W7

SEEDS OF POWER
ed ited by'
Onur inal and Yavuz Kose

Seeds of Power
Explorations in Ottoman Environmental History
edited by
Onur inal and Yavuz Kiise

pa
Copyright© 2019 CONTENTS

The White Horse Press,
The Old Vicarage, Winwick, Cambridgeshire, PE28 5PN, UK
FOREWORD : OTTOMAN AND NATURE
Set in 11 point Adobe Garamond Pro
.Alan Mikhail . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Figures, Maps and Tables .. . ..... .... . .................... x
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of shore passages for the purpose
Guide to spelling and pronunciation ofTurkish words ....... ... xii
of criticism or review, no part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, including Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............. xiii
photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system.
Biographies .......................................... xiv
INTRODUCTION
The Ottoman Environments Revisited
Onur inal and Yavuz Kose .......................... 1
PART 1: CLIMATE AND LANDSCAPES
1. Searching for the 'Little Ice Age' Effects in the Ottoman Greek
Lands: The Cases of Salonica and Crete
Elias Kolovos and Phokion Kotzageorgis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2. A 'Magnificent' Climate: Demography, Land and Labour in
Sixteenth-Century Anatolia
Mehmet Kuru . ............ .... .................. 35
3. Producing Grapes and Wine on the Bosporus in the Eighteenth
Century: The Testimony of Domenico Sestini
Suraiya Faroqhi ................................. 58
PART 2: RESOURCES AND ENERGIES
4. Fruits of Empire: Figs, Raisins and Transformation of Western
Anatolia in the Late Nineteenth Century
Onur inal ...................................... 81
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library 5. 'It's a Bad Fate to be Born Near a Forest': Forest, People and
ISBN 978-1-874267-99-7 (HB) Buffaloes in Mid-Nineteenth Century North-Western Anatolia
Semih <;elik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
vi
Contents
6. Water Management Issues in an Ottoman Province: The Case of FOREWORD: OTTOMAN AND NATURE
Cyprus in the Seventeenth Century
Styliani N. Lepida . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
Alan Mikhail
PART 3: TECHNOLOGIES AND INFRASTRUCTURES
7. Nature's 'Cosmopolis': Villagers, Engineers and Animals along
'The camel', wrote George Perkins Marsh, 'displays no inconsiderable sagacity'. 1
Terkos Waterworks in Late Nineteenth-Century Istanbul Marsh - naturalist, diplomat, philologist- is most famous for his 1864 treatise
K. Mehmet Kentel .............................. 15 5 on humans and the environment entitled Man and Nature. About a decade
8. Cesspools, Mosquitoes and Fever: An Environmental History of before this work, though, Marsh penned a less well-known book on the suit-
Malaria Prevention in Ismailia and Port Said, 1869-1910 ability, mostly for military purposes, of the introduction of the camel to the
United States. He writes that this topic has 'long since engaged my attention',
Mohamed Gamal-Eldin .......................... 184
and his conclusion, as might be guessed from the above quote, was that the
PART 4: IDEAS AND ACTORS camel would do well and prove of great utility in the United States. 2 He thus
encouraged its importation and acclimatisation efforts.
9. The Rice Debates: Political Ecology in the Ottoman Parliament Marsh was only able to reach this recommendation thanks to his time
Chris Gratien .................................. 211 in the Ottoman Empire. In the 1850s, he spent five years as the United States
10. Discovering the Nature of the New Homeland: Alexander von ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, a period that allowed him to explore the
Humboldt (1769-1859) in the Ottoman Empire and in Early history of camel domestication and the animal's behavior and physiology. 3
Ungulates aside, the larger question of how Marsh's years in the Ottoman
Republican Turkey
Empire shaped his thinking about the environment and humanity's relation-
Yavuz Kose .................................... 239 ships to it - how this experience influenced one of the foundational figures of
11. Dispossession by Concession: Forest Commons in the Ottoman environmental history, a 'prophet' as one of his biographers calls him, as well
Empire and Early Turkish Republic as his monumental text - has yet to be written. It is indeed a major lacuna in
Sel~uk Dursun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 Marsh's biography and presents quite the gift to Ottomanists: one of the intel-
lectual forefathers of the American school of environmental history and the
INDEX ............................................ 285 conservation movement spent half a decade in the empire. When the story of
Marsh and the Ottoman Empire is written, it will, one assumes, go a long way
in showing the surprising influence of the empire on the formation of the field
of environmental history and on the origins of the conservation movement.
1. George P. Marsh, The Camel: His Organization, Habits and Uses, Considered with Refer-
ence to His Introduction into the United States (Boston: Gould and Lincoln; New York:
Sheldon, Blakeman, & Co.; Cincinnati: George S. Blanchard, 1856), p. 100.
2. Ibid., p. 5. See also Andrew Isenberg, "'A Land of Hardship and Distress": Camels,
North American Deserts, and the Limits of Conquest', Global Environment 12, 1,
Special Issue 'Deserts in Environmental History' (2019)
3. For a useful discussion of Marsh's years in the Ottoman Empire, see David Lowenthal,
George Perkins Marsh, Prophet of Conservation (Searcle: University of Washington Press,
2000), pp. 109-34.
-
viii ix
Foreword: Ottoman and Nature Foreword: Ottoman and Nature
As we wait for this account, thankfully we have the present book. It The most significant collective contribution of these pieces is their
does precisely what one might want that other book to do - it shows some of argument for the specificities of a particular Ottoman environmental sensibil-
the importance of the Ottoman Empire for environmental history. However, ity. What were the contours of such an Ottoman sensibility? The two legs on
it does much more than that as well. It points to the utility and potential of which it stood were stewardship and connection. The Ottomans valued the
environmental histo1y for the study of the Ottoman Empire. The essays in careful stewardship of the resources, labour and lands under their control.
this book explore the myriad ways one of the world's largest and most durable They preserved and carefully harvested their precious forests. Their land regime
empires, the longest-lasting in the history of the Muslim world, influenced pumped tax revenue into the coffers of the state but also put a premium on
how humanity lived with, in, through and against nature. This book, indeed, avoiding the over-exhaustion of soils. At the same time, the Ottomans, and
provides a holistic and robust treatment of the environmental history of the all those living in the empire, understood the ecological connections forged
Ottoman Empire and will prove of enormous value for Ottoman and envi- by imperial rule. Animals and humans were bound together not only through
ronmental historians, of course, but also historians of early modernity and the modes of production and labour, but also through their intertwined affective
nineteenth centmy', empire and the history of science, and historians of the lives in hills and villages throughout the empire. Ideas about nature travelled,
Middle East and Islam. thanks to the translation of texts and as part of the use and understanding of
In their introduction, the editors tell us that the following chapters specific natural resources. Such ecological linkages helped address deficiencies
offer 'new answers to old questions'. That they do. They propose intriguing around the empire, but they also sometimes had negative consequences. Sweet
and novel explanations of both the emergence of the empire and its end. water was meant to be used by the collective, but could also be monopolised
They explain something of the history of the imperial capital and its resource by the few to coerce others. Regions relying on foodstuffs from other parts of
base. They expand our understanding of land management and the agrarian the empire necessarily faced vulnerabilities in their food supplies. Above all, as
economy. They tell histories of important crops such as grapes, rice and figs. the editors tell us, 'Ottoman power was predicated on the interconnections'.
They enlist nonhuman actors as shapers of the Ottoman past. They inflect the This, then, is the key to understanding what was specific about Ottoman envi-
social history of the empire with an ecological sensibility. From these essays, we ronmental history - that the sprawling empire balanced and braided together
gain new perspective on the histo1y of capitalism, parliamentary government, its ecological resources and deficiencies to rule effectively.
demography and science.
In addition to the old questions, this volume also offers new answers to
several relatively new ones. That is, it takes up some of the leads of the burgeon-
ing field of Ottoman environmental history and suggests critical ways to tal{e
them forward. For example, the chapters that follow urge us to understand
the relationships between humans and nonhumans beyond questions of just
property and capital, as has been the norm to date. We come to see livestock
playing crucial social and even familial functions in Ottoman Anatolia. These
chapters, furthermore, both nuance and appraise how historians have so far
viewed the role of the Little Ice Age in the empire. They also show how, when
considered in different geographies, questions of infrastructure, disease, city-
country relations and environmental improvement tell different stories from
those we currently have. In these and many other ways, this volume both
convincingly and productively pushes the historiography of Ottoman envi-
ronmental histo1y onto new terrain.
-
xi
Figures, Maps and Tables
FIGURES, MAPS AND TABLES Figure 2. <;atalca Paftasz [C::atalca Plate] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174
Figure 3. Lefalle, Hubner, Bo utan. Carte topographique du Lac de derkos et des
Figures and Maps Va/lees d'Alibey et de Kiahathane [An excerpt from the topographic map
Chapter Two of Lake Terkos and the valleys of Ali bey and Kag1thane] .......... 177
Map 1. Rural demographic change in sixteenth-century Anatolia between Chapter Eight

