Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

Lesson: Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

Lesson Developer: Vijayant Singh

College/ Department: I.P. College, University of Delhi

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

Table of Content:
Chapter: Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

 Introduction
 Early Career
 Principle Works and Achievements
 Al-Biruni on India
o Al-Biruni’s Methodology and Idea of History
o Al-Biruni’s Reading of Indian Text
o Glimpses of Political History from Al-Biruni’s works on
India
o Al-Biruni on Indian Society
o Al-Biruni on Indian Geography
o Al-Biruni on Indian sciences
 Arithmetic
 Astronomy
 Physical Sciences
 Conclusion
 Exercise
 Glossary
 References

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

Introduction:
The period of 11th century was one of great intellectual ferment and churning in central
Asia and across North India. It was a period which saw great empires crumbling and
giving way to regional polities and alliances across the Central Asian and North Indian
plains. In central Asia, the political and cultural influence of the great Abbasid court of
Baghdad had long been diminished and replaced by that of the Samanid state of
Bukhara, which in turn was also crumbling and giving way to the regional Turkish
monarchies, led by the Ghaznavids. Similarly, in North India, the post Gupta centuries
were characterized by emergence of feudal polities, regional in their outlook and
localized in their organization. The Brahmanical order was facing a crisis in wake of the
problem of accommodating tribal polities and groups which till now were inhabiting social
margins into the four fold varna order.
This was also the period when these two different worlds began to converge and come
into close contact with each other. These contacts at times violent in form of Arab and
Turkish raids in Sind and Punjab, were also at times deeply cultural and philosophically
engaging, as represented in the writings of the Arab travellers and merchants as
Sulaiman, writers and geographers as Al-Masudi, and philosophers and observers as Al-
Biruni.
Abu’l Rihan Muhammad bin Ahmad Al-Biruni was amongst the leading scholar and
scientific minds of central Asia in the 11th century. Renowned for his knowledge on a
wide variety of subjects, ranging from astronomy to mathematics to history and even
astrology, he is referred to in the works of some near contemporary writers as ‘al-
ustadh’ or ‘the master’. (H.A.R. Gibb; J.H. Kramers 1986, 1236) In words of Abu’l Fazl
Baihaqi, a near contemporary: “Bu Rihan was beyond comparison, superior to everyman
of his time in art of composition, in scholar like accomplishments, and in knowledge of
geometry and philosophy. He had however a most rigid regard for truth.”
Al-Biruni visited India some time towards the end of second decade of the 11 th century,
and is said to have travelled around the region, for a considerable period of time. He
made regular visits to north India for the next decade or so, interacting with
philosophers and learned men, attempting to know in detail about the customs and
traditions of the country.
Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li'l-Hind is the result of long years of hard work and Al-Biruni’s
perseverance, and in many ways mark a departure from the existing historical and
narrative traditions prevalent in the country till then. Unlike the prevalent Puranic
traditions of recording the genealogies or the west Asian tarikh tradition of narrating the
political history in a chronological manner, the work is of a very critical nature. Although
providing information on regional geography and some political narratives, at another
level it’s also a survey of the customs and traditions prevalent in the region of north
India, social differentiations and customs of untouchability, religious and philosophical
ideas as espoused in the Sanskrit texts, on mathematical and scientific knowledge
systems prevalent in India, in the 11th century. It raises such philosophical questions as
on nature of god and natural world. It brings to fore in much detail al-Biruni’s ideas of
history and his methods of enquiry.

Early Career:
Although much is available on the writings and career of al-Biruni in the writings of his
contemporary scholars or those who wrote on him afterwards, not much is known about
his early life. Conflicting reports and statements about various aspects of his early life,
such as on place of birth, his attitude towards heterodox sects, or on period of his
residency in India, can be found in works of such scholars as al-Utbi, Abu’l Fazl Baihaqi,
al-Samani, Yakut al-Hamawi, Uthman al-Juzjani, ibn-Said, al-Ghadanfar, and others.
(Shamsi 1974, 179)

