9699_s24_ms_42
9699_s24_ms_42
9699_s24_ms_42
SOCIOLOGY 9699/42
Paper 4 Globalisation, Media, Religion May/June 2024
MARK SCHEME
Maximum Mark: 70
Published
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the specific content of the mark scheme or the generic level descriptors for the question
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convey the same meaning (unless the mark scheme requires a specific term)
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answers. For example, questions that require n reasons (e.g. State two reasons …).
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f DO NOT give further credit for what is effectively repetition of a correct point already
credited unless the language itself is being tested. This applies equally to ‘mirror
statements’ (i.e. polluted/not polluted).
g DO NOT require spellings to be correct, unless this is part of the test. However spellings of
syllabus terms must allow for clear and unambiguous separation from other syllabus terms
with which they may be confused (e.g. Corrasion/Corrosion)
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each step, the correct answer(s) and the mark for each answer
If working/explanation is considered essential for full credit, this will be indicated in the
question paper and in the mark scheme. In all other instances, the correct answer to a
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award equivalent marks for reaching equivalent stages.
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4 Annotation:
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have no defined meaning for levels of response marking.
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meaning will be understood by all examiners who marked that paper.
The questions are marked using a generic analytic mark scheme, which separates the marks for the
different assessment objectives (AO). The work is marked for each AO using generic levels of
response mark schemes. The marks awarded are usually based on a judgement of the overall quality
of the response for that AO, rather than on awarding marks for specific points and accumulating a
total mark by adding points.
Indicative content is provided as a guide. Inevitably, the mark scheme cannot cover all responses that
candidates may make for all of the questions. In some cases candidates may make some responses
which the mark scheme has not predicted. These answers should nevertheless be credited according
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Annotations
Annotation Meaning
Benefit of the doubt given / the point is just about worthy of credit
Juxtaposition of point
Knowledge
K
Repetition
Too vague
Identification of a point
Irrelevant material
On page comment
Indicative content
For:
Critics claim that the IMF and World Bank work in favour of the richer
western countries by encouraging poorer countries to adopt policies that
are favourable to the development of global capitalism. These policies, it
is argued, leave the poorer countries vulnerable to exploitation by
transnational corporations.
The UN’s Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which aim to reduce
certain global inequalities by 2030, are unlikely to succeed because
insufficient provision is made for ensuring that governments in less
economically developed countries act responsibly and are accountable
for making the best use of the aid and support available.
Many non-government transnational organisations are financed by
western governments and supra-national organisations such as the UN
and the EU. Their ability to act independently of these government
agencies may therefore be compromised, making them less likely to
challenge the imposition on poorer countries of policies that favour the
interests of western countries.
Studies show that a high percentage of the funding received by
transnational organisations for helping poorer countries is spent on staff
costs and the administrative needs of the organisation. Only a fraction of
the money is spent directly on projects to help reduce global inequality.
1 Against:
Organisations such as the IMF and World Bank have provided significant
funding for infrastructure projects and commercial initiatives in less
economically developed countries. It is not clear how this level of funding
could be generated through alternative means.
In relation to the UN’s MDGs, the richer members of the UN agree to
support poorer UN members to achieve these MDGs through the
provision of aid, the reduction of debt, and the formation of fair-trade
relationships.
Government transnational organisations have provided support and
encouragement for social and political reforms designed to help less
economically developed countries modernise and benefit from access to
international trade and investment.
Some transnational organisations are active in providing training and
support to help the poor in less economically developed countries to
improve their life chances.
Some international charities help to recruit and supply overseas workers
with the skills to help address the problems of poverty and inequality in
less economically developed countries.
Indicative content
For:
Marxist sociologists claim that global migration provides low-cost, readily
exploitable labour that enables the owners of capital to generate higher
profits. In this view, very few global migrants derive any economic benefit
from working in rich countries.
Developing countries may be disadvantaged by various aspects of global
migration, including loss of skilled workers, loss of younger people from
the workforce, and support for the economy of the rich countries at the
expense of investment in developing countries.
Other sociologists have highlighted negative social and cultural
consequences of global migration. For example, migrants may endure
long periods of separation from relatives and friends who remain in the
sending country. Cultural ties with the home country may be broken and
language barriers could make assimilation in the receiving country difficult
to achieve. Migrant workers may encounter discrimination, abuse of
human rights, and aggression from local people who feel threatened by
the arrival of immigrants.
Global migrants are particularly vulnerable to exploitation, as the
examples of modern-day slavery and sex trafficking illustrate. Women
and children may be particularly vulnerable.
Any chance of achieving a better standard of living as a migrant worker
may be undermined when taking into account the high costs of living and
relatively low wages that migrants encounter in rich countries. Case
studies of migrant workers often reveal a pitiful existence of poverty,
exploitation, sub-standard housing, ill-health, and social isolation.
Against:
Repatriation of income from global migrants may help boost the economy
of the sending countries.
Migrants may return to the sending countries with new/higher
employment skills, which in turn helps support the local economy.