1520s/30s and 1570s/80s. Based on the tahrir registers ............ 39
Figure 1. Plan and section of the Suez Canal .......... ..... ....... 186
Map 2. Geographical distribution of average areal annual precipitation
(1981-2010) ............ ........ .. ......... . ....... .. ... 40 Figure 2. Postcard oflsmailia Public Gardens, year unlmown ..... ... . 195
Map 3. Map of ecologically homogenous areas of Anatolia............ 41 Chapter Nine

Figure l. (A) Seventy-year running mean of reconstructed May-June
precipitation for the period AD 1097-2000. (B) Seventy-year running Map 1. Late Ottoman map displaying infrastructure projects such as
standard deviation for the reconstruction. . ......... . ... ....... 43 railways, ports, and 'swamps to be drained' (kurutulacak bataklzklar),
ca. 1914........ .......... ........ .... . ........... . ... 227
Chapter Four
Tables
Map 1. The fig districts in Western Anatolia........................ 84
Chapter Two
Map 2. Western Anatolia showing railway routes in 1910 . .. ... ....... 87
Figure l. Fig competition in Izmir. . .. ... .............. ......... 96 Table l. Land-labour ratio changes in sixteenth-century Urfa (Ruha) . . . 47
Figure 2. Sorting the figs, Izmir....................... . ........ 102 Table 2. The change in land-labour ratio during the sixteenth-century in
c;ubuk .. .................. .... .... ... .................. 48
Figure 3. Sorting the figs, Izmir. . .. ..... .. ........ ... ... . ..... 103
Table 3. Land-labour ratio change during the sixteenth-century in Manisa.
Figure 4. Ottoman men packing the figs in boxes, Izmir. ............ 103
· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · . ·. · .. .......... . ........ .... .. . . 49
Chapter Five Appendix. Rural Demographic Change in Sixteenth Century Ottoman
Anatolia .... ........ .................. ... ..... .. .... 56-57
Map l. The Kocaeli district in the late Ottoman period, 1884 ....... . 114
Figure 1. Keresteke§ buffaloes dragging timber from the mountains of Sinop Chapter Four
in Northern Anatolia, c. 1930s .... .. ....................... 121
Table l. Annual average quantity of fig exports from Izmir (1876-1908). 99
Chapter Seven Table 2. Raisin exports from Izmir (1844-1884) . ............. . ... 100
Figure l. Compagnie des Eaux de Constantinople. Plan de la Canalisation Chapter Nine

generale de la rive Europeenne du Bosphore [General Pipeline Plan of the
European Side of the Bosporus]. ........................... 166 Table 1. Areas of rice cultivation in the Ottoman Empire ............ 215
xii xiii
GUIDE TO SPELLING AND PRONUNCIATION OF ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

TURKISH WORDS
This books owes its origins to the 'Environmental History of the Ottoman
Spelling Empire and Turkey' workshop that took place in Hamburg in the autumn of
2017, where the earlier versions of the essays in the book were presented. We
All Ottoman Turkish and Arabic words and phrases have been spelled using
thank all participants in the meeting. We owe grateful acknowledgement to the
the modern Turkish alphabet to make the text easy to the reader. Some words
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschafr (German Research Foundation, DFG), the
that have entered the Oxford English Dictionary are an exception to this, such
Asien-Afrika-lnstitut (A.AI) of the University of Hamburg and the European
as janissary instead of yenireri. All diacritics have been omitted in the interest
Society for Environmental History (ESEH) for their financial support to the
of simplicity, with a few exceptions in original quotes, author names and book
workshop. Without their support, neither the workshop nor this volume could
tides. All translations from non-English sources have been made by the authors.
have existed. Personal thanks are especially due to the authors, who, despite
their busy schedules, diligently prepared the essays, welcomed our critique and
Pronunciation revised and re-revised their texts. Finally, Sarah Johnson of The White Horse
Press deserves a special aclmowledgement for her warm encouragement, advice
C, c = pronounced like the 'j' in justice
and tireless copy-editing work.
<;, c;: = pronounced like the 'ch' in change
G, g = soft 'g' (hardly pronounced), likens to 'gh' as in weight
I, 1 = a dodess 'i', pronounced like the 'i' in cousin
i, i = a dotted 'i', pronounced like the 'ee' in see, but shorter
0, o = pronounced like the 'i' in bird, the German 'o', or the 'eu' in French
word seulement
~'§=pronounced like the 'sh' in shine
-0, ii= pronounced like the 'u' in shine, or the German 'ii'
Notes on dates and place names