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The earliest biographical reference to al-Biruni can be found in an extant work – Kitab
Titimmah siwan al-Hikmah of Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali al-Baihaqi. However, the author had no
first-hand information and also doesn’t mention the source. The author of the work goes
on to report that al-Biruni stayed in India for a period of about 40 years and that he was
named ‘Biruni’ because he was born at a place called Bayrun/Birun. (Shamsi 1974, 180)
This naming of the place has led to confusion amongst modern scholars regarding his
place of birth. Various plausible assertions based on the quotes and references of his
contemporaries to identify Birun with variety of locations, have been made. These have
ranged from locating Birun in Khwarizm or in Central Asia to finding it somewhere in the
deserts of Sind. Infact, in all there are no less than 13 different views regarding the
place of his birth. (Shamsi 1974, 180-182) However, in course of time most of these
assertions have been rejected and it is now generally agreed upon by scholars that he
was born in the year 973 CE, in the city of Kath, the capital of the state of Khwarizm in
central Asia. (Shamsi 1974, 182-185)
On his early life and family we again find ourselves short of information. Tradition
informs that he was an orphan who was adopted and brought up by Abu Nasr Mansur
ibn-Ali ibn Iraq, who was a member of Khwarizmian royal family, and a leading and
renowned mathematician in his own right. (Gafurov 1974, 5) Al-Biruni himself
acknowledges that he has very little idea about his parentage, or he chose not to
disclose much. According to some scholars, his association with the royal family of
Khwarizm could mean that he himself was of aristocratic birth although they also could
not define any definite evidence for the claim. (Shamsi 1974, 189)
Value addition: FAQs
Al-Biruni’s response to a poet who made sarcastic comment on his
ancestry:
Oh poet, who came to me ridiculing my manners,
Intending to praise me, but finding faults with my manners;
I found him foolishly passing out wind in my beard
As though the length of his beard was my tail
And describing my genealogy in his verses;
By God, I am unaware of my ancestry,
For I do not know my grandfather the way I should know him
And how can I know my grandfather when I am ignorant even of my father?
M. Ahmad; R. Behari; B.V. Subbarayappa. 1975. “Al Biruni: An
introduction to his life and writings on Indian Sciences.” Indian
Journal of History of Science 10 (2): 98-110.
Al-Biruni was introduced to science of astronomy and to mathematics by his foster father
and to Greek philosophers by one of his early teachers who was a Greek. (M. Ahmad; R.
Behari; B.V. Subbarayappa 1975, 98) He was familiar with Homer’s Illiad and Odyssey,
and studied Plato’s treatises on law and related work. He was well acquainted with the
work of Archimedes and Democritus, and made frequent references to Greek philosophy
and scientific thoughts. (Gafurov 1974, 5) It was in Khwarizm that he wrote some of his
earliest works and by the age of 27 had gained a reputation of being a brilliant scientist
and a scholar.
In the initial phase of his career, al-Biruni travelled as far as Rayy, near Tehran, where
he wrote a treatise describing his interaction with astronomer al-Khojandi and use of a
sextant built by the local prince at the request of the astronomer to study the sun’s
transit through the year 997 CE. (Boilot 1974, 12) Returning to his native country
around 997 CE, he collaborated with the mathematician Abu al-Wafa at Baghdad to
observe lunar eclipse at the same time and hence calculate the longitudinal difference
between Baghdad and Kath. (Shamsi 1974, 190)
He went on his own accord to seek support from Samanid sultan Mansur II in 997 CE,
whom he refers to in his works as his first benefactor. There on he moved for a longer
stay at the court of Ziyarid sultan Shams al-Ma’ali at Gurgan. (M. Ahmad; R. Behari;
B.V. Subbarayappa 1975, 99) He returned to Kath by the year 1004 CE and went on to

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serve at the court of Khwarizmshah, where he was entrusted with responsibilities related
to foreign correspondences and relations with neighbouring rulers. This responsibility, by
his own admission was given to him because of his proficiency in languages and words.
(Shamsi 1974, 191)
However, this stability in life of al-Biruni was short lived, for in the year 1016 CE,
Khwarizmshah was assassinated by his own troops, and taking advantage of the
situation, Ghaznavid sultan Mahmud annexed the province of Khwarizm in the year 1017
CE. Most of the prominent scholars and leading men of Khwarizm’s court, including al-
Biruni were captured and deported to Ghazna/Ghazni in Afghanistan. It was in Ghazni
under the employment of the Ghaznavid sultans he come in contact with leading scholars
of varied nationalities who have been similarly deported and his interest in India was
further kindled. Subsequently al-Biruni travelled far and wide in India and wrote about
its culture and society. At Ghazni he also worked on some of his major treatises on
astronomy, culminating in his greatest work – ‘Canon Masudicus’, dedicated to sultan
Masud of Ghazni.
The relation between Mahmud and Al-Biruni has been a focus of much debate. The
relationship has been characterised as tumultuous, with Al-Biruni generally feeling
neglected and devoid of any state support. His conditions only improved under
Mahmud’s successors who were more appreciative of his talents. (Shamsi 1974, 193-
195)

http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ghaznavid_Empire_975_-
_1187_%28AD%29.PNG

Principal Works and Achievements:

He wrote his initial works at Khwarizm, which included treatises on astronomy,
geography and mathematics. He conducted philosophical exchanges and debates with
other contemporaries of his age, such as ibn-Sina (Avicenna) at Bukhara, with whom he
held discussions of Aristotle's Physics and On the Heavens, as well as on the structure of
the universe, the physical laws concerning a free falling object and on indivisible
particles. (Nasr 1974) (Berjak and Iqbal 2005)

