Diversity, Identity and Linkages

Explorations in Historical Ethnography

K.S. SINGH

OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
 2
Ethnography of the Mahabharata*

This chapter seeks to explore the ethnographic dimensions of the

Mahabharata in terms of the parameters of the contemporary ethno-
graphic project (1985-2000) on the People of India (Pol). The dimen-
sions include (i) a notion of space, (ii) the emergence of territorial and
ethnic identities, (iii) identification, listing, and distribution of people,
(iv) the linkages and affinities among people, and (v) the diffusion of
the Mahabharata traditions.
The Mahabharata corpus, as it has come down to us, has evolved,
absorbed, and incorporated many traditions across the centuries, par-
ticularly during the period between the second century BC and the
second century AD when it was mainly compiled. As it developed from
Jaya to Bharatato Mahabharata, it became the story of the people
of all of India. Indeed, the Mahabharata is a great assemblage of
peoples, 3<>3 of them, which is the largest number in the ancient texts.
They meet on the battlefield as equals—an enemy is not to be under-
rated—and are generally mentioned in respectful terms, even outside

* First published as 'Ethnography of the Mahabharata and the North-

East', in Ajay Mitra Shastri (ed.), 2004, Mahabharata: The End of an Era
(Yuganta), New Delhi: Indian Institute of Advanced Study and Aryan Books
International.
16 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 17

the battlefield. They are also bound by many ties and have many link- of Yudhishthira. The epic, according to him, is thus an apologia for the
ages, which speak of the vitality, maturity, and understanding of a civi- Pandavas, their eulogy—in fact an apologia for the extermination of
lization process, reflecting the consciousness of a vibrant civilization. Kshatriyas resulting from the Mahabharata war. Such views however
The second part of this chapter deals with the north-east including are not entirely supported by the reading of the Mahabharata as it
the hills, which like other parts of India has its linkages with the epic, exists today. While Aryanization in terms of the spread of the Indo-
its heroes, and its episodes through an ongoing process of creative Aryan language, Sanskrit, was underway, a synthesis of various cul-
adaptation. There are four aspects to it. First, the participation of tures was emerging, a mixture of morphological types was going on.
Bhagdatta with his army of Chinas and Kiratas in the Kurukshetra The native non-Aryan groups fought on both sides, the larger number,
war; second, the Sanskritization of tribes and the reconstruction of no doubt, on the side of the Kauravas because they were in power
genealogies linking them to the Mahabharata characters like Bhima, and had a larger army. The Mahabharata established the primacy of
Hidimba, Ghatotkacha, and Arjuna—their, their legends and folklores the Pandavas and their mentor, Lord Krishna, for forty years till it
about the visit of the Mahabharata heroes and matrimonial alliances; was challenged by peoples on the periphery. Such things were going
Mahabharata themes that figure prominently in the literature and on all the time in Indian history. Robert Shafer has a point when he
performing arts (leading some communities to call themselves says that the people speaking Tibeto-Burman languages once occupied
Mahabharata) and fourth the critical re-examination of some of these the Ganga valley or parts of it, and probably gave us such names as
reconstructions tbday as. the north-eastern communities engage in a the Ganga. Anga, Vanga, and Kalinga, though today they are confined
search for identity. to the Himalayas and the north-east. However, it is difficult to agree
The Mahabharata, probably the first comprehensive ethnography with the view that at the time of the Mahabharata, the Aryans were
of India, has been explored as such by scholars, particularly historians, the invaders and the land was dominated by non-Aryans, or that the
who have generally applied the colonial concept of tribe to describe the waves of Indo-Aryans moved from Kailash-Mansarovar region along
people (jana). While it is not my purpose here to present an overview the Sutlej to the north-western part of the subcontinent, and from
of the literature in this field, one may briefly mention the leads thrown there towards the Ganga-Yamuna valley. Although Aryanization had
up by three important pieces of writing. The first is the Ethnography of been going on at a 'geometric rather than arithmetic rate' (Shafer,
Ancient India by Robert Shafer (1954) which, despite the title, concen- 1954: 6) for the last 2,000 years, the process was not so complete
trates on the ethnography of the Mahabharata rather than the whole at the time of the Mahabharata, nor is it so even today. There is a t
of ancient India. What impresses this author is the 'great number of shade of racism in Shafer's analysis when he talks too literally of the f
ethnic names' of 'nations, tribes or regions', about three hundred of gradation of colours for the four varnas. Also it is wrong to say that
them—in fact, it is 363, which is much more than the geographical the Vaishyas were Tibeto-Burmans. The identification of 'races' with
names givenin the Puranas—which he finds 'much more limited and cultures and languages is not generally accepted today. Shafer quotes
much more corrupt' than the list given in the Mahabharata. He also Patanjali to describe the Brahmanas as having a white complexion
describes the Mahabharata as an original 'Kuru epic', developed with and yellow and red hair; there are also references to Krishna and other
later compilations and interpolations over several hundred years. He dark-skinned Brahmanas of which Veda Vyasa was an example. The h
further describes the epic as essentially the story of a native rebellion, Pol study of Brahmana groups shows that they are quite heterogeneous /J
led by the Kauravas against the Aryan exploitation symbolized by in terms of biological, cultural, and linguistic traits. The Bhils were notly
the Pandavas, who forced'tribes and nations', particularly the non- Nahals. In fact, the Nahali language is neither Mundari nor Dravidian.
Aryans, to pay exorbitant tribute and acknowledge the overlordship Bhili is now accepted as a member of the Indo-Aryan language family.
18 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 19

Certainly the Mahabharata presents a picture of a mixed society with bearing almost the same recognizable names ... It is significant that in this
people, particularly rulers, marrying across social groups, speaking huge body of literature whenever such and other communities of people find
different languages and practising different cultures, and of an emerg- mention, they are always referred to in the plural number, collectively as a
ing synthesis, which has been the hallmark of Indian civilization from people or janah, Andhrah, Savarah, Kinnarah, and so on. An analysis of such
the beginning. names and the context in which they are referred to shows very clearly and
unmistakably that all such communities had each territorial habitat of their
K. C. Mishra's Tribes in Mahabharata is a major work which describes
own which can still be identified.
many dimensions of the Mahabharata including its ethnography both
With the passage of time, each of these communities lent their names to the
at territorial and ethnic levels. Like Shafer, he deals with the various
territory inhabited by them, and the territories came to be known as padas.
lists of the tribes compiled in the Mahabharata but persists, like other Most of the local names of districts, divisions and states that we know of
historians, with the colonial notion of the tribe. This work is followed today, have come down to us from the padas of old; but quite a number of
by Mamata Chaudhary's Tribes of Ancient India (1951) in which she them have also lost their name and identity in their '.arger and more powerful
puts the number of the tribes mentioned in the ancient texts at about neighbours ... (K.S. Singh [ed.], 1972)
700, almost half of which is mentioned in the Mahabharata. Although
she valiantly tries to define the tribe in the traditional anthropological A careful analysis of the long list of janas in the epics, and the [
sense, as an 'aggregate of stocks of kindred persons forming a com- Buddhist, Puranic, and secular literature of early and medieval times \
munity, claiming descent from a common ancestor' her use of the word and the context in which they are mentioned, makes it very clear that !
'tribe', as by other historians using this notion from nineteenth century hardly any distinction was made, until very late in history, between I
Indian ethnography, is not free from difficulties. In fact, the right course what we know today as 'tribes' and such communities of people who [
from the historians would have been to use the native Sanskrit term, were known as the Gandharas and Kambojas, Kasis and Kosalas, J
jana, mentioned in the Mahabharata and other texts. Angas and Magadhas, Kurus and Panchalas, for instance. At any rate, '
in the whole body of historical data at our disposal, there is hardly
This is an issue taken up by the distinguished historian Niharranjan
anything to suggest that these communities of people belonged to two
Ray (K.S. Singh [ed.], 1972: 6-15). He uses the native terms jana and
different social and ethnic categories. In fact, in the literary sources I
jati, which he rightly says have the same roots, that is, jan, that is, to be
have referred to, between the communities of people whom today we
born into or give birth to. Thus, Ray makes a distinction between jana,
refer to as 'tribe', and those that we know from history as belonging
which he identifies with the communities, peoples, and present-day
to more advanced stages of socio-economic and cultural growth, there
tribes, and jati, which he describes as a complex production organiza-
is hardly any evidence to show that in the collective consciousness of
tion. Both have something to do with birth and biological heredity
India there is any difference between the two sets of janas.
and hence with familial and social relationships. But behaviorally, as
seen through history, they also have a social and economic purpose According to Ray, there are three type of janas—first, those of
and function, regulated by birth and heredity. Here was thus a sys- foreign origin who were absorbed into the brahmanical religion and
tem which was directed not towards mobility but towards stability the socio-economic production system of jati.
and security. One has only to remember what happened to the Sakas, the Kushanas, the
Ray mentions a whole lot of janas: Abhiras, the Jnatrikas or Jats, the Gujars, the Huns or Hunas, and other
allied peoples, many of whom are mentioned as janas in the list of people
[T]he Savaras, the Kulutas, the Kollas, the Bhillas, the Khasas, the Kinnaras as given in the epics and the Puranas, in the Buddhist and secular literature
and a countless number of many others whom today we know as 'tribes', and in a land grants and other historical documents. The Islamized Turkas,
20 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 21