Dates
The dates in Ottoman primary sources have been given according to the Islamic
hicri or the Ottoman maliye calendar, as they appear in the original document.
The equivalent Gregorian dates have been given in brackets for each document.
Place names
Place names in the present day Balkans, Anatolia and Egypt are mostly different
from their Ottoman labels. To avoid confusion for modern readers, however,
places have been called according to the general international usage. For ~xam-
ple, Salonica has been preferred to Thessaloniki, Izmir to Smyrna (and Izmir)
and Nicosia to Lefko§a. In a few exceptions where Ottoman names are used,
Anglicised forms are given in brackets.
xv
Biographies
BIOGRAPHIES the Department of Turkish and Middle Eastern Studies of the University of
Cyprus in Nicosia, where she conducts research on seventeenth century Cyprus.
SuraiyaFaroqhi studied in Hamburg/Germany (Dr. Phil.), Istanbul and Bloom-
Elias Kolovos is Associate Professor of Ottoman History at the Department
ington (Indiana University, MA for Teachers). Before becoming a professor at
of History and Archaeology of the University of Crete, Greece. He holds a
the Ludwig Maximilians Universitat in Munich (1988-2007), she had a lengthy
Ph.D. from the Aristotle University of Salonica. He is an elected member of
career at the Middle East Technical University in Ankara, from instructor to full
the Board of the International Association for Ottoman Economic and Social
professor (1971-1987). After retirement from Munich in ~007, she bec~e a
Histoiy. As a visiting scholar, he has taught at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes
professor of history at Istanbul Bilgi University, where she still teaches part-time
Etudes (Paris), Bogaziyi University (Istanbul) and at the Program of Hellenic
as an emerita. As of September 2017, she is a full-time professor at the newly
Studies, Princeton University. He participates in research projects at the Insti-
founded ibn Haldun University in Kaya§ehir/Istanbul. She works on Ottoman
tute for Mediterranean Studies, FORTH and at the Ecole Francaise d'Athenes.
social histoiy, with a focus on artisan production, the use of objects as historical
He has written, edited and co-edited ten books and over forty papers in Greek
sources and urban consumption, recent publications being: A Cultural History
and international publications and journals. His research interests include the
of the Ottomans: 1he Imperial Elite and its Artefacts (London: LB. Tauris, 2016)
Mediterranean economic histoiy, the history of the insular worlds, the histoiy
and Artisans ofEmpire: Crafts and Craftspeople under the Ottomans (London: I.B.
of the frontiers, rural and environmental history and the spatial history and
Tauris, 2009, paperback edition 2012).
legacies of the Ottoman Empire.
Onur inal is a post-doctoral researcher at the University ofVienna. He received
Phokion Kotzageorgis completed his graduate and postgraduate studies in the
his Ph.D. from the History Department of the University of Arizona in 2015 .
School of History and Archaeology of the Aristotle University ofSalonika. Since
He is the regional representative for Turkey of the European Society for Envi-
2002 he has been working there as a Lecturer in Early Modern Greek History
ronmental Histoiy (ESEH) and the founder ofNetwork for the Environmental
and from 2009 as an Assistant Professor with tenure. He has researched and
History ofTurkey (NEHT). His research focuses on the urban and environ-
published on the economic and social history of Greek lands under Ottoman
mental histories of the late Ottoman Empire and early Republican Turkey. His
rule, Ottoman urban history, monastic economy in Ottoman Greece and Ot-
articles have appeared in journals such as the journal ofWorld History, journal
toman environmental histoiy.
of Ottoman Studies, journal of Urban History and Environment and History.
Mehmet Kuru received his B.A. from Galatasaray University (2007) and his
Semih c;elik obtained his Ph.D. from the European University Institute in
M.A. from Sabanci University (2009). He obtained his Ph.D. degree from the
Florence in 2017. Among other subjects, he has worked extensively on the
University of Toronto (2017) with a dissertation titled 'Locating an Ottoman
environmental history of and famines in nineteenth-century Ottoman Ana-
Port City in the Early Modern Mediterranean: Izmir 1580-1780'. He teaches
tolia, history of charity and humanitarianism and labour history. His current
at Sabanci University. His research interests include urban economics, history
post-doctoral project at Koy University in Istanbul concerns the evolution
of commerce and environmental histoiy. Kuru is currently working on a book
of human-animal relationships in the Ottoman Empire throughout the long
project mainly based on his dissertation which analyses the economic and eco-
nineteenth centuiy and agricultural productivity during the same period.
logical factors that triggered the institutional transformation of the Ottoman
Empire during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. K Mehmet Kentel is an urban and environmental historian of the late Otto-
man Empire, and the Research Projects Manager at Istanbul Research Institute.
Styliani N. Lepida completed her postgraduate studies at the Modern and
He received his Ph.D . from the University of Washington in 2018 with his
Contemporary History Department of the Aristotle University of Salonika and
doctoral dissertation, 'Assembling "Cosmopolitan'' Pera: An Infrastructural
received her master's degree from the Balkan and Turkish History Program,
History of Late Ottoman Istanbul'.
with a specialisation in Turkish History. Currently, she is a Ph.D. student in
xvi xvii
Biographies Biographies
Mohamed Gamal-Eldin is a Ph.D. candidate in the Urban Systems-Histo1y cal) history of the Ottoman Empire, the Balkans and the Middle East with a
track as part of a dual doctoral programme at the New Jersey Institute of particular emphasis on the commons and the use and management of natural
Technology and Rutgers University-Newark. His dissertation research is at the resources, lil<e forests and fisheries. He was a fellow of the Europe in the Middle
intersection of environment, infrastructure, health and the built environment East-the Middle East in Europe (EUME) programme at the Wissenschaft-
in the cities of Port Said, Ismailiyya and Suez. skolleg zu Berlin and an associated fellow of the Leibniz Zentrum Moderner
Orient (ZMO) during the 2008/09 Academic Year. His research on Ottoman
Chris Gratien is Assistant Professor ofHisto1yat UniversityofVirginia. He held
environmental and economic history has been published in journals including
previous postdoctoral positions at the Harvard Academy for International and
The History of the Family and New Perspectives on Turkey. His latest article on
Area Studies and the Agrarian Studies program at Yale University. His research
the Ottoman and Turkish environmentalism appeared in the edited volume,
focuses on the social and environmental history of the late Ottoman Empire
Environmentalism in Central and Southeastern Europe: Historical Perspectives
and the modern Middle East. He is author of a number of articles, including
(Lexington Books, 2017).
'The Ottoman Quagmire: Malaria, Swamps, and Settlement in the Late Otto-
man Mediterranean' (IfMES, 201 7) and 'The Sick Mandate of Europe: Local
and Global Humanitarianism in French Cilicia, 1918-1922' UOTSA, 2016).
He is also co-creator and producer of Ottoman History Podcast.
Yavuz Kose is Professor of Turcology at the University of Vienna. His re-
search is focused on the social, economic and consumption histo1y of the
Ottoman Empire and Turkey. In particular, he is interested in the effects of
modernisation and globalisation in the late Ottoman Empire. Another major
topic Kase is engaged with is the emergence and development of tourism in
the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey. Among his latest publications are
'The Confusion of the Agha: A Short History of Chocolate in the Ottoman
Empire (17th-20th Century)', Food & History 12 (1) (2015): 153-174; (ed.)
Osmanen in Hamburg- eine Beziehungsgeschichte zur Zeit des Ersten Weltkrieges
(Hamburg: Hamburg University Press, 2015); (ed.) Junge Perspektiven der
Turkeiforschung in DeutschlandBd. II (with Burcu Dogramac1, Kerem Oktem
and Tobias Volker; Berlin: Springer VS Verlag); (ed.) Wunder der erschajfenen
Dinge: Osmanische Manuskripte in Hamburger Sammlungen. Wonders ofCreation:
Ottoman Manuscripts ftom Hamburg Collections (manuscript cultures 9) (with
Janina Karolewski; Hamburg, 2018 (2nd edition)) .
Selc;uk.Dursun is an environmental historian affiliated with the History Depart-
ment of the Middle East Technical University (METU). He studied history
at METU and the University of Texas-Austin before completing his Ph.D. at
Sabanci University (Istanbul) in 2007. Dursun wrote his dissertation on the
history of Ottoman forestry. In his own research, he has tried to illustrate the
convergence of economic, administrative, political, legal and environmental
processes in the context of forestry and forest administration of the Ottoman
Empire and Turkey. His current research focuses on the environmental (ecologi-
Chapter 7
NATURE'S 'COSMOPOLIS':
VILLAGERS, ENGINEERS AND ANIMALS ALONG
TERKOS WATERWORKS IN LATE NINETEENTH-
CENTURY ISTANBUL
K. Mehmet Kentel
This article is a study of the making of Pera district of Istanbul in the late
nineteenth century. But its place of analysis is not the heart of this famous,
'cosmopolitan' urban setting, but rather one of the loci fundamental in its ma-
terial construction. Through following the course of the waterworks between
Terkos and Pera, I examine the environmental impact of Pera's mal<lng on
Istanbul's wider geographies.
At the northern edge of the metropolitan region, adjacent to the Black
Sea shoreline, Terkos shares its name with the biggest lake in the region. Lake
Terkos is situated forty kilometres northwest oflstanbul city centre, and sepa-
rated from the Black Sea by forty- to fifty-metre-high dunes. 1 Now officially
called Durusu, literally meaning 'pure water', the lal<:e is a lagoon of 31. 7 square
kilometres in size2 and has a maximum depth of around eleven metres. Lake
Terkos owes its existence to the tectonic movement of the Black Sea during
the third geological age. It collects water from several rivers, mostly coming
from the lstranca Mountains, but was historically fed by the salty waters of the
Black Sea as well, thanks to a small strait between the lal<:e and the sea. This
strait was once named the 'false entrance' by British sailors who mistook it for
the entrance of Bosporus and frequently led to shipwrecks in the nineteenth
1. Ozgiil 2011, pp. 46-7.