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Al-biruni wrote his first important treatise in 1000 CE, at the court of Ghurgan, dedicated
to Shams al-Ma'ali. The work titled – Kitab al-Athar al-Bakiya an al kurun al-Khaliya (the
chronology of Ancient nations) concerned with the subject of calendars and eras, and on
important mathematical, astronomical and meteorological problems. Regarding the book,
al-Biruni wrote: 'my aim in this book was to establish as accurately as possible the time
span of various eras.' (Gafurov 1974, 6) The work explains several calendar systems
such as Arabic, Persian, Greek, and most importantly Soghdian, of which there is no
reference in any other source. It is also an important source for study of pre-Islamic
Khwarizm. He also wrote another work titled: Kitab al-Musamara fi Akhbar Khwarizm,
which is now lost, however extracts of the work can still be found in the Tarikh of al-
Baihaqi, who records the history of Khwarizm down to 1041 CE. (Khan 1976, 90)
Another lost work, of which we know is Kitab Akhbar al-Mubaiyya wa'l-Qaramitah, which
as the title suggests reflects on the history of the heterodox sect of Qaramatis, who
inhabited the region of Northwest Punjab and Afghanistan. (Khan 1976, 90) Yakut also
records that al-Biruni also wrote a history of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni and his father
Subuktagin, titled: Tarikh Ayyam Sultan Mahmud wa Akhbar Abihi, which unfortunately
seems to be lost. (Khan 1976, 90)
Al-Biruni wrote an abstract on geometry, arithmetic, astronomy and astrology – Kitab al-
tafhim li-Awail Sinaat al-Tanjim in the year 1029 CE. (Shamsi 1974, 192) He completed
his description of India – Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li'l-Hind in the year 1030 CE, a year after
Sultan Mahmud's death. He however waited for the succession issue to be settled, before
making the dedication to Sultan Masud. The work is one of the major literary source on
11th century India. It covered a wide range of topics and subjects like caste system,
philosophy, sciences, religion, law, customs, superstitions, legends, the systems of
weights and measures, written languages, and geography. For the purpose of writing the
book, he learned Sanskrit at the age of 40 and quoted and referred from about 24 Greek
works and about 40 Sanskrit sources. (Gafurov 1974, 7)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Lunar_eclipse_al-Biruni.jpg
Al-Biruni also dedicated his most famous work on mathematics and astronomy – Kitab
al-Kanun al-Masudi (Canon Masudicus), which has been rated by many of his
contemporaries as a work which at places even surpasses Ptolemy in the nature of
questions raised and assertions made. Yakut informs that Masud gifted an elephant load
of silver in appreciation of the work, however it was refused by al-Biruni. (M. Ahmad; R.
Behari; B.V. Subbarayappa 1975, 102) In the work he takes up issues with several of
the Ptolemy's assertions and although accepting the geocentric notion of universe, he
was aware of the idea of Heliocentricism and did not reject it altogether. (Gafurov 1974,
8)

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

The treatise on mineralogy – al-jamahir fi Ma'rifat al-Jawahir, was written during the
reign of Sultan Madud (1030-1049 CE), to whom it was dedicated. Observing the
stratified structure of the rock he noted that it could be the result of erosion and
weathering by elements of nature. (Salim-Atchekzai 1974, 18) He also records the
geological changes in the earth's crust and talks about how land changes into sea and
sea into land.
Another important and probably the last work of al-Biruni was Kitab al-Saydalah fi'l-Tibb
(Pharmacology). Here he classified physical features of plants, animals, and minerals,
and compiled an alphabetical list of medicinal herbs and their uses. Besides Arabic
names, he listed 400 Syrian and 350 Indian names in the work. (Gafurov 1974, 8) He
also refers to Aristotle's work on Biology and also seems familiar with the writings of
other Greek scholars as Dioscorides and Galen on the subject. (Said 1974, 32)
Biruni developed a new method using trigonometric calculations to compute earth's
radius and circumference based on the angle between the horizontal line and true
horizon from a mountain top with known height. He calculated the height of the
mountain by going to two points at sea level with a known distance apart and then
measuring the angle between the plain and the top of the mountain for both points.
Biruni's estimate of 6,339.9 km for the Earth radius had an error of 0.0026 and was 16.8
km less than the current value of 6,356.7 km. The idea came to him when he was on top
of a tall mountain near Nandana in India. He measured the dip angle using an astrolabe
and he applied to the law of sines formula. He also made use of algebra in his
calculation.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Abu_Reyhan_Biruni-
Earth_Circumference.svg
He further noted the position of stars and observed their motion around poles. His list
included about 1029 stars. He learned trigonometry in India and was the first to
establish it as a science distinct from that of astronomy. He was the first geometrician to
use the radius of the circle of a unity, an idea which immensely simplified calculations.
He wrote the best medieval account of the arithmetical systems prevalent in India and
on the method of extracting the cube root. He also compiled a table of latitudes and
longitudes of about 600 towns and localities. Al-Biruni also invented a system of
stereographic projections, whereby part of the globe can be projected on a great circle of
which the point of vision is the pole. His interests also included determination of specific
gravities, of science behind propagation of heat, and of reflection and refraction of light.
He is also said to have even attempted to establish a tentative comparisons between

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speeds of sound and light. Al-Biruni also wrote several translations, like Euclid’s Element
and his own treatise on astronomy into Sanskrit. He also translated Panchatantra and
Patanjali’s works into Arabic.