Afghans, Iranians and Mongols were certainly able to maintain their religious area, and a few others whose names appear in the traditional Puranic list
and cultural identity, even to extend the frontiers of Muslim society within of janas. Our medieval Assamese, Bengali, Maithili and Hindi literature, too,
India, but let it be noted that they too had to succumb to the socio-economic gives us a few names of such peoples.
organization of Brahmanical Hinduism, to the same production system as that Then there is a belt of jana territory in middle India and the Islands. Then
of the jaii. Indeed, once they had fallen into the production system of the jati there is the whole belt along the old Paryiyatra, Vindhya and Suktimat hills
it was no longer possible for them to resist its social implications. The same which are collectively known to us as the Vindhyan ranges, stretching from
thing happened to the communities of people of the Tibeto-Burman stock who almost the borders of Rajasthan to what are called the Chhotanagpur and
trudged into Assam and our north-eastern regions in the thirteenth century. Orissa hills which are but extensions of the Vindhya ranges. All along these
Those of the janas of foreign origin that came to exercise political authority ranges and their slopes and feet and in the forests and valleys nursed by them
as kings and as member of royalty, nobility and the court, were given the jati live and have been living for centuries some of the oldest janas known to our
status for Kshatriyas; those that eventually took to agriculture came to be self- history and culture[,] the Nishadas and the Savaras, the Kollas and Bhilla, for
styled as Vaisyas; but the larger majority had to be content with very low jati instance, and many other cognate and semi-cognate janas of whom history
status in Hindu socio-economic hierarchy, including those like the Hunas who and historical geography have not kept any record. But we know from one
allowed themselves to be recruited as mercenary soldiers by regional rulers. of our epic[s], the Ramayana, that part at any rate of this area was the region
(K.S. Singh [ed.], 1972) that was called janasthana, the land par excellence of the janas. Ethnically the
majority of the janas seem to be of proto-Austroloid origin though a few of
Second, there were janas of indigenous (this term has become contro- them speak [a] language of Dravidian affiliation.
versial) origin who were absorbed into the Hindu-brahmanical social Besides these two geographical areas of non-jati janas there is also a good
organization. Those 'janas who were defeated in war and taken pris- number of them in smaller aggregates and dispersed in relatively smaller areas
oners, were immediately made economically and socially subservient in almost all the southern States, especially in Andhra Pradesh and Kerala,
altogether, being reduced to slaves, labourers and servants. Eventually, and [in] Maharashtra. But these janas are all more or less in close contact and
they came to be incorporated in[to] the Hindu social organization, communication with socially and culturally, politically and economically more
but seem to have been given a place at the lowest bottom, not very powerful communities belonging to the jati complex. And finally there are the
different from that of the Chandalas.' isolated aggregates of relatively much less developed janas in the Andaman
Third, there were janas who were in the periphery of Aryavarta: and Nicobar Islands. (K.S. Singh [ed.], 1972)

These were janas that today lie all along our eastern and north-eastern fron- The Pol project based on an ethnographic survey of all people of '
tiers and along the central and western Himalayas up to a bright of 13,000 India reinforced the view that India is a land of many communities.
feet, janas that are predominantly of the Tibeto-Burman stock, except perhaps These communities called janas in the ancient texts are the original
the Nagas and one or two other less[er] known janas. This entire Himalayan formations, the basic units of our civilization, rooted in ecology, in
area from our eastern frontiers to Ladakh is naturally a very sensitive one,
the resource endowments of various regions, and in their social and J
and for more than one reason, a very significant one as well from the political
cultural organizations, their languages and dialects. Even though
and economic points of view. Many of these janas do not, for obvious rea-
they have evolved from the simple to the complex social organization
sons, make their appearance in history or in our historical geography before
the nineteenth century, but many others do, for instance, the Nagas who are or complex systems of production as Niharranjan Ray puts it, they
mentioned by Ptolemy in the second century AD, the Khasas, the Kiratas which share many traits of a community, such as endogamy, resource-based
seem to be almost a blanket name for all the Tibeto-Burman peoples in our occupations, notions of purity and pollution, order of hierarchy in
eastern and north-eastern frontiers, the Kinnaras of the Kinnaur district of incipient or developed forms. From this point of view the tribes are at
Himachal, the Kullutas of the Kullu valley, the Bhotas of the Bhutan-Sikkim one end of the pole and the present-day scenario at the other end, but
22 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 23

both are people, the jana, the inhabitants of the land. The tribes are the of Bharatavarsha crystallized in the Vishnu Purana and came to be
relatively isolated janas, distant and backward. The distinction made celebrated in the literary works composed by Kalidasa, Rabindranath
by Ray between jana and jati is not supported by the ancient texts (the Tagore, and Subramanya Bharti.
Mahabharata, as will be described later, treats janas as neither tribe This Jambudvipa is criss-crossed by mountains, rivers, forests, des-
nor caste, but as people) which generally treat them interchangeably, erts, pasture lands, and sea coasts. The name of these mountains and
and later mention jatis more than janas which is fact fades away. rivers also occurs in many lexicographic works. The six mountains
extend from the eastern to the western boundaries including Hima-
II
vatta, and there are hundreds of rivers with beautiful names of which
many can be identified in different parts of the country today.
We now turn to the salient features of the ethnography of the The land was divided into janapada, peopled by specific groups. The
Mahabharata. relationship between jana and janapada was intimate. Both were inter-
The first is the notion of space, which is crucial to ethnography changeable concepts. The Mahabharata describes the Jambukhanda /
as people at one level of their multi-level identity generally derive in mythical terms as a great sect of humanity where men are all of
their identity from space. In the ancient period there was the notion golden complexion and women are like apsaras, and all are without
of hhumi, vasudha, or chakravarti-kshetra, which was the political sickness and sorrow and always cheerful. It also notes the bio-ethnic
space to be conquered and ruled. Jambudvipa was the name given to diversity of India where reside people of different jatis (vaasanti teshu
this space. This name, for the first time, occurs in the Asokan inscrip- saltvani nanajatini sarvashah, idam tu Bharatam varsham tato haima-
tions. The Mahabharata has a chapter entitled 'Jambudvipanirmana- vatam param). The space was also traditionally divided into countries
khanda'—section V of Bhishmaparvan. Jambudvipa derives its identity (varshas or rashtras). A rashtra is a territorial unit occupied by people,
from the jambu tree which is both mythical as it is believed to stand like Adirashtra and Goparashtra.
near Mount Meru, and real because the land abounds in jambu trees. There was also the notion of sacred land. The core of the culture
It has been rapturously described by ancient environmentalists as a and religion of the Indo-Aryans was formed by Kuru-Panchala and
wonder tree gifted with many attributes and properties. However, the Matsya land. There were lands which were degraded such as the
notion of 'Jambudvipa' gradually expanded from its first description Sindhu land or the Vahlika where foreigners lived.
which applied to the Asokan empire to mind-boggling proportions as The Mahabharata mentions jati occasionally as segments of jana;
this was gradually extended to include greater India and even beyond for example, various jatis of Kiratas are mentioned (Kiratanam cha
that to all continents (except the Americas and Australia). It is said in jatayah), or jati and jana seem to be interchangeable terms. There is
the Mahabharata and its later versions that there were seven divisions also a mention of kula (vaisya-sudra kulani cha). However, most of the
(varshas) of the Jambukhanda (section XI of Bhishmaparvan) includ- names are in terms of jana and janapada. Later texts mention as many
ing Bharata. Bharatavarsha, located in Jambudvipa, gradually became as sixty-five jatis and seventy-one occupational groups. Historians are
a part of it (Jambudvipe Bharatkhande). more concerned with jati than jana, and with the transition from varna
The Mahabharata speaks of the love of the land, and states that the to jati, the proliferation of the jati, and so on.
tract of land known by Bharata's name is the beloved land of Manu As mentioned earlier, the Mahabharata is the most comprehensive
and Indra. The notion of Bharata is also derived from the founder of ethnography of ancient India in terms of the identification and listing
the Bharata lineage, which gradually widened to cover the entire coun- of communities or janas and their territories or janapada. There were
try south of the Himalayas and bounded by the oceans. This notion 363 of them in all.
 24 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 25

