International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 55 (2021) 102063

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International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction

journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/ijdrr

Transformative learning and community resilience to cyclones and storm

surges: The case of coastal communities in Bangladesh
Mahed-Ul-Islam Choudhury, C. Emdad Haque *, Glen Hostetler
Natural Resources Institute, University of Manitoba, 70 Dysart Road, Winnipeg, Manitoba, R3T 2N2, Canada

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: While it has been widely recognized that building community resilience to climate induced shocks requires
Transformative learning learning processes at multiple societal levels, there has been limited research on the specific types of learning
Community resilience required at individual level to influence change and transformation at the community level. To determine how
Human agency
transformative learning and risk-mitigation actions shape community resilience to climate-induced disasters, we
Transformational adaptation
Discursive consciousness
carried out a mixed-method empirical investigation on the southern coast of Bangladesh. We found that the
Disaster risk reduction relationship between transformative learning and resilience-building is complex, involving multiple social
cultural-structural factors (e.g., beliefs, values, power structures), practical considerations (e.g., impact on
livelihood, evacuation and relocation logistics), and cognitive factors. From our observations, we draw four
general conclusions: i) local culture can constrain people’s framing of risk and capacity for critical reflection,
resulting in a deliberate denial and amnesia of past traumatic experiences; ii) learning alone cannot enhance
resilience unless it is translated into action; iii) dependence on experiential learning can lead to the
assumption that the severity of past disasters will not be surpassed, generating a false sense of security; and
iv) the cultivation of forward-thinking attitudes coupled with innovative strategies, such as social networking,
can successfully enhance resilience to climate-related disasters. Future policymaking aimed at building
community resilience to climate shocks should therefore take into account cultural and individual cognitive
barriers to transformative learning and attempt to remove structural barriers to translating learning into
practical action.

1. Introduction building community resilience to climate-change-induced environ­

mental risks. To this end, we draw insight from transformative leaning
The capacity of individuals and communities to learn and transform theory [12–14] to further our understanding of the connections between
their perspectives and practices has been recognized as a prerequisite for learning and community resilience to disaster shocks. Over recent de­
building community resilience to climate-induced shocks [1–3]. Often cades, theories concerning resource users’ decisions under conditions of
overlooked, however, are the specific types of learning required at the risk and uncertainty have primarily been developed by economists and
individual level in order to influence change and transformation at the psychologists. Among them, Bernoulli’s expected utility theory and
community level – specifically transformative learning, wherein in­ prospect theory have made pioneering contributions to this area of study
dividuals’ frames of reference and embedded assumptions are funda­ [15]. Nonetheless, in this paper we contend that the decision-making
mentally altered [4,5]. matrix actually used by individuals is broader and more complex than
Individuals typically learn about disaster shocks and risks through uncertainty weighting and loss-aversion, and often includes intertwined
personal experience (i.e. experiential learning) [6,7], but in the face of social, cultural, relational, and structural factors [16]. We therefore
increasing climatic variability this may no longer be sufficient. For expand our position by drawing from the sociological and anthropo­
example, assessing future risks based on one’s experience with past logical traditions on the social and cultural framing of risks and di­
climate-induced shocks may lead to a false sense of security and a lack of sasters, specifically power and human agency, in conceptualizing
preparedness for future, more extreme events [8–11]. transformative learning [17–19].
In this study, we argue that transformative learning is essential for Understanding the socio-cultural-institutional factors that shape the

* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: choudhum@myumanitoba.ca (M.-U.-I. Choudhury), cemdad.haque@umanitoba.ca (C.E. Haque), Glen.Hostetler@umanitoba.ca (G. Hostetler).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2021.102063
Received 19 July 2020; Received in revised form 10 December 2020; Accepted 19 January 2021
Available online 10 February 2021
2212-4209/© 2021 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
M.-U.-I. Choudhury et al. International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 55 (2021) 102063

