Battle of Karbala

The Battle of Karbala (Arabic: ‫َم ْع َر َكة َكْر َب اَل ء‬, romanized: maʿraka Karbalāʾ) was fought on 10 October 680 (10
Muharram in the year 61 AH of the Islamic calendar) between the army of the second Umayyad caliph
Yazid I (r. 680–683) and a small army led by Husayn ibn Ali, the grandson of the Islamic prophet
Muhammad, at Karbala, Sawad (modern-day southern Iraq).

Prior to his death, the Umayyad caliph Mu'awiya I (r. 661–680) had nominated his son Yazid as his
successor. Yazid's nomination was contested by the sons of a few prominent companions of
Muhammad, including Husayn, son of the fourth caliph Ali, and Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, son of Zubayr
ibn al-Awwam. Upon Mu'awiya's death in 680, Yazid demanded allegiance from Husayn and other
dissidents. Husayn did not give allegiance and traveled to Mecca. The people of Kufa, an Iraqi garrison
town and the center of Ali's caliphate, were averse to the Syria-based Umayyad caliphs and had a
long-standing attachment to the house of Ali. They proposed Husayn overthrow the Umayyads. On
Husayn's way to Kufa with a retinue of about 70 men, his caravan was intercepted by a 1,000-strong
army of the caliph at some distance from Kufa. He was forced to head north and encamp in the plain of
Karbala on 2 October, where a larger Umayyad army of 4,000[a] arrived soon afterwards. Negotiations
failed after the Umayyad governor Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad refused Husayn safe passage without
submitting to his authority, a condition declined by Husayn. Battle ensued on 10 October during which
Husayn was killed along with most of his relatives and companions, while his surviving family members
were taken prisoner. The battle was the start of the Second Fitna, during which the Iraqis organized
two separate campaigns to avenge the death of Husayn; the first one by the Tawwabin and the other
one by Mukhtar al-Thaqafi and his supporters.

The Battle of Karbala galvanized the development of the pro-Alid[b] party (Shi'at Ali) into a distinct
religious sect with its own rituals and collective memory. It has a central place in Shi'a history,
tradition, and theology, and has frequently been recounted in Shi'a literature. For the Shi'a, Husayn's
suffering and death became a symbol of sacrifice in the struggle for right against wrong, and for
justice and truth against injustice and falsehood. It also provides the members of the Shi'a faith with a
catalog of heroic norms. The battle is commemorated during an annual ten-day period during the
Islamic month of Muharram by Shi'a, culminating on tenth day of the month, known as the Day of
Ashura. On this day, Shi'a Muslims mourn, hold public processions, organize religious gathering, beat
their chests and in some cases self-flagellate. Sunni Muslims likewise regard the incident as a historical
tragedy; Husayn and his companions are widely regarded as martyrs by both Sunni and Shi'a Muslims.
Political background Battle of Karbala

Part of the Second Fitna

Coin issued by Yazid I following

Sasanian motives, struck at the Basra Abbas Al-Musavi's Battle of Karbala, Brooklyn
mint, dated AH 61 (AD 680/1), the year Museum
in which the Battle of Karbala occurred

After the third caliph Uthman's assassination by Date 10 October 680 CE (10
rebels in 656, the rebels and the townspeople of Muharram 61 AH)

Medina declared Ali, a cousin and son-in-law of the

Location Karbala, Iraq
Islamic prophet Muhammad, caliph. Some of 32°36′55″N 44°01′53″E (https://
Muhammad's companions including Talha ibn geohack.toolforge.org/geohac
Ubayd Allah, Zubayr ibn al-Awwam and Mu'awiya k.php?pagename=Battle_of_Ka
ibn Abi Sufyan (then governor of Syria), and rbala&params=32_36_55_N_44
Muhammad's widow A'isha, refused to recognize _01_53_E_type:event)

Ali. They called for revenge against Uthman's

Result Umayyad Caliphate victory
killers and the election of a new caliph through
shura (consultation). These events precipitated the Martyrdom of Husayn ibn Ali

First Fitna (First Muslim Civil War).[9] When Ali was Many of Husayn's family
assassinated by Abd-al-Rahman ibn Muljam, a members taken prisoner

Kharijite, in 661, his eldest son Hasan succeeded Second Fitna

him but soon signed a peace treaty with Mu'awiya
to avoid further bloodshed.[3] In the treaty, Hasan Belligerents
was to hand over power to Mu'awiya on the
Umayyad Caliphate Husayn ibn Ali and his
condition that Mu'awiya be a just ruler and that he
partisans
would not establish a dynasty.[10][11][12][c] After the
death of Hasan in 670, his younger brother Husayn Commanders and leaders
became the head of the Banu Hashim clan to which
Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad Husayn ibn Ali †
the Islamic prophet Muhammad also belonged.[15]
Umar ibn Sa'd Al-Abbas ibn Ali †
Though his father's supporters in Kufa gave him Shimr ibn Dhi al- Habib ibn Muzahir †
their allegiance, he would abide to the peace treaty Jawshan Zuhayr ibn Qayn †
between Hasan and Mu'awiya as long as the latter Al-Hurr ibn Yazid al
was alive.[3] Tamimi (defected)
The Battle of Karbala occurred within the crisis Strength
[16][17]
resulting from the succession of Yazid I. In
676, Mu'awiya nominated his son Yazid as 4,000– 70–145
[1][2][3][4][5][a]
5,000
successor,[18] a move labelled by the historian
Wilferd Madelung as breach of the Hasan– Casualties and losses
[3]
Muawiya treaty. With no precedence in Islamic
history, hereditary succession aroused opposition 88 more than 72

from several quarters.[19] Mu'awiya summoned a

shura, or consultative assembly, in Damascus and
persuaded representatives from many provinces to
agree to his plan by diplomacy and bribes.[20] He
then ordered Marwan ibn al-Hakam, then the
governor of Medina, where Husayn and several
other influential Muslims resided, to announce the
decision. Marwan faced resistance to this
announcement, especially from Husayn, Abd Allah
ibn al-Zubayr, Abd Allah ibn Umar and Abd al- Location within Iraq
Rahman ibn Abi Bakr, the sons of Muhammad's
prominent companions, all of whom, by virtue of
their descent, could also lay claim to the caliphal title.[21][22] Mu'awiya went to Medina and pressed the
four dissenters to accede. He followed and threatened some of them with death, but they still refused to
support him.[23][20] Nonetheless, Mu'awiya convinced the people of Mecca that the four had pledged
their allegiance, and received allegiance from them for Yazid. On his return to Damascus, he secured
allegiance from the people of Medina as well. There was no further overt protest against the plan for
Yazid's succession.[23][20] According to the historians Fitzpatrick and Walker, Yazid's succession,
which was considered as an "anomaly in Islamic history", transformed the government from a
"consultative" form to a monarchy.[24] Before his death in April 680, Mu'awiya cautioned Yazid that
Husayn and Ibn al-Zubayr might challenge his rule and instructed him to defeat them if they did. Yazid
was further advised to treat Husayn with caution and not to spill his blood, since he was the grandson
of Muhammad.[25]