The listing of communities in the Mahabharata is based on a num- subcontinent and the central region later known as Madhyadesha. The
ber of inventories including 'geography' (231 entries), the digvijaya number in the south, the east, and the north-east are few.
list (212), the dyuta or tribute to the Pandavas (296), army formation When the first encounter of peoples took place in the court of
(158), and additional data (108) as Shafer (1954) puts it. There are Yudhishthira or on the battlefield, some looked so different, even
a number of repetitions in the list however. The digvijaya campaigns strange, that they were noted for their style of living or dressing, or
were led by the four Pandava brothers—Bhima in the east, Arjuna in plain mythologized as in Greek accounts. There were the Ekapada,
the north, Nakula in the west, and Sahadeva in the south. Kama also that is, the people who ran so fast that it appeared they had only one
was on his digvijaya trail, mostly in the east and also in the north. The leg (the author was told about a community among the de-notified
list contains a lot of names of the people (jana). A few places are also groups in western India which.fitted this description). There were
mentioned, such as Avanti, Kunti, Kuru, Kasi, and so on. the Lambakarna, that is, the people with long ears—obviously those

r To illustrate our point, we will name some of the communities here.

The north-west (Central Asia, Persia, and Afghanistan) was domi-
nated by 'foreigners', namely the Pahlavas, Sakas, Hunas, Yavanas,
who wore turbans with their tails hanging on both sides. And the
Trinetra, the three-eyed people, who were probably those who put on
a prominent tattoo mark or a tattoo tilaka shaped like an eye in the
middle of their forehead.
Kambojas, and Bhiikas. The west, roughly comprising Kashmir,
Punjab, Rajasthan, and Gujarat, had communities such as the Daradas The Mahabharata describes some people as low, barbarous, sinful,
(Darda of today)rPrsachas, Vahilkas, Yadavas of various segments, born of the mythical cow of Vasishtha. But it also contains positive
Surashtras, and many others. The northern Himalayan region had the descriptions of the people described as the Mlechhas, such as their
Trigartas, Khasas, and others, who were also spread across the plains. martial prowess, their resources including chariots of good quality or
The east had the Angas, Vangas, Kiratas, Chinas, and Pundras. The horses of good breed, their fertile country, and sometimes their dress
south had the Cholas, Pandyas, Keralas, Andhras, Dravidas, Karnatas, and language which was not intelligible. The epic also shows how vari-
and Mushakas. ous communities, who met on the battlefield or outside, had generally
y^ Apart from these ethnic categories, there were also communities developed a mature, healthy, and respectful relationship among them-
who derived their identities through ecology. The mountain dwellers selves, which derived from the sharing of certain values that were com-
included the Arbuadas (Mount Abuf, Haimvatas, Vindhyamulakas; mon. There were also experiences of living together including studying
from the deserts, the Marudha; from rivers and waterfronts, the together—Bhagadatta and Pandu had studied together—abiding
Kausijakas (Kosi), Saindhavras (Sindhu), and Sindhu-Sauviras; from friendships, and so on. Some communities had even made attempts
the pastures, the Pasupas and Govindas; from the frontier, the Aparants. to avoid the war. Thus, the Cholas and Pandyas, according to the
However, a large number of people belonged to the forests, jangalas, local version of the Mahabharata, tried to mediate, throwing a feast
dandakas, and so on, because these were abundant in those days. to which they invited both the Kauravas and the Pandavas, though
They should be seen together with the forest dwelling communities eventually they sided with the latter.
such as the Adirashtras, Vanarasyas (there is a community called the People are described in clusters such as Kuru-Panchala, and Kasi-
Vana-manush too), and Nishadas. Some contemporary tribes can be Kosala-Karusha. Migrations of peoples are indicated generally not
identified as well, like the Mundas, Savaras, Kokuratas or Korkus, only from the west to the east or from the north to the south (Malwa),
Karushas or Kurukhs, Kollagirs or Kolis, and Nishadas or Bhils. but also from the east to the west, particularly those who were driven
An analysis of this list of communities shows that they were out by Jarasandha. The power equation among communities was in a
mostly concentrated in the north-western and western parts of the state of flux. The Kurus were the dominant group with the Yadavas as
26 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 27