exercise of agency is essential to understanding the relationship between transformative learning and resilience and examine how people ratio­
learning and action in building community resilience to nature-induced nalize their actions. Applying the theory in the context of resilience to
disasters. To explore this, we carried out an empirical investigation in natural hazards, we focused on people’s critical reflection on assump­
two coastal communities of Bangladesh. These communities, being tions about risks associated with natural hazards and consequential
extremely dependent on local natural resources (e.g., fish, reeds and changes in their understanding of and behavioral responses to those
other plants for building materials) and physically exposed to the Bay of risks. In this we consider learning both as a process (i.e. continually
Bengal, are particularly vulnerable to climate-related extreme events learning from direct experience though critical reflection, creativity, and
relative to interior regions. These resource-dependent and place-based imagination) and an outcome (i.e. change or transformation in frames of
communities would arguably also have a greater scope to benefit from reference and actions). Enhanced resilience can thus be considered an
transformative learning and resilience-building initiatives [10]. outcome of action informed by transformative learning.
The primary goal of this study is to advance our knowledge and Mezirow’s outline of transformative learning theory has been criti­
understanding of the cultural and cognitive processes related to trans­ cized for its overly psychoanalytic approach and overemphasis on in­
formative learning and community resilience to nature-triggered dividuals’ cognitive and reflective capacities [22,23]. These capacities
extreme events. Our findings in Sections 4.1 and 4.2 provide answers are significantly affected by culture (embedded norms, values, beliefs,
to: How do socially and culturally-embedded norms, values, beliefs, and and practices) and socioeconomic and structural factors such as occu­
practices shape critical reflection? How are actions based on critical pation and gender, and cannot be considered in isolation [23–25]. As
reflection and learning shaped by social, cultural, and institutional Cerulo ([77]: 3) notes, cognition is “an act of social beings – an act both
factors? Under what circumstances do people consider both risks and enabled and constrained by one’s position in the complex web of social
benefits? and Why do people continue to take risks despite past trau­ and cultural experience”. The following section elaborates how: i) so­
matic experience? Section 4.3 offers answers to: Why do some people cially and culturally-embedded norms, values, beliefs, and practices
take action to minimize risks while others in the same cultural context shape critical reflection; and ii) action required to enhance resilience is
do not? and What forms of consciousness drive action and in turn shape shaped by social, cultural, and institutional factors.
risk and resilience? Transformative learning theory in relation to the
current community resilience literature is briefly examined in section 2.2. From critical reflection to action for resilience: culture, human
2.1, and the effects of cultural attitudes, local power structures, and agency, and behavior under risk
human agency on transformative learning and resilience building are
explored in section 2.2. In behavioral theory in economics literature, risk is distinguished
from uncertainty, where decision makers have incomplete knowledge of
2. Conceptual considerations outcome probabilities, and from certainty, where they have complete
knowledge. Expected utility theory – introduced in the early 18th cen­
2.1. Transformative learning theory and community resilience to natural tury – describes decision making under conditions of risk where each
hazards decision option generates a set of possible outcomes, and the probability
of and preference for each outcome is known. This rational model as­
Transformative Learning Theory was first proposed by Mezirow sumes that individuals under these conditions will attempt to maximize
[12]; who defined transformation as the processes whereby individuals expected utility in choosing among risky options [26,27]. An alternative
“transform problematic frames of reference […] to make them more theory of decision making under conditions of risk was proposed by
inclusive, discriminating, open, reflective and emotionally able to Kahneman and Tversky [15]; who asserted that individuals are
change” ([14]: 26). Frames of reference are integrated sets of assump­ risk-averse in regard to potential gains and risk-acceptant with respect to
tions and expectations, built up through socialization and experience, losses – known as prospect theory. It focuses the importance of the ac­
through which individuals understand and attach meaning to their ex­ tor’s framing of decisions around a reference point rather than with
periences, and which guide future action [12,14]. The theory assumes respect to net asset levels [27]. As Wakker explained, the significant
that changes in frames of reference will lead to changes in actions. For change in this theory is that “risk and uncertainty attitudes are no longer
example, individuals’ responses (reactive, proactive, or transformative) modeled solely through utility curvature” ([28]: 6). Here, uncertainty
to natural hazards and their associated risks, such as deciding whether to weighting and loss-aversion dimensions need particular attention.
evacuate, are largely shaped by the way they frame and attach meaning However, we contend that the decision-making matrix under risk is
to those risks. often much broader and more complex than either utility maximization
Frames of reference are problematic when they fail to serve as reli­ or uncertainty weighting and loss-aversion, and is intertwined with so­
able guides to understanding and action – for example, when an indi­ cial, cultural, relational, and structural dimensions of decision contexts.
vidual encounters a “disorienting dilemma” where outcomes or We define culture here in the context of natural hazards and associated
emerging situations do not match prior assumptions or expectations risks, referring to “beliefs, attitudes, feelings, experiences, values and
[14]. This is particularly relevant to the problem of building resilience to narratives, and their associated behaviours, actions and day-to-day
climate-related shocks, as assumptions, risk assessments, and plans of routines that are shared by, or at least abided by, most people in
action based on experience of past nature-induced disasters may prove respect to threats and hazards” ([29]: 5). Culture plays a significant role
mistaken or inadequate in the face of more severe and frequent future in shaping people’s learning processes, attitudes toward risk, and will­
extreme events. Critical reflection on assumptions embedded in prob­ ingness/likelihood to take the actions needed to enhance their resilience
lematic frames of reference is fundamental to transformative learning to hazards [18,30,31]; therefore, any examination of resilience-building
and can lead to transformed frames of reference and/or better-supported measures is incomplete without an examination of these cultural and
assumptions, enabling clearer understanding of and functionally structural factors, including people’s engagement with the natural
improved responses to future experiences [13]. Relatedly, the resilience environment for livelihood, the location of their housing, and their so­
literature, drawing on the work of Paulo Freire, highlights the impor­ cial relationships [31,32].
tance of ‘conscientization’– coming to a critical awareness of one’s As Boholm argues, risk is a contextual and relational construct, i.e.
present circumstances (cf [20,21]). perceptions of risk are embedded within a social structure and the
Altering resilience requires taking action, but transformative processes that produce and transmit cultural practices and norms [33].
learning theory generally overlooks the manifestation of learning in Social relationships (including modes of domination and power), the
action [22,23]. To address this gap, we focus on both the behavioral and sense of belonging within a social group, and moral/social values are all
cognitive aspects of learning to identify the relationships between considered socio-cultural drivers of risk [19,34]. Often, culture plays a