Prelude

On his succession, Yazid charged the governor of Medina, al-Walid ibn Utba ibn Abu Sufyan, to secure
allegiance from Husayn, Ibn al-Zubayr and Abd Allah ibn Umar, with force if necessary. Walid sought
the advice of his Umayyad relative Marwan ibn al-Hakam, who suggested that Ibn al-Zubayr and
Husayn should be forced to pledge allegiance as they were dangerous, while Ibn Umar should be left
alone since he posed no threat.[26][27] Walid summoned the two, but Ibn al-Zubayr escaped to Mecca.
Husayn answered the summons but declined to pledge allegiance in the secretive environment of the
meeting, suggesting it should be done in public. Marwan told Walid to imprison or behead him, but due
to Husayn's kinship with Muhammad, Walid was unwilling to take any action against him. A few days
later, Husayn left for Mecca without acknowledging Yazid.[28] He arrived in Mecca at the beginning of
May 680,[29] and stayed there until the beginning of September.[30]

Husayn had considerable support in Kufa, which had been the caliphal capital during the reigns of his
father and brother. The Kufans had fought the Umayyads and their Syrian allies during the First Fitna,
the five-year civil war which had established the Umayyad Caliphate.[31] They were dissatisfied with
Hasan's abdication[29] and strongly resented Umayyad rule.[31] While in Mecca, Husayn received letters
from pro-Alids in Kufa informing him that they were tired of the Umayyad rule, which they considered
to be oppressive, and that they had no rightful leader. They asked him to lead them in revolt against
Yazid, promising to remove the Umayyad governor if Husayn would consent to aid them. Husayn wrote
back affirmatively that a rightful leader is the one who acts according to the Qur'an and promised to
lead them with the right guidance. Then he sent his cousin Muslim ibn Aqil to assess the situation in
Kufa. Ibn Aqil attracted widespread support and informed Husayn of the situation, suggesting that he
join them there. Yazid removed Nu'man ibn Bashir al-Ansari as governor of Kufa due to his inaction,
and installed Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad, then governor of Basra, in his place. As a result of Ibn Ziyad's
suppression and political maneuvering, Ibn Aqil's following began to dissipate and he was forced to
declare the revolt prematurely. It was defeated and Ibn Aqil was killed.[32] Husayn had also sent a
messenger to Basra, another garrison town in Iraq, but the messenger could not attract any following
and was quickly apprehended and executed.[3]

Husayn was unaware of the change of political circumstances in Kufa and decided to depart. Abd Allah
ibn Abbas and Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr advised him not to move to Iraq, or if he was determined, not to
take women and children with him. The sincerity of Ibn al-Zubayr's advice has been doubted by many
historians, however, as he had his own plans for leadership and was supposedly happy to be rid of
Husayn.[3][30][32] Nevertheless, he offered Husayn support if he would stay in Mecca and lead the
opposition to Yazid from there. Husayn refused this, citing his abhorrence of bloodshed in the
sanctuary,[33] and decided to go ahead with his plan.[32]
Journey towards Kufa

Karbala
Kufa

Medina
Mecca

Husayn traveled from Mecca to Kufa through the

Arabian desert.

Husayn left Mecca with some fifty men and his family on 9 September 680 (8 Dhu al-Hijjah 60 AH), a day
before Hajj.[30][32] He took the northerly route through the Arabian Desert.[5] On persuasion of Husayn's
cousin Abd Allah ibn Ja'far, the governor of Mecca Amr ibn Sa'id sent his brother and Ibn Ja'far after
Husayn in order to assure him safety in Mecca and bring him back. Husayn refused to return, relating
that Muhammad had ordered him in a dream to move forward irrespective of the consequences. At a
place known as Tan'im, he seized a caravan carrying dyeing plants and clothes sent by the governor of
Yemen to Yazid. Further on the way, at a place called Tha'labiyya, the small caravan received the news
of the execution of Ibn Aqil and the indifference of the people of Kufa. Husayn at this point is reported to
have considered turning back, but was persuaded to push forward by Ibn Aqil's brothers, who wanted
to avenge his death;[2][30] according to Madelung and I. K. A. Howard, these reports are doubtful.[3][34]
Later, at Zubala, Husayn learned of the capture and execution of his messenger Qays ibn Musahir al-
Saydawi, whom he had sent from the Hejaz (western Arabia) to Kufa to announce his arrival.[d] He
informed his followers of the situation and asked them to leave. Most of the people who had joined him
on the way left, while his companions from Mecca decided to stay with him.[2]

Ibn Ziyad had stationed troops on the routes into Kufa. Husayn and his followers were intercepted by
the vanguard of Yazid's army, about 1,000 men led by al-Hurr ibn Yazid al-Tamimi, south of Kufa near
Qadisiyya.[2] Husayn said to them:

I did not come to you until your letters were brought to me, and your
messengers came to me saying, 'Come to us, for we have no imām. God
may unite us in the truth through you.' Since this was your view, I have
 come to you. Therefore, if you give me what you guaranteed in your
covenants and sworn testimonies, I will come to your town. If you will not
and are averse to my coming, I will leave you for the place from which I
came to you.[36]

He then showed them the letters he had received from the Kufans, including some in Hurr's force. Hurr
denied any knowledge of the letters and stated that Husayn must go with him to Ibn Ziyad, which
Husayn refused to do. Hurr responded that he would not allow Husayn to either enter Kufa or go back
to Medina, but that he was free to travel anywhere else he wished. Nevertheless, he did not prevent four
Kufans from joining Husayn. Husayn's caravan started to move towards Qadisiyya, and Hurr followed
them. At Naynawa, Hurr received orders from Ibn Ziyad to force Husayn's caravan to halt in a desolate
place without fortifications or water. One of Husayn's companions suggested that they attack Hurr and
move to the fortified village of al-Aqr. Husayn refused, stating that he did not want to start the
hostilities.[2] On 2 October 680 (2 Muharram 61 AH), Husayn arrived at Karbala, a desert plain 70
kilometers (43 mi) north of Kufa, and set up camp.[1][5]

A shrine built at the location of

Husayn's camp

On the following day, a 4,000-strong Kufan army arrived under the command of Umar ibn Sa'd.[37] He
had been appointed governor of Rayy to suppress a local rebellion, but then recalled to confront Husayn.
Initially, he was unwilling to fight Husayn, but complied following Ibn Ziyad's threat to revoke his
governorship. After negotiations with Husayn, Ibn Sa'd wrote to Ibn Ziyad that Husayn was willing to
return. Ibn Ziyad replied that Husayn must surrender or he should be subdued by force,[37] and that to
compel him, he and his companions should be denied access to the Euphrates river.[3] Ibn Sa'd stationed
500 horsemen on the route leading to the river. Husayn and his companions remained without water for
three days before a group of fifty men led by his half-brother Abbas was able to access the river. They
could only fill twenty water-skins.[2][38]

