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GEB1305 China and The World - Lecture 10 複製

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GEB 1305

China and the World

Lecture 10

Mainland China and Modern Societies in the World:

Impacts of Mainland China’s Policies towards the World

1
China’s Leadership Role in Global Governance

• China’s transition toward global leadership has taken place gradually over the past decade
or more.

• From the mid-2000s onwards, Chinese foreign policy discourses began to reflect a growing
interest in the importance of a Chinese voice in international affairs;

• Chinese representation in international institutions expanded more widely across


economic, security, and legal realms of global policymaking;

• Participation in international regimes intensified.

2
The Strategic Turn under Xi Jinping

• Under the Xi Jinping leadership we have witnessed a significant strategic shift in the direction
of shaping the system of global governance rather than simply navigating around it.

• To augment China’s reformist credentials while simultaneously advocating Chinese interests


and values

• In his first speech to the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in September 2013, China’s foreign
minister Wang Yi set out a new framework for China’s active engagement in global governance
with a pledge “to voice Chinese views, offer Chinese wisdom, propose Chinese solutions, and
support more global public goods.”
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The Strategic Turn under Xi Jinping
• Speaking for the first time at the UNGA in September 2015, President Xi set out his vision of a

“community of shared future for mankind” (構建人類命運共同體) based upon sovereign

equality, inter-civilizational dialogue, win-win cooperation, and the peaceful resolution of

disputes.

• In reiterating Chinese support for the delivery of global public goods, he further announced

the establishment of a UN peacekeeping standby force of 8,000 troops (full registration was

completed in September 2017), a $100 million fund to support operations in Africa via the

African Union, and a $1 billion ten-year China-UN Peace and Development Fund
4
The Strategic Turn under Xi Jinping

• The idea of a community of shared destiny

• It reflects a desire to order the world on the basis of the principle of peaceful coexistence that
renders the idea of universality untenable and supports equality among politically diverse
domestic regimes.

• Xi Jinping expanded upon the idea of a “community of shared future for mankind” in a speech
at the UN office in Geneva in January 2017: “All countries should jointly shape the future of
the world, write international rules, manage global affairs, and ensure that development
outcomes are shared by all.”
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The Strategic Turn under Xi Jinping

• At a second CCP Conference on foreign affairs held in June 2018 it was agreed that China

should lead the reform of the global governance system based upon the principles of fairness

and justice.

• Under the new CCP mandate, Chinese elites are now confidently advocating the benefits of

authoritarian statist norms for governing the world.

6
China’s Leadership Role in the Making

Overall, current trends suggest that Xi Jinping’s new ambition to play a leadership role in
global governance is driven by three primary motivations:

• To defend Chinese interests on a global scale.

• To strengthen China’s strategic role in institution building.

• To broaden China’s normative voice as a means of legitimating its role as a global


power.

7
Foreign Intervention and Peacekeeping
• Within the governing realm of international peace and security, China has gained an international

reputation for its role in UN peacekeeping.

• Chinese participation in peacekeeping has increased exponentially over the past two decades.

• In 2018 it ranked second place among the top ten contributors to the UN’s peacekeeping budget

(10.25%, compared to 28.47% from the United States).

• Converging interests appear to be behind this shift, including the need to protect investments and

workers abroad, maintain a peaceful international environment for development, facilitate the

modernization of the military, and improve China’s image as a responsible power.


8
Foreign Intervention and Peacekeeping

• At a broader level, involvement in peacekeeping missions has provided useful political

leverage over the trajectory of UN humanitarian interventions.

• Humanitarian crises are now officially seen as a “legitimate concern of the international

community.”

• However, new thinking on sovereignty that holds states accountable for alleged human

rights violations is seen as a dangerous precedent.

9
Foreign Intervention and Peacekeeping

• To date, in supporting some interventions to protect civilians subject to the approval of the

UN Security Council (UNSC) and the consent of the host country, China has taken a

minimalist stance based upon pragmatism rather than conviction.

• That said, confusion still exists over its responses to crises in Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and

Yemen respectively, suggesting that deep divisions over the responsibility to protect norms

remain intact.