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greater role in shaping risk perception than actual exposure to risk itself “resilience” as a mode of thinking rather than “something out there” to
[35], with the denial and active forgetting of past disasters – and be objectively measured [48,49].
consequently of future risk – being deeply embedded in certain cultures In consideration of this ontological and epistemological orientation,
[36]. and critiquing attempts to numerically measure resilience and learning
Attitudes toward risk are shaped by people’s encounters with haz­ “indicators”, strong arguments have been advanced in favor of applying
ards and their interaction with the environment for their livelihoods [29, qualitative measurement approaches using “surrogates” of the in­
37]. Many choose to live in hazard-prone areas because it allows them to dicators [45,50,51]. These analysts posit that it is inappropriate to assess
sustain their livelihood, and consider natural hazards and disasters not or measure resilience numerically as the attributes and dynamics of a
as aberrant phenomena but rather a part of everyday life [38] – a process SES are not directly observable [51]. Resilience is a forward-looking
that Anderson [39] terms the “normalisation of threat” . In Bourdieuan phenomenon, and hence indicators that measure past or present con­
terminology, risk is part of people’s habitus (i.e. spontaneity without dition cannot reflect vital resilience attributes of a community [50].
consciousness), and it is a doxa (risk as taken-for-granted) in their cul­ They view resilience as an emergent property or a process phenomenon
tural setting. In a given cultural setting, habitus and doxa furnish a [3], and therefore it can only be successfully investigated qualitatively
person’s practical sense of what measures are possible or feasible in using “surrogates” or “attributes”.
order to reduce risk and build resilience [19]. In many cases, cultural For the present study, we adopt a Transformative-Interpretive
factors and practical considerations may lead an individual to make Framework (TIF) [52] to investigate the connection between trans­
trade-offs with regards to risk (such as remaining in a disaster-prone formative learning and community resilience. This framework emerged
region to access available natural resources) that may seem irrational to address issues of power, inequality, and justice in order to facilitate
to an outside observer, further highlighting the importance of consid­ change and transformation, and argues that the goal of research is to
ering cultural context when examining risk-management and represent the voice of marginalized people [52]. Mertens defines the TIF
resilience-building strategies. as “a meta-physical framework that directly engages the complexity
However, we find this cultural framing of nature-induced disaster encountered by researchers and evaluators in culturally diverse com­
risks to be lacking in two important respects. First, decades of research munities when their work is focused on increasing social justice” ([53]:
on disaster vulnerability highlights that people do not live in hazard- 804).
prone areas for cultural reasons or by choice only, but often due to Knowledge is argued to be socially, historically, and culturally
constraints imposed upon them by poverty, exploitation, exclusion, and contingent, and for a deeper understanding of these contexts the TIF
marginalization [40–42]. Second, cultural framing tends to paint people draws insights from critical literature on race, gender, ethnicity,
as merely hostages of culture rather than active agents, and cannot fully disability, and colonialism, among others, to approach research ques­
account for the variety of individual responses to disaster risks [43,44]. tions [52]. Application of the TIF requires the involvement of commu­
In this case it is useful to draw insights from Giddens’ notion of nity people in the research process and the application of the tools and
power and agency [17]. For Giddens, power operates through various techniques that are culturally appropriate. Transformative learning,
resources, including authoritative and allocative resources (“command from the standpoint of this framework, implies the emergence of critical
and control” over people and goods and services, respectively) [17]. awareness and consciousness; people are assumed to be active agents
Exercising agency means exercising some form of power [78]. Giddens’ rather than passive hostages of culture and unequal power structures
notion of agency underscores the reflexive nature of action. However, he [22]. Here, emphasis is placed on the strength of marginalized and
identifies various constraints (i.e. material, power, and structural) disadvantaged communities rather than on their weaknesses [52].
within which agents operate, and consequential variations (e.g., inten­ Considering the purpose of our study to advance our knowledge and
ded and unintended consequences) that result from their exercise of understanding of the cultural and cognitive processes related to trans­
agency [17]. For our purposes, agency implies the ability of actors to act formative learning and community resilience to nature-triggered
independently to change the course of circumstances based on critical extreme events, we applied the TIF, with modifications appropriate to
reflection upon past disaster experiences (i.e. retrospective learning) the social-ecological context of the coastal communities of Bangladesh,
and by imagining an alternative future (i.e. prospective learning). to frame and collect the empirical data.
Giddens [17] noted three types of consciousness that are relevant to
critical reflection and imagination for transformative learning: i) 3.2. Study area
discursive or reflexive consciousness (discursively scrutinizing beliefs,
values, and worldviews that shape actions), ii) practical consciousness We carried out our empirical investigation in the cyclone and storm-
(everyday practices that are rarely subject to scrutiny), and iii) the un­ surge prone southern coastal zone (Barguna district) of Bangladesh [54].
conscious (where reasons for actions are unknown to the actors them­ scenario-building models rank this area as one of the most vulnerable to
selves). In a context of continuity and change, discursive consciousness environmental extremes in a CO2-doubling scenario. In 2007, Barguna
may lead toward transformative learning or transformational adapta­ district was stuck by Cyclone Sidr, killing 1,292, injuring 16,310, and
tion, while actions and practices based on practical consciousness and destroying large amounts of property and infrastructure [55]. The field
unconsciousness are likely to maintain current practices. study was conducted from August 2018 to January 2019 in two Upazilas
(sub-districts) of Barguna, Amtali and Taltali. Criteria applied in Upa­
3. Methods and study area zilas selection were: i) whether inhabitants experienced loss and damage
due to the recent Cyclone Sidr; ii) whether they are especially prone to
3.1. Resilience and learning assessment methods nature-induced shocks, such as from tropical cyclones, storm surges,
and/or stress from river bank erosion hazards; and iii) whether a large
Literature on approaches and methods of assessing learning and portion of the inhabitants directly or indirectly derive their livelihood
resilience is diverse, interdisciplinary, and contextual [23,25,45]. Hol­ from fishing in local rivers and the Bay of Bengal. From the two selected
ling’s [46] notion of ecological resilience, which later expanded to Upazilas a total of six villages – two from Amatali (Baliatali and Gupkhali
include social-ecological and community resilience, distinguishes itself villages) and four from Taltali (Nidrarchar, Idupara, Tatulbaria, and
from conventional scientific-engineering notions of resilience [47]. The Nolbonia villages) – were randomly selected (Fig. 1).
interdisciplinary resilience scholarship that has evolved over the past
half a century since Holling’s seminal publication in 1973, from an 3.3. Data collection methods and instruments
ontological perspective, has promoted the notion of multiple forms of
truth. In addition, social-ecological resilience scholars consider A community-based participatory approach was employed in the

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Fig. 1. Map of the study area.

empirical investigation, which is a transformative approach to research assist in the data collection process, the first author recruited a local field
that aims to unshackle people from oppressive-hegemonic power assistant from the local area who had previously worked for
structures [56] and facilitate positive change in the lives of participants Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the area of climate change
as well as “the institutions in which they live and work” ([57]:21). To adaptation. The field assistant served as a gatekeeper and translator of