Al-Biruni on India:
Al-Biruni first visited India sometime around 1017 CE, along with the armies of Mahmud
of Ghazna. He travelled widely and wrote extensively on Indian society and culture. His
principal work on India, as already been mentioned was Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li'l-Hind or
Alberuni’s India. Besides this main voluminous work, Al-Biruni also wrote and translated
many Indian works into Arabic and on various aspects of Indian sciences. Some 27 of his
works has been listed specifically on India. (M. Ahmad; R. Behari; B.V. Subbarayappa
1975, 108-109)
Value addition: FAQs
Al-Biruni’s Works on India
1. Jawami al-maujud Khawatir al-Hunud fi Hisab al-Tanjim
2. Tahdhib Zij al-Arkand
3. Khayal al-Kusufayn ‘ind al-Hind
4. Kayfiyat Rusum al-Hind fi ta’allum al-Hisab
5. Fi anna Ra’y al’-Arab fi maratib al-adad aswad min Ra’y al-Hind fiha
6. Fi Rashikat al-Hind
7. Tarjumat ma fi Brahmasiddhanda min turuk al-Hisab
8. Fi Tahsil al’An min al-Zaman ind al-Hind
9. Al-Jawabat’an al-masa’il al-warida min Munajjimiy al-Hind
10. Al-Jawabat ‘an al-Masa’il al-Ashar al-Kashmiriya
11. Tadkirah fi ‘I-Hisa’b wa’l-‘add bi-arqam al-Sind wa’l-Hind
12. Maqala fi-Hakiyat Tariq al-Hind fi istikhraj al’umr
13. Tarjumat Kitab al-Mawalid al-Saghir li-Barahamihr
14. Tarjumat Hidith Nilufar fi qissat Dabisti wa Barbhakar
15. Tarjumat Kalbyarah wa huwamaqalatun li’l-Hind fi ‘l-amrad al-lati
tajrimajra l’ufunah
16. Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li’l-Hind min maqulatin maqbulatin fi ‘l-‘aql au
mardhulatin
17. Maqalat Basdev ‘l-Hind ‘ind maji’ihi al-adna
18. Tarjumat Kitab Batanjal fi’l-Khalas min al-irtibak
19. Tarjumat Kitab Shamil (Sank) fi ‘l-maujudat al-mahsusa wa’l maqula
20. Kitab fi ‘illat tasnif al-ta’dil’ind ashab al-Sindhind
21. Miftah ‘ilm al-Hay’ah
22. Tarjumat Kitab Samkhiya
23. Tarjumat Kitab fi usul al-Handasa li-Uqlaydas ‘ila lughat al-Hind
24. Tarjumat Kitab al-Majasi li-Batlamiyus ‘ila lughat al-Hind
25. Ghurrat al-Azyaj wa ma’nahu, Zij Bijayanand al-Banarasi al-ladhi
26. Sammahu Kiranatilak
27. Tarjumat Palisasidhanta li-Brahmagupta
Sachau, E. C. 1888, rpt. 2003. Alberuni's India. London, New Delhi:
Indialog Publications: xliv

Al-Biruni’s Methodology and ideas on History:

In words of historian Mohammad Habib: “For us the great importance of the Kitab-ul
Hind depends upon its methodology – a fine modification of the dialectical system of
Socrates, in which Al-Biruni had trained at Khwarizm, to suit the subject matter of his
enquiries. He gave us a unique survey, unsurpassed by anything yet written in its
comprehension of general sociological and philosophical principles as well as minute,
scientific details of achievements of Hindu thought in ages gone by…” (Habib 1981, rpt.
2009, 4)

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Although, al-Biruni did not discuss his ideas regarding history and approaches to writing
history in any of his work, but some glimpses may be obtained from his introduction to
two of his important works - Kitab al-Athar al-Bakiya an al kurun al-Khaliya (the
Chronology of ancient nations) and Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li'l-Hind (Researches in India).
Where as in former he sees history as unfolding of God’s divine plan, through prophets,
in the other he seems to be adhering to the view that both sciences and recording of
history are aimed at finding out truth. According to M.S. Khan, this can be supported
from the fact that he prescribes to the scientific principles for acceptance and
examinations of historical traditions. (Khan 1976, 86-87)
He tries to be as objective and impartial as possible in his writings. At times he
acknowledges that what he is writing may not conform to the traditional value systems
of Islamic teachings and theology, nevertheless he felt duty bound as a historian to be
true and faithful in his narrative, so as to provide an objective and truthful picture to the
readers. He further adds that “In most parts of my work I simply relate without
criticizing, unless there is a special reason to do so. I mention the necessary Sanskrit
names and technical terms once where the context of our explanation demands it.”
(Sachau 1910, 2003, xi)
Value addition: FAQs
Al-Biruni on his method and approach towards recording facts in his
Kitab fi tahqiq ma li’l-Hind:
I have…written this book on the doctrines of the Hindus, never making any
unfound imputations against those, our religious antagonists, and at the
same time not considering it inconsistent with my duties as a Muslim to
quote their own words at full length when I thought they would contribute
to elucidate a subject. If the contents of these quotations happen to be
utterly heathenish, and the followers of the truth, i.e. the Muslims, find
them objectionable, we can only say that such is the belief of the Hindus,
and that they themselves are best qualified to defend it.
Sachau, E. C. 1888, rpt. 2003. Alberuni's India. London, New Delhi:
Indialog Publications: xliv
Alberuni further warns of the numerous lies and concoctions which are mixed up with
almost all historical traditions and records, especially when it comes to analysing and
reading of Indian texts. He criticises the Hindus for the lack of interest in history and
chronology in the following words: “Unfortunately the Hindus does not pay much to the
historical order of things, they were careless in relating the chronological succession of
their kings, and when pressed for information are at a loss, not knowing what to say,
they invariably take to storytelling.” (Khan 1976, 86)
Pressing further on the issue of his methodology, one also finds that he constantly
compares the various philosophical and scientific systems in order to understand the
ideas prevalent in India of the 11th century. Throughout his book on India he draws
analogies taken from the Greek, Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish, Manichaean, and Sufi
sources.
Value addition: FAQs
Al-Biruni on his comparative approach towards analysing the
knowledge traditions of Hindus, Greeks and Sufis
I shall place before the reader the theories of the Hindus exactly as they
are, and I shall mention in connection with them similar theories of the
Greeks in order to show the relationship existing between them…Besides
Greek ideas we shall only now and then mention those of the Sufis or one
someone or other Christian sect, because in their notions regarding the
transmigration of souls and the pantheistic doctrine of unity of god with
creation there is much in common between these systems.
Khan, M.S. 1976. “Al-Biruni and the political history of India.”
Oriens 25/26: 86

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Al-Biruni approached history with an idea that the aim and object of revelation, history-
writing and scientific enquiry is one and same, i.e. to know the truth and he considered
them as equally reliable sources of human knowledge. In words of E. Sachau, “al-Biruni
was the only Arabic writer who investigated the antiquities of the east in a true spirit of
historical enquiry.” (Khan 1976, 89-90) Further discussing on the main sources of
historical traditions and on the methods and means of approaching and studying them,
he says: “The Historian may act as eye witness or ear witness, or he may obtain
information by cognition and study from written historical works of former nations.”