a close second. Some communities were in a state of decline such as the Nagas had killed the Pandava ancestor, Parikshit, whose son Janame-
Haihaya, Videha, and the Gangas in the north-west. The sheer range of jaya took a terrible revenge by massacring the Nagas and scattering
ethnic diversities is fascinating. them far and wide. Many Naga families in middle India trace their
The Kiratas or the Indo-Mongoloids need to be specially mentioned origin to this episode. Janamejaya later married Takshaka's daughter
here because in recent years there is an effort to distinguish the East and peace was restored between the Nagas and the Pandavas.
Asians from the Central Asians. In the Mahabharata, we can identify
the East Asian in terms of the Chinese or the Tibetan-Mongoloids, and HI
the Kiratas. The Nagas of the north-east are mentioned by Ptolemy.
Central Asian Mongoloid groups including the Sakas and Hunas, The Mahabharata traditions have become diffused widely. Like all
were also known. The Mahabharata gives a graphic description of the regions of India and many parts of South-east Asia, the north-eastern
Kiratas. They were golden coloured (yellow) tribes whose army looked region perceives its linkages with the Mahabharata tradition in a
like a forest of yellow karnikara flowers, s nd they lived on tubers and number of ways. The Mahabharata heroes including Lord Krishna
fruits. They were clad in skin, were strongly built, and wore steel coats is believed to have visited some places in this region, and certain
of mail. They came from Himavat and seemed from a distance to be of episodes in the epic are associated with their literature, folk tradition,
a smoky colour. They had well trained elephants. and performing arts. The Mahabharata heroes also married locally
The Nagas from elsewhere in the country are not included in the (K.S. Singh, 1992).
list of janas and janapadas, but some of their branches are mentioned, The most explicit reference to the north-east, including the hills,
like the Kokara (identified by the author with Kokrah, that is, modern occurs in the Mahabharata war with reference to the heroic deeds
Chhotanagpur). However, recent researches in history and anthropol- performed by, and the powerful support given to, the Kauravas by
ogy of the Nagas persuade us to look afresh at the Naga material in Bhagadatta, the ruler of Pragjyotisha (the land of the early sun). He
the Mahabharata. They are supposed to have occupied patala which was the son of Naraka, the founder of the dynasty bearing the same
was near Hastinapur. But the Nagas as a folk community occupied name, who was born of the union of Bhumi (Mother Earth) and a
a much larger and more diversified space including hills, plains, wild boar. There is a profound symbolism in the original myth bereft
sea-coasts, and so on, having only the Naga totem as their marker. of the brahmanical embellishments that occurred later. The boar was
According to the Mahabharata, one branch of Nagas, the Takshakas, the most powerful creature of the period, which could move with the
occupied the territory from Takshasila up to Hastinapur, and the other speed of wind and gore to death an elephant or a tiger. It could lift the
branch, the Karkotakas, was distributed from Vindhya to Khukhra earth and was apotheosized into an incarnation of Vishnu. The Earth
which later became the name of medieval Chhotanagpur. The Panda- was mother to many tribes including the Mundas {enga is their word
vas had incurred the wrath of Takshaka by burning down the forest for mother). Naraka was the founder of the first and the longest sur-
for their capital. The Nagas seemed to have supported the Kauravas viving dynasty before the Ahoms appeared on the scene. According to
in the battle even though Kunti was a Naga-kwytf. In fact, both the another tradition, Naraka was born at the foot of the hills. He was the
Yadavas and Nagas were in close interaction with one another as they lord of the Kiratas, the Himalayan mountain people, and the Chinas
settled down as agriculturists. Balarama, who was an incarnation of (the Tibetan-Mongoloids) representing the East Asians, and the king-
Seshanaga, had the plough as his weapon. After the Mahabharata war, dom included the north-eastern hills and the low-lying marshy land
Arjuna went out on a mission to placate the Nagas, married Ulupi and south of Assam. Naraka, who had become irreligious and presumptu-
begot a son, Yeravan. But Takshaka never forgave the Pandavas. The ous and possessed of demoniac ideas, was killed by Krishna. He was
28 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 29

succeeded by his son Bhagadatta. Krishna is also said to have rescued Chitrangada and begot a son named Babhruvahana. Historians,
16,100 women from the custody of Naraka and married them. B.K. however, are unanimous in rejecting the identification of modern-day
Barua (1951) describes Bhagadatta as follows: Manipur in the Mahabharata, choosing to identify the place in Kalinga
Bhagadatta is frequently mentioned in the Mahabharata as [a] powerful war- along the Mahendra mountains, that is, the Eastern Ghats. However,
rior. He is celebrated as a 'warrior king' and 'the mighty king of the mlecchas', the Brahmakhanda of the Bhavishya Purana, a work of the fourteenth
and is described as 'the best wielder of the elephant goat', among the kings century, mentions a cluster of kingdoms in the east including Brendra,
assembled on the Kaurava side in the Great War and as 'skillful with the Tamralipta, Hidimba, Manipurakam, Tripuram, and so on. But this
chariot'. Bhagadatta alone of the northern kings is famed for his long and evidence is of doubtful value.
equal contest with Arjuna. He is dignified with the title 'Siva's friend' esteemed The resurgent Meiteis in their search for identity repudiate the
as being not inferior to Sakra in battle. He is also specially named 'the friend Mahabharata connections (Kabui, 2003). However, the Puranic /
of Pandu', and is referred to in terms of respect and kindness by Krishna when version continues to be peddled. For instance, in the TV serial titled
addressing Yudhisthira: 'Bhagadatta is thy father's aged friend[,] he was noted
Mahabharata ke Baad ki Katha ('The Story after the Mahabharata')
for his difference to thy father in word and deed, and he is mentally bound
there is a new spin on the Mahabharata connection with Manipur.
by affection and devoted to thee like a father'. Bhagadatta was killed in the
Mahabharata war and was succeeded by his son Vajradatta The mother of Bhishma, Ganga, through her sister Kamakhya,
(B.K. Barua, 1951:18-19). the presiding deity of Assam, conspires to get Arjuna killed by his
Kirata son, Babhruvahana, to avenge Bhishma's death at the hands
Krishna is said to have again intervened in the affairs in Assam. of the Pandava hero! But Krishna's intervention restores the life of
The Bodos told the author that they had given Krishna his spouse Arjuna.
Rukmini who was a Kirata woman of immense beauty. Krishna fell The third intervention by Krishna occurred when he rescued his
in love with her, and she taught him the art of dancing known as grandson Aniruddha form the custody of Bana, and got him and
garba which is performed during Navaratra. While the author is not Bana's daughter Usha married formally. Tejpur has now been renamed
sure of the authority that the Bodos cited for it, this version figures Sonitapur, the capital of Bana, where his fort and the place where Usha
prominently in the local literature as well. In fact, it is celebrated in and Aniruddha met and secretly married according to Gandharva rites
a work called Rukmini Harana. Rukumini's father, Bhishmaka, had are still identified.
his capital at Kundina, a name which survives in the Kundil river
The Sanskritization of tribal chiefs between the seventeenth and
at Sadiya.
eighteenth centuries witnessed the linking of these rulers with the
A somewhat controversial connection with the Mahabharata tradi- Mahabharata heroes. Bhima was the favourite link through his wife
tion relates to Manipur. According to an eighteenth-century account, Hidimbi, who is considered a Himalayan spirit (Aryan, 1992), and
a Manipur ruler, Garib Nawaz (1707-1748), publicly embraced Brah- their son Ghatotkacha is identified with the Kachhari rulers. The capi- j
manism and is said to have replaced the original name of Kanglei (pak), tal of the Kachhari kingdom, Dimapur, is a corruption of Hidimbapur. J
that is, the dry land, with Mekhala (female wrapper worn by Parvati In fact, Hidimba was the old name of Kachhar. According to Endle
which fell on the land) and Manipur. Shiva drained away the water (1911), the Kachhari ruler Krishna Chandra and his brother Govinda
in the valley through a tunnel which was made by his trident Chandra were both placed inside the body of a large copper image of a
(trisula). The serpent god Ananta was so overjoyed that he sprinkled now reminiscent of hiranyagarbha ritual for purification, and accepted
the land with sparkling gems (mani). Arjuna is said to have vis- Bhima as their mythological ancestor. The Darsang Kachharis speak
ited Manipur twice. On the first occasion he married the princess of themselves as Bhim-ni-Fsa, that is, the children of Bhima, though
30 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Ethnography of the Mahabharata 31

according to Endle, they seem to attach little value to this highly To conclude, the Mahabharata is an impressive piece of ethnogra-
imaginative ancestry (Endle, 1911: 6-7). phy. It is not comprehensive in the sense in which modern ethnography
In fact, there seems to be a systematic attempt to subvert or explain is. But it is vibrant. It covers the human surface of India in terms of
away the linkages of the Mahabharata with some people in the north- description which is no doubt scanty, and relationship with communi-
east as perceived by them from an earlier period. As the Manipur story ties which is interesting both on the battlefield and outside of it. Above
shows, the break with the Mahabharata relations seems to be complete. all, it explores the ethnic diversity of the land.
A historian has no doubt to be rigorous in the pursuit of his craft; his There is a continuity in ethnographic traditions which links up
methodology should be based on facts and on his broad understanding the Mahabharata with the present-day endeavours to understand
of societal processes. However, one cannot ignore the anthropological the extraordinary range of diversities—biological, linguistic, and cul-
dimension, particularly of archaeology, linguistics, and oral traditions tural—and also the dynamic process of interaction among the people
being used slowly now to reconstruct the scientific history of the pre- of India. The Mahabharata material, therefore, is an integral part of
literate people, as is being attempted in the north-east. Perceptions of the evolving traditions of Indian ethnography and will always remain
linkages among peoples and with regional and pan-Indian traditions relevant to its understanding.
have been documented by anthropologists, and this is a resource that
cannot be ignored. In fact, such anthropological inputs are required
to reconstruct the people's view of the larger society, no matter how
weak the historical foundations might be. If the Bodos have a view of
their relationship with pan-Indian traditions, this cannot be described
as something imaginary but has to be seen as people's efforts to link
with historical traditions.