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local dialects. Prior to collecting the data, the first author made several Supplementary Figure 1) on the assumption that it is 95% likely that
informal visits to the communities with the field assistant to build such a sample would generate an estimate with a given level of precision
rapport with community members. This research was approved by the for the larger population (i.e. 5% or less margin of error) [60]. This
University of Manitoba’s (Canada) Joint-Faculty Research Ethics Board, calculation determined a minimum required sample of 236 households,
and appropriate verbal or written consent was obtained from each and following the PPS of the village populations, 80 households from the
participant following the approved protocol. study villages in Amatali and 160 households from those in Taltal
We applied techniques from the Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) Upazilla were drawn at random. Thus, we surveyed a total of 240
toolbox to gather the necessary information and data, which was pri­ households, with a response rate of 85%. We administered the survey
marily qualitative. The PRA tools used in the field included Semi- in-person with household heads, most of who were males, and in the
Structured Interviews (SSIs), Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and Key absence of a male household head, surveys were conducted with female
Informants Interviews [58]. A total of 50 SSIs, ranging from 30 to 90 min household members. Survey questions focused on the estimation of loss
in length, were conducted by the first author with locals (30 males and and damages from Cyclone Sidr, annual household income,
20 females) who had first-hand experience with Cyclone Sidr. socio-economic status, and land ownership.
Talk-based methods like this fit well with transformative learning
research [59], and its use helped us capture local people’s diverse ex­ 3.5. Data processing
periences and approaches to risk management.
Questions in the SSIs explored: How did the respondents view nat­ The SSIs and qualitative portions of the household surveys were
ural hazards (i.e. cyclones) before their experience? How, and to what transcribed verbatim. For analysis and quotations, these verbatim
extent do respondents think that their exposures to environmental transcripts were later translated into English by the first author. Both the
hazards shaped their attitude and behavioral orientation toward risks first and second authors are native Bengali speakers, and both cross-
and hazards? How did they initially prepare for major cyclones they checked the translation for consistency and to retain original meaning.
faced? How did they prepare for later events? How would the re­ To code collected data, we applied both deductive and inductive ap­
spondents prepare for one in the future? What did they learn from their proaches. Deductive coding helped identify and trace underlying themes
experiences with natural hazards? How did their learning contributed to running through the data. Inductive coding involved applying a priori
coping and adaptation? What are the factors that shaped translating themes drawn from the literature, such as marginalization, gender and
their learning into action (agency factors), such as evacuation and risk, and complexity of evacuation decisions. Quantitative survey data
relocation? How did the respondents react and respond to official were coded and analyzed using IBM’s SPSS software.
warnings?
Following this, 10 FDG meetings – five with males (three with fishers
4. Findings and analysis
and two with mixed-occupation groups) and five with females – were
organized by the first author. The purpose of the mixed-occupation male
4.1. Deliberate forgetting, risk denial, and livelihood practices
meetings was to understand overall community perspectives on risk,
disaster, learning, coping, and adaptation practices, while those with
In our study area, risk and livelihood are inextricably interlinked.
fishers helped reveal their collective narratives regarding risks, fishing
People take significant risks in order to pursue their livelihoods, such as
practices, and struggles against powerful actors. Issues covered while
living close to waterbodies to access natural resources (i.e. fish) and
conducting FGDs with fishers were: fishing practices and their rela­
remaining out at sea for long periods despite advance warnings of
tionship with employers; challenges and barriers they face to secure
incoming cyclones. Such practices persist even after the traumatic
livelihood; problems fishers face regarding cyclone warnings; and the
experience of Cyclone Sidr in 2007 that caused significant loss of lives
trade-off between risk and livelihood. FGDs with females helped capture
and damage of property (Tables 1 and 2). More than 12% of the sampled
women’s collective narratives on learning, coping (e.g., evacuation),
households lost family member(s) in Cyclone Sidr; the one-sample
and preparedness. Questions explored were: How do women prepare for
proportions test revealed that the 95% confidence intervals exist be­
cyclones in the absence of their husbands? What problems and barriers
tween 0.083 and 0.17 (χ2 = 136.5; df = 1; p-value = 2.2e-16). Among
do they face regarding evacuation? What have they learned from ex­
the sampled households, almost two-thirds (63.8%) lost up to US $2000
periences with cyclonic disasters? What challenges do they face in
(BD Taka 169,800) as a result of Cyclone Sidr (Table 2). A test of ho­
translating learning into action? Each meeting involved 10–12 partici­
mogeneity has shown that the proportions of the loss and damage cat­
pants and lasted 60–90 min.
egories were not equal at the 5% level of significance, implying that the
In the final stage of the research, five Key Informants Interviews were
overwhelming majority of the population experienced some degree of
conducted by the first author with representatives from community-
loss and damage from the cyclone disaster (Table 2).
based local institutions (e.g., local press club) and local NGOs in order
However, such climate-induced disaster shocks do not appear to
to unpack community power dynamics and residents’ struggles in
constitute a ‘disorienting dilemma’ for most locals, with livelihood se­
coping with environmental risks. Our data collection also involved field
curity taking precedence over perceived risks. There are two possible
observation notes and informal conversations.
explanations for this phenomenon: cultural framing of risk perception,
and the involuntary imposition of risk by socio-economic pressures [38,
3.4. Supplementary household survey and sampling procedure 61,62]. We found that these factors are inseparable and reinforce one
another; often both factors influence fishers’ decisions to take risks for
We supplemented this qualitative data with a household-level survey livelihood in coastal communities (Fig. 2).
of the six study villages. We formulated a multistage study design for this As noted earlier, perception of and response to risk is a manifestation
purpose, applying the stratified cluster sampling procedure at the of habitus and doxa [19]. People’s capacity to reflect on past traumatic
household-level for data collection. As explained above, multiple
criteria were applied to select the two Upazilas of Barguna District. Based
Table 1
on the population size of these Upazilas and using the Probability Pro­
Loss of family members in the study area due to Cyclone Sidr (n = 240).
portional to Size (PPS) procedure, two villages in Amatali Upazila and
Loss of family members Frequency (n = 240) Percentage p-value
four villages in Taltali Upazila were allocated for sampling, and the six
study villages noted above were randomly selected for this. The number Yes 29 12.1 <2.2e-16
of households (i.e. Primary Sampling Unit) to survey was determined by No 211 87.9
χ2 = 136.5; df = 1
applying a standard sample-size determination formula (see