Al-Biruni’s Reading of Indian texts and sources:

India always fascinated Al-Biruni, and he was well versed with the work done on Indian
sciences in Arabic. He was familiar with the translations of Indian works, attempted at
Abbasid court, and was extremely critical of some of them. At certain junctures, he also
attempted to translate some of the works himself into Arabic from Sanskrit or vice versa
in order to obtain a better understanding of the texts. Towards the same aim, he also
learnt Sanskrit, which he found extremely difficult to master.
Value addition: FAQs
Al-Biruni on difficulty in learning Sanskrit and translating Sanskrit
texts into Arabic:
…the language is of an enormous range, both in words and inflections,
something like the Arabic, calling one and the same thing by various
names, both original and derived, and using one and the same word for s
variety of subjects, which in order to be properly understood, must be
distinguished from each other by various qualifying epithets. For nobody
could distinguish between various meanings of a word unless he
understands the context in which it occurs, and its relation both to the
following and preceding part of the sentence.
Besides some of the sounds (consonants) of which the language is
composed are neither identical with the sounds of the Arabic or Persian, nor
resemble them in any way. Our tongue and Uvula could scarcely manage to
correctly pronounce them, nor our ears in hearing to distinguish them from
similar sounds, nor could we transliterate them with our characters.
Sachau, E. 1910. Alberuni's India: An Account of the Religion,
Philosophy, Literature, Geography, Chronology, Astronomy,
Customs, Laws and Astrology of India about AD 1030. ondon,
Trubner & Co. pp. 1-2
He had the knowledge of the epics – Mahabharata and Ramayana, however he had
better knowledge of the Mahabharata, for he was able to point out that it was written by
Vayasa and details the struggle between Kauravas and Pandavas, divided into 18 parvas
and 1000,000 slokas. Al-Biruni details the subject headings of each of the parvas of
Mahabharata. However according to Sachau, his commentary on Mahabharata seems to
indicate that he was informed about the texts orally and had not read the text by
himself. (Khan 1976, 93-94)
Al-Biruni was careful in mentioning the written sources of social and cultural history of
India, specifically about the Indian scientific works and their authors and also frequently
indicates oral sources throughout the work on India. However he advices historians to be
more careful with their sources and critically examine them: “It is our duty to proceed
from what is near to more distant, from what is known to that which less known; to
correct them as much as possible and to leave the rest as it is; in order to make our
work help him who seeks truth and love and wisdom in making independent researches.”
Al-Biruni also seems reluctant to accept written sources without critical examination and
in a discussion on religion and doctrine of Hindus, he makes following remarks,
illuminating on his opinion on the approach towards sources: “…Everything which exists
in this subject in our literature is second hand information which one has copied from the
other, a farrago of material never shifted by the sieve of critical examination.” He also

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

acknowledges the lack of sources as with regard to ‘eras of the Hindus’, where he says
that the information recorded is not exact and accurate. (Khan 1976, 111)

Glimpses of Political History from Al-Biruni’s works on India:

Although al-Biruni’s work on India was not intended to be a political narrative of the
kinds we come across in later Arabic and Persian sources, it nevertheless contains some
valuable information on the political developments during the time he travelled in the
country. The animosity between the Muslim Turkish invaders and the Indians is for the
first time attested in the record of Al-Biruni, who laments the widespread destruction
caused due to invasions and the migration of the learned men and moving of the seats
of ‘Hindu’ learning to further east.
Value addition: FAQs
Al-Biruni on Mahmud’s invasion of India and its impact on Indian
society and culture :
Mahmud utterly ruined the prosperity of the country, and performed there
wonderful exploits, by which the Hindu’s became like atoms of dust
scattered in all directions, and like a tale of old in the mouth of the people.
Their scattered remains cherish, of course, the most inveterate aversion
towards all Muslims. This is the reason, too, why Hindu sciences have
retired far away from those parts of the country conquered by us, and have
fled to places which our hands cannot yet reach, to Kashmir, Benaras and
other places. And there the antagonism between them and all foreigners
receives more and more nourishment both from political and religious
sources.
Sachau, E. 1910. Alberuni's India: An Account of the Religion,
Philosophy, Literature, Geography, Chronology, Astronomy,
Customs, Laws and Astrology of India about AD 1030. ondon,
Trubner & Co. p. 5.
He records with a fair degree of accuracy, the date of the conquest of Somnath by Sultan
Mahmud, and also noted its exact location and the legend behind building of the temple.
He places the invasion of Somnath in the year 416 H/1026 CE, or 947 saka, which has
also been confirmed by other contemporary writers as Ibn-Zafir and ibn al-Athir. (Khan
1976, 95-96)
Al-Biruni also records the history of the Hindushahi’s who faced the brunt of Mahmud’s
invasion in India. Although lacking in authenticity with regard to the sources consulted,
he was still able to paint a fairly accurate picture of the dynasty with regard to the last
seven rulers. His account of the last seven rulers has also been verified by the
numismatic data and the contemporary written account of Kashmir – Kalhana’s
Rajatarangini. Showing extreme impartiality, which is rarely witnessed in the political
narratives of the time, he pays glowing tribute to the rulers of the dynasty, especially
Ananadpala, highlighting their virtues, power and magnanimity towards their subjects.
(Khan 1976, 98)
Al-Biruni also records some anecdotes on Kashmir, which he couldn’t visit, although he
did roamed around the borders in Punjab. Again, for an outsider who never visited the
region, he seems to be rather well informed about the geography and history of the
region. He also records a tradition regarding the victory of a ruler of Kashmir, named
Muttai, over the Turks. The ruler is identified as Lalitaditya Muktapida (724-760 CE) and
the victory may be reference to his conquest in the region of Turkistan in Upper Oxus
Valley and in Northern Kashmir. (Khan 1976, 99-101) There are several other rulers of
medieval India who find mention in Al-Biruni’s chronicle. He refers to the Gengeyadeva
Vikramaditya (1015-1041 CE) of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri, who not only ruled
over the region around present day Allahabad and Banaras, but also exercised a loose
control over Doab. (Sircar 1967, 156) Again many ruling houses and rulers in the region
of east and south of Kanauj are also mentioned, such as Malayaketu family, ruling in the