Husayn and Ibn Sa'd met during the night to negotiate a settlement; it was rumored that Husayn made
three proposals: either he be allowed to return to Medina, submit to Yazid directly, or be sent to a border
post where he would fight alongside the Muslim armies. According to Madelung, these reports are
probably untrue as Husayn at this stage is unlikely to have considered submitting to Yazid. A mawla of
Husayn's wife later claimed that Husayn had suggested that he be allowed to leave, so that all parties
could allow the fluid political situation to clarify.[3] Ibn Sa'd sent the proposal, whatever it was, to Ibn
Ziyad, who is reported to have accepted but then persuaded otherwise by Shemr ibn Ziljawshan. Shemr
argued that Husayn was in his domain and letting him go would be to demonstrate weakness.[38] Ibn
Ziyad then sent Shemr with orders to ask Husayn for his allegiance once more and to attack, kill and
disfigure him if he was to refuse, as "a rebel, a seditious person, a brigand, an oppressor and he was to
do no further harm after his death".[2] If Ibn Sa'd was unwilling to carry out the attack, he was
instructed to hand over command to Shemr. Ibn Sa'd cursed Shemr and accused him of foiling his
attempts to reach a peaceful settlement but agreed to carry out the orders. He remarked that Husayn
would not submit because there was "a proud soul in him".[2][3]

The army advanced toward Husayn's camp on the evening of 9 October. Husayn sent Abbas to ask Ibn
Sa'd to wait until the next morning, so that they could consider the matter. Ibn Sa'd agreed to this
respite.[39] Husayn told his men that they were all free to leave, with his family, under the cover of
night, since their opponents only wanted him. Very few availed themselves of this opportunity. Defense
arrangements were made: tents were brought together and tied to one another and a ditch was dug
behind the tents and filled with wood ready to be set alight in case of attack. Husayn and his followers
then spent the rest of the night praying.[40][3]

Battle

After the morning prayer on 10 October, both parties took up battle positions. Husayn appointed Zuhayr
ibn Qayn to command the right flank of his army, Habib ibn Muzahir to command the left flank, and his
half-brother Abbas as the standard bearer.[40] Husayn's companions, according to most accounts,
numbered thirty-two horsemen and forty infantrymen; although forty-five horsemen and one hundred
foot-soldiers, or a total of a few hundred men have been reported by some sources.[41] Ibn Sa'd's army
totaled 4,000. According to the Shi'a sources, however, more troops had joined Ibn Sa'd in preceding
days, swelling his army to 30,000 strong.[6] The ditch containing wood were set alight.[42] Husayn then
delivered a speech to his opponents reminding them of his status as Muhammad's grandson and
reproaching them for inviting and then abandoning him. He asked to be allowed to leave. He was told
that first he had to submit to Yazid's authority, which he refused to do.[40] Husayn's speech moved Al-
Hurr ibn Yazid Al-Tamimi to defect to his side.[42]
 The al-Abbas Mosque in Karbala

After Husayn's speech, Zuhayr ibn Qayn attempted to dissuade Ibn Sa'd's soldiers from killing Husayn,
but in vain. Ibn Sa'd's army fired several volleys of arrows. This was followed by duels[40] in which
several of Husayn's companions were slain. The right wing of the Kufans, led by Amr ibn al-Hajjaj,
attacked Husayn's force, but was repulsed. Hand-to-hand fighting paused and further volleys of
arrows were exchanged. Shemr, who commanded the left wing of the Umayyad army, launched an
attack, but after losses on both sides he was repulsed.[40][43] This was followed by cavalry attacks.
Husayn's cavalry resisted fiercely and Ibn Sa'd brought in armoured cavalry and five hundred archers.
After their horses were wounded by arrows, Husayn's cavalrymen dismounted and fought on foot.[44]

Since Umayyad forces could approach Husayn's army from the front only, Ibn Sa'd ordered the tents to
be burned. All except the one which Husayn and his family were using were set on fire. Shemr wanted to
burn that one too, but was prevented by his companions. The plan backfired and flames hindered the
Umayyad advance for a while. After noon prayers, Husayn's companions were encircled, and almost all
of them were killed. Husayn's relatives, who had not taken part in the fighting so far, joined the battle.
Husayn's son Ali Akbar was killed; then Husayn's half-brothers, including Abbas,[45] and the sons of
Aqil ibn Abi Talib, Jafar ibn Abi Talib and Hasan ibn Ali were slain.[40] The account of Abbas' death is
not given in the primary sources, al-Tabari and Baladhuri, but a prominent Shi'a theologian Shaykh Al-
Mufid states in his account in Kitab al-Irshad that Abbas went to the river together with Husayn but
became separated, was surrounded, and killed.[46][45] At some point, a young child of Husayn's, who
was sitting on his lap, was hit by an arrow and died.[46]

Death of Husayn ibn Ali

Shrine to those killed at the battle

The Umayyad soldiers hesitated to attack Husayn directly, but he was struck in the mouth by an arrow
as he went to the river to drink.[3] He collected his blood in a cupped hand and cast towards the sky,
complaining to God of his suffering.[46] Later, he was surrounded and struck on the head by Malik ibn
Nusayr. The blow cut through his hooded cloak, which Husayn removed while cursing his attacker. He
put a cap on his head and wrapped a turban around it to staunch the bleeding. Ibn Nusayr seized the
bloodied cloak and retreated.[46][47]

Shemr advanced with a group of foot soldiers towards Husayn, who was now prepared to fight as few
people were left on his side. A young boy from Husayn's camp escaped from the tents, ran to him, tried
to defend him from a sword stroke and had his arm cut off. Ibn Sa'd approached the tents, and Husayn's
sister Zaynab complained to him: "'Umar b. Sa'd, will Abu 'Abd Allah (the kunya of Husayn) be killed
while you stand and watch?"[46] Ibn Sa'd wept but did nothing. Husayn is said to have killed many of
his attackers. They were, however, still unwilling to kill him and each of them wanted to leave this to
somebody else. Eventually Shemr shouted: "Shame on you! Why are you waiting for the man? Kill him,
may your mothers be deprived of you!"[48] The Umayyad soldiers then rushed Husayn and wounded him
on his hand and shoulder. He fell on the ground face-down and an attacker named Sinan ibn Anas
stabbed and then decapitated him.[46][48]

Aftermath

The place from which Zaynab bint Ali

viewed the battle

Seventy or seventy-two people died on Husayn's side, of whom about twenty were descendants of Abu
Talib, the father of Ali. This included two of Husayn's sons, six of his paternal brothers, three sons of
Hasan ibn Ali, three sons of Jafar ibn Abi Talib, and three sons and three grandsons of Aqil ibn Abi
Talib.[3] Following the battle, Husayn's clothes were stripped, and his sword, shoes and baggage were
taken. The women's jewelry and cloaks were also seized. Shemr wanted to kill Husayn's only surviving
son Ali Zayn al-Abidin, who had not taken part in the fighting because of illness, but was prevented by
Ibn Sa'd.[46][42] There are reports of more than sixty wounds on Husayn's body,[42] which was then
trampled with horses as previously instructed by Ibn Ziyad.[3] The bodies of Husayn's companions were
decapitated.[49] There were eighty-eight dead in Ibn Sa'd's army, who were buried before he left.[50]
After his departure, members of the Banu Asad tribe, from the nearby village of Ghadiriya, buried the
headless bodies of Husayn's companions.[46]