IV

The Mahabharata describes the Jambudvipa as a cluster of communi-

ties which are homogeneous and occupying specific territories (jana-
padas). Later these communities broke up into segments. For example,
the Abhiras were stratified into the four varna categories of Abhira
Brahmana, Abhira Kshatriya, Abhira Vaishya, and Abhira Sudra. The
Gaddis and Pangawals of Himachal Pradesh still have Brahmana and
Rajput segments who can intermarry. The People of India project
shows how all regions of India, big and small, are in a microcosm
multi-ethnic, multilingual, and multi-regions. And yet, there is a good
deal of sharing of traits, biological and cultural, within a region. In
other words, the Mahabharata notion of jana or people of a territory
still endures.
 The People of India 89

development, and the fourth and last one explored the linkages, both
traditional and modern, among communities. Ethnography has a con-
tinuing tradition. However, in colonial times, ethnographic communi-
ties were primarily studied as islands. The post-colonial ethnography
explores the linkages and relationships of the communities engaged
in the task of nation building on multi-ethnic and multi-cultural so-
8 cieties. The honeycomb model of interaction was suggested for such
societies in which communities are engaged in the process of vibrant
The People of India interaction.

Diversities and Affinities THE LOGISTICS

Over almost a decade following the launching of the project, it has

been possible to identify and locate the study of 4,694 communities
in all states/union territories of India, and computerize the data for
this large number of communities. Yet, in spite of all efforts to iden-
tify all communities, there still remains a grey area, though a small
Over the last twelve years the Anthropological Survey of India (ASI) one, where identities are still fluid and identification problematic.
has been engaged in generating, retrieving, compiling, and analysing The communities thus identified included the Scheduled Tribes (461),
a vast amount of data on the human heritage of India. In 1984, fresh Scheduled Castes (445), and other communities. The transfer of the
initiatives were taken to retrieve, compile, and analyse the data on the data to computers started at an early stage in March 1988, and for
anthropometric survey of India undertaken in the 1960s (Basu and the first time in the country a software was developed on ethnogra-
Sreenath, 1995,1996a and b) and the dataset yielded by the All-India phy, which was also probably among the first of its kind in the world.
Bio-anthropological Survey initiated in the 1970s (Ghosh, 1988). The This was a vast project in which not only scholars from all parts of India
two datasheets have already been published in many volumes, and and at all levels participated, but also common people and local scholars
the remaining volumes are likely to be published in a couple of years. who not only generated information but also wrote out the material.
Similarly, the data on the survey of linguistic traits, undertaken in the Therefore, at one stage this project was described as one on the people
1970s, has been published (Krishan, 1990). of India by the people of India. Four hundred and seventy scholars
Against this background the ASI launched the People of India (Pol) participated in it including 245 from outside the ASI. Twenty-six insti-
project on 2 October 1985 with a view to generating a brief, descrip- tutions other than the ASI were involved as well. About 120 workshops
tive anthropological profile of all communities of India, the impact and rounds of discussions were held in all states/union territories in
on them of change and development, and the linkages between them. which about 2,000 scholars participated to plan the studies and evaluate
The format, both structured and open-ended, had four parts. The the findings. The investigators spent 24,880 days in the field and inter-
first related to the ethno-origin and distribution of communities and viewed 21,536 people, of whom 5,353 were women, in villages (4,513),
their self-perception, the second dealt with social organization of the mostly multi-community villages, and in towns (941) spread over most
community, the third with economy and the impact of change and of the districts (438) and eco-cultural regions as identified under the
90 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages The People of India 91

project. The states were further divided into about ninety-six natural Yet another development has been an attempt to establish linkages
eco-cultural zones defined by dialect, folklore, history, administration, where they exist among diversities of all kinds. There is a wide range
and so on. About 21,362 photographs covering 2,548 communities of information today on biodiversity, which is now being linked up
were generated to build up the visual documentation of the people of with linguistic and cultural diversities. In fact, all three dimensions are
India. A large number of maps showing the distribution of the com- closely related, each reinforcing the others.
munities were also prepared. The people of India derive their identity from India, that is, Bharat.
The project was entirely swadeshi, or homespun. All knowledge is The notion of Bharat which has evolved came to be applied to the
both universal and specific, and anthropology as a branch of knowledge landmass lying south of the Himalayas, bounded by the oceans. The
is closely related to culture and environment. In this discipline every authors of the Puranas have written about this territorial configuration.
culture is unique, and so is every trait. This project also sought to Poets from Kalidasa to Rabindranath Tagore and Subramanya Bharti
explore the idioms, the structures, and the cognitive processes reflected have eulogized it. It was in the course of the freedom struggle that
in the understanding and perception of people about themselves, and this territorial identity was fused with deep emotion, as compositions
their relationship to one another and with the environment. glorifying the land and seeking freedom for it—usually described as
The above surveys covering biological, linguistic, and cultural 'Mata' or 'Bharat mata'—poured out in various languages. Jawaharlal
dimensions which have evolved in tandem seek to generate a composite Nehru declared that 'Bharat mata' was the people of India.
profile of all the people of India. Each community is covered in terms
of biological variation, linguistic traits, and cultural and socio-cultural BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY OF THE PEOPLE
aspects. The output is enormous. Out of the forty-three-volume Pol
project, twelve volumes have already been published and the remaining DNA-based studies should tell us finally about the pattern of the
are to be published over the next two to three years. Thus, by the end peopling of the subcontinent. All that is known for definite at this
of the century we should have a large corpus of materials running stage is that the Homo sapiens sapiens originated in eastern Africa
into about a hundred volumes covering the biological, linguistic, and from where they migrated in waves upon waves to different parts
cultural profiles of the people of India. of the world including our own. According to present estimates,
It is interesting to note that the explosion of so much information— Australia was peopled about 40,000 BC and the Americas around
and so much knowledge—about people has coincided with similar 15,000 BC by the Caucasoid. Even without going so much into
developments at the international level. In fact, in no other period of prehistory, it could be mentioned that different communities of India
human history has so much information and so much knowledge been recall their recent or not-so-recent migration in their oral traditions,
generated and disseminated about people and about diversities. With jati Puranas, and history. Migrations have varied in range. An Indian
this knowledge of diversities, a new notion of community—or the is a migrant par excellence. Communities have settled in different
old notion reinforced by current concerns—has emerged. This is the ecological and climatic regions of India and derived their identity
notion of community rooted in its environment, its resources, and in from hills and valleys, the plains, islands, and villages, particularly the
various networks of relationships. The environmental movements, the ancestral villages.
movement of the indigenous people, the ethnic explosion, and many The communities are rather unevenly distributed across states and
other developments have tended to converge and reinforce the notion union territories. By far the largest numbers of communities (above
of community, irrespective of labels, as something far more basic in its 350) are in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. They vary between
formation than we have understood so far. 250 and 350 in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
92 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages The People of India 93