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

Gandak valley, and even Rajendra Chola. He was familiar with Bhojadeva (1011-1051
CE) of the Paramara dynasty, with his capital at Dhara in Malwa. (Khan 1976, 103-104)
Al-Biruni also provides information in much detail about the regions which were under
the control of Arab and Ghaznavid domination in Indian subcontinent. His account of
conquest of Sindh and Punjab is amongst the earliest extant records of the events,
however these do suffer from some glaring inaccuracies. He wrongly informs of the route
taken by early Arab armies in Sindh. Albiruni informs of the rule of Carmathians in
Multan, however he does not account of Mahmud’s attack on Multan and the general
massacre which followed. Moreover the account confuses for when the Arab geographer
al-Maqdisi visited India around 985 CE, he found the city to be under the rule of Ismaili
Shias. It is now generally assumed that the Carmathians who al-Biruni talks about was a
usurper dynasty which ruled towards the end of 10th century. (Khan 1976, 103-114)
Al-Biruni on Indian Society:
Al-Biruni made some very interesting and telling observations on the social conditions
prevalent in India at the time, on caste system and general inequality. For his keen
observations on Indian society and cultural ethos of the time, some scholars have
actually written of him as the ‘first anthropologist’, to make a survey of the region.
(Ahmed 1984, 9) (Chaabani 2012) Chapter titles in Kitab ul-Hind reflect modern
anthropological interests: 'On the castes, called 'colours'' (varna) and on the classes
below them (IX) and 'On the rites and customs which the other castes besides
Brahmans, practice during their life time' (LXIV). Women’s issues are also examined: 'On
matrimony, menstrual courses, embryos and childbed' (LXIX)
He seems to be well informed about the fourfold division of the varna order, and the
social position and duties associated with each caste. He also informs that the caste
system and the associated segregation of men is one of the principle obstacle for any
rapprochement between the Hindus and the Muslims, for the latter believe “every man to
be equal, except in piety.” (Sachau 1910, 2003, 66) He further speaks of the existence
of eight classes of people outside the varna order, segregated in accordance with their
occupation and guilds. These were: fuller, shoemaker, juggler, basket and shield maker,
the sailor, fisherman, hunter of wild animals and birds, and weaver. These guilds, we are
informed do not live with the rest of the community and generally had their living
quarters on the periphery or outskirts of towns and villages. (Sachau 1910, 2003, 67)
class of people called Hadi, Doma (Domba), Chandala and Badhatau are also mentioned
as apart from any guild or caste and generally occupied with dirty work like manual
scavenging and cleaning.
Al-Biruni further goes on to elaborate on the manners of eating and various customs
associated with each of the castes and how such a separation and segregation is
provided a divine sanction, quoting extensively from Gita. However, in keeping with his
general approach of just recording and not criticizing Al-Biruni seems to have maintained
a distance from the society he is so keenly observing. The detachment of a scientific
observation comes out very clearly in his study on Indian society.
Al-Biruni on Indian Geography:
Al-Biruni also provides useful glimpses into the geography of 11 th century India. His
account has generally proven useful in identifying the exact location of the cities long
forgotten or names of places which had undergone much corruption over the years. For
example there has been considerable difference in opinion among historians with regard
to the correct location of the city of Vallabhi in Gujarat. al-Biruni’s statement that the
town was located at a distance of 30 yojans south of Anhilwara, had enabled in
identifying the town of Vala in Saurashtra with ancient capital city of Vallabhi. Similarly
al-Biruni’s account has proven useful in tracing down the exact location and names of
various towns in north India which faced the brunt of Mahmud’s invasion during the
course of early decades of 11th century.
His knowledge on Indian geography can be divided into two categories: 1. Ancient Indian
geographical concepts and information; 2. His own concepts and information. Al-Biruni