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Table 2 below the poverty line (below US $3.2/day). A comparison among the
Loss and damage of property of the respondent households due to Cyclone Sidr income categories of the sampled households (n = 240) revealed that the
(n = 240). proportions of daily income categories are significantly different (χ2 =
Total loss and damage of property (US$)a Frequency Percentage p-value** 70.3; df = 2; p-value = 0.0001) at the 95% level of confidence (Table 4).
0–1000 95 39.58 <0.00001
These findings lead us to infer that the majority of the study population
1001–2000 58 24.17 live in chronic poverty and confront significant livelihood struggles.
2001–3000 31 12.92 Multiple and interlinked social-biophysical stresses, such as river
3001–4000 29 12.08 bank erosion (Fig. 3), seasonal and weather variability, marginalization,
4001–5000 27 11.25
Total 240 100.00
χ2 = 70.833; df = 4
Table 3
** 95% level of significance. Land ownership status of the respondents (n = 240).
a
1 US$ = 84.9 taka (Bangladeshi currency) on January 28, 2020 as per ex­ Landownership Number of Percentage p-value 95% CIa
change rate of Bangladesh Bank (https://www.bb.org.bd/econdata/exchangera respondents
te.php).
Landless 139 57.9 0.01692 0.3589–0.4862
Landowners 101 42.1
experiences and take action to mitigate future risks is greatly shaped by χ2 = 5.7042; df = 1
cultural perceptions and prescriptions, such that culturally-embedded a
95% confidence interval.
beliefs, values, norms, and practices can cause people to act against
their personal perceptions of risk. Furthermore, many individuals have
no choice but to accept environmental risk because poverty, exploita­ Table 4
tion, and marginalization make it impossible to relocate, find alternate Daily household income of the respondents (n = 240).
livelihood sources, or take other risk mitigation actions. Daily income Number of respondents (n Percentage p-value*
Transformative learning requires time, space, and opportunity for Category (US $)a = 240)
critical reflection in order to meaningfully alter deeply-rooted values, Below poverty line (US $ 132 55.0 <0.0001
beliefs, and practices [21]. These elements are not attainable when 3.2/day)b
people are fully consumed with their daily survival. In the study area, From 3.2 to 6.4 82 34.2
the majority of the sampled households are landless (57.9%) and poor Above 6.4 26 10,8
χ2 = 70.2; df = 2
who rely on diversified livelihoods (Table 3). The result of the
one-sample proportions test reveals that the true proportion of landless * 95% level of significance.
a
in the population lies between 51 and 64% (CI is between 0.5139 and 1 US$ = 84.9 taka (Bangladeshi currency) on January 28, 2020 as per ex­
0.6419) at the 95% level of confidence (χ2 = 5.7042; df = 1; p-value = change rate of Bangladesh Bank (https://www.bb.org.bd/econdata/exchangera
0.01692). Lacking land resources and opportunities for other te.php).
b
Poverty line for low-middle-income countries (World Bank 2018).
non-agricultural activities, the majority of the study area population live

Fig. 2. Coupling effects of culture framing of risk and social-biophysical stresses on critical reflection capacity.

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Fig. 3. River bank erosion causes loss of land and settlement (Source: Photo Fig. 4. Settlements on the edge of the embankment and close to the riverbank
taken by the first author; permission obtained from the standing (Source: Photo taken by the first author).
research assistant).
Khuta jal and bhada jal [specific types of nets] is completely pro­
and exploitation by boat- and land-owners all serve to maintain this state hibited. Those who use [these nets] are very powerful, unlike us
of perpetual poverty while gradually increasing locals’ vulnerability to [poor]; they are not bothered by police. Local chairman does this
natural hazards. For instance, river bank erosion and land encroachment business [type of manipulative tactic]. He is connected with local
cause destruction of agricultural land, houses, and other infrastructure fishery department and ministry.
such as roads, schools, and clinics located in riparian areas, leading to
the displacement of locals, while climatic variability leads to fluctuating Due to the cost of nets and the fact that fishers do not own their own
fish populations and harvests, creating great livelihood uncertainty. equipment, nets must be hauled in before fishers can retreat from incoming
Under these circumstances, fishers are left with no real choice but to weather – a process that can take 3–5 h. These compounding risks lead
accept increasingly high risk in order to secure their livelihoods. Fishers many fishers to adopt a fatalistic attitude, as one respondent explained:
know that if they die while out at sea their family members will not Going to sea is risky, whether it is good weather condition or not. Allah
receive any compensation from their employer. Local fishers therefore would bring us back shore or may not […] People stay on boat for live­
purposefully try to put the risks they face out of mind and focus on the lihood risking life […] We do not go to sea thinking that we will return;
task at hand. Fishers are therefore not unaware of risks; rather, practical rather we think that we would die. We rely on Allah […]
considerations take precedence over those risks, as one interviewed
fisher explained: Another added:

If you are hungry, you cannot sleep. This is why we [fishers] go to the sea Those who go fishing in the sea take life in their hand. Most fishers go for
and stay there and continue fishing even after receiving Signal Number 2. fishing by borrowing a boat or loans from Mohajan. They have to repay
What will I eat, if I do not go there for work? […] How do I survive and the loan or show their good performance to please Mohajans. Earning
feed my family is my concern, not a cyclone nor a flood. We will confront from sea could be greater, risks also become higher […] We do not go to
it when it comes … sea thinking that whether we will die or live. If fate is to die on water, no
one will able to revert it, this is like gambling …
Fishers’ critical reflective capacity is constrained by the nature of
their occupation. Although fishing is their inherited occupation, most As Boholm pointed out, since risk is a relational and contextual
are too poor to own their own fishing equipment (boats, nets, etc.) and construct, social and cultural processes can shape people’s perception of
are forced to work for fishing companies and Mohajans (money lenders the trade-off between risks and benefits [33]. Fishers are in constant
and employers) who exploit their employees in various ways, including competition with each other to be re-hired by fishing companies and
forcing them to remain out at sea despite bad weather. Fishers also often Mohajans in subsequent years, and are thus reluctant to retreat from
shoulder all of the financial risks, for example, Mohajans provide fishers severe weather lest it reflects poorly on their performance and value to
with all necessary supplies (e.g., fuel, food, boat, and nets) for a one or their employers.
two-week fishing trip, but if this cost exceeds the profit from the fisher’s People living close to the sea or rivers are most vulnerable to coastal
catch, the fisher is forced to absorb the loss. Fishers are also often forced cyclones and storm surges – especially those living between the
to take loans from the Mohajans in order to feed their families, further embankment and the shore (Fig. 4) – yet they continue to occupy these
indebting them to their employers. areas because they contain the only sources of livelihood that they
Interviewed fishers pointed out that there is always risk involved in know. Risks due to weather events are thus outweighed by the risk of
fishing, regardless of the weather, and that this risk is amplified by the failing to find another occupation. Furthermore, many have lived in
unequal power structure within their industry. As recently as a decade these areas for their entire lives and have acquired fishing skills and
ago, fishers used to catch fish close to shore and could retreat quickly ecological knowledge from their ancestors; they thus feel a deep per­
from incoming storms, but depletion of coastal fish stocks and increased sonal connection to the area.
domination of coastal fishing areas by large fishing companies have
forced local fishers to venture farther and farther out to sea. As one fisher 4.2. Learning, risk, and complexity of evacuation decisions and practices
explained:
Enhancing resilience through transformative learning entails a
change in attitude toward natural hazard risks and resultant changes in

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Table 5
Connection of lunar day and month with tides and water level.
Tide type (by lunar day) Water level by lunar month

Juba (i.e. very high water level) (+) Dala (i.e. very low water level) (− )

High tide (+) (+) (+) (+) (− )

Low tide (− ) (− ) (+) (− ) (− )

Source: Field investigation, 2018.

coping practices to address and mitigate those risks. This requires both distance to and lack of space within the shelters, which leads many
critical reflection on past disaster experiences (i.e. retrospective people to conclude it is safer or more practical to remain at home:
learning) and imagining future scenarios (i.e. prospective learning). In
How could we go to cyclone shelter that is far away from where we live?
this section we examine how the traumatic experience of Cyclone Sidr
We cannot go that far. Cyclone shelter is in Chairman’s office. What are
affected risk perception and evacuation practices as well as decisions
we supposed to do? We do not have cyclone shelter nearby to go there
made during later weather events. We found risk mitigation measures
quickly.
are shaped by four main factors: i) the nature of the past traumatic event;
ii) individuals’ ability to imagine a worst-case scenario; iii) people’s Another important factor is the timing of the onset of a cyclone.
structural locations (e.g., gender); and iv) societal norms, values, and People are more likely to take precautionary measures if a cyclone is
belief systems. expected to make landfall at night (which is considered more
Relying solely on past experiences for risk evaluation without dangerous), while during the day they tend to wait until the last minute
imagining potential worst-case scenarios can often lead to a lack of to evacuate.
adequate preparedness [8]. For instance, most of the local people were
not prepared for Cyclone Sidr (2007) as they had not experienced an Cyclone Aila came during day-time. No one bothered about it thinking
event of that magnitude in the recent past. They had also received that embankment could tackle the surge. No one took refuge … in our
numerous false early warnings, to which they had become desensitized. region people do business with the sea. They are fearless. This is why no
When Cyclone Sidr made landfall many took refuge on the embankment one evacuated during Aila as it was during day. We take shelter if a
as they had during previous storms, but the unprecedented intensity of cyclone makes landfall during night.
Sidr was such that the embankment was breached by the storm surge in
The final critical factor that shapes preparedness and evacuation is
many places. Nevertheless, during Cyclones Aila (2009), Mahasen related to socially embedded practices, values, and norms. The gender
(2013), and Roanu (2016), many again took refuge on the embankment,
dimension of these factors deserves particular attention here. On most
and when interviewed suggested that they would continue to do so days, fishers, who are mostly men, are out at sea while women remain at
during future cyclones. Some even dismantled their houses and moved home with the children. Consequently, the responsibility of safeguard­
them closer to the embankment so they could quickly take refuge there ing the family and their property during severe weather events falls
in an emergency. Even though such actions demonstrate learning-based mainly on women, and the decision to evacuate is heavily influenced by
behavior, they relied on the false assumption that no Cyclone would ever gendered cultural roles, norms, and expectations.
be as or more powerful than Sidr. Women are generally more likely to evacuate and take refuge in the
Such assumptions may derive from an inability to imagine possible absence in their husband or adult male family member, particularly
future scenarios. Locals reported, based on their indigenous knowledge, when they have small children. However, women in the study area were
that Cyclone Sidr made landfall during a dala period, when a low spring found to be reluctant to evacuate on account of numerous practical and
tide causes lower-than-usual water levels ((− ) (− ) in Table 5). Based on social factors such as the need to prepare food, clothing, and other
this, many were confident that the surge would never reach the top of supplies for the children; risk of violating social norms such as purdah
the embankment and felt safe sheltering there. They reported that even that for some would require a veiled area to conceal women from men;
if a future cyclone coincided with a Juba high-water period, they would the physical difficulty of moving aged family members; and the desire to
still seek shelter on the embankment and rely on the will of Allah to save safeguard the family’s property from vandalism or looting. Furthermore,
them ((+) (+) in Table 5). as one respondent explained: “Husband is in the sea why should I leave
However, the decision to evacuate is not linearly linked with past house for shelter, I would also die here”.
traumatic experience and the inability to predict worst-case scenarios;
rather, numerous social-cultural signifiers, including societal norms,
4.3. Transformative learning, risks, and transformational adaptation
values, gender roles, and belief systems, shape people’s decisions to
evacuate or take refuge. The decision to not evacuate and risk remaining
Enhancing resilience via transformative learning entails a funda­
at home is a strategic choice – a form of practical consciousness. After
mental alteration in behavioral orientation toward risks associated with
receiving an early warning, women, children, and elders are often
natural hazards and an accompanying transformation of adaptation
evacuated to cyclone shelters, while adult men remain home to safe­
practices. Such actions are collectively termed transformational adapta­
guard their property from potential vandalism.
tion – a fundamental change or alteration in adaptation practices [63,
Another reason for not taking refuge in cyclone shelters is the
64]. We found that the key impetus for transformational adaptation is