Husayn's family, along with the heads of the dead, were sent to Ibn Ziyad.[49] He poked Husayn's mouth
with a stick and intended to kill Ali Zayn al-Abidin, but spared him after the pleas of Husayn's sister
Zaynab.[51] The heads and the family were then sent to Yazid,[49] who also poked Husayn's mouth with
a stick. The historian Henri Lammens has suggested that this is a duplication of the report regarding Ibn
Ziyad.[52] Yazid was compassionate towards the women and Ali Zayn al-Abidin,[49] and cursed Ibn
Ziyad for murdering Husayn, stating that had he been there, he would have spared him.[53][54] One of his
courtiers asked for the hand of a captive woman from Husayn's family in marriage, which resulted in
heated altercation between Yazid and Zaynab.[55][56] The women of Yazid's household joined the
captive women in their lamentation for the dead. After a few days, the women were compensated for
their belongings looted in Karbala and were sent back to Medina.[57]

Tawwabin uprising

A few prominent Alid supporters in Kufa felt guilty for abandoning Husayn after having invited him to
revolt. To atone for what they perceived as their sin, they began a movement known as the Tawwabin,
under Sulayman ibn Surad, a companion of Muhammad, to fight the Umayyads. As long as Iraq was in
Umayyad hands, the movement remained underground. After the death of Yazid in November 683, the
people of Iraq drove out the Umayyad governor Ibn Ziyad; the Tawwabin called on the people to avenge
Husayn's death, attracting large-scale support.[58] Lacking any political program, they intended to
punish the Umayyads or sacrifice themselves in the struggle. Their slogan was "Revenge for
Husayn".[59] Mukhtar al-Thaqafi, another prominent pro-Alid of Kufa, attempted to dissuade the
Tawwabin from this endeavor in favor of an organized movement to take control of the city, but Ibn
Surad's stature as a companion of Muhammad and an old ally of Ali, prevented most of his followers
from accepting Mukhtar's proposal.[60] Although 16,000 men enlisted to fight, only 4,000 mustered. In
November 684, the Tawwabin left to confront the Umayyads, after mourning for a day at Husayn's
grave in Karbala. The armies met in January 685 at the three-day Battle of Ayn al-Warda in present-day
northern Syria; most of the Tawwabin, including Ibn Surad, were killed. A few escaped to Kufa and
joined Mukhtar.[58]

Revolt of Mukhtar al-Thaqafi

Mukhtar was an early settler of Kufa, having arrived in Iraq following its initial conquest by the
Muslims.[61] He had participated in the failed rebellion of Muslim ibn Aqil, for which he was imprisoned
by Ibn Ziyad, before being released after the intervention of Abd Allah ibn Umar. Mukhtar then went to
Mecca and had a short-lived alliance with Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, who had established himself in
Mecca in opposition to Yazid. After Yazid's death, he returned to Kufa where he advocated revenge
against Husayn's killers and the establishment of an Alid caliphate in the name of Husayn's half-brother
Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya, and declared himself his representative.[62] The defeat of the Tawwabin
left the leadership of the Kufan pro-Alids in his hands. In October 685, Mukhtar and his supporters, a
significant of number of whom consisted of local converts (mawali), overthrew Ibn al-Zubayr's
governor and seized Kufa. His control extended to most of Iraq and parts of northwestern Iran.[63] His
attitude towards mawali, whom he awarded many favors and equal status with Arabs, provoked a
rebellion by the dissatisfied Arab aristocracy. After crushing the rebellion, Mukhtar executed Kufans
involved in the killing of Husayn, including Ibn Sa'd and Shemr, while thousands of people fled to
Basra.[64] He then sent his general Ibrahim ibn al-Ashtar to fight an approaching Umayyad army, led by
Ibn Ziyad, which had been sent to reconquer the province. The Umayyad army was routed at the Battle
of Khazir in August 686 and Ibn Ziyad was slain.[65] Meanwhile, Mukhtar's relations with Ibn al-Zubayr
worsened and Kufan refugees in Basra persuaded Mus'ab ibn al-Zubayr, the governor of the city and
younger brother of Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, to attack Kufa. Facing defeat in open battle, Mukhtar and
his remaining supporters took refuge in the palace of Kufa and were besieged by Mus'ab. Four months
later, in April 687, Mukhtar was killed while some 6,000–8,000 of his supporters were executed.[66]
According to Mohsen Zakeri, Mukhtar's attitude towards mawali was one of the reasons behind his
failure, as Kufa was not ready for such "revolutionary measures".[67] Mukhtar's supporters survived the
collapse of his revolution and evolved into a sect known as the Kaysanites. The Hashimiyya, a splinter
group of the Kaysanites, was later taken over by the Abbasids and eventually overthrew the Umayyads
in 750.[68]

Primary and classic sources

The primary source of the Karbala narrative is the work of the Kufan historian Abu Mikhnaf titled Kitab
Maqtal Al-Husayn.[32] Other early monographs on the death of Husayn, which have not survived, were
written by al-Asbagh al-Nubata, Jabir ibn Yazid al-Ju'fi, Ammar ibn Mu'awiya al-Duhni, Awana ibn al-
Hakam, al-Waqidi, Hisham ibn al-Kalbi, Nasr ibn Muzahim, and al-Mada'ini; of these al-Nubta's
monograph was perhaps the earliest.[69] Although Abu Mikhnaf's date of birth is unknown, he was an
adult by the time of the revolt of Ibn al-Ash'ath, which occurred in 701, some twenty years after the
Battle of Karbala. As such he knew many eyewitnesses and collected firsthand accounts and some with
very short chains of transmission, usually only one or two intermediaries.[70] The eyewitnesses were of
two kinds: those from Husayn's side; and those from Ibn Sa'd's army. Since few people from Husayn's
camp survived, most eyewitnesses were from the second category. According to Julius Wellhausen,
most of them regretted their actions in the battle and embellished the accounts of the battle in favor of
Husayn in order to dilute their guilt.[71] Although as an Iraqi, Abu Mikhnaf had pro-Alid tendencies, his
reports generally do not contain much bias on his part.[72] Abu Mikhnaf's original text seems to have
been lost and the version extant today has been transmitted through secondary sources such as the
History of Prophets and Kings, also known as The History of Tabari, by Muḥ ammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari;
and Ansab al-Ashraf by Ahmad ibn Yaḥ ya al-Baladhuri. Nevertheless, four manuscripts of a Maqtal
located at Gotha (No. 1836), Berlin (Sprenger, Nos. 159–160), Leiden (No. 792), and Saint Petersburg (Am
No. 78) libraries have been attributed to Abu Mikhnaf.[73] Tabari quotes either directly from Abu Mikhnaf
or from his student Ibn al-Kalbi, who took most of his material from Abu Mikhnaf.[32] Tabari
occasionally takes material from Ammar ibn Mu'awiya,[74] Awana[75] and other primary sources, which,
however, adds little to the narrative.[49] Baladhuri uses same sources as Tabari. Information on the
battle found in the works of Dinawari and Ya'qubi is also based on Abu Mikhnaf's Maqtal,[32] although
they occasionally provide some extra notes and verses.[49] Other secondary sources include al-
Mas'udi's Muruj al-Dhahab, Ibn Ath'am's Kitab al-Futuh, Shaykh al-Mufid's Kitab al-Irshad, and Abu al-
Faraj al-Isfahani's Maqatil al-Talibiyyin.[76] Most of these sources took material from Abu Mikhnaf, in
addition to some from the primary works of Awana, al-Mada'ini and Nasr ibn Muzahim.[77]