Orissa, Karnataka, and Gujarat. The range varies from 150 to 250 Most Indians have been a highly mixed people from the early
communities in West Bengal, Rajasthan, and Kerala. Arunachal periods of prehistory or history. The skeletal remains at the rock shel-
Pradesh, Assam, Tripura, Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, ter site in Mirzapur dating back to 15,000 BC and those belonging
Haryana, and Punjab have communities ranging from 15 to 150. The to the Mohenjodaro-Harappa sites suggest the existence of mixed
number of communities drops to below fifty in Nagaland, Manipur, populations. Though racial classification of populations has now been
Mizoram, Meghakya, Sikkim, Goa, Chandigarh, and the Bay islands. discarded, morphological and genetic variations among populations
Each state/union territory has been treated as a unit of our study. The are being explored; these are present on a larger scale within a com-
various stated regions of India are not only politico-administrative munity than between communities. There is thus a greater biological
units, they are also linguistic units and ethnic units because most diversity among the people of India than among people elsewhere.
communities (72 per cent) are located within each one of them. Only a Yet, it the regional level their likenesses appear to be more than their
few (about 24 per cent) are distributed over adjoining areas, and about differences, and the number of genes in which they differ are only
4 per cent are distributed over a larger part of the country. a few in comparison with the vast number of common genes. This
Probably nowhere in the world has there existed so many com- may be due to the fact that there were waves of migration on a scale
munities—4,694 including the main communities (2,205), major larger than probably anywhere else in the world, and that the mating
segments (589), and territorial units (1,900). These communities have patterns remained relatively flexible for a long period, allowing for a
been identifying themselves in various ways through history, by ter- free flow of genes. Caste endogamy emerged in its rigid form at a later
ritory, by varna and jati, by occupation, and so on. In addition to period in history. Within a region there was a greater admixture of
the names or nomenclatures of communities, there is an impressive populations and clustering of traits; there is therefore a much greater
range of synonyms, surnames, and titles. No community is without homogenization in terms of morphological and genetic traits among
divisions, and there are a large number of segments. communities at the regional level, and most of the communities within
a region or state therefore share many traits. This has been brought
out significantly in the anthropometrics survey of the populations in
LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY
various states.
The diversities in terms of linguistic traits are wide ranging. There Indians have their own notion of beauty as represented by colour
are as many as 325 languages divided into five language families. and texture of the skin, which is influenced by the climate. There is
Twenty-five scripts are in use. The linguistic situation is because a whole range of shades, from fair to dark complexions, described
Indians have a natural ease with language and most of them speak in various evocative terms in classical literature and folklore, existing
a number of languages, or at least two. And yet it is fascinating that together. There is a popular saying that a bride should be fair like Sita
many linguistic traits have penetrated across the five language families. and a bridegroom should be pleasantly dark like Rama.
India has been variously described as a socio-linguistic area, a single Indians are reported to have relatively larger eyes. This may be
semantic area, a single linguistic and cultural unit. In the language because our eyes are popping all the time; there is so much beauty, so
contact situations, the incidence of bilingualism is rather much too much diversity to behold!
conservative (13 per cent estimated in 1981). One of the reasons for As mentioned earlier, the communities should be best seen in the
this could be mother tongue loyalty. Some tribals are trilingual. No context of the ecosystem and eco-cultural zones, as most of them
state in India is unilingual in spite of the preponderance of the speakers are rooted in their resources. They derive their identity from their
of the state language. environment, and their occupations are based on their resources.
 94 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages
The People of India 95

Even the migrant groups seek to assimilate into their new environ-
ment except in the matter of the language they speak at home, or FOOD A N D DRINK

in terms of marriage. The rootedness in local eco-cultural systems is

In spite of the high value attached to vegetarianism, only about 20
an outstanding characteristic of our communities, no matter what
per cent of Indian communities are vegetarian. There is vegetarianism
religious label is attached to them—Hindu, Muslim, Christian, and
of all shades and nuances shaped by the compulsions of ecology, value
\ so on.
system, availability of food, and so on. There are vegetarians who take
Again, an important feature of our ethnographic scenario has been eggs, fertilized or non-fertilized; there are also vegetarians who abstain
the range of migration of communities, families, and individuals—most from onion and avoid garlic. The men are mostly non-vegetarian.
of the communities are migrants—across the length and breadth of the A shift from vegetarianism to non-vegetarianism is reported in
country, their adaptation to local traditions, and their contribution to many* communities, and similarly a shift from non-vegetarianism to
the development of local traditions, even as or before the 'son of soil' vegetarianism is also reported but rather weakly, mostly among the
phenomenon emerged. Scheduled Castes and Tribes.
With growing affluence, there has also been a sharp increase in the
CULTURAL D I V E R S I T Y consumption of alcoholic beverages by men. Traditionally, women
occasionally consume alcohol in a number of communities. Smoking
There is also an extraordinary range of diversities in terms of cultural is very common. Chewing of tobacco and the use of snuff are also
traits, which tend to cluster at various local and regional levels. People widespread. Chewing betel is common in a large number of communi-
cutting across castes and communities share a great deal within an ties. We are, therefore, largely a drinking, smoking, and meat-eating
eco-cultural linguistic region or its sub-region. As many as 775 traits people.
have been identified, relating to ecology, settlement, identity, food
habits, social organizations, economy and occupation, linkages, and
impact of change and development. Within a region, communities OCCUPATIONS
cutting across religions share a great many traits. The sharing of traits
As many as twelve major occupations and 307 current occupations,
has to be seen at some other levels also. For example, it appears that
bringing the total to 349, have been identified all over the country.
a number of states belonging to a linguistic/cultural region share a
With the diversification of the economy and social mobility, a number
very high percentage of traits with Muslims (97.7 per cent), Buddhists
of occupations are practised by members within a single jati or
(91.9 per cent), Sikhs (88.99 per cent), and Jains (77.46 per cent).
community. There are few communities whose members follow only
Other communities which share a high percentage of traits are:
one occupation. The average number of occupations per community
Muslim-Sikhs (89.95 per cent), Muslim-Buddhists (91.18 per cent),
stands at 5.3, of which 1.8 is traditional and 3.5 consists of newly
and Jain-Buddhists (81.34 per cent).
acquired occupations. There has been a decline in traditional
Therefore, the traits we share are far more that the traits that we occupations like hunting, gathering, trapping birds and animals,
do not. A reason for sharing of traits on such a large scale could be pastoralism, shifting cultivation, salt-making, and toddy tapping, with
the fact that most of the communities have emerged from the same the shrinkage of resource base, depletion of forests, and so on. Settled
ecological, ethnic, and sociocultural background, even though they cultivation is the leading occupation, pursued by members of many
have later embraced different religions or other ways of life. communities, followed by wage labour and animal husbandry, fishing,
96 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages The People of India 97