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M.-U.-I. Choudhury et al. International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 55 (2021) 102063

agents’ ability for forward-thinking – that is, imagining a better future financial capacity we would have moved inside [...] but we have no other
and altering their behavioral orientation toward risk to work towards it. option and hence stay and live here [...]”
Here, transformative learning is triggered by a form of discursive or Procurement of loans through social networks – such as remittances
reflexive consciousness, i.e. agents discursively scrutinizing their cur­ from close kin – helped some respondents overcome financial con­
rent adaptation practices and orientation toward risks. straints and relocate. Many challenges still remain, however, such as
Some examples of non-transformational preventative measures adapting their livelihood to the new location and making the new home
taken by locals after Cyclone Sidr include: raising house platforms, culturally conforming by excavating a pond for domestic uses, planting
rebuilding houses with stronger materials, and dismantling houses and trees around the house to maintain purda (veiling/concealment of
moving them closer to embankments. For inhabitants living outside or women), and building washroom facilities.
on the edge of the embankment, these measures were not sufficient to Some residents refuse to relocate despite having the financial ca­
reduce risk significantly. However, our research documented actions pacity to do so due to close social-cultural ties to the community, as one
based on transformative learning from disaster-shocks that resulted in woman explained:
transformational adaptation and consequent mitigation of risk from
I asked my husband several times that if we need to migrate where could
future cyclone events. One form of transformative adaptation that
we go. He replied that if other people can live here, why we could not. I
reduced risk significantly was complete relocation to areas protected by
saved some money to buy land elsewhere, but my husband wants to stay
the embankment and with stronger housing structures, and sometimes
here to look after my parents-in-law. He does not want to leave his parents
productive agricultural land was even converted into settlement hous­
here. I wanted to take them with us but they do not want to go, so we
ing, representing a trade-off of livelihood for risk reduction. Many res­
cannot move inside the embankment.
idents without access to protected land (the extremely poor and/or
landless) temporarily moved to towns or cities to work in the garment Lastly, individual skills – both social and technical – play critical
industry or open small shops in order to save enough money to relocate roles in the transformational adaptation process. Fishing is the inherited
their homes behind the embankments. Some farmers with agricultural occupation for most residents of the study area; they possess no other
land behind embankments chose to relocate their homes to this land, livelihood skills. Transformational adaptation may require changing
with one respondent justifying the reduction in crop land by saying: “Life occupation and learning a new skillset. Consequently, younger people
is much worth than the crop”. with higher levels of education are better positioned to adapt to new
As outlined in the previous section, many people continue to live challenges presented by the changing environment. One woman
dangerously close to the seashore or riverbanks in order to gain access to explained: “They [her husband and son] understand matters of gung [sea
natural resources. Many have found innovative ways of maintaining and river] only. This is what they learned from their ancestors and their
their traditional livelihoods while also mitigating risks from future children will continue with the same. They do not know what education or
cyclone events, for example, relocating their houses away from the other skills are all about …”.
shoreline and using different fishing nets that do not require staying
close to the river, and making strategic use of household labor, such as 5. Discussion and conclusion
dividing the fishing workload between father and adult son.
Some residents have found themselves unable to adapt and have Our investigation sought to understand the processes and factors that
been forced to move permanently inland to cities and towns to seek shape transformative learning and resilience to natural-induced
alternative livelihoods through inter- or intra-livelihood diversification. disaster-shocks in southern coastal Bangladesh. We found that the
Notably, such permanent migration may also result from livelihood relationship between transformative learning and resilience is complex,
stress stemming from disaster-shocks rather than learning alone. As one shaped by multiple social-cultural factors. Our findings are novel in
respondent explained: “I lost my house and boats during Sidr […] I did not three respects: i) little research has thus far been conducted on the links
have two/three hundred thousand taka [Bangladesh currency] to recon­ between transformative learning and hazard resilience through a cul­
struct my boat […] we could not grow paddy for three years […] I was then tural lens; ii) our emphasis on individual agency allows the factors that
‘forced’ but voluntarily moved here [town]”. Some key informant in­ constrain critical reflective capacities and actions to be more accurately
terviewees reported that several households permanently migrated from identified; and iii) we determined that the structural location of agents is
the study community to other places due to a considerable decline in crucial to learning and building resilience. These findings have profound
earnings following Cyclone Sidr. policy and practical implications for building resilience in resource-
The key question throughout this study was why, when faced with a dependent and place-based communities vulnerable to climate-
disaster like Cyclone Sidr, some affected locals chose to adapt and carry induced disaster-shocks.
out preventative measures while others did not. A thorough analysis of The cultural framing of risk and hazards underscores that the trade-
our data identified five major factors that shaped people’s capacity for off between risks and benefits with regards to livelihood security is an
transformational adaptation: i) financial constraints; ii) type of house­ everyday phenomenon [29,33,65]. Our findings indicate that people
hold structure; iii) social networks and relationships; iv) social-cultural may deny risk for cultural reasons, and that structural factors (e.g.,
factors; and v) individual skills. Financial constraints were by far the power, wealth and/or lack of it) often lead people to accept higher levels
greatest factor impeding peoples’ ability to adapt to disasters. Few have of risk. Some recent empirical studies have affirmed that people often
the money to carry out preventative measures like relocating their weight economics over disaster-risk in decision making. For example,
homes, nor the spare time and energy to do so as most must work long Correll et al. in their investigation in the Mississippi River Delta in
hours every day just to survive. As one respondent explained: “Some of Louisiana, USA, found that although flood risk was an important factor
us who do not have any option must stay on the embankment [...] if we had in out-migration, economic opportunities had much greater effects on

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M.-U.-I. Choudhury et al. International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 55 (2021) 102063