10
Selling China

• The use of culture and media by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to try to influence others and
win friends is nothing new

• Soft power / international cultural communications: a range of both soft and somewhat harder
ways in which a range of different Chinese actors try to promote a preferred story of China—what
it is and what it wants—to international audiences

• Xi Jinping: His stated goal is to “increase China’s soft power, give a good Chinese narrative, and
better communicate China’s messages to the world” and to turn China into a “socialist cultural
superpower.”

11
Goals and Drivers
• The desire to gain status is intertwined with, but not identical to, the importance of respect;

• Status is about having a recognized position

• Respect is about a positive external appreciation of how that status was achieved

• It is important to acknowledge that both status and respect play important domestic roles

• Being seen to be a global power fits with the people’s own image of what China is (or should be)

• This potentially generates gratitude to the Party for delivering China back to its rightful position
(status), while the recognition of and admiration for this re-emergence by others (respect) provides
further external validation for the Party’s policies and strategies, reinforcing its “moral authority”
to rule
12
Goals and Drivers
• This entails establishing an idea of the “Chinese difference”—a country that will not simply act
as other previous and contemporary Great Powers acted because it has a fundamentally
different set of belief systems that emerge from a different set of histories and experiences
and different philosophical precedents.

• It is an exercise in the promotion of difference and exceptionalism.

• China is engaged in an attempt to block the dominance of Western discourses and thinking by
taking the lead in providing “a discourse on international affairs, as an alternative to a
‘Western’ discourse.”

13
Education and Exchanges
• The promotion of Chinese language teaching was identified by the Ministry of Culture in 2003
as a key means of increasing China’s global voice by facilitating “friendship and mutual
understanding.”

• The Ministry of Education produced a Plan for Study in China in 2010 that outlined the goal of
China becoming the world’s biggest destination for students going abroad by attracting half a
million of them by 2020.

• These students, the plan argues (or hopes), will “both understand China and contribute to
connecting China to the rest of the world.”

14
Education and Exchanges

• The Institute of International Education’s Project Atlas reports 442,773 overseas students
in China in 2017
• This placed China behind only the United States (just over one million incomers in 2016)
and the UK (501,045 in 2017) as the world’s third biggest destination for overseas
students
• In 2016 there were more students from Anglophone Africa studying in China than in
either the United States or the United Kingdom, and the Chinese government has
formally committed itself to training more African future elites

15
Confucius Institutes
• Confucius Institutes fall under the control of the Ministry of Education–affiliated Hanban, officially
translated in English as the Office of Chinese Language Council International.

• Having set up the first CIs in 2004, over 500 were in operation at the end of 2018 (137 in Asia and
Oceania, 173 in Europe, 54 in Africa, 110 in the United States, and 51 in the rest of the Americas and
the Caribbean).

• There were also over 1,000 smaller Confucius Classrooms providing some form of Chinese language or
cultural training in schools, just under half of them in the United States.

• As each of these 1,500 or so projects entails a collaboration between at least one Chinese and one
foreign institution, there is now an extensive network of international institutional partnerships as well
as the delivery of courses, resources, and language testing as a result of this rather rapid expansion.
16
Confucius Institutes
• The CIs have become one of the most closely observed and intensely debated instruments of

Chinese cultural interactions.

• The most commonly voiced criticism is that they go further than simply promoting Chinese culture

and/or positive (in Chinese views) stories and counternarratives to the dominantly negative foreign

ones.

• They control what can and cannot be said and debated about China in the universities that host

them, either through outright controls and bans, or through a more intangible inculcation of a

culture of self-censorship among those who research or teach China-related issues.


17
Confucius Institutes

• They are increasingly seen as forming part of a multifaceted “United Front” project

through which the CCP forms relationships with political, economic, and societal elites

and groups in other countries to “support and promote . . . foreign policy goals.”

• CIs have been identified as one of the tools of influence promotion, occupying the “gray

areas” between licit and illegal forms of political interference, and their impact on political

debate has been the subject of inquiries in Australia, the United States, and the UK
18
References

• Morton, K. (2020) China’s Global Governance Interactions. In Shambaugh, D. L.

(eds) China and the World. New York : Oxford University Press.

• Breslin, S. (2020) China’s Global Cultural Interactions. In Shambaugh, D. L. (eds) China and

the World. New York : Oxford University Press.

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