Although Tabari and other early sources contain some miraculous stories,[73] these sources are mainly
historical and rational in nature,[78] in contrast to the literature of later periods, which is mainly
hagiographical in nature.[78][79]

The Battle of Karbala was also reported by an early Christian source. A history by the Syriac Christian
scholar Theophilus of Edessa, who was chief astrologer in the Abbasid court between 775 and 785, is
partially preserved in a number of extant Christian chronicles, including those by Michael the Syrian
and the Byzantine historian Theophanes the Confessor.[80] Theophilus's history corroborates the death
in battle of Husayn and most of his men at Karbala after suffering from thirst. But in contrast to all
Muslim sources, which state that Husayn fought Yazid, Theophilus appears to have written that
Husayn was killed by Muawiyah as the final engagement of the First Fitna between the Umayyads and
Ali's supporters.[81]

Historical analysis

Based on an official report sent to caliph Yazid, which describes the battle very briefly, stating that it
lasted for no longer than a siesta, Lammens concludes that there was no battle at all but a quick
massacre that was over in an hour; he suggests that the detailed accounts found in the primary sources
are Iraqi fabrications, since their writers were dissatisfied with their hero being killed without putting
up a fight.[82] This is countered by the historian Laura Veccia Vaglieri, who argues that despite there
being some fabricated accounts, all of the contemporary accounts together form "a coherent and
credible narrative". She criticizes Lammens' hypothesis as being based on a single isolated report and
being devoid of critical analysis.[40] Similarly, Madelung and Wellhausen assert that the battle lasted
from sunrise to sunset and that the overall account of the battle is reliable.[3][83] Vaglieri and Madelung
explain the length of the battle despite the numerical disparity between the opposing camps as Ibn
Sa'd's attempt to prolong the fight and pressure Husayn into submission instead of attempting to
quickly overwhelm and kill him.[40][3]

According to Wellhausen, the compassion that Yazid showed to the family of Husayn, and his cursing
of Ibn Ziyad was only for show. He argues that if killing Husayn was a crime its responsibility lay with
Yazid and not Ibn Ziyad, who was only performing his duty.[84] Madelung holds a similar view;
according to him, early accounts place the responsibility for Husayn's death on Ibn Ziyad instead of
Yazid. Yazid, Madelung argues, wanted to end Husayn's opposition, but as a caliph of Islam could not
afford to be seen as publicly responsible and so diverted blame onto Ibn Ziyad by hypocritically cursing
him.[3] According to Howard, some traditional sources have a tendency to exonerate Yazid at the cost
of Ibn Ziyad and lower authorities.[85]

Modern historical views on motivations of Husayn

Wellhausen has described Husayn's revolt as a premature and ill-prepared campaign by an ambitious
person. He writes "He reaches out to the moon like a child. He makes the greatest demands and does not
do the slightest; the others should do everything... As soon as he encounters resistance, it is over with
him; he wants to go back when it is too late."[86] Lammens has agreed to this view and he sees in
Husayn a person who disturbs public peace.[87] According to Heinz Halm, this was a struggle for
political leadership between the second generation of Muslims, in which the poorly equipped pretender
ended up losing.[88] Fred Donner, G. R. Hawting, and Hugh N. Kennedy see Husayn's revolt as an attempt
to regain what his brother Hasan had renounced.[7][89][8]

Vaglieri, on the other hand, considers him to be motivated by ideology, saying that if the materials that
have come down to us are authentic, they convey an image of person who is "convinced that he was in
the right, stubbornly determined to achieve his ends..."[90] Holding a similar view, Madelung has argued
that Husayn was not a "reckless rebel" but a religious man motivated by pious convictions. According
to him, Husayn was convinced that "the family of the Prophet was divinely chosen to lead the
community founded by Moḥ ammad, as the latter had been chosen, and had both an inalienable right and
an obligation to seek this leadership." He was, however, not seeking martyrdom and wanted to return
when his expected support did not materialize.[3] Maria Dakake holds that Husayn considered the
Umayyad rule oppressive and misguided, and revolted to reorient the Islamic community in the right
direction.[91] A similar view is held by Mahmoud Ayoub.[92] S. M. Jafri proposes that Husayn, although
motivated by ideology, did not intend to secure leadership for himself. Husayn, Jafri asserts, was from
the start aiming for martyrdom in order to jolt the collective conscience of the Muslim community and
reveal what he considers to be the oppressive and anti-Islamic nature of the Umayyad regime.[93] M.
Momen sides with Jafri, citing the reports that Husayn was warned about the collapse of the Shia revolt
in Kufa. Instead of changing his course, however, he pressed on toward Kufa, urging his supporters to
leave him and save their lives.[94]

Impact

The Imam Husayn Shrine during

Arba'een

The killing of the grandson of Muhammad shocked the Muslim community.[8] The image of Yazid
suffered and gave rise to sentiment that he was impious.[95] The event has had an emotional impact on
Sunnis,[96] who remember the event as a tragic incident and those killed in the company of Husayn as
martyrs.[97] The impact on Shi'a Islam has been much deeper.[96][97]

Shi'a Islam

Prior to the Battle of Karbala, the Muslim community was divided into two political factions.
Nonetheless, a religious sect with distinct theological doctrines and specific set of rituals had not
developed.[7][8][98] Karbala gave this early political party of pro-Alids a distinct religious identity and
helped transform it into a distinct religious sect.[99][88] Heinz Halm writes: "There was no religious
aspect to Shi'ism prior to 680. The death of the third imam and his followers marked the 'big bang' that
created the rapidly expanding cosmos of Shi'ism and brought it into motion."[88]