2. Ibid., p. 73.
156 157
K Mehmet Kentel Nature's 'Cosmopolis'
century. 3 It is now virtually blocked due to siltation, 4 as well as conscious human in an apparent 'land rush' ,7 and real estate agencies blossom alongside flowers,
interventions, which comprise part of the story told in this article. in the hopes of turning concrete and steel into profit.
There is a chimney in the middle of Terkos village: a short but thick
construction, made of bricks, reminiscent of the factories of the late nineteenth
Two Chimneys century. For the historian of Pera, it is almost an exact replica of one of the silent
The dunes that stretch westward from Terkos to Bosporus offer occasional sights but significant fragments of the built environment oflstanbul's 'cosmopolitan'
of 'botanical magic' in the words of the botanist Andrew Byfield, with a wide district: the chimney of Tunel, the world's second oldest subway, the eccentric
variety oflocal flowers blooming in the spring. 5 A short journey from Istanbul two-stop funicular that has been operating since 1875 between Gala ta and Pera. 8
proper to Terkos, which takes one through the middle of the Northern Forests, Its lookalike in Terkos belongs to Istanbul's first modern waterworks, which
disrupts this magic. The variety of topography and nature is juxtaposed with, began to operate nine years after the Ti.inel, with the explicit aim of bringing
6
or rather ruptured by, the variety of very recent human intervention. One potable water first and foremost to Pera, to the residences of the district's wealthy
is struck by the mass of concrete and steel imposed over the green spaces, as members who could afford mains tap water in their new apartment buildings.
bridges and highways run over forests, new towns are built over pasture fields Contraiy to what has been suggested by the urban centre's violent expansion
towards the northern rural regions in the last few years, the visual connection
between two chimneys, one in Pera and the other one in Terkos, is indicative
3. Great Britain Hydrographic Department 1893, p. 175.
of the existence of older and arguably more integral links between the epitome
4. Biricik 2013, pp. 18-19. of city's urbanity and this northern periphery.
5. Byfield 2016, p. 71. This article introduces the question of environment to the debate on
6. In the last couple of years, Turkey's Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkmma
Pera's 'cosmopolitanism'. Istanbul's historical formation, from Byzantine times
Partisi; A.KP) government has introduced several massive infrastructure projects that
have rapidly altered Istanbul's northern periphery (For the infrastructural politics of onward, has been dependent on infrastructural connections between centre and
AKP, see Erensu 2016. lnal mentions the increasing interest of environmental humani- periphery, urban and rural, city and nature. 9 The second half of the nineteenth
ties scholars to these policies: see !nal 2018, p. 298.). Long discussed, extremely con- century mai·ked an especially heightened period of infrastructural activity, the
troversial and hastily constructed, the so-called '1hird Bridge' at the northern Bosporus primaty target ofwhich was Pera, the 'European district' of the Ottoman capital,
was opened to the public in 2016, with relentless government propaganda. Further
north a third airport, reportedly to be the biggest in Europe, is being constructed as
as construction of infrastructure was intensified, geographically expanded and
well, with a massive highway that connects the airport ro tl1e city and rest of Thrace; materially diversified, while the invested capital and expertise became transna-
and arguably most asronishing of all, a new strait between the Black Sea and Sea of tional. Yet the modern historiography has lai·gely ignored these connections and
Marmara is planned, amid harsh criticisms by activists and experts, pointing out that the environmental and material mal<lng of Pera in favour of a straightforward
these 'mega projects' are in the middle of the city's largest forests, and are endangering
narrative of the emergence of modern spaces and a cosmopolitan sociability
the provision of water and clean air to over twenty million residents of metropolitan
region, in addition to irreversibly damaging a vital habitat for animal and plant life (For in isolation. 10 My exploration of the Terkos geography is thus motivated by an
the transformation of tl1e northern regions of Istanbul and present-day water issues, see
Gtilersoy et al. 2014, Karacor and Korshid 2015, Alnnkaya Gene! 2016, van Leewuen 7. Lange et al. 2016, p. 5.
and Sjerps 2016.). 8. Engin 2000.
What these projects have done, at least for a large part of several generations of
9. For an early exploration of these connections for me Byzantine period, see Mango
Istanbulites is not merely the destroying environmental heritage and a vital natural re- et al. 1995. In the last couple of decades, environmental historians (Cronon 1991;
serve. 1hese projects, while no doubt severely harming the ecology of the metropolitan
Klingle 2007) have been joined by me followers of Actor Network 1l1eory, arguing tl1at
area of one of the world's largest cities, have put the city's surroundings into the mental
separating social from material, human from nonhuman, living from nonliving, as well
map of the urban residents oflstanbul, albeit as wnes of imminent danger, devastation
as urban and nature, city and country, obfuscates our understanding of the present and
and loss. The urban experience of Istanbulites was apparently never this much affected
the past (Swyngedouw 2004; Latour 2005).
by what went on in the periphery, and by the transformation of the country. 1he north-
ern periphery of the city, one might argue, has been recreated and remapped through its 10. ylik 1986; Batur 1993; Akrn 2011. The works ofEldem (2000), Baruh (2009) and
Han (2016), while not necessarily highlighting me environmemal connections, provide
destruction, thanks to infrastructure.
158 159
uneasiness caused by this isolated treatment of Pera's urban life, as much as it In general, however, it is very rarely that the literature concentrating on
is driven by the present day transformation oflstanbul's northern regions. This late Ottoman Istanbul critically delves into the multifaceted relations between
historical exercise, I hope, will also contribute to the critical study of the cur- the city and the country, urban residents and villagers, modern technology and
rent ecological crisis oflstanbul engendered by massive infrastructure projects, animals, humans and nonhumans in the stories it chooses to tell. State and/
showing that ecological questions involving nonhuman actors have marred the or company claims and policy justifications are usually taken at face value,
city's modernisation from the outset. From a larger perspective, I argue, the and the discourse of modernisation is accepted rather uncritically. 14 But water
insights provided by environmental history and critical geography, attentive to actually has the potential to provide a critical lens to explore the ways in which
the production of unequal geographies and nonhuman entanglements in the modern urban spaces have been shaped with the interaction of a wide variety
process of urbanisation, promise to create a rupture in the study ofcosmopolitan' of human and nonhuman actors, located not only at the heart of urban centres
urbanism, especially in the turn-of-the-century Eastern Mediterranean. While but dispersed along a set of 'uneven geographies'. 15
cosmopolitanism has received critical treatment in the last decade, it persists as
an influential framework in the study of late Ottoman port-cities. 11 This criti-
cal body of work, moreover, has mostly not benefited from an environmental Water in Absentia
and materialist analysis that would locate the environmental entanglements This larger claim, i.e. the centrality of water for an urban environmental his-
on which urban spaces and multitudes, framed as 'cosmopolitan', depended. 12 tory, should be especially germane to the study of Istanbul, for around the
Selecting water as a node that ties seemingly separate physical geogra- city water is everywhere. From the hills oflstranca to the Bosporus basin, the
phies and social worlds, as a path to introduce the question of environment geomorphological history of the region we now call Istanbul and its environs
into the heart of the urban, would be fruitful for different periods in history. has been defined with the transformative impact of water on the physical en-
But it is essential to note that nineteenth-century urbanisation all around the vironment, with rivers, lakes, inlets and straits.
world required substantially higher amounts of water than previous periods, for Water was everywhere, except that it was not - not in a readily available,
individual and public consumption in response to developing needs for personal easily accessible and safely potable manner. Soon after the Roman Emperor
hygiene, public health and industrial manufacture. A growing literature on the Constantine I (r. 306-337) moved the empire's capital to the Greek city of Byz-
history of water management documents the varied efforrs of public officials, antium and changed its name to Constantinople in 330 AD, it became obvious
policy-makers, company representatives, and almost always engineers, to provide that, while the geography seemed to be blessed with water, it was actually so
clean and/or potable water for urban residents and industries, not only in the poorly provided with natural freshwater sources that the reign of his successor
industrialised West but also in other parts of the world. 13 Constantius II (r. 337-340) was marked by citizens 'dying of thirst'. 16 Such
was the observation of Doctor Pardo, the secretary-general ofSociete Imperiale
critical analysis of the production of the spaces of Pera in the nineteenth century. de Medecine de Con~tantinople, 1,5 00 years later, in an article that appeared
1 l. For the larger discussions of rhe loaded term, see Verrovec and Cohen 2003. For the
Ottoman studies, Kolluoglu and Toksoz propose to critically approach cosmopoli- 14. See c;:ec;en 1984, Oguz 1998; Kazgan and Onal 1999. 1here are two monographs
tanism as a 'spatial phenomenon': see Kolluoglu and Toksoz 2010, p. 8. The term is that deal particularly with Terkos ware1works, from which I have benefited extensively
marked with colonial nostalgia and thus strongly criticised: see Hanley 2008; Halim (Dinc;kal 2004; Yurdakul 2010). Dinc;kal's is an analyrical account of water provision
2013. Eidem (2013) offers a nuanced understanding oflare Ottoman Istanbul's cosmo- oflsranbul between the 1850s to the 1950s, and tl1ar is necessarily how it deals with
politanism. Terkos. Ir is an institutional history, sensitive to water-usage practices and changing
12. For an environmental history of the making of late Ottoman Izmir, see 1nal 2018. habits oflsranbul inhabitants. 1he latter is a firm-history ofCompagnie des Eaux de
13. For a general survey, see Tvedt and Oestigaard 2014, pp. 357-686. Within the context Constantinople, which launched the Terkos water project and ran it for decades. While
of Ottoman historiography, water has been traditionally under-studied, but there is a it is very rich in detail and archival material, it fails to problematise the urban and
growing inreresr, especially from environmental historians and historians of techno- environmental issues tl1at Terkos water aimed to resolve and/or triggered.
logy working mostly on rhe Arab provinces of the empire. See c;:ec;en 1984; idem 1999; 15. H arvey 1996; Smith 2008.
Mikhail 20 13; Barak 2013; Husain 201 4; Low 2015. 16. Mango 1995, p. 5.
160 161
K. Mehmet Kentel Nature's 'Cosmopolis'
in local francophone newspaper La Turquie on 7 March 1879. The article for its growth and sustainability, but also for the symbolic and commercial
compared European cities with the Ottoman capital in terms of their access to power nested by the Ottoman elites into the daily lives of the inhabicancs. 21
water: 'Even in the other capitals which have the advantage of being placed in Galata and Pera, the district at the other side of the Golden Horn, were
the vicinity of a river, such as Paris or Vienna, the issue of water is the subject even more deprived oflocal water sources. Before the Genoese semi-autonomous
of so much concern ... on the part of governments; in Constantinople, where settlement was established in the thirteenth century, chis part had a large public
this advantage does not exist, the issue is vital'. 17 bathhouse and several cisterns. The first separate water system built for Galaca
Making water submissive to the needs and desires of the people who and Pera, however, came in the 1730s when Sultan Mahmud I (r. 1730-1754)
chose to reside in/ rule over the easternmost corner of the Balkan Peninsula - to commissioned the construction of the Topuzlu Dam (bend} in the Belgrad
clean it, to channel it, to pass it, to surpass it- has constituted one of the most Forest, whose water was distributed through a reservoir in Pera, giving the area
fundamental elements of the region's history over thousands of years. its name: Taksim (partition: distribution). 22
Pierre de Tchihatcheff (Pyotr Chikhachyov) (1808-1890), one of the Beneficing from the resources provided by chis new waterworks, Galaca
founding and most celebrated figures of geology in the nineteenth century had and Pera saw rapid growth and urbanisation from the late eighteenth century
spent several years in Istanbul and in Anatolia and published a few works on onwards. As Galaca grew around its pore and its emergent financial institutions,
the geology of the Ottoman heartlands and the capital. As he wrote in 1864: especially after the Anglo-Ottoman Trade Convention of 1838, Pera's develop-
'What has been lacking the most in the city of Constantinople since the earli- ment as a residential and commercial extension of Galaca was fuelled by large
est times was water, and that is the reason why this is the only place where so European embassies, and a service sector catering to the needs and desires of a
many monumental works have been built in order to fight the danger [oflack Western, and Westernised, clientele, with hotels, restaurants, cafes and culture
of water]' . 18 Tchihatcheff was right: as Byzantinist James Crow and his team of and arts institutions for European genres. 23
researchers have shown, the 'long-distance' Thracian water system was indeed And even though the water of the Valide Dam, built in the late eighteen th
the longest such system in the entire Roman-Byzantine geography, longer century, again in the Belgrad Forest, was completely diverted to the district's
than the much-celebrated eleven aqueducts of Rome itself It had its springs in use in 1838, chis rapid urbanisation put a heavy strain on the city's existing
the Istranca Mountains, included several different water sources such as Vize, infrastructure. From the lace 1840s onwards, the district newspapers, published
Danamandua and Pmarca, and carried water to Istanbul, passing along Terkos in almost all languages spoken in the Empire, but most importantly in French
and Biiyiikc;:ekmece lakes, which themselves are nurtured by the catchments of and English, featured continuous stories on the water problem in Pera. One
the Istranca water basin. 19 of the first and daunting tasks of the 6'h District Municipality (Altmcz Daire-i
When the Ottomans took over Constantinople in the second half of the Belediye) 24 was to resolve the annual droughts experienced in Pera's hoc and dry
fifteenth century, some of this water infrastructure was repaired, redeveloped summers. Changing concerns for public hygiene, largely wooden architecture
and put to use as the city tried to recapture its imperial and urban identity. Their chat was conducive to frequent fires and development of new private spaces in
biggest investment, however, was into much closer sources located in and around the rising apartment buildings, all necessitated a better access to water. Indeed,
the Belgrad Forest. 20 Overall, che northern hinterland of the city was essential the Ottoman state archives abound with official documentation regarding the
water problem. In 1845, during a drought that most severely affected Galaca
21. Hamadeh 2008, pp. 76-109; Karak~ 2013 .