and textile weaving. Of modern occupations, government service is Indian society is marked by division. There are no communities
the most sought after; members of as many as 3,051 communities without divisions. On the face of it, segments (including exogamous
reportedly work for the government. Participation is on the increase in divisions, groups, and subgroups), synonyms, surnames, and titles add
business, trade, industrial work, private service, and self-employment up to a mind-boggling figure of about 80,000. However, at another
sectors. level, they form a fascinating tapestry marked by different levels of
perception, identity, and status. They also demonstrate a wide range
of interaction and sharing, of linkages and commonalities, among
DISTINCT IDENTITIES
communities in a linguistic-regional context.
The regions of India have evolved since the prehistoric period into Each region—and even a few of the sub-regions—has its own cluster
language areas (since the medieval period), and into politico- of communities, and its own hierarchy of jatis. All communities are
administrative units as states (twenty-eight) and union territories placed in a hierarchical order. Based on self-perception and others'
(seven) today. They have been culturally distinct, the various commu- perceptions, the communities are now ranked as high, middle, and
nities within their ambit sharing a great deal by way of language/ low. There has been an all-pervasive impact of the development
dialect, folklore, elements of material culture, customs (lokachars and process, even though access to developmental benefits as also to
desachars), local regional dress and ornaments, cuisine, and so on. market is rather uneven. As .the movement towards political equality
So strong has been the. alchemy of regional identities that those who grows, and as it is translated into economic terms, there is a swelling of
have gone in have become a part of it. If the matrimonial columns of the middle rank. Members of more and more communities from the
national dailies are any indication, most people want to marry within lower order move into the middle zone. This explains the phenomenon
their language group. of the burgeoning middle class, an amorphous category which
The Constitution of India, which speaks of the people of India encompasses a whole range of people moving up and down into a
in a collective sense, identifies five groups—the Scheduled Castes, growing arena of economic activities. The Pol project highlights the
the Scheduled Tribes, the religious and linguistic minorities, the rise of the middle class over a large social spectrum including most
educationally and socially backward classes, and the Anglo-linguistic communities and from almost all regions. However, there are still
some communities which have no adequate representation in these
minorities. All these groups are spread all across the country. Most of
ranks. But even the most remote communities have been down in the
them are rooted in their milieu. They have been heterogeneous in terms
vortex of Indian politics, and they are participants in the political
of their perception of themselves, their differing versions of origin,
process. However, this process has still to move forward so as to
their kinship structures, their life-cycle ceremonies, their occupations
encompass all in order that our democracy—the social base of which
which have now diversified, and so on.
is widening—becomes truly and fully a participative one.
The knowledge thus generated of such formations is two-fold.
At one level, a community is projected as homogeneous, marked by
the birth and sharing of many elements of culture. At another level, CHANGES AND DIVERSITY
structurally a community is found to be essentially heterogeneous, its
members speaking many languages, having different cultural traits, None of the identities, whether in the form of communities or in
and various morphological and genetic traits, which, as mentioned the form of segments, have ever remained frozen in time and space.
earlier, are reported to be on a larger scale within a community than One need not go far into history to see how identities have evolved.
between communities. One has only to compare colonial ethnography and the Pol to
98 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages The People of India 99

identify the areas of change. There are five of them. First, the myths over the centuries. Both are reflected at the cognitive levels, in different
of origin differ sharply. As the movement towards political equality schools of philosophies. There has not only been an understanding
grows, the old myths of origin marked by the notion of degradation of self amidst diversity, but also a wiling acceptance of the other. Out
are discarded. The current perception of origin reflects a new sense of of the objective reality of diversities has emerged an understanding of
self-respect. Second, the old varna hierarchy seems to have collapsed them, which, in spite of conflict and tension and occasional bloodbath,
or been gradually replaced by the three-tier structure of high, middle, has generally endured. Out of this understanding has emerged a spirit
and low positions. Third, there has been a range of occupational of tolerance also. These diversities have flourished in a state of relative
diversifications within a community, breaking the old nexus between cultural freedom. Therefore, they go with freedom. Diversities and
a community and its traditional occupation. Fourth, there has been linkages, freedom and tolerance go together.
a pervasive impact of the development process. Finally, the mutual
perceptions and relationships between communities, particularly EFFECTS OF ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION
modern relationships, are being radically altered with political and
economic change. A question that arises is whether the cultural diversities will survive
It should also be noted that the relationships between the main or fade away with the globalization of the economy. A high priest
communities and their segments have been a dynamic one. The old of economic globalization recently observed in Delhi that while
endogamous units or jatis within a community or caste have broken the economy is being globalized, governance remains national, and
down, and the caste or the community has emerged as the larger culture continues to be local and ethnic. There are fears not only in
endogamous unit. This is also one aspect of the consolidation of a the developing countries about Western hegemonization of indigenous
community. cultures, but also in some sections of the people in the developed
The extent of diversities existing in the country have alarmed some counties about the possible impact of economic globalization on
observers, even serious scholars, who believe that identifying—much cultural homogenization. The question, therefore, that is being
less, studying—such diversities will be an invitation to disaster, break asked everywhere is whether culture, like economy, will also become
up the country and society, and so on. Diversities cannot be ignored globalized or homogenized. The answer to this question lies in the
but should be observed to see how they function. They are natural, understanding of culture. If we take a long-term view of culture and
native, part of our biological, linguistic, and cultural heritage, and see it as a river that absorbs many streams and flows on, then we
without diversities we would not have survived as a civilization, or as shall be able to take a balanced view of the changes that are likely
a cultural system. Diversities are intrinsic not only to human evolution to occur. There is no doubt that some aspects of culture like food
but also to human existence. They form a pattern of their own; they habit, dress, music, and so on, which are even ordinarily more
have.a rhythm of their own. prone to change, will be influenced, particularly for those who join
the international circuit or those who are directly exposed to global
And yet, various cultural and linguistic traits tend to coalesce in
influences. Such changes have occurred throughout history but the pace
their own formations, in a manner which is natural, spontaneous,
of change is much faster, almost mind-boggling, today. There are many
and effortless. Diversities, linkages, variation of traits and their
other aspects of culture that might not experience the same impact of
convergence—they always go together—are the components of our
change, or might not change at all, for people in various age groups.
biological, linguistic, and cultural heritage.
In fact, there is a possibility that with the perceived threat to identity, a
So much of diversity and so many of the linkages are located within
return to the roots might be faster as one can see in the movements of
the civilizational framework that the people of India have built up
100 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages

the indigenous peoples or in the environmental movements all across

the world.
As we observed in the beginning, we have been able to generate,
under the Pol, a composite profile of the people of India in its
biological, cultural, and linguistic dimensions. However, the process of
updating the material and generating fresh material and perspectives
on change has to continue. The database has to be continually updated 9
and enlarged to meet the requirements of the people. The Department
of Biotechnology (in the Ministry of Science and Technology) has
identified a number of projects on genomic diversities. On the basis of
Pluralism, Synthesis, Unity in
the cultural data generated by the Pol project, efforts are now being Diversities, Diversities in Unity*
made to explore the molecular basis of genetic variation among some
of our population groups. As we have covered only 800 communities
under various parameters of anthropometrics and genetic surveys
under the Pol, it should be possible now to launch a pan-Indian survey
of all populations, withthe new tools of molecular biology. A second
phase of the Pol cultural project is also on, to analyse the traits at
a natural level and in greater depth. The possibilities of a linguistic PLURALISM
survey are being discussed, though mutedly. Language does not always
divide but can serve as an instrument of integration. Language is a This chapter discusses pluralism at the cognitive level. First, we take
microcosm of many influences, which are absorbed as it grows and up Anekantavada as a theory of diversity, probably the first of its
spreads. Therefore, we may look forward to the emergence of a more kind, and as a tool of investigation and of understanding society.
composite profile of all communities of India, in the first or second Anekantavada has its critics but almost everybody accepts that it is
decade of the next century. empirical, dynamic, realist, and pluralist.
It should be noted that while diversity of perceptions, approaches,
and practices are recognized by some schools including those of the
idealist philosophy, it is Anekantavada described by S. Radhakrishnan
as a doctrine of realistic pluralism that tries to explore diversity
logically and in depth (Radhakrishnan, 2004).
We are told that there are three tenets of Anekantavada. One,
that there is a possibility of many perceptions of an object; two that
everything is relative and multi-dimensional; and three, that there is