Ritual of chest beating

Husayn's death at Karbala is believed by Shi'as to be a sacrifice made to prevent the corruption of Islam
by tyrannical rulers and to protect its ideology.[100] He is, as such, believed to have been fully aware of
his fate and the outcome of his revolt, which was divinely ordained.[101] He is thus remembered as the
prince of martyrs (Sayyed al-Shuhada).[99] The historian G. R. Hawting describes the Battle of Karbala
as a "supreme" example of "suffering and martyrdom" for Shi'as.[96] According to Abdulaziz Sachedina,
it is seen by Shi'as the climax of suffering and oppression, revenge for which came to be one of the
primary goals of many Shi'a uprisings. This revenge is believed to be one of the fundamental objectives
of the future revolution of the twelfth Shi'a Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi, whose return is awaited.[102]
With his return, Husayn and his seventy-two companions are expected to be resurrected along with
their killers, who will then be punished.[103]

Shi'a observances

Shi'a Muslims consider pilgrimages to Husayn's tomb to be a source of divine blessings and
rewards.[104] According to Shi'a tradition the first such visit was performed by Husayn's son Ali Zayn
al-Abidin and the surviving family members during their return from Syria to Medina. The first
historically recorded visit is Sulayman ibn Surad and the Penitents going to Husayn's grave before their
departure to Syria. They are reported to have lamented and beaten their chests and to have spent a
night by the tomb.[105] Thereafter this tradition was limited to the Shi'a imams for several decades,
before gaining momentum under the sixth Shi'a imam Jafar Sadiq and his followers. Buyids and
Safavids also encouraged this practice.[104] Special visits are paid on 10 Muharram (Ashura Pilgrimage)
and 40 days after the anniversary of Husayn's (Arba'een Pilgrimage).[106] The soil of Karbala is
considered to have miraculous healing effects.[104]

A majlis being held in a husayniyya

Mourning for Husayn is considered by Shi'as to be a source of salvation in the afterlife,[107] and is
undertaken as a remembrance of his suffering.[108] After the death of Husayn, when his family was
being taken to Ibn Ziyad, Husayn's sister Zaynab is reported to have cried out after seeing his headless
body: "O Muhammad!... Here is Husayn in the open, stained with blood and with limbs torn off. O
Muhammad! Your daughters are prisoners, your progeny are killed, and the east wind blows dust over
them."[109] Shi'a Muslims consider this to be the first instance of wailing and mourning over the death of
Husayn.[106] Husayn's son Zayn al-Abideen is reported to have spent the rest of his life weeping for his
father. Similarly, Husayn's mother Fatima is believed to be weeping for him in paradise and the weeping
of believers is considered to be a way of sharing her sorrows.[108] Special gatherings (majalis; sing.
majlis) are arranged in places reserved for this purpose, called husayniyya.[106] In these gatherings the
story of Karbala is narrated and various elegies (rawda) are recited by professional reciters (rawda
khwan).[110]

A zuljanah in a Muaharram
procession

During the month of Muharram, elaborate public processions are performed in commemoration of the
Battle of Karbala. In contrast to pilgrimage to Husayn's tomb and simple lamenting, these processions
do not date back to the time of the battle, but arose during tenth century. Their earliest recorded
instance was in Baghdad in 963 during the reign of the first Buyid ruler Mu'izz al-Dawla.[111] The
processions start from a husayniyya and the participants parade barefoot through the streets, wailing
and beating their chests and heads before returning to the husayniyya for a majlis.[112][113] Sometimes,
chains and knives are used to inflict wounds and physical pain.[114] In South Asia, an ornately tacked
horse called zuljanah, representing Husayn's battle horse, is also led riderless through the streets.[115] In
Iran, the battle scenes of Karbala are performed on stage in front of an audience in a ritual called taziya
(passion play), also known as shabih.[116][117] In India however, taziya refers to the coffins and replicas
of Husayn's tomb carried in processions.[116][118]

Most of these rituals take place during the first ten days of Muharram, reaching a climax on the tenth
day, although majalis can also occur throughout the year.[117][119] Occasionally, especially in the past,
some Sunni participation in majalis and processions has been observed.[120][121] According to Yitzhak
Nakash, the rituals of Muharram have an "important" effect in the "invoking the memory of Karbala", as
these help consolidate the collective identity and memory of the Shi'a community.[122] Anthropologist
Michael Fischer states that commemoration of the Battle of Karbala by the Shi'a is not only the retelling
of the story, but also presents them with "life models and norms of behavior" which are applicable to all
aspects of life, which he calls the Karbala Paradigm.[123] According to Olmo Gölz, the Karbala Paradigm
provide Shi'as with heroic norms and a martyr ethos, and represents an embodiment of the battle
between good and evil, justice and injustice.[124] Rituals involving self-flagellation have been criticized
by many Shi'a scholars as they are considered to be innovative practices damaging reputation of
Shi'ism. Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has banned the practice in Iran since 1994.[101]

Politics

Taziya in Iran

Taziya in India

The first political use of the death of Husayn seems to have been during the revolt of Mukhtar, when he
seized Kufa under the slogan of "Revenge for Husayn".[59][125] Although the Penitents had used the
same slogan, they do not seem have had a political program.[59] In order to enhance their legitimacy,
Abbasid rulers claimed to have avenged the death of Husayn by dethroning the Umayyads.[126] During
the early years of their rule, they also encouraged Muharram rituals.[127] Buyids, a Shi'a dynasty
originally from Iran which later occupied the Abbasid capital Baghdad while accepting the Abbasid
caliph's suzerainty,[128] promoted the public rituals of Muharram to portray themselves as patrons of
religion and to strengthen the Shi'a identity in Iraq.[111] After taking over Iran in 1501, Safavids, who
were previously a Sufi order, declared the state religion to be Twelver Shi'ism. In this regard, Karbala
and Muharram rituals came to be a vehicle of Safavid propaganda and a means of consolidating the
dynasty's Shi'a identity.[129] Riza Yildirim has claimed that the impetus of the Safvid revolution was the
revenge of the death of Husayn.[130] The founder of the dynasty, Shah Ismail, considered himself to be
the Mahdi (the twelfth Shi'a Imam) or his forerunner.[131][132] Similarly, Qajars also patronized Muharram
rituals such as processions, taziya and majalis, to improve the relationship between the state and the
public.[133]
Throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, Shi’ites in countries such as Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon, have
interpreted Husayn's martyrdom at Karbala as symbolic of religious and political resistance against
oppression in his era. In these countries, Shi’ites view Husayn as a role model in their daily lives,
drawing inspiration for their religious and political resistance against perceived anti-Shia forces,
whether domestic or international.[134]

Iranian revolution

Karbala and Shi'a symbolism played a significant role in the Iranian Revolution of 1979.[135] In contrast
to the traditional view of Shi'ism as a religion of suffering, mourning and political quietism, Shi'a Islam
and Karbala were given a new interpretation in the period preceding the revolution by rationalist
intellectuals and religious revisionists like Jalal Al-e-Ahmad, Ali Shariati and Nematollah Salehi
Najafabadi.[136][137] According to these, Shi'ism was an ideology of revolution and political struggle
against tyranny and exploitation,[138] and the Battle of Karbala and the death of Husayn was to be seen
as a model for revolutionary struggle;[139] weeping and mourning was to be replaced by political
activism to realize the ideals of Husayn.[140]