17. Dr. Pardo, 'Renaissance de La Turquie Au Point de Vue de I.:Hygiene', La Turquie 54 (7 22. <;:es:en 1999, pp. 252-53.
Mar. 1879): 2 (All translations from French and Ottoman sources are mine). The same
comparative line of argumentation was also evident in Gava.nd, 1869, p. 90 . 23. For the overall development of the city in the nineteenth century, see <;:elik 1986.
18. Tchihatchef2000, p. 20. 24. With the reform of urban governance in 1857, the Ottoman capital was divided
into fourteen municipal districts. Galaca. and Pera were deemed as the '6,h Municipal
19. Crow et al. 2008, pp. 1-24. District', and the first modern municipality of the empire was founded there as a model
20. Magdalino 2015, pp. 3-4. organisation oflocal administration. See Neumann 2011.
162 163
and Pera, che state even requested 'suitable' individuals to go to Okmeydan1 was disseminated through these periodicals, and found international audiences
and Kag1chane, Pera's neighbouring regions with large open areas, in order to as well, through publications in foreign engineering journals. 30
pray for rain. 25 Even the architectural evidence of northern Bosporus villages' And within this discursive space, a string of obscure place names in the
concurrent growth, especially that of Tarabya with the summer residences of margins of the Ottoman capital's larger geography were made part of the urban
European embassies and summer locations of popular establishments of Pera, imaginations of the local Pera community. The waters of Bahs;ekoy, Istranca,
should be partially understood as a reflection of the physical necessity caused Bogazkoy, Burgaz, Ferikoy, Pa§adere, Alibeykoy, Seytandere, Maslak and Ku-
by Pera's hot and dry summers. 26 rudere gained a place in readers' mental maps of larger nineceenth-cencu1y
Nevertheless, one should also treat this new interest in the newspapers Istanbul, just as localities along the northern periphery of present-day Istanbul
concerning water or its lack as part of a larger phenomenon of writing, reading, are being remapped in the minds of its current residents due to the massive
documenting and discussing the urban matters. In the nineteenth century, a projects that have been carried out in recent years.
new discursive space slowly developed around newspapers, which conceptualised It was with these series of treatments of the water question in official
urban space and the life in the city as problems to be fixed through constant reports and in the periodicals that the name ofTerkos was mapped in the dis-
intervention by policymalcers and expert treatments, in a time when practices cussions regarding Pera. After Lalce Terkos was deemed a suitable alternative
and institutions oflocal municipal governance were slowly being established. 27 for clean water to allocate to Pera in the late 1860s,31 an engineer, Ternau Bey,
What is really striking about chis discourse was the extent to which it was pur- teaming up with an Ottoman bureaucrat, Kamil Bey, received the concessions
sued by experts, writing long reports, historical and technical treatises often for a waterworks project that aimed to bring water from Terkos to Pera in
on the pages of regular dailies. These experts - mostly, but not exclusively, 1872. 32 The decision was not without controversy, since there were a lot of
French engineers - published their talces on the question of water serially. 28 competing projects on the table, and many opponents of Terkos water had
They offered their own reasons for the continuous water problem in the district, intervened to convince the policymalcers and the public chat the project was
typically accompanied with a historical overview of how Byzantines, Genoese hygienically and financially fl.awed. In the end, however, rather than endless
and the earlier Ottomans dealt with water shortages, and particular solutions debates on water quality, it was the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-78, which
to permanently fix it, trying to make a strong case for their own projects at put additional financial strains on the already bankrupt treasury, 33 chat made it
the expense of others.29 This expert knowledge, tied to the entrepreneurial and impossible to run an infrastructure project so close to the military zone, as the
policymaking networks chat shaped the urban fabric of nineteenth-century Pera, Terkos-<:;atalca axis had been conceived as the last defence line of the Ottoman
capital, and the armistice terms allowed the Russian army to pass even beyond
this line, approaching to the western fringes oflstanbul.3 4
After the war, water shortage continued to severely affect Pera, including
the embassies and consulates populating the district. In some cases the members
25. Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives (Ba;bakanlik Osmanlz Ar;ivleri, BOA), 1.DH. of foreign legations accused the palace and the rest of the Ottoman elites of
98/4917 (9 Safer 1261 (17 Feb. 1845]). exploiting the city's water sources for their own benefit. 35 After the delay caused
26. Girardelli 2014; Tchihatchef2000, p. 172. by the war and financial problems, Ternau brought together an international
27. Duman 2000, p. 9; Groc and <;:aglar 1985, pp. 203-10. For a similar, concurrent,
development in Izmir, see Zandi-Sayek 2012, pp. 32-35. 30. 'The Water Supply of Constantinople', 7he Engineer (26 Sept. 1873) : 202-03; 'The
28. For an overview of the repom of rhese ex pens, and rhe full reporr of Gavand himself, Water Supply of Constantinople', 7he Engineer (7 Nov. 1873): 299.
see Gavand 1869. 31. Gavand 1869, p. 23.
29. This publishing activity was so commonplace rhat one engineer who wrote a piece on 32. Pech 1911, pp. 203-06.
rhe urban infrastructure problems in rhe Ottoman Empire felt the necessity to put a
33. Yurdakul 2010, p. 27.
disclaimer rhat his article was not meant to make it easier for him to receive employ-
ment or concessions. See 'Les Travaux en Turquie et son avenir', La Turquie 37 (15-16 34. Baker Pacha 1879, p. 322; Erickson 2003, p. 122.
Feb. 1880): 1-2. 35. The National Archives of rhe United Kingdom (TNA), FO 78/3345/ 103 (4 Jan. 1881) .
164 165
consortium ofinvestors, including local bankers and real-estate developers, this most important venues for social life in Pera, this life already belonged to a
time under a new company called Compagnie des Eaux de Constantinople or limited coterie. The Jardin, with its entrance fee, theatre hall and expensive
Dersaadet Su ~irked (Water Company oflstanbul), which was granted a new dinners in the open air, hosted pashas, beys, the diplomatic corps residing in
36 the city, employees of foreign companies operating in the empire, artists and
concession in 1882, fora periodoffortyyears (later extended to 75). A network
of local and European elites was now established with the aim of installing a rich tourists who usually stayed at the hotels surrounding the garden. Thus, the
material network of water and steel between Terkos and Pera, gathered for a nature of the social circle that participated in the opening event was probably
project that promised lower costs and bigger profits. 37 Even though the medical not so different from any other night at the garden. It would not be wrong
community was still not satisfied, 38 it was the well-established and connected to assert that this limited elite milieu that consumed the Jardin was a micro-
network backing the project that ended up closing the debate, and laying the cosm of the cosmopolitan sociability that was continuously referred to in the
foundations of the waterworks that would continue to provide water for the history-writing of Pera.
ever-growing Istanbul for another century to come.
39 Indeed, this class of people was the project's first and foremost targets.
Frederic Briffault, one of the engineers of the project, had elucidated this rather
bluntly in a paper he had given at the annual meeting of the Civil Engineers
Telement essentiel a toute vie': Providing Water for 'Cosmopolitan' Institute in England:
Gardens
Too much reliance must not be placed upon the whole of the native population,
On 2 January 1885, at Jardin des Petits-Champs in Tepeba§l, a high-ranking amongst a large portion of which great poverty prevails, taking the Water. The
ceremony celebrated the opening of a water fountain, also marking the arrival Author believes that the Company will have far greater sales of Water in the
of water from Lake Terkos to Pera. Paul Boutan, the chief engineer of the European than in the native quarter of the Town. 42
Compagnie des Eaux de Constantinople, finished his speech with the following This newly installed infrastructure, then, was underlining and reproducing the
remark: 'We can easily predict that public support for our work will continue, already existing inequalities between different parts of the Ottoman capital.
as we are providing them the essential element to all life!' (!'element essentiel a Moreover this disparity between different parts was not limited to the two sides
toute vie). 40 The invitations were sent to a limited number of people, in order of the Golden Horn. Inequalities present within and around the boundaries
'for the newly arranged garden not to be spoiled'.41 This was not extraordinary of the 6'h District were represented and reinforced in the operation of Terkos
for the garden, for, although soon after it was opened it became one of the waterworks. A water network plan prepared by the company (Figure 1) provides
36. Pech 1911, pp. 203-06. us with an inside look into the first phase of the project, aimed to distribute
37. The project was financed by the company, which secured the sole rights of using the water to the northern side of the Golden Horn, and it is a striking representation
water sources of Lake Terkos and its vicinities. In 1891, it made a net profit of 334,904 of how this modern waterscape of the district was planned and distributed. 43
francs, which was almost doubled in less than twenry years. See Ibid., p. 205. The Terkos water first reached to the Ferikoy Reservoir, and was then
38. Pechedimaldji 1881. channelled, on the one hand to Galata and Pera, and on the other, through
39. As an interim solution, a pump station was established to bring the waters ofKag1thane an additional reservoir in ~i§li, to settlements along the Bosporus. The outer
Creek to Pera in 1882, but the amount of water was not seen as sufficient to meet extensions of the network reached to other newly emerging elite neighbour-
the needs of the district, and several people were accused of stealing from the water
conduits. See <;:e<;:en 1984, p. 147; Compagnie des Eaux de Constantinople 1889, PP·
hoods, such as Ni§anta§L Two main conduits merged as they entered to Pera,
6-7; 'La Disette d'eau', La Turquie 232 (27 Oct. 1882): 1; 'Disette d'eau', La Turquie embodied in a 'monumental fountain' at Taksim. Here was also located the
235 (31 Oct. 1882): 1. Another private company, Compagnie des eaux de Scutari et fire brigade of the district. Embassies and consulates were connected to the
Kadi-Keui, began its operations in 1893 in the Asian side, and similar companies were
granted concessions across the empire, including in Beirut, Salonika and Izmir, between
the 1870s and 1890s. Din<;:kal 2015, pp. 214-15.
40. BOA, Y.MTV. 17/2 (6 Rebiiilahir 1302 (25 Jan. 1885]). 42. Qtd in Oin<;:kal 2008, p. 686.
41. BOA, !.OH. 938/74292 (6 Rebii.ilevvel 1302 [24 Dec. 1884]). 43. Acaci.irk Library (Atatiirk Kitaplzgz, AK) Hrt. 5783.
166 167
work. It was more importantly a representation of the socio-economic fabric