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

conceived of India as a plain surrounded on three sides – north, east and west by a
chain of high and wide mountains, which stretched from China in the east up to the
country of the Franks in the West. (Alavi 1975, 232) Like all the Arab geographers before
him, al-Biruni conceived of Sind and India as two separate regions. On south, India was
surrounded by the Indian Ocean. Again from the mountains arose many rivers which
flowed southwards towards the plains. The plain, he conceived, must have been a sea at
some time in the geological past.
However, the most important contribution of al-biruni to physical geography was his
concept of seas, and particularly his theory about the sea route between the Indian
ocean and the Atlantic, south of the mountain of the moon, the traditional source of the
Nile in Africa, a concept which was later adopted by European adventurers and travellers
who desired to find a route between India and Europe.
He also gave an elaborate account of the climate, physical features, rivers, and
mountains of India, especially of the northern parts. He also describes for the first time,
the network of roads spreading out from Kanauj into all four directions, however his
knowledge of the peninsular India was meagre, for it was mainly based on the
information provided by earlier Arab geographers who may or may not have visited the
country.
On the seasons in India, he speaks of the prevailing perception amongst the uneducated
masses, who divided the season into two halves, because of the observation of two
solstices. Further he speaks of a more scientific division into four parts by dividing the
ecliptic into two halves, and each being called a 'kula'. Thus the one with the northern
declination becomes the 'uttara kula' and other with the southern declination was called
the 'dakshina kula'. Al-Biruni, however, further adds that the Hindus divide the year into
six seasons and called them ritu, each comprising two solar months. (Alavi 1975, 233-
234)
Al-Biruni also speaks on the seasonal rains in India and informs that rains generally fall
in the summers, in the season called Varsakala; and that their intensity varies in
accordance with their distance from the sea and by the physical geography of the region.
(Alavi 1975, 234)
Al-Biruni on Indian sciences:
When al-Biruni came to India he had knowledge of Indian astronomy, which he had
acquired by studying Arabic translations of some Sanskrit texts. He held detailed
discussion in India with scholars in the field and also studies originals of some of the
Sanskrit texts. He considered the Indians well versed in astronomy and mathematics
Arithmetic:
Al-Biruni gives a detail account of the numerical systems used in India. He speaks of
Indian numerical systems in his account on India, as well as in his works on Astronomy
and in his chronology of nations. He also credited with writing two books on numerals,
although it’s not known whether they have survived or not. They were:
1. Kitab al-arqam (book on numbers)
2. Tazkira fi al-hisab w'al-madd bi al-arqam al-Sind W'al Hind (Description of
Atrithmetic and system of counting with the numerals of Sind and India)
In his Kitab al-Athar al-Bakiya (Chronology of Ancient Nations), Biruni has incidentally
referred to two types of notation of numbers, namely the alphabetic (abjd) system
(Huruf al-jummal of hisab al-jummal) and the modern numerals as al-arqam al-Hind
(Indian Numerals). Again in his – Kitab al-tafhim li-Awail Sinaat al-Tanjim (The book of
Instructions in the Art of Astrology) he gave both these notations of numbers. Thus it
seems that Al-Biruni was well acquainted with the Indian numerical system even before
he visited India.
The alphabetic system (Huruf al-jummal) as used by Biruni was apportioned in orderly
sequence to 26 alphabets though initially there was no particular order in their use. It
was based on the values of the alphabets without use of decimal place order. This

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

notation seems to have been used exclusively by Arabian astronomers. The other system
(al-arqam al-Hind) expressed in symbols by al-Biruni is shown in the table: (Bag 1975,
174-175)

With regard to Indian system Al-Biruni writes that numerical signs have different shapes
and styles in different regions of India.
al-Biruni quotes that the decimal system and the symbol for zero were known to the
Indians. They knew the names of the order of numbers from 1.10,000 right up to 10 .
Al-Biruni also mentions that according to Brahmagupta and also gives the value
of given by Aryabhatta as which comes to .
Astronomy:
With regard to astronomy, al-Biruni mentions Varaha Mihira’s Panchasiddhantika (6th
century), Brahmagupta’s Brahma Siddhanta (7th century); Aryabhatta I’s Dasagitika and
Aryastasata (5th century); works of Aryabhatta II (10th century) and Munjala (10th
century). He also studied Brahmagupta’s Khandakhadyaka, Vatesvara’s Karanasara and
Vijayananda’s Karanatilaka.
In his works he dealt with a wide range of astronomical subjects and issues, such as,
nature of globe and figures of heaven and earth; revolution of planets, their mean places
and conjunctions; the time for different longitudes and latitudes; solar and lunar
eclipses; and various instruments of observations. According to him, Indian astronomers
generally divided the zodiac into 27 or sometimes 28 lunar stations or nakshatras, and
gave the number of stars in each nakshatra. The necessary distance of each star from
the sun for its heliacal rising and setting, and the extension of each nakshatra are also
given.
Al-Biruni also speaks about the idea of ears in Hindu philosophy and also of kalpa. He
enumerates the number of revolutions of sun and planets in a kalpa. One kalpa,
according to him, was generally divided into 1000 chaturyugas. He then records the
revolution of moon and planets, of their apses and nodes in a chaturyuga, along with
number of solar months in it.
He also mentions that Indian astronomers knew about the real cause behind solar and
lunar eclipses, and that their calculations are scientific. He expresses surprise that they
should mix up science with popular religious beliefs. Again, two methods given in
Khandakhadyaka for ascertaining the approximate time for the occurrence of an eclipse
are also noted by him. Al-Biruni makes passing reference to the precision of equinoxes
and mentions that rate of precision, according to Munjala, is one minute a year.
He mentions that according to Brahmagupta, one mahayuga consists of 4,320,000 solar
years and is divided into 4 yugas – krita (1,728,000 years), Treta (1,296,000 years),
Dvapara (864,000 years) and kali (432,000 years). He further mentions that
Brahmagupta criticizes Aryabhatta for assuming that all the four yugas are of equal
lengths and thereby going against the religious tradition of the Hindus. Al-Biruni further
refers to Brahmasphutasiddhanta regarding the revolution of sun, moon and planet.
(Chatterjee 1975, 162)
Physical Sciences:
Al-Biruni attempted to understand in his own way the various ideas regarding the
physical world and about chemical practices prevalent in the regions he traversed. He
studied the Puranas, like matsya, aditya and vayu, and endeavoured to have information
about them from local scholars. There is a stray reference to Nyaya-bhasya, erroneously
attributed to Kapila. In his account of the Indian views on the origins of the world, he