Wages and living conditions in rich countries are potentially much better
than migrant workers from poor countries would find back home.
Workers with skills that are in high demand in Western countries, such as
doctors and engineers, are particularly well placed to achieve a high
standard of living and improve their life chances.
Migrants from areas where traditional values and religious beliefs
dominate the local culture may find that life in Western countries offers
greater freedom and more choice in lifestyle options, including the
opportunity to combine aspects of traditional and modern culture.
Opportunities for upward social mobility may be higher in rich countries
where there is a meritocratic ethos; there may also be more scope to set
up successful businesses and become wealthy in time.
Migrant workers from developing countries may be able to support
families and communities and therefore increase life chances in the
country of origin.
Indicative content
For:
Postmodernist claims about the influence of the media today are not
generally supported by extensive empirical research.
Research that has been carried out on, for example, TV soap operas,
suggests that audiences are able to distinguish between reality and
representations of reality.
Audiences are not passive consumers of the media; the uses and
gratifications model of media effects notes that people actively choose
how they use the media and select content that meets their personal
needs and interests. In this view, the media are used by people to serve
pre-existing personal needs; the media doesn’t shape those needs as
such.
Some other models of media effects (reception analysis model and
cultural effects model) argue that people are active in the way media
messages are interpreted and responded to; for example, they may relate
favourably to media messages that reinforce ideas and values that are
viewed favourably among their friends and work colleagues and reject
other media representations they feel nothing in common with. From this
perspective, factors such as class, ethnicity, community, and age
continue to play an important to role in people’s lives and their importance
has not been displaced by the growth of the media.
Arguments that other social agencies have more influence than the media
in people’s lives today, e.g. education, religion, family.
3 Against:
Postmodernists argue that we live in a media-saturated society in which
we are surrounded by media images and spend an increasing amount of
time each day consuming media messages.
Mobile technology has made access to the media more readily available,
extending the opportunity we have to engage with media content.
For Baudrillard, entertainment, information and communication
technologies provide experiences that are so intense and ‘involving’ that
everyday life cannot compete. People’s needs and tastes are largely
shaped by the media, in this view.
The way we understand the world is increasingly filtered through the
representations of reality provided by the media. In a media-saturated
society we struggle to separate representations of reality from reality.
Postmodernists refer to this phenomenon as hyperreality.
Postmodernists claim that the media is a particularly powerful influence
on social identity, helping shape the images we project about ourselves,
the groups we identity with, and the judgements we make about others.
Support from other theoretical perspectives, such as the Marxist mass
manipulation view of the media and the analysis of the media in the work
of the Frankfurt School.
Support from some models of media effects, notably the hypodermic-
syringe model and, to some extent, the cultural effects model.
The focus of the question is who controls media content and whether
governments are less significant in this respect than other agents and
agencies, such as media owners, journalists, advertisers, and audiences.
Different means through which governments can seek to control the media
may be discussed (censorship, funding, publishing and broadcasting laws,
regulation, parliamentary scrutiny of media activities). Evaluating how
effective these means are in helping governments control the media would be
important in a good, analytical response to the question. Evaluation might be
supported by considering cases of where national governments have
attempted to control the media, such as examples of countries seeking to
censor media content or the efforts by various Western governments to limit
the powers of new media operators such as Facebook and Google. Attempts
by national governments to work together (through supra-national
organisations, for example) in regulating the media might also be discussed.
Candidates may distinguish between different types of governmental regime:
authoritarian versus democratic, for example. authoritarian regimes usually
exercise greater direct control over the media than is the case in democratic
countries.
Indicative content
For:
Regulating the media is proving increasingly challenging for national
governments, partly because media conglomerates increasingly operate
on a global scale, taking control of the media beyond national frontiers.
Media conglomerates tend to operate on a global scale today and that
makes it easier for them to avoid detailed control by particular nation-
states, if they so wish. This is particularly the case with the new media,
which is based on open-access systems and technology that operates
across national borders quite readily.
Control over media content is highly fragmented in the case of the new
media, with individual citizens being able to influence that content in
myriad ways. This makes it harder for national governments to police and
restrict content than is the case with the traditional media.
Democratic governments are accountable to the electorate and measures
such as censorship have not always proven popular with the wider
population in countries where there is a high degree of support for media
freedom. Opposition to censorship in some respects has become
stronger with the emergence of the new media, as many people see the
open access afforded by the new media as highly democratic and they
would resent government attempts to control or restrict that freedom.
The speed at which new media technology evolves makes it hard for
governments to keep pace with developments. Some technologies are
being used by individuals and groups who specifically want to avoid
restrictions imposed on media use by national governments; these
technologies include virtual private networks (VPNs), blockchain,
cryptocurrency, and the dark web.
4 Governments (or some politicians) realise that it might not be in their best
interest to try to control the media directly; rather it is better to allow some
media freedom in return for being able to influence the content of the
media selectively when the government has most to gain.
Against:
Examples suggest that authoritarian regimes have often been successful
in controlling access to the media.