and boundaries of Pera, its inherent inequalities, and how these inequalities were
underlined by politics and a physical network of infrastructure that followed
the elite networks of the district, rather than aiming to reach a larger public
JI
provision. More elites, in turn , followed the waterworks and other municipal
services, as noted by Noyan Dinc;:kal, making centralised water supply a tool
for 'social segregation'. 45
The Terkos water being equally distributed or not, with ninety-kilome-
tre-long subterranean pipes made of steel and cement, with steam-powered
pumps fuelled by coal brought from Zonguldal(, with monumental fountains
at the Tiinel Square and in the gardens of Petits-Champs and Taxim, and the
company office located at no. 392 of Grand Rue de Pera - at the cul-de-sac
- that is still called the Terkos G1kmaz1 - the environment ofTerkos and the as-
semblage of Terkos waterworks were finally carved into the material fabric of
Pera, following two decades of public controversies and private negotiations,
and a construction period of three years.
My intention in the rest of this article is to explore what else was carried
Figure J. Compagnie des Eaux de Constantinople. Plan de la Canalisation generale de la between Terkos and Pera along the links established thanks to waterworks. What
rive Europeenne du Bosphore [Generalpipeline plan ofthe European side ofthe Bosporus}. else did the springs across Thrace that fed Lalce Terkos unleash? How did the
Date Unknown. Source: AK; Hrt-5783.
waterworks transform its environs and the relations of places and things? If cos-
mopolitan Pera was dependent on the water ofTerkos, which it obviously was,
what else did this dependency produce? IfTerkos gave its water to Pera, what did
system, so were schools, hospitals and barracks, which were to be provided Pera give back? With these questions in mind, I will now concentrate on how
with water for free. 44 the relations between various humans and animals, as well as various humans
From Taksim down to Galata, the water network was much denser, as and water sources, were reconfigured with the installation of the waterworks.
the point here was not only to mal(e water available in the main arteries and
public fountains and buildings, but also to provide apartment buildings with
private subscriptions. The upper parts of Grand Rue de Pera were especially Old and New Actors in Terkos Fauna
well covered, corresponding to the location of the residences of many wealthy In October 1893, the Ministry of Police (Zabtiye) received a request from
members of the Pera community. In a drastic contrast, the Kas1mpa§a region the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Hariciye) to grant permission for Dr. Franz
was almost completely deprived ofTerkos water. While the contract between Steindachner (1834-1919), the famous Austrian zoologist and the director
Compagnie des Eaux de Constantinople and the Ottoman state necessitated of the zoo logical collections of the Museum of Natural History of Vienna
the company to build public fountains , these, at least in this initial phase, were (Naturhistorisches Museum), 46 to visit Lake Terkos, in order to observe its native
very scattered and in no way sufficient for the densely populated working class
neighbourhood of Kas1mpa§a. A similar thing could be said for the Tophane 45 . Din<;:kal 20 15, p. 2 18.
area, another adjacent neighbourhood that was within the boundaries of the 46. One of che few documents found in the Ottoman scare archives concerning chis visit
prematurely identifies Sceindachner ('Dokror Mosyo Firenc Esrayn Dahrer') as rhe
6 th District. This plan was thus not only a simple outline of the infrastructure director of the museum, of which he became che interim director in 1896, and was
appointed ftJJ director in 1898, a pose he held until his death in 1919. See BOA,
44 . BOA, i.OH. 847/68050 (29 Rebiulahir 1299 [20 Mar. 1882]). DH .MKT. 131/11 (1 Rebiulevvel 1311 [12 Sepe. 1893]) and BOA, BEO. 280/20955
168 169
fish. The Minisuy of Police unwillingly accepted the request, but assigned a lake basin - a right the company used extensively.s1 As part ofits topographical
soldier to escort Steindachner in his observations around the lake, and specifi- transformation, the company hastily completed the millennia-old job of the
cally ordered that this foreign visitor should not be allowed to fish, and rather water flowing from the Balkan Mountains: blocking the narrow strait between
should be handed samples that were already caught. Even though there is no Lal{e Terkos and the Black Sea. The work of the water was of course slow and
further account of the type of fish collected by Steindachner from the region unintentional; it was a result of materials being carried along and piling up
of Terkos, we know that this internationally acclaimed expert in ichthyology at the edge of the lal{e. The company's move, on the other hand, was sudden
returned home from his expedition around Istanbul with 68 specimens from and intended to turn the natural lake into a fresh water reservoir, reducing its
forty species. While certainly not constituting a major event in the region's saltiness and limiting the loss of water to the tides between the lal{e and the sea.
natural or social history, Steindachner's visit marks a period that witnessed The conflict was eventually resolved by an agreement signed between
the flourishing of new forms of interest in the region's fauna, and hints at the the minisuy and the company, as the latter was granted the exclusive rights
introduction of new actors into the existing relations of humans and animals, and concessions to fish in the lake, in return for an annual fee of 200 kuru1
partially triggered by the Terkos waterworks. to be paid to the ministry.s 2 This settlement did not satisfy many of the vil-
Situated on a lake basin with several rivers and being close to the Black lagers, however, as their individual activities in the lake were restricted by this
Sea, the villagers in Terkos were actively engaged in fishing for a long time. agreement. Indeed, the archives contain many complaints from the villagers
Evliya <:;elebi (1611-1682), the famous seventeenth-century Ottoman traveller, who had previously worked with the pious foundation, which entailed fishing
noted the fishing weirs (dalyan) installed in the lake. 47 In the nineteenth century, in the lake and then paying taxes, a practice now subjected to restraints and,
some of this fishing was done under the auspices of Bezm-i Alem Valide Sultan according to the villagers, excessive fees by the company. 53
48
Vakfi (a pious foundation) , which owned several land plots around the lake. Thus fishing in Terkos became increasingly dependent on the decisions
And perhaps also underlined by Steindachner's visit, the lake was quite rich in of an international company whose headquarters was situated in Pera, and
fish varieties. 49 Even in the 1940s, reports stated that the lake was home to a whose activities were determined by various other concerns than those of the
panoply of fresh-water fish. so The waterworks, however, threw age-old fishing local villagers. Compagnie des Eaux, which invested into the environment of
activity in the lake into a controversy. For in 1887, the Ministry ofWaqfs ac- Terkos in order to profit from its inanimate natural resources now expanded
cused Compagnie des Eaux of harming the profits the Bezm-i Alem Vakfi had its domains into the world of the living, integrating the variety of fish found
made from fishing. The ministry argued that the company's closing of the lake's in the lake into its assemblage of concrete, steel and water.
outlet to the Black Sea in order to increase its water capacity had reduced the After breakfast we shouldered our guns and sallied forth. The weather was still
amount of fish available to catch. very cold, with a strong, bitter north wind, blowing in from the Black Sea. We
Indeed, the company's contract with the Ottoman state granted the walked along the north shore of the lake for about two miles, and then came up
right to change the course of several rivers, and the topography of the Terkos to a large patch of open water, and this was literally swarming with wildfowl.
There must have been millions of them. 54
Obstructions put against individual fishing activity by the hands of the com-
(1 Rebiiilevvel 1311 [24 Sept. 1893)). For Steindachner's biography and bibliography, pany look much more interesting when seen in the light of another concurrent
see Kahsbauer 1959. phenomenon concerning the Terkos fauna: the development ofleisure hunting.
47. Evliya Gelebi 2006, p. 285. Again from Evliya <:;elebi, we know that Terkos was an occasional hunting
48. Yurdakul 2010, p. 56.
51. BOA, i.DH. 847/68050 (29 Rebiiilahir 1299 [20 Mar. 1882)).
49. The British Museum inventories feature a couple of fish varieties collected from Lake
52. Yurdakul 2010, p. 117.
Terkos as well, sold to the Museum by Alexander van Millingen, professor at Robert
College in Istanbul, famous for his works on the historical topography of the city. See 53. BOA, DH.MKT. 1764/128 (11 Safer 1308 [26 Sept. 1890]); BOA, BEO 346/25932
Gunther 1864, p. 429. (13 Recep 1311 [20 Jan. 1894]).
50. Nirven 1946, p. 196. 54. Fitzgerald 1916, p. 65.