Table 6
Relationships of forms of consciousness, action, disaster risk with resilience.
Types of actions Nature of Facilitating or constraining factors Implication for disaster-risk and resilience
consciousness

Livelihood activity Practical i) Cultural practices, beliefs, and values; and ii) risk imposition due - Denial of risk;
consciousness to power asymmetry - maintenance of ‘basic resilience’
Preparedness and Practical i) Nature of experiential learning from past events; ii) ability to - Neither complete denial nor full acknowledgment of risk
evacuation consciousness imagine a worst-case scenario; iii) people’s structural location (e.g. - some preparedness measures and willingness to evacuate
gender); and iv) societal norms, values, and belief systems help reduce risk of loss and damage and consequently
shape resilience positively
Relocation and Discursive i) Financial constraints; ii) household structure; iii) social network - A serious consideration of risk;
transformational consciousness and relationship; iv) social-cultural factors; and v) individual skills - a transformation in adaptation practices and consequent
adaptation enhancement of resilience

peoples’ decisions [66]. However, in our study in coastal Bangladesh, socio-economic circumstances (Table 6).
we found that individual decisions under conditions of cyclone In the context of climatic variability and change, incremental change
disaster-risk and uncertainty are only partly consistent with the or adaptation is not sufficient: transformational adaptation is required
probability-weighting function of prospect theory or with calculations of [73]. The exercise of discursive consciousness helps overcome cultural
utility maximization; rather, their decision matrix is much broader and constraints and enables reflection on risks associated with natural haz­
more complex, and is intertwined with cultural and structural factors ards, which can lead to a fundamental change in behavioral orientation
(also see [67]). and attitude toward risk (Table 6). Similarly, Choudhury and Haque
The current literature on resilience through a cultural lens ac­ documented that actions driven by discursive or reflexive consciousness
knowledges the effects of cultural and social structures on risk and have led to transformational adaptation to flash flood hazards in
resilience [19,31], but such framing ignores individuals’ reflexive ca­ northeastern Bangladesh [74]. While the role of consciousness in
pacity for change/transformation in the context of climate change. Our transformation in adaptation practices is highlighted in the psycholog­
study emphasizes that the coupled effects of both power and culture ical literature [75,76], we posit that cognitive transformation must be
shape the process of transformative learning and resilience-building at accompanied by a transformation in practice, i.e. transformation in both
the individual and community levels. the personal and practical spheres [4]. However, we also acknowledge
People take and accept excessive risks when they lack sufficient time, that some people are unable to transform their adaptation practices,
space, and opportunity to exercise discursive or reflexive consciousness. despite achieving critical awareness, due to lack of financial capacity,
Building resilience to climate-induced disaster risks requires critical skills, and other socio-cultural factors (Table 6). Our findings reaffirm
reflexivity and ‘conscientization’ [20]. Moreover, both transformative that a shift in consciousness is not sufficient for a transformation in
learning theory and the climate resilience literature argue for a funda­ adaptation practices, especially at the community level. The structural
mental alteration in consciousness at the individual level in order to and cultural barriers we identified that limit critical reflection capacity
drive change at higher societal levels [22,68]. The combined influence and constrain actions demand serious policy attention and need to be
of culturally-embedded practices, norms, and values, and structural addressed with effective interventions.
identity (e.g., gender) factors appear to be major barriers to such shifts To conclude, our investigation endeavored to unpack the complex
in consciousness. link between transformative learning and community resilience to
Given the friction between building resilience and maintaining a coastal cyclones. Evidence from Bangladesh’s coastal communities re­
livelihood, many people deliberately choose to forget past traumatic veals that both cultural and structural factors profoundly affect disaster-
experiences and thus deny their risk, or they fatalistically accept the risk risk-reduction behavior. Future policy formulation should therefore pay
in order to carry on productively with their day-to-day struggle for serious attention to removing some of the structural constraints and
survival [36]. Such deliberate amnesia is a strategic choice that helps addressing individuals’ cognitive barriers for change and transformation
maintain what McWethy et al. call ‘basic resilience’ (i.e. the ability to in order to build community resilience to disaster-shocks.
“bounce back” from traumatic experiences) [69] (Table 6). But while
such strategies may appear productive in the short-term, they are likely Declaration of competing interest
to be counter-productive in the long term as they interfere with trans­
formational learning and adaptation and are likely to constrain in­ The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
dividuals from moving beyond basic resilience in the face of future, interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence
more severe disasters [36,69]. the work reported in this paper.
Cognitive limitations (e.g., the inability to imagine worst-case sce­
narios) and fatalistic rationality (e.g., leaving one’s fate in the hands of Acknowledgment
the Almighty) constrain individuals’ reflective capacities for trans­
formative learning, and recent research suggests that experiential The authors are thankful to Social Science and Humanities Research
learning may lead to the perpetuation of false assumptions (e.g., that Council (SSHRC), Canada for funding this research through an Insight
extreme weather events will never get worse) that leave people ill- Grant (#435-2018-552) to the second author. The first author is
prepared for future events [8,9]. And when ‘positive’ learning does indebted to Canada Research Chair [CRC Tier I] Fund on Community-
result from disaster experiences, many people are unable to translate Based Resources Management and the University of Manitoba for
this into action that would enhance resilience due to various Graduate Fellowship Award for supporting his Ph.D. research. The au­
social-cultural and structural constraints. While the psychological thors are also thankful to Shakhawat Hossain, Associate Professor,
literature focuses on the cognitive aspects of risk reduction and evacu­ Department of Mathematics and Statistics, University of Winnipeg,
ation from hazards [70,71], sociological and anthropological literature Canada for his help in quantitative data analysis, and the Center for
focuses more on social and cultural factors [30,72]. The findings of our Natural Resources Studies (CNRS), Bangladesh for its help in preparing
investigation reveal that these aspects are intertwined, cognitive the study map. The authors are also grateful to the community people for
reflective capacity being profoundly shaped by culture while their spontaneous participation in this research.
disaster-preparedness and coping decisions depend significantly on

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