Critical Urban Theory
Critical Urban Theory
Critical Urban Theory
Addressing the intense contradictory social concerns and their influence on the
urban context has to be taken into serious consideration. Various outrages such
as protests, demonstrations, and strikes are often being communicated in the
form of violence. The urban theory has been a crucial part of social science
research ever since the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century saw the rise
of what are usually considered to be the first “modern” cities in Europe and North
America. It seems that it is becoming more crucial that urban theory creates new
ideas and thinking in connection to the construction of more inclusive and just
urban futures as we progress into the second decade of what theorists, analysts,
and critics refer to as “the urban age” or “the urban century.”
The theory is what makes it possible to think critically and grow intellectually. It is
crucial for the creation of academic knowledge as well as for influencing the
methodology that academics use to learn about cities.
Also Read: Urban Design Terminology
Critical Urban Theory
The definition of Critical Urban Theory goes by “Critical urban theory rejects
inherited disciplinary divisions of labor and statist, technocratic, market-driven
and market-oriented forms of urban knowledge.” The importance and urgency of
making our urban context more humanizing than its current form, it is important
to be aware of the various concepts of Critical Urban Theory. The critical urban
theory emphasizes how urban space is socially contested, ideologically
influenced, and consequently flexible. The major components of urban theory
constitute the assessment of socio-scientific ideologies, power, injustice,
exploitation, and inequality prevailing in cities.
Ideas, vocabulary, and phrases used in urban theory are intended to understand
cities and urban life. Urban theorists try to provide explanations for spatial
expressions of cultural, economic, political, and social activities and processes.
Urban theory can be expansive and include a high degree of abstraction, or it can
be grounded on empirical, localized, or contextual knowledge of the processes
that lead to the formation, operation, and change of cities. Both ‘big’ urban
concerns and those centered on the ‘ordinary’ and daily can be discussed in
urban theory. Urban theorists aim to make the city comprehensible or readable,
but they are more concerned with explaining than with describing.
The critical urban theory emphasizes how urban space is socially contested,
ideologically influenced, and consequently flexible. Critique concepts, and more
specifically critical theory, go beyond simple descriptors, though. They contain
substantial social theory that comes from a variety of schools of enlightenment
and post-enlightenment social philosophy. Thus, the critical urban theory is
based on an antagonistic interaction with current urban forms in general as well
as with inherited urban bits of knowledge. And it is therefore a constantly
debatable field that uses, critiques, and sometimes even rejects prior theoretical
work to provide fresh insights into the urban experience.
Also Read: Urban Morphology
Critical theory can be categorized into 4 main propositions based on the theories
of writers and researchers. They are: Critical theory is reflexive, Criticism of
instrumental reason is a component of critical theory, Critical theory highlights
the gap between the possible and the actual, and critical theory is theory. The
above-mentioned propositions are mutually constitutive and closely intertwined.
Four mutually constitutive propositions on critical thery. Source: What is
critical urban theory? Neil Brenner
Frankfurt School and Critical Theory – Literary Theory and Criticism
Using Max Weber’s works as a foundation, they argued against the societal
spread of means-ends rationality that is directed toward the purposive-rational
(Zweckrationale), an effective linking of means to objectives without questioning
the ends themselves. Most importantly, in this case, Frankfurt School theorists
also applied this critique to the field of social science. This critique had
consequences for different areas of industrial organization, technology, and
administration. In this view, the critical theory includes a strong rejection of
instrumental modes of social scientific knowledge—that is, those created to
enhance the efficacy and efficiency of current institutional structures, to control
and dominate the social and physical environment, and therefore to support
existing systems of power.
Frankfurt School researchers maintained that a critical theory must make clear
its practical-political and moral tendencies, rather than embracing a limited or
technical vision, in line with their historically reflective approach to social science.
Instrumentalist approaches to knowledge inevitably assume their independence
from the subject of study. Normative problems, however, cannot be avoided
once that distinction is accepted and it is recognized that the knower is
immersed inside the same real-world social context as the one being
investigated. Thus, there is a direct link between the claim that reflexivity exists
and the argument against instrumental reason.
Because of this, critical theorists do not refer to the issue of how to ‘apply’ theory
to practice when they talk about the so-called theory/practice problem.