170 171
ground (sayd-gah), especially for various types of ducks, geese and swans; at- European community of the city, manifested in the troublesome journey of
tracting even the attention of Sultan Mehmet II (r. 1444-1446, 1451-1481), Fitzgerald's party who spent three days covering thirty miles, frequently getting
who had hunted in the area before the conquest of Constantinople. 55 But lost on the way. Increased interest in the region due to the activities around
despite such precedence, Terkos had never become one of the most popular Terkos water gradually made it a more familiar destination for visitors looking
hunting destinations of the Ottoman elites residing in Istanbul before the for recreation; and, once construction began, picnickers thronged the area with
late nineteenth century. Even though hunting expeditions into the outskirts the aim of revelling in the spectacles provided not only by nature but by the
of the city were commonplace, small groves (koru) used as hunting grounds construction itsel£ as a manifestation of the wonders of modern technology. 60
with specifically built mansions in the much closer vicinity of the city, where Indeed, after the opening of the wate1works, Ottoman officials began to
the imperial household had the exclusive right to hunt, were the predominant receive an increasing number of requests from foreign subjects for permission
hunting geographies of the Ottoman capital. 56 to hunt around Terkos, probably inspired by the accounts of fellow members
However, towards the end ofthe nineteenth century, I argue, the increasing of their social circles who were commissioned in the region in order to work
integration ofTerkos into the urban imaginations of the elites, thanks to plans for the project. The group of people that frequented Terkos, mostly with the
to install waterworks around the region, triggered a new interest in this region intention to hunt, were members of the foreign diplomatic legations resident in
as a favourite place for leisure hunting. Terkos, and especially Karaburun, were Pera. The archives show that German, Swedish and Italian ambassadors, British
particularly fruitful grounds for the passage of quail, which had never been a military attache, and their entourages, visited, hunted and fished in and around
popular game bird for the Ottomans because it was considered too small to Terkos. 61 Leisure hunting in Terkos became such a feature of the period's elite
hunt, butnowattractednewinterestasEuropeanhuntingfashions began to take culture that caricatures in the satirical press ridiculed it. 62
a root in Istanbul, especially among the elites resident in Pera and Kadikoy. 57 Another beastly link formed between Terkos and Pera was the increasing
Gradual deforestation due to urbanisation, combined with excessive hunting, popularity oflive quails, caught in large numbers around Terkos and Karaburun
resulted in a decrease of the number of local game birds towards the turn of with the help of hunting nets, and sent to Pera's famous Fish Market to be sold
the century, and drew the attention of hunters and enthusiasts to the northern in the charcuteries that catered for Pera's 'cosmopolitan' community. 63 And one
shores of the city, which were the passage grounds of migrant species. 58 With of the biggest retail stores of the city, Baker Department Store (ticarethanesi),
engineers, chemists, physicians and company officials who were in close con- located in Galata and selling expensive guns, outfits, gear and accessories
tact with the foreign legations flowing to Terkos from the 1870s onwards, the imported from various European countries, catered for hunting enthusiasts. 64
region was gradually put on the hunting and leisure map oflstanbul's environs. Hunting trips to the region were made easier for a larger community of enthu-
In the words of Charles Cooper Penrose Fitzgerald (1841-1921), a siasts as the Rumeli Railways was launched in 1871, which not only gradually
British naval officer stationed in Istanbul in 1879-1880, Terkos provided the connected the empire to European capitals, but also the Ottoman capital city
perfect environment for hunting especially in the harsh winter conditions, when to its suburbs; and the station of C::atalca, opened in 1872, provided a relatively
'[each] succeeding shot put up some more birds, and they all [escaped to the easy access to Terkos. 65
Black Sea]; but when they got [there], they apparently found it was too rough
for them, for they all came back again . .. Truly they were between the devil 60. Kazgan and Ona! 1999, p. 37.
and the deep sea.' 59 While it was the British Consul who recommended him 61. BOA, Y.PRK.ASK. 186/74 (8 ~aban 1320 [10 Nov. 1902]); BOA, Y.PRKASK. 222/27
Terkos for hunting escapades, the region was not yet well-known to the resident (21 Recep 1322 [1 Oct. 1904]).
62. Reproduced in Kazgan and Ona! 1999, p. 94.
55. Evliya ~elebi 2006, pp. 220, 236, 316.
63. Somc;:ag 1994, p. 427.
56. Artan 2011, p. 95; Yam 2009, p. 125; Somc;:ag 1994, p. 427.
64. Maison Baker 1908.
57. Somc;:ag 1994, pp. 426-29; Tchihatchef2000, pp. 95-96.
65. Engin 1993, p. 108. It was also very common for the (temporary) residents of the
58. Somc;:ag 1994, p. 427. European legations and other elites in Tarabya to ride to Terkos through the Belgrad
59. Fitzgerald 1916, p. 66. Forest. See, for example, Morgemhau 2004, p. 370.
172 173
The congregation ofengineers in the region, and the interest offoreigners rural Terkos, in exchange for the water that would flow from the taps of private
in Terkos as a leisure space also created a security concern on the part of the bathrooms, and for birds to be sold in the markets of Pera.
Ottoman state about potential imposters who 'pretended to be engineers'. The
company engineers were asked to carry with them at all times licenses (tezkire),
proving that they were in fact engineers commissioned by the company. The Changing the Flow
same document that ordered the engineers to carry these licenses with them also With the increasing presence of Pera in Terkos through the material and spatial
stated that foreigners who wished to hunt in these environs should get permits reconfiguration caused by the waterworks, the villagers living around the lal<e
from the foreign ministry first.66 The fact that this same document brought not only witnessed their access to the animal world being restricted, bur their
together two seemingly different issues would also suggest that in the minds ability to use their domestic water sources, as well as to protect their immediate
of the Ottoman authorities, too, the newly gained popularity of hunting was surroundings from the harmful impacts of water, also diminished. The villagers
tied to the construction of the waterworks. of Celep and Pmarhisan (Hisarbeyli), two neighbouring villages close to the
The waterworks, in the end, left its mark on the various forms of inter- southern shores of the Lake Terkos, more directly and acutely felt the severe
connections among humans and animals as a new form of dependence was impact of the newly installed waterworks. A memo sent to the Ministty of
created between the city and its north-western periphery. Animals that were Interior Affairs (Dahiliye Nezareti) in 1887, only two years after the water of
part of a relatively local economy mostly geared towards subsistence were made the lake began to be pumped to Pera, informed the bureaucrats of the Ottoman
part of a regional, and even an international, economy oflarge-scale profit and capital that many fields, including farms and meadows of these two villages,
leisure. While the local villagers' autonomous access to their natural environ- were flooded, causing huge material loss. The memo went on to quote the
ments was put under increasing control and limitations, Pera's 'cosmopolitan' harmed villagers blaming the water company for the floods .67
community became more and more present in the area's food chain, as their As we have seen, the waterworks had blocked the natural passage between
interest and contact with the birds, boars and fish of Terkos expanded. The the lake and the Black Sea to mal<e the former a 'natural' reservoir. However,
impact of the Terkos waterworks turned out to be crucial for the remaldng of soon after the waterworks began to operate, with heavy rainfalls and melting
the human and animal relations in the region. of the snow in the Balkan Mountains in spring, the excess water flowing into
This is a reminder that the celebrated diversity and the formation of elite the lake could not find an output, and flooded the nearby villages of Celep
urbanities in the fin-de-siecle Pera were not restricted to the jardins, but moved and Pmarhisan. As Stephane Castonguay notes, in various geographies of the
between places, and affected larger geographies than the district boundaries. world, villagers in riparian settlements tend to develop mechanisms to cope
Just as the water of Terkos was a vital resource upon which Pera's elite spaces with recurring floods as 'structural elements of the landscape'. But in many
depended, the rural areas of Terkos provided leisure spaces and animals for cases, extreme events are 'constructed' through mediation by external forces
newly emerging tastes and hobbies of chose elites, as physical and- it must be that alter the landscape, and thus increase the vulnerability of the local human
said- deadly manifestations of elite 'cosmopolitanism'. These hunting parties and nonhuman populations. 68 A series of documents in the Ottoman state
constituted another channel of interdependence between 'cosmopolitan' Pera archives bear witness to the years-long struggle of the villagers, especially of
and 'peripheral, rural, natural' Terkos, challenging the dichotomous position- Celep, trying to draw the attention to their newly constructed vulnerability,
ing of those geographic and cultural entities, and leaving footprints on the and to be compensated for the material loss they had to endure because of
environment. The limited sociability of the jardins, in a sense, was exported to the company's operations. 69 The Ministry of Interior Affairs and Istanbul
Prefecture ($ehremaneti) seemed sympathetic to the claims of the villagers; yet
the company insisted that it could not be accused of wrongdoing since the
66. BOA, Y.A.HUS. 284/67 (10 Cemazeyilevvel 1311 [19 Nov. 1893]) the authorities
always tried to control and monitor hunting activiry, and carrying licenses for hunt-
67. BOA, DH.MKT. 1448/55 (1 Muharrem 1305 [19 Sept. 1887]).
ing activities was not confined to foreigners. However, in their case, they had to obtain
permissions from the Foreign Ministry, and there was a specific sensitiviry towards their 68. Castonguay 2007, pp. 820-44.
activities around military zones. See Yam 2009, p. 127. 69. BOA, DH.MKT. 1512/56 (4 $evval 1305 [14 June 1888]).
174 175
right to change the topography of the lake was given to it by the concession
contract of 1882. 70 In 1889, the municipality sent its chief engineer Monsieur
Leclerq to the region to craft a report about the situation. His report found
the claimants right and suggested that the company should compensate for
the damages of the villagers. 71 In the meantime, new petitions kept coming
regarding the periodical floods. 72 The archives lose track of the petitioners by
1890, probably suggesting chat the company finally sought to compensate the
damages caused by the waterworks. However chis did not mean its harmful
impact on the lal(e's environs ended; on the contrary, as reports from as late
as 1912 and 1913 suggest, yearly floods continued to ruin the surrounding
fields, which were turned into swamps when the water fell back in summer,
and polluted the lal(e by bringing waste from the land. 73
The villagers and their habitat became pa.rt of this convoluted story of
infrastructural and environmental connections in other ways, too. One such issue
was the limitation of their access to several of their traditional water sources, i. e.
the local, small torrents that fed Lal(e Terkos, which were now to be collected
by the company in order to reach to the necessary levels of water distribution
for the city. In 1888, the inhabitants of Karaca, Ormanh, Pmarhisan, Belgrad
and C:::iftlikkoyvillages wrote a joint petition to the Ottoman authorities, stating
that if the company was to use the entire water of Ku§kaya, a local water source
used by these villagers, nine water mills located in the villages would become
obsolete, their corn fields and orchards would dry, and their animals would die
of thirst. 74 A similar complaint was made by the villagers ofTerkos in order to
protect their right to use ofKaramandere, one of the biggest rivers in the region,
which provided for their 'necessities of life' (havayic-i zaruriye). Once again,
the villagers were told that the concessions agreement had given the company
the right to collect the water of these local sources when deemed necessary.
Luckily, actual operations on the river were yet to begin, and the company was
responsible to provide the necessary reserves for the needs of these villagers. 75
Whereas the villagers eventually failed to alter the course ofthe waterworks,
they proved themselves to be a force that needed to be dealt with by the state
and company authorities. And by their constant petitioning for compensation
70. YurdakuJ 2010, p. 44.