After the White Revolution reforms of the Iranian Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, which were opposed
by the Iranian clergy and others, Ruhollah Khomeini labelled the Shah as the Yazid of his time.[141][142]
Condemning the Iranian monarchy, Khomeini wrote: "The struggle of al-Husayn at Karbalâ is
interpreted in the same way as a struggle against the non-Islamic principle of monarchy."[143]
Opposition to the Shah was thus compared with the opposition of Husayn to Yazid,[144] and Muharram
ritual gatherings became increasingly political in nature.[145] According to Aghaie, the Shah's hostility
towards various Muharram rituals, which he considered to be uncivilized, contributed to his fall.[146]
The Islamic republic that was established after the revolution has since promoted Muharram rituals. The
clerics encourage public participation in elections as a form of "political activism" comparable to that
of Husayn.[147] Martyrdom spirit influenced by the death of Husayn was frequently witnessed in Iranian
troops during the Iran–Iraq war.[148][149]

Hezbollah

Lebanese Shi'ite organization Hezbollah compared Husayn's fight against those who tried to kill him
and his family to Hezbollah’s conflicts with Israel and the South Lebanon Army, asserting that Hezbollah
operatives who died in martyrdom operations against them died glorious and heroic martyrs’ death.[134]

In literature and art

South Asian philosopher and poet Muhammad Iqbal sees Husayn's sacrifice as being similar to that of
Ishmael and compares Yazid's opposition to Husayn with the opposition of Pharaoh to Moses.[150] Urdu
poet Ghalib compares Husayn's suffering with that of Mansur al-Hallaj, a tenth century Sufi, who was
executed on a charge of claiming divinity.[151]

Maqtal literature and legendary accounts

Maqtal (pl. Maqatil) works narrate the story of someone's death.[152] Although Maqatil on the deaths of
Ali, Uthman and various others have been written,[153] the Maqtal genre has focused mainly on the story
of Husayn's death.[154][155]

As well as Abu Mikhnaf's Maqtal, other Arabic Maqatil on Husayn were written.[155] Most of these mix
history with legend[79] and have elaborate details on Husayn's miraculous birth, which is stated to be
on 10 Muharram, coinciding with his date of death.[156] The universe as well as humanity are described
as having been created on the day of Ashura (10 Muharram). Ashura is also asserted to have been the
day of both Abraham's and Muhammad's birth and of the ascension of Jesus to heaven, and of
numerous other events concerning prophets.[157] Husayn is claimed to have performed various miracles,
including quenching his companions' thirst by putting his thumb in their mouths and satisfying their
hunger by bringing down food from the heavens, and to have killed several thousand Umayyad
attackers.[158][159] Other accounts claim that when Husayn died, his horse shed tears and killed many
Umayyad soldiers;[160] the sky became red and it rained blood; angels, jinns and wild animals wept; that
light emanated from Husayn's severed head and that it recited the Qur'an; and that all of his killers met
calamitous end.[161]

Maqtal later entered Persian, Turkish, and Urdu literature, and inspired the development of rawda.[79]

Marthiya and rawda

When Shi'ism became the official religion of Iran in the 16th century, Safavid rulers such as Shah
Tahmasp I, patronized poets who wrote about the Battle of Karbala.[162] The genre of marthiya (poems
in the memory of the dead, with popular forms of Karbala related marthiya being rawda and
nawha),[163] according to Persian scholar Wheeler Thackston, "was particularly cultivated by the
Safavids."[162] Various Persian authors wrote texts retelling romanticized and synthesized versions of
the battle and events from it,[121][164] including Sa'id al-Din's Rawdat al-Islam (The Garden of Islam) and
Al-Khawarazmi's Maqtal nur 'al-'a'emmah (The Site of the Murder of the Light of the Imams). These
influenced the composition of the more popular text Rawdat al-Shuhada (Garden of Martyrs), which
was written in 1502 by Husain Wa'iz Kashefi.[164][121] Kashefi's composition was an effective factor in
the development of rawda khwani, a ritual recounting of the battle events in majalis.[164]
Inspired by Rawdat al-Shuhada, the Azerbaijani poet Fuzûlî wrote an abridged and simplified version
of it in Ottoman Turkish in his work Hadiqat al-Su'ada.[165] It influenced similar works in Albanian on
the subject. Dalip Frashëri's Kopshti i te Mirevet is the earliest, and longest epic so far, written in the
Albanian language; the Battle of Karbala is described in detail and Frashëri eulogizes those who fell as
martyrs, in particular Husayn.[166][167]

Urdu marthiya is predominantly religious in nature and usually concentrates on lamenting the Battle of
Karbala. South Indian rulers of Bijapur (Ali Adil Shah), and Golkonda Sultanate (Muhammad Quli Qutb
Shah) were patrons of poetry and encouraged Urdu marthiya recitation in Muharram. Urdu marthiya
afterwards became popular throughout India.[168] Famous Urdu poets Mir Taqi Mir, Mirza Rafi Sauda,
Mir Anees, and Mirza Salaamat Ali Dabeer have also composed marthiya.[168] Comparing Karl Marx with
Husayn, Josh Malihabadi argues that Karbala is not a story of the past to be recounted by the religious
clerics in majalis, but should be seen as a model for revolutionary struggle towards the goal of a
classless society and economic justice.[169]

Sufi poetry

In Sufism, where annihilation of the self (nafs) and suffering in the path of God are paramount
principles, Husayn is seen as a model Sufi.[170] Persian Sufi poet Hakim Sanai describes Husayn as a
martyr, higher in rank than all the other martyrs of the world; while Farid ud-Din Attar considers him a
prototype of a Sufi who sacrificed himself in the love of God.[171] Jalal ud-Din Rumi describes Husayn's
suffering at Karbala as a means to achieve union with the divine, and hence considers it to be a matter
of jubilation rather than grief.[172] Sindhi Sufi poet Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai devoted a section in his
Shah Jo Risalo to the death of Husayn, in which the incident is remembered in laments and elegies.[173]
He too sees Husayn's death as a sacrifice made in the path of God, and condemns Yazid as being bereft
of divine love.[174] Turkish Sufi Yunus Emre labels Husayn, along with his brother Hasan, as the
"fountain head of the martyrs" and "Kings of the Paradise" in his songs.[175]

Paintings and murals

Although the Islamic clergy has been disapproving of pictorial representation of early figures of Islam,
the popularity of the taziya passion plays in Iran facilitated public acceptance of such representations
in the form of paintings depicting battle scenes.[176] The paintings, called shamayel or parda, originated
in the Qajar era and were not intended as professional works of high art, but rather as popular
representations for the taziya scenes. The "cartoon style" paintings usually depict multiple battle
scenes on a single canvas as well as scenes from the hereafter showing Husayn and his supporters
enjoying in the paradise and their enemies burning in hell. They are often used to decorate
husayniyyas.[177] The shamayel subsequently gave rise to murals when scenes started to be painted
directly on walls.[178]