Democratic regimes usually show greater respect for media rights and
freedoms and, up to a point, are happy to accept a free market in media
content. Nevertheless, many direct and indirect means are available to
democratic governments to control the media, including censorship,
allocation of state funding, regulatory supervision, and fines for media
organisations that fail to conform to government regulations. Many of
these means have been applied successfully to the media.
The threat of government censure or attempts at punitive action may be
sufficient to ensure that media organisations take care to avoid
displeasing the authorities. For example, government criticism of various
aspects of social media has resulted in increased efforts at self-regulation
by owners of social media platforms.
Governments are an important source of information for the media
generally and that is another consideration encouraging media
organisations to align themselves with government ideas about how the
media should operate.
Organisations that own the traditional media also control large parts of
the new media. National governments may be able to use their powers
over the traditional media where they want to restrict or limit the powers
of the new media.
Marxist sociologists argue that religion contributes to ruling class ideology and
the maintenance of the capitalist economic system. Good answers will
demonstrate a sound understanding of this viewpoint and may include
reference to different strands in Marxist thinking about the role of religion.
Evaluation of the view on which the question is based is likely to draw on
contrasting theories of religion, such as the functionalist view that religion
contributes to value consensus and social harmony, or the postmodernist
questioning of what religion means for people today. Examples may be used
to question whether religious organisations always support the interests of the
ruling class (liberation theology, for example, is an example of religion being
used to challenge entrenched economic interests and support the
dispossessed in Latin America). Contrasts between different religions might
be explored to establish whether all religions are equally supportive of ruling
class interests.
Indicative content
For:
Religious organisations are often reliant on donations from rich
benefactors.
Established religions are often closely linked with the dominant
institutions of society, contributing to the maintenance of the status quo
and social order.
The wealth and economic power of many religious organisations is
dependent on the successful functioning of the capitalist economic
system.
Religious teachings often encourage acceptance of the existing social
order through a false consciousness, ideology, social control,
brainwashing, submission etc.
Religion provides a form of spiritual solace for the poor, making them less
likely to resist the material deprivation they experience.
Religious teaching often supports traditional gender roles, and this can be
seen as a support for capitalism through mechanisms such as the
reserve army of labour and the isolated male breadwinner who is thereby
made more vulnerable to exploitation in the workplace.
5 Against:
Some religions have been quite radical in their opposition to poverty and
exploitation, speaking out against perceived deficiencies in the capitalist
economic system.
Critique of economic reductionism/determinism implied in the Marxist
theory of religion.
Feminist view that religion serves the interests of men per se rather than
just the interests of the ruling class.
Labour movements in western Europe historically had a close connection
with non-conformist religions and were influenced by religious teachings
and values.
Much depends on the type of religious organisation under consideration.
For example, established religious organisations are more likely to be
supportive of ruling class interests than other types of organisations such
as sects/NRMs.
Liberation Theology in Latin America is an example of where religion has
been used directly to oppose capitalist interests and to side with those
who are socially deprived.
Supporters of the secularisation thesis would argue that the declining
power of religion means that any role it has in supporting ruling class
interests has been equally diminished.
6 ‘Religion has less social significance today than in the past.’ Evaluate 35
this view.
Indicative content
For:
Evidence of declining role of religion in civil society and in public life
(government, education, health care, law).
Falling membership of religious organisations and competition from other
belief systems would indicate a decline in religiosity.
Fewer people are participating in religious ceremonies.
People are more likely to challenge the authority of established religions
to decide key issues of morality in society.
There is more profanity and possibly greater acceptance of heresy and
blasphemy today.
Religion less likely to be a source of moral authority in some societies
today.
Some studies suggest people of faith devote less time to religious
activities today than in the past and some have become more questioning
of their faith.
Proliferation of competing belief systems such as science, New Age
ideas, humanism. Also, the emergence of more powerful means of
communication through the media.
6 Against:
Evidence that some religious organisations retain a significant role in civil
society and public life.
In some societies and communities, there are strong pressures on people
to participate in religious practice and maintain their faith, at least
outwardly.
Some religious organisations appear to be attracting more followers (the
Evangelical movement in the US, for example), in some cases using new
technology, for example televangelism.
Claims that people are less religious than in the past can be questioned,
not least because evidence about people’s religious beliefs in the past
may be unreliable.
Rather than becoming less religious, people may have changed the ways
they practice religion, for example, an increase in privatised worship and
the use of social media for religious engagement.
The concept of ‘social significance’ is difficult to operationalise for the
purposes of studying whether religion has lost its social importance.
Similarly, religiosity is difficult to measure so any empirical evidence
about the strength of people’s religious belief today must be treated
sceptically.
3 Good knowledge and understanding of the view on which the question is 79
based.
The response contains a range of detailed points with good use of
concepts and theory/research evidence.
1 Basic knowledge and understanding of the view on which the question is 13
based.
The response contains a narrow range of underdeveloped points with
some references to concepts or theory or research evidence.