that the parents should speak
Cuyonon and teach and oblige their children to learn Cuyonon language at
home.
As Dragojevic (2017) argued that language is an important symbol of
social identity, and people tend to attribute more solidarity to members of their
linguistics community especially when that community is characterized by high or
increasing vitality (i.e., status, demographics, institutional support). Through
language, people identify themselves, other people and their surroundings when
communicating (Christopher, 2014; Are, 2015; Hemat and Heng, 2012). Result
implies that it is very vital that every Cuyono need to speak Cuyonon as evidence
that they belong to that cultural identity.

Source of being a Cuyonon

As to the source of being a Cuyonon. the participants were certain that
language, parents, place of birth, the length of residence in the community, and
religion were the sources for being a Cuyono. Parents were the main source of
being Cuyonon followed by language, place of birth, the length of residence in
the community but not so much from religion. For some, language and parents
were the sources while a deviant number affirmed as community and parents,
language and place of birth, and language and community.

The Hints of Language Shift, Maintenance and Preservation

This section covers the hints on language shift, maintenance towards the
language vitality and preservation. Language maintenance refers to the collective
decision using the cultural language. The United Nations posited that languages
are the most powerful instruments of preserving and developing our tangible and
intangible heritage. As what indicated in the article "Can your Preserve the
Culture without a Language” that the hardest part of a culture to preserve is the
language. For those who are learning the language, they are learning the culture
with hard beautiful, social work lifelong process; and for those who want to
preserve a culture, they have to learn the language and teach it to others.

The positive feeling toward language maintenance and preservation

Having a positive language attitude signifies attachment to cultural
ethnicity towards maintenance and preservation of the Cuyonon language.
Almost all household participants affirmed that they liked the Cuyonon language
very much. Most of them were very proud and honored of their language. They
found it as a reflection of their true ethnic identity so they don’t want to forget and
loss it so that the next generations will still learn, use and speak it. Hence, it
should be maintained, developed and preserved because it was considered the
language of the soul.

The Role of the Family and the Community in Language Preservation

 13

Since the home was claimed as the best place to preserve the language,
the researcher asked the participants to validate the listed possible ways to
preserve the language at home. Based on the data, the majority of the
participants revealed that they always taught their children/grandchildren to
speak Cuyonon language but they seldom gave their children/grandchildren lots
of opportunities to interact/converse in Cuyonon with families and individuals,
sang Cuyonon songs with the family, gave riddles and sayings in Cuyonon
language to the family, encouraged their family to maintain their native language
and culture and allot time during the day to speak Cuyonon with their family.
Aside from the listed ways, the participants also suggested that the parents
should perform their role to speak Cuyonon and teach and oblige their children to
learn Cuyonon language at home as well.
During visit, the participants also emphasized that all Cuyonons must make
ways to ensure that their language will be preserved and will last for long. The
language should be included as medium of instruction in the school/mother
tongue specifically in Department of Education. They also have their message to
the non-Cuyonons who live in Puerto Princesa City. For them, these people
should find time to learn Cuyonon language. Through this, they will be loved
more by the Cuyonons. Another message given was for the Cuyonon older and
younger generations, who must continue using the language for the Cuyonon
culture; treasure, and dignity lie on them and they should not be ashamed using
the language because it symbolizes Cuyonon ethnicity.

Language proficiency
Language proficiency is the ability of an individual to speak or perform in
an acquired language. There are other measures to test language profiency like
the lexical ability test and word/sentence translations. In this study, proficiency
was used to indicate the degree to which Cuyonon language is used effectively in
a face to face interaction.
The participants were evaluated by a pure Cuyonon couple and members
of the Tribong Cuyonon/Gaqued y ang mga Cuyonon organizations using the
interpretation of Interagency Language Roundtable (ILR) and Quakenbush. The
evaluators listened and watched the video recordings on how the participants
speak. Based on the evaluation, most of the participants had been evaluated
proficient in their language. For ILR scale, a proficiency measure developed by
the US State Department, a Level 3 professional working proficiency (S-3), the
participants can converse a variety of topics with ease and can discuss with
comprehension what others have said. For Quakenbush, Level 3, the
participants are able to speak the language with sufficient structural accuracy
and vocabulary to participate effectively in most formal and informal
conversations on practical, social and professional topics. Uses language
acceptably, but with some noticeable imperfection. Errors virtually never
interfere with understanding and rarely disturb the interviewer, the interviewee
can effectively combine structure and vocabulary to combine meaning
accurately.
 14

Based on Vallejo’s (2014) type of speaker, most of the participants were

fluent speakers who are able to engage in spontaneous conversations with very
minimal use of borrowings while the rest are neo-speakers who are the product
of language revitalization initiative. These speakers are exposed in the language
but they did not learn the language when they were young. Now, they are
learning the language in their own initiative.
With the observation of the researcher and based on interview, rare
testified that they never learned Cuyonon when they were young and they never
taught to speak and use the language. But as they grew, they were eventually
learning and trying to learn the language and the researcher categorized them as
neo-speakers.
As further explained by Vallejo (2014), of all the types of speakers, the
neo-speakers are the most aware on the disappearance of the language and
they are particular to using it as their way of preserving their language.
In conclusion, Cuyonon language in the city was declining yet on surviving
status. In terms of language use, Cuyonon language at home was maintained
only when speaking to their siblings and in interactants in their neighborhoods,
workplace and recognized interlocutors outside of their homes. They valued their
cultural identity but most of them were passive speakers since they did not speak
Cuyonon at once, only if interlocutors were recognized as Cuyonon. They did not
find learning and speaking Cuyonon difficult since their parents are Cuyonon who
were considered as the main source of learning the language. The Cuyonon
language use was heritage and language vitality was on Level 7 shifting (EGIDS)
and described as definitely endangered by UNESCO. Related to language
attitudes in learning, using, describing, maintaining and preserving the language.
Cuyonon participants carried both positive and negative attitudes towards their
native language, first and second languages use. To continuously maintain and
preserve the Cuyonon language and better determine the relationship of the
language use, attitude, and proficiency of the Cuyonon speakers, an in-depth
study on a related topic should be conducted using other indicators and
measures maintenance and preservations with the linguistic mechanisms like
phonology, syntax and semantics the factors and reasons for language shift.

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