Battle of Karbala, Iranian The Battle of Karbala Tilework inside Mu'awin ul-
painting, oil on canvas, 19th Mulk husayniyya, Kermanshah,
century from the Tropenmuseum Iran, depicting Ali Zayn al-
Amsterdam Abidin, Zaynab and other
prisoners being taken to Yazid's
court

Notes

a. The Shi'a sources assert that the army was 30,000 strong.[6]

b. Political supporters of Ali and his descendants (Alids).[7][8]

c. Several conflicting terms of the treaty have been reported. Most of the accounts mention various financial
rewards to Hasan. Other conditions, different in different sources, include selection of new caliph through
shura (consultation) after Mu'awiya's death, transfer of the caliphate to Hasan after Mu'awiya's death,
general amnesty to Hasan's followers, rule according to Qur'an and the Sunna of Muhammad, discontinuation
of cursing of Ali from the pulpit, financial rewards to Husayn, and preferential treatment of the Hashemite clan
(clan of Muhammad). According to Vaglieri, conditions other than financial benefits are suspect and were
probably invented later in order to mitigate criticism of Hasan for having abdicated.[13] Jafri, on the other
hand, considers the terms in addition to financial compensation reliable.[14]

d. According to other accounts, the person was Husayn's foster brother Abd Allah ibn Yaqtur whom he had sent
after learning of Ibn Aqil's execution.[35]

References

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 3. Madelung 2004, pp. 493–498. 32. Vaglieri 1971, p. 608.

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5. Halm 1997, p. 9. 34. Howard 1986, p. 128.

6. Munson 1988, p. 23. 35. Ayoub 1978, pp. 105–106.

7. Donner 2010, p. 178. 36. Howard 1990, p. 93.

8. Kennedy 2004, p. 89. 37. Wellhausen 1901, pp. 65–66.

9. Donner 2010, pp. 157–160. 38. Ayoub 1978, p. 111.

10. Donaldson 1933, pp. 70–71. 39. Howard 1990, pp. 112–114.

11. Jafri 1979, pp. 149–151. 40. Vaglieri 1971, p. 610.

12. Madelung 1997, pp. 322–323. 41. Ayoub 1978, p. 105.

13. Vaglieri, L. Veccia 1971, pp. 241–242. 42. Wellhausen 1901, p. 66.

14. Jafri 1979, p. 151. 43. Howard 1990, pp. 138–139.

15. Lammens 1927, p. 274. 44. Howard 1990, p. 139.

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70. Wellhausen 1927, pp. vii–viii. 99. Nakash 1993, p. 161.

71. Wellhausen 1901, p. 68. 100. Nakash 1993, p. 162.

72. Wellhausen 1927, p. ix. 101. Brunner 2013, p. 293.

73. Jafri 1979, p. 215. 102. Sachedina 1981, pp. 157–158.

74. Howard 1986, p. 126. 103. Sachedina 1981, pp. 62, 165–166.

75. Howard 1986, p. 132. 104. Nakash 1993, p. 167.

76. Howard 1986, p. 125. 105. Calmard 2004, pp. 498–502.

77. Howard 1986, pp. 139–142. 106. Nakash 1993, p. 163.

78. Halm 1997, p. 15. 107. Aghaie 2004, pp. 9–10.

79. Günther 1994, p. 208. 108. Ayoub 1978, pp. 143–144.

80. Howard-Johnston 2010, pp. 195–198. 109. Howard 1990, p. 164.

81. Howard-Johnston 2010, p. 386. 110. Nakash 1993, p. 164.

82. Lammens 1921, p. 169. 111. Aghaie 2004, p. 10.

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84. Wellhausen 1901, p. 70. 113. Ayoub 1978, p. 154.

85. Howard 1986, pp. 131–133. 114. Ayoub 1978, pp. 154–155.

86. Wellhausen 1901, p. 71. 115. Pinault 2001, p. 113.

87. Lammens 1921, pp. 162, 165–166. 116. Halm 1997, p. 63.

88. Halm 1997, p. 16. 117. Ayoub 1978, p. 155.

89. Hawting 2000, pp. 49–50. 118. Pinault 2001, p. 18.

119. Halm 1997, pp. 61–62. 146. Aghaie 2004, pp. 155–156.

120. Aghaie 2004, p. 14. 147. Aghaie 2004, pp. 135–136.

121. Hyder 2006, p. 21. 148. Halm 1997, p. 150.

122. Nakash 1993, pp. 165, 181. 149. Aghaie 2004, pp. 156–157.

123. Gölz 2019, pp. 39–40. 150. Schimmel 1986, p. 37.

124. Gölz 2019, p. 41. 151. Hyder 2006, p. 122.

125. Anthony 2011, pp. 257, 260. 152. Günther 1994, p. 193.

126. Kennedy 2004, p. 124. 153. Günther 1994, p. 195.

127. Ayoub 1978, p. 153. 154. Günther 1994, p. 204.

128. Arjomand 2016, p. 122. 155. Sindawi 2002, p. 79.

129. Aghaie 2004, p. 11. 156. Sindawi 2002, p. 81.

130. Yildirim 2015, p. 127. 157. Sindawi 2002, pp. 82–83.

131. Arjomand 2016, p. 306. 158. Vaglieri 1971, p. 613.

132. Yildirim 2015, pp. 128–129. 159. Sindawi 2002, pp. 95–98.

133. Aghaie 2004, p. 16. 160. Sindawi 2002, p. 89.

134. Armajani, Jon (2020). Shia Islam and Politics: Iran, 161. Vaglieri 1971, pp. 612–613.
Iraq, and Lebanon. Lanham (Md.): Lexington Books.
162. Thackston 1994, p. 79.
pp. 11–12, 175–176. ISBN 978-1-7936-2136-8.
163. Hanaway 1991, pp. 608–609.
135. Aghaie 2004, p. 131.
164. Aghaie 2004, pp. 12–13.
136. Halm 1997, p. 132.
165. Norris 1993, p. 179.
137. Aghaie 2004, p. 93.
166. Norris 1993, pp. 180–181.
138. Halm 1997, p. 134.
167. Elsie 2005, p. 42.
139. Aghaie 2004, pp. 94.
168. Haywood 1991, pp. 610–611.
140. Fischer 2003, p. 213.
169. Hyder 2006, pp. 167–168.
141. Halm 1997, p. 140.
170. Schimmel 1986, p. 30.
142. Arjomand 2016, p. 404.
171. Schimmel 1986, pp. 30–31.
143. Halm 1997, p. 143.
172. Chittick 1986, pp. 9–10.
144. Arjomand 2016, pp. 403–404.
173. Schimmel 1975, p. 391.
145. Aghaie 2004, p. 87.
174. Schimmel 1986, pp. 33–34.
175. Schimmel 1986, p. 32. 177. Chelkowski 1989, pp. 98, 101–102.

176. Chelkowski 1989, p. 101. 178. Chelkowski 1989, pp. 103 ff.

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