71. BOA, DH.MKT. 1603/74 (9 Recep 1306(11 Mar. 1889] ).
72. BOA, DH.MKT. 1612/45 (1 ~aban 1306 (2 Apr. 1889]).
Figure 2. <;atalca Paftasi {<;atalca Plate}. Date Unknown. Source: AK, Hrt_943. 73. Yurdakul 2010, pp. 44-5 .
74. Ibid. , p. 67.
75. BOA, DH.MKT. 1690/24 (24 Cemaziyelevvel 1307 (16 Jan. 1890]).
176 177
for their material loss and access to nearby water sources, they became a much increase its claim on land, either as part of the 'city' or 'nature', whether through
more central part of the company's economic projections and concerns than work or through leisure.
the poor populations of Pera and its surrounding areas, who, as we have seen,
were to a large part completely ignored by the water network installed by the
company. Nevertheless, the altered land and waterscapes of Terkos, which
limited the villagers' access to their immediate surroundings and curbed their
part in the formation of new material assemblages, eventually forced many
inhabitants to seek opportunities elsewhere. As Naz1m Nirven noted in 1946,
the population of the villages around Terkos dropped in the decades after the
waterworks began to operate. 76
Conclusion: Nature's 'Cosmopolis'
Many engineers, integral members of Pera's 'cosmopolitan' community, com-

missioned to work on various projects in the Ottoman capital in the second half
of the nineteenth century, were also asked to prepare reports and craft concrete
proposals in order to provide better water supplies for Pera - as the Ottomans
loved to 'recycle' the experts they had a temporary hold on. While they offered
different solutions and uttered alternative sources, all of them, in their unique
ways, offered to connect the peripheral environment to Pera in a better, more
efficient and extensive way. During the long years of discussions regarding the
water problem of the district, the expert knowledge and material investment
put into the making of Pera's urban space attempted to break through its limits.
Finally, with the start of the construction of the Terkos waterworks the material
relations, expert knowledge, will to modernisation and ideology of progress,
which were shaping Pera's urban space, poured into the rural periphery, devour-
ing their 'spatial barriers', 77 following the route opened by the consrruction of
the railways. But this search for a more efficient and integral connection to the
periphe1y resulted in a set of messy and unequal relations between the various
human and nonhuman actors involved, from Terkos to Pera.
Not only did the power generated by water meet the basic requirements
of the residents of firstly Pera, and then the rest oflstanbul, in unequal ways.
What it further generated was connections between urban and rural that con-
tributed to the formation of an elite class, which not only depended on Terkos
water as a life necessity, but flourished on its material networks and used it to
Figure 3. Lefalle, Hiibne1; Boutan. Carte topographique du Lac de derkos et des Vallees
d'Alibey et de Kiaharhane [An excerpt from the Topographic Map of Lake Terkos and
the Valleys ofAli bey and Kagithane}. Date unknown. Source: AK, Hrt_ Gec_l 87516/7/8.
76. Nirven 1946, p. 194.
77. Harvey 1996, p. 412.
178 179
Pera historiography, in line with writing on other 'cosmopolitan' urban- Center for Humanities, UW Graduate School and UW Near Eastern Languages and
ities, has been marred by an over-reliance of the sources that exclusively dealt Civilizations D epartment.
with the urban centre, and an over-attention to the architectural fas;ade of the
district. Studying the sources produced outside Pera, with an attentive eye to
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SEEDS OF POWER

Onur inal and Yavuz Kose

Explorations in Ottoman Environmental History

Onur inal and Yavuz Kiise

Copyright© 2019 CONTENTS

Foreword: Ottoman and Nature Foreword: Ottoman and Nature

Figures, Maps and Tables

Map 1. Rural demographic change in sixteenth-century Anatolia between Chapter Eight

Map 3. Map of ecologically homogenous areas of Anatolia............ 41 Chapter Nine

Figure l. Compagnie des Eaux de Constantinople. Plan de la Canalisation Chapter Nine

GUIDE TO SPELLING AND PRONUNCIATION OF ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Notes on dates and place names

1. Ozgiil 2011, pp. 46-7.

K Mehmet Kentel Nature's 'Cosmopolis'

21. Hamadeh 2008, pp. 76-109; Karak~ 2013 .

K Mehmet Kentel Nature's 'Cosmopolis'

K. Mehmet Kentel Nature's 'Cosmopolis'

work. It was more importantly a representation of the socio-economic fabric

K Mehmet Kentel Nature's 'Cosmopolis'

50. Nirven 1946, p. 196. 54. Fitzgerald 1916, p. 65.

70. YurdakuJ 2010, p. 44.

Conclusion: Nature's 'Cosmopolis'

Many engineers, integral members of Pera's 'cosmopolitan' community, com-

78. Cronon 1991, pp. 7-8; Mitchell 2002, p. 35.

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