Critical Theory highlights the gap between the possible and the
actual:
Although Marx’s writings had a significant impact on the field of critical urban
studies after 1968, the Frankfurt School’s writings have received little to no
attention from those who have contributed to this discipline. The four
statements that make up the conception of critical theory are as follows:
However, given the early 21st century’s ongoing evolution and diversification of
the field of critical urban studies, its status as a putatively “critical” theory merits
close examination and organized discussion.
What is critical about critical urban theory, to borrow Fraser’s question from the
topic of research covered in this issue of CITY? The meanings and modalities of
critique can never be held constant; rather, they must constantly be reimagined
concerning the unevenly evolving political-economic geographies of this process
and the varied conflicts it engenders. This is because the process of capitalist
urbanization continues to move forward in a manner that results in creative
destruction on a global scale. Marx’s concept of critique and the Frankfurt
School’s interpretation of critical theory was ingrained in historically particular
forms of capitalism. Each of these approaches expressly considered itself to be
immersed inside such a formation, consistent with their necessity for reflexivity
and was geared self-consciously towards presenting the latter to critique.
As readers of Mike Davis’s book on Los Angeles or Neil Smith’s book on the
“revanchist city” can attest, Benjamin represents the primordial scene of
capitalist-imperial-colonial urbanism, whose inherently violent form haunts the
best exposés of radical urban thought even after modernity was discursively
replaced by postmodernism and capitalism by globalization. But given the bleak
situation, Davis describes in The Planet of Slums (2006), it’s easy to forget that
architecture and urban planning once had a revolutionary goal: to fundamentally
alter both space and society. Today, however, they are designed to mask social
tensions rather than resolve them, if not doomed to pimping for city
governments lusting for “public-private” affairs with corporate capital.
The unduly determined conjuncture framed by the two World Wars is the most
misunderstood point in the sequence of historical events, especially in the age of
postmodern amnesia: modernism.
Thesis 3: Modernization
Thesis 4: Americanism
Thesis 5: Postmodernism
The most insightful Marxist students of the city, Benjamin and Lefebvre, both
regarded bourgeois urbanism in this way as a clash between the application of
new technology and those utopian yearnings present in the social imaginary. The
Dialectics of Seeing (1989: 89), written by Benjamin scholar Buck-Morss, calls
capitalist “‘urban renewal’ projects'” a “classic example of reification” because
they “attempted to create social utopia by changing the arrangement of buildings
and streets – objects in space – while leaving social relationships intact.”
Architecture almost contains the necessary link with the economy, with which it
interacts through commissions and land values, of all the arts. In other words,
urbanization has a closer connection to the processes of capital than political
conflict or cultural production, which, in the case of space, makes the dreaded
economic decision to decide in the end more real than imagined. Space is made
extremely adaptable to rigorous political-economic notions that are more
economic than political by proximity to capital in this way. That level of accuracy
in space economics comes at a cost, one that is unaffordable when it comes to
space politics.
A socialist revolution cannot occur without an urban revolution, and vice versa
for an urban revolution to occur without a revolution in everyday life. In light of
this, Lefebvre’s idea of the right to the city must be understood — not as yet
another entry on the self-contradictory liberal democratic list of “human rights,”
but rather as the right to a fundamentally different reality.
Urban philosophy is not always helpful in advancing “cities for people.” Some of
these beliefs enhance the right to the city of those who currently live thereby
serving as an ideological justification for cities built for “profit.” Despite its
conceptual and methodological flaws, Richard Florida’s (2004, 2005) influential
idea of the creative class has gotten positive feedback from local scientists and
politicians in North America and Europe. Florida’s theory is regarded to contain
highly specific theoretical claims, to provide appropriate empirical support for
these claims, and to provide a workable plan for policy intervention.
The new urban growth ideologies present both philosophical and political
concerns for critical urban theory. Among these urban booster ideas, the idea of
creative cities has recently risen to the top. Urban policies that support the
interests of the functional elites within neo-liberalizing capitalism are not
justifiable.
The conceptual idea of a “creative class” uses the typically positive notion of
“creativity” to conceal the dealer class’s harmful economic, political, and social
behavior. For this reason, the idea supports those who already possess the right
to the city.
References:
1. Brenner, N. (2012). Cities for People, Not for Profit Critical Urban Theory
and the Right to the City. Routledge.
2. Brenner, N. (2017). Critique of urbanization : selected essays. Bauverlag ;
Birkhäuser.
3. Jayne, M., & Ward, K. (2017). Urban theory : new critical perspectives.
Routledge.
4. Litman, T. (2022). Urban sanity. Victoria Transport Policy.
Amodini Allu
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