* Based on a talk on Anekanta given in May 2002 as part of the Anekanta

series at the India International Centre under the auspices of the Jain Vishwa
Bharti Institute.
 102 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Pluralism, Synthesis, Unity in Diversities, Diversities in Unity 103

an inbuilt co-existence of opposites, that one dimension is as possible recently suggests that we are all kin under the skin and yet there are
as another and it is only in relation to other factors like time, place, variations. No two human beings are absolutely similar. There are
and context that one dimension gains predominance over another. move variations in terms of morphological and genetical traits within
All this is subsumed under the doctrine of syadavada or saptabhangi. a community than between communities. Our languages belong to
From the acceptance of the multi-dimensional nature of objects and five different language families that have interacted and borrowed
their probability is derived the moral imperative of ahimsa or non- vocabulary and syntax. Bilingualism is high. The communities have
violence. interacted in space and time, and developed a culture of interaction or
We thus see in Anekantavada a recognition of diversity, relativity, a composite culture which shows the extent of sharing, togetherness,
dynamism, and change which is of profound importance in under- and rootedness (of most of them). It has happened naturally and
standing society. Society too is multi-dimensional, consisting of multiple spontaneously as part of a civilizational process, at the level of the
and contradictory trends, and variations in all their aspects which are people.
bewildering in their range and depth. Some processes acquire salience Diversities and affinities are best seen at the regional or micro level.
owing to a combination of factors. Then they dissolve and another Each major region of India, and some of its sub-regions, are mini
formation emerges. It is almost like a dialectical process, which goes Indias, meeting grounds for various streams with their own cluster of
on all the time, at all places, and in all communities. The world is in communities with their titles, surnames, synonyms and segments, their
a flux; it is chaotic, nmcertain, unpredictable. The social sciences have languages and dialects, folk culture, and folk religion. Everyone of us
moved from unary to binary to multinary perceptions. is a microcosm.
Variation has been described as an attribute of all living beings, or However, we should not romanticize either diversity or affinity in
jivas—a philosophical principle which goes against the trends towards general terms. Both are accommodated within an order of hierarchies
homogenization or hegemonization. which are unequal and iniquitous. We have a very unequal society,
Over the past twenty years, we have been exploring diversity and which becomes sometimes a violent one, in which all types of atrocities
affinities among Indian populations. A few findings may be discussed are committed against all—women, children, Dalit, tribes, and others.
here. First, South Asia is now regarded as the most hybridized region Within this broad context of our studies in diversity and affinity,
j of the world where various genepools intermingled. Second, the Indian we should share some information about the Jains. But first about
I subcontinent, next only to Brazil and Indonesia, is ecologically the Lord Mahavira who demonstrated austerity of the most extreme
! most diverse and the richest repository of plant genes. Third, India has kind—the nakedness of the spirit. Jainism gave the world the most
I the largest number of languages (321) and scripts (25). Fourth, India revolutionary message of non-violence, and preached and practised it
I has the largest number of ethnic groups—about 3,000 core groups, in an absolute sense, both at normative and behavioural levels. We are
; 10,000 endogamous groups, and 80,000 components of groups such always puzzled as as to why the Buddha and Mahavira never met even
{ as synonyms, segments, titles, and surnames. Lastly, nowhere else in though they shared the same annual circuit from Vaishali to Rajgir
j the world has there been such a convergence of all types of diversity as (because their paths never crossed and they represented two different
• in India. paradigms, one of extreme austerity and the other of the middle path),
Diversity is one aspect of the Indian formation. Through all forms why a religion that preached non-violence produced a Kharavela and
of interactions, conflicts, and struggles there have emerged affinities in generals in the army of the Rashtrakutas and the Chaiukyas, and
all domains. We are mostly a mixed people, and there is no genetical why a religion that preached non-stealing (asteya) and non-hoarding
1 basis to either caste or varna. The human genom sequencing achieved (aparagriha) should produce traders and businessmen. Probably the
104 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages Pluralism, Synthesis, Unity in Diversities, Diversities in Unity 105

answer lies in the theory of Anekantavada which speaks of the co- SYNTHESIS
existence of opposites, or the fact that the principles of non-stealing
and non-hoarding shaped a lifestyle of simplicity and thrift, a la Max The colonial scholars held that India was never a nation, bi t only
Weber, that made for accumulation, or more seriously in the working a geographical expression. To this the nationalists pointed out that
of historical processes, and the fact that life and culture have always it had always been a cultural unity. The lexicographical works that
been creative, resilient, ongoing, and have always reached out to new inventorized mountains, rivers, peoples among others conveyed a
challenges, lying beyond the limits of religion. sense of connectivity and territorial integrity.
We have studied 100 Jain communities all across India, noted the The nationalists spoke of synthesis and assimilation as the hallmark
enormous scale of occupational diversification beyond the stereotypes of Indian culture. SriAurobindo wrote:
of trade and business that has occurred, the range of progress and India's national life will then be founded on her natural strengths and the
advancement that this small community has registered, and the principle of unity in diversity which has always been normal to her and
enormous contributions that it has been making to the development its fulfillment the fundamental course of her being and its very nature, the
Many in the One, would place her on the sure foundation of her Swabhava
of language, literature, culture, and economy through the ages, and
and Swadharma. (Sen, 2003)
to the understanding of Indian pluralism. Through history the Jains
have moved from eastern to western India, where they are present in The idea of unity in diversity emerged in the writings of some of the
sizeable numbers as-far as their communities are concerned. In spite British ethnographers and historians. As H.H. Risley says:
of a homogenous religion with two sects, Jain society is marked by Beneath the manifold diversity of physical and social type, language,
division and hierarchy, differentiation and stratification, rootedness custom and religion which strikes the observer in India, there can still
in local culture, language, and kinship structure. Jain society is in be discerned, as Mr. Yusuf Ali has pointed out, a certain 'underlying
transition. Sex ratio is adverse and therefore women related issues uniformity of life from the Himalayas to Cape Camorin. There is in fact
need to be addressed as well. an Indian character, a general Indian personality, which we cannot resolve
into its component elements. (Risley, 1915)
There does not seem to be any direct or organic linkage between
diversity of the kind we have discussed earlier at the objective level, From uniformity to unity was the second step. The historian Vincent
and diversity as perceived at the cognitive level. It is interesting to see Smith spoke categorically of unity in diversity:
how the classical texts including lexicographical works identify, list India offers unity in diversity. The underlined unity being less obvious than
up, and sometimes describe, ecological features such as hills, valleys, the superficial diversity and its nature and limitations merit exposition. The
rivers, oceans, deserts, pastures, and forests, and finally the peoples— mere fact that the name India conveniently designates a subcontinental
from the Mahabharata, which is the first ethnographic work and the idea does not help to unify history and more than the existence of the
first lexicon of Jambudvipa, to Amarkosh, Ain-i-Akbari and Varna name Asia could make the history of that Continent feasible. Though the
unity sought must be of the nature more fundamental than that implied
Ratnakar and through many similar works undertaken at the regional in the currency of a geographical term, (cited in Indira Gandhi Memorial
level. In Tamil Nadu there are Jain lexicons from the tenth century Trust, 2003: 28)
onwards and elsewhere we have an impressive literature on diversity.
In fact, this pre-colonial heritage needs to be explored further to see The nationalists took up the theme of unity in diversity. However,
how diversity was perceived, identified, and documented in various Partition was a traumatic experience. Unity in diversity was a mantra
ways. The Indian mind was preoccupied with diversity, dissection, chanted ritually on every occasion. President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy
categorization, and classification. was probably the first president to speak of a plural society in 1976. In
106 Diversity, Identity, and Linkages

the 1980s, there was a new confidence in our diversity. Diversity came
alive on Doordarshan, in the media, and through various festivals;
festivals of India and Apna Utsav were the most important cultural
events of the period.
Since the 1960s there has been an explosion of information about
diversity. An enormous amount of knowledge became available about
ethnic communities, their movements, and pluralism. Movements
for self-determination occurred all across the world. Movements for
conservation of environment, human rights, rights of Indigenous peo-
ple, and so on, focused on diversity and identity. Therefore there was
at the academic level, a leap from the notion of unity in diversity to
the notion of diversity in unity, underlining the growing knowledge of
diversity. Prime Minister Vajpayee in his Red Fort speech of 2003
spoke both of unity in diversity and diversity in unity.
The ethical implications of the theory of diversity first propounded
by Anekantavada and, debated now at various fora should be
considered carefully. Diversity recognizes identity, uniqueness of all
traits and cultures and their autonomy, and communities' freedom and
role in self management of resources. Therefore tolerance based on
understanding, which is the essence of non-violence as propounded
by Anekantavada, and as accepted all over now, is the tool that
humankind will need to fight the forces unleashed by fundamentalism
in the present century.