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

seems to be well aware of the Samkhya philosophy and its exposition of the spirit in
relation to matter.
Though Al-Biruni’s major work on India does not throw enough light on his knowledge of
physical sciences, it is interesting to note that he was well versed in the determination of
specific gravities of metals, precious stones and liquids, based on the principle of
Archimedes.
As to the chemical practices, he says: “the Hindus do not give much importance to
rasavidya, i.e. alchemy…their interest is centred around the chemistry of minerals” he
refers to use of minerals and precious stones, and from the point of view of history of
alchemy in India, al-Biruni’s detailed account of three alchemists – Bhanuvasa,
Nagarjuna, and Vvadi, are important as he throws light on their respective dates and
places.
Al-Biruni also mentions the different methods of weighing and measuring practised in
India at the time. He has given a detailed account of them and his sources for this
particular information included works of Varahamihira, Charak, Sripala, and the Puranas.

Conclusion:
No discussion on Al-Biruni and on his writings on India, can be complete without an
attempt to place and situate his writings in the wider contexts of changes in
philosophical and historiographical trends both in central Asia and India. Al-Biruni stands
as an enigma amongst the philosophers and scholars both in the larger Islamic world as
well as in India. His work reflects a schism or a break when seen in light of the larger
corpus of Islamic literature written at the time. His age marked an end to the critical
study of Islamic religious and juridical traditions and an increasing canonization of Quran
and hadith. The divergences in religious opinions became more pronounced in light of
growing influence of Shi’ite sects like Islamilis, who had created their own independent
caliphate in Egypt and of other heterodox sects like Qaramatiyas and various sufi orders.
In such an atmosphere and with receding political patronage to scholars of theology and
jurisprudence, one find Al-Biruni representing an altogether different line of scholastic
achievements, i.e. of pure sciences and reason. His approach of diligently questioning
the established ideas in physical sciences, such as planetary motions and of sun and
moon, in alchemy and other fields was in clear contrast to those followed by
contemporary scholars as Ibn Sina, who believed in traditionalist approach of believing in
knowledge passed on by early Greek scholars. His greatest work – Canon Masudicus, is
as important for the various aspect of scientific knowledge explored as it is for the
methodology followed of questioning and reasoning the established notions.
Similar approach based on questioning and reason is reflected in his works on India and
his engagement with Indian mathematicians and philosophers. At the time, when Puranic
studies was at its height and various puranas were being rewritten so as to
accommodate the newly emerging ruling houses into the traditional varna order, Al-
Biruni presents a divergence. His work is one of the very few which delves into details of
Indian social order and philosophical and scientific systems, during the 10th and 11th
centuries. Although the works also suffers from certain shortcomings. Written with a
faulty reading and understanding of the Sanskrit texts, Al-Biruni at times fails to grasp
the nuance of the original in its entirety. Complex ideas have at places been very loosely
understood and summarily rejected. Moreover, Al-Biruni approaches the subject with the
established premise that he is only observing and writing. This methodology although
has its benefit in the sense that much knowledge of Indian society and culture has been
transmitted without any bias and prejudice of the author, it also suffers from the most
obvious of the shortcoming that we are devoid of any real sense of engagement of Al-
Biruni as an outsider and a practitioner of a faith which at the time was coming into
increasing conflict with the Indian society and belief systems. Finally his reliance solely
on Sanskrit texts as representatives of the books of faith and repository of scientific
knowledge in the country, ignores a huge corpus of Buddhist and Jain literature, written
in prakrit, pali and other local languages. Moreover this also limits his audience only to

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 Early Islamic Intellectual Traditions – Al-Biruni

the upper caste groupings with in the Indian society, for Sanskrit in the 11 th century was
a language practised and venerated by the higher castes and hence we are devoid of any
real understanding of how the varna order really manifested itself when seen from the
point of view of the lower classes.
However, for all his achievement in various scholarly fields, Al-Biruni continued to crave
for recognition and fame his whole life. In various pages of his work, his lament that
scholarship and merit is not appreciated as much as it used to be comes out to fore.
Value addition: FAQs
Al-Biruni’s lament in for not getting due recognition
In my day I beat the greatest masters who – unlike me, not having devoted
themselves to research and solution of problems – were no match unto me
in the extent of their learning. Ask the Indians and the Scholars of the west
for the magnitude of my intellectual attainments. Nothing could induce
them not to acknowledge my achievements; in fact, everyone has refrained
from belittling them.
Shamsi, F.A. 1974. “Abu al-Rayhan al-Bayruni: 362/973 -
443/1051.” Islamic Studies 13 (3): 202-203.

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