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National Coordinator
Subject Coordinator Prof. Sujata Patel Department of Sociology,
University of Hyderabad
Paper Coordinator Anurekha Chari Wagh Assistant Professor
Department of Sociology,
Savitribai Phule Pune
University
Content Writer Abhinaya V Research Scholar
Department of Sociology,
Savitribai Phule Pune
University
Content Reviewer Anurekha Chari Wagh Assistant Professor
Department of Sociology,
Savitribai Phule Pune
University
Language Editor Anurekha Chari Wagh Assistant Professor
Department of Sociology,
Savitribai Phule Pune
University
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Module Structure:

Liberal Feminism, Radical Feminism

Description of Module:

Items Description
Subject Name Sociology
Paper Name Sociology of Gender
Module Name/Title Liberal Feminism, Radical Feminism
Module Id 6
Pre-requisites Basic knowledge about concept of gender and
debates about gender equality.
Objectives This module seeks to analyze the concept of
feminisms, with particular emphasis on liberal
feminism and radical feminism, through
examining their histories, main tenets and their
current articulations.
Key Words Gender, Feminism, Radical feminism, Liberal
feminism , Patriarchy, Gender equality
Contents:

1) Introduction -What is feminism

2) Types of feminism
3) Liberal Feminism
A. History
B. Main Tenets
C. Critique
4) Radical Feminism
A. History
B. Main Tenets
C. Critique
5) Summary

Liberal Feminism, Radical Feminism

Introduction

This module attempts to explain and elucidate feminist theory, with an emphasis on two
particular strands of feminist theory- liberal feminism and radical feminism. It looks at the history
of the contemporary feminist movement, and by juxtaposing liberal feminism with radical
feminism; it attempts to analyze the differences and similarities, as well as the strengths and
weaknesses of both these strands of feminism.

Feminist theory refers to a broad system of ideas which are based on the principle that women
are equal to men and need to be given the same rights and opportunities as men in every
sphere of their lives. It can also be described as a system of ideas which seek to challenge
traditional conceptions of gender and related concepts of femininity and masculinity. Simply
theorizing about gender does not qualify as a feminist position. In order to be considered a
feminist theory, it must also recognize gender as a system of inequality; assume that it is a
changeable rather than fixed feature of human societies, and most importantly, advocate a
commitment to a gender equitable system (Chafetz 2006).

Feminist theory differs from most sociological theories in two ways. First, it is the work of an
interdisciplinary community which includes not only sociologists but also political activists,
historians, biologists, psychologists, etc. Second, feminists work with a double agenda- they
desire both to broaden and deepen their own discipline; and to develop a critical understanding
of society in order to change it for the better (Ritzer 2011).

One of the important contributions which feminist theory has made towards sociology is the
concept of gender, which it has centralized, and refined (Lengermann and Niebrugge 2007).
Feminist scholars distinguished between biological differences between males and females,
which they called sex, and the socially constructed behaviours associated with the feminine and
masculine, which they termed as gender. Although various strands of feminism differ regarding
their views on what the essential qualities of gender are, almost all agree upon the socially
constructed nature of gender as opposed to the view that there is a strictly biological basis of
gender.

Types of feminism

Based on their understanding of gender and gender inequality, various strands of feminist
thought have developed over the years. However, it is to be noted that that the categorization
of these various strands of feminism is more for analytical purposes, as often the strands
draw from one another rather than remain exclusive. The first three major strands of feminism
which developed in the West were liberal feminism, Marxist/socialist feminism and radical
feminism. Liberal feminism’s central argument is that there exists gender inequality which can
be ended when women get the same rights as men, through legal, political, educational and
other reforms within the existing system. Socialist feminism argues that gender inequality
mainly stems from the inequalities set forth by the capitalist system. Radical feminism takes as
its basis sexual politics as the basis of gender oppression. To combat the limitations posed by
these forms of feminism, other strands began to evolve from these strands. Black feminism
developed as a critique of the radical feminist view that women around the world share a
common, universal experience of oppression. According to black feminist thinkers, gender
oppression cannot be separated from race and class oppression and need to be analyzed at
their intersections. Postmodern feminism, in adherence to postmodern thought, has argued
that certain basic conceptual categories such as women and gender need to be challenged and
deconstructed, rather than be taken for granted. These have been some of the common forms
of feminist articulations.

Liberal feminism

Liberal feminism holds the view that if society is to achieve gender equality, then it must provide
women with the same political rights and economic opportunities as well as the same education
that men enjoy. For liberal feminists, the ideal sex/gender system would be one wherein each
individual can act as a free and responsible moral agent. Individuals may be free to choose the
lifestyle most suitable to her or him without being judged for it- “be it for housewife or
househusband, unmarried careerist or part of a dual-income family, childless or with children,
heterosexual or homosexual” (Ritzer 2011). This liberal feminist ideal then is consistent with the
dominant American philosophical tradition of liberal democracy and capitalism, with its reformist
orientation, and its appeal to the values of individualism, choice, responsibility, and equality of
opportunity (ibid).

Liberal feminists call for the formation of a society in which each individual can act as a free and
responsible agent and be able to live the life that is most suitable for him or herself. Liberal
feminism’s emphasis on freedom of choice and equality between the sexes, while pushing for
change, is more reformist in its agenda than revolutionary, as it does not question the basic
roots of inequality and challenge the present sex/gender system itself

The fundamental tenets of liberal feminism can be summarized thus:

 · All individuals have certain essential features— they are capable of achieving rationality,
moral agency and self-realization.

· These qualities can be exercised through legal recognition of universal rights.

· The inequalities between the sexes are not based on any ‘natural’ differences but are
the consequences of socially constructed patterns of behavior.

· Gender equality in society can be achieved through an organized appeal to the human
capacity to be moved by rational arguments.

History of Liberal Feminism

Liberal feminism developed largely out of the liberal school of thought and its origins are
generally traced back to Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792),
which argues that women should have the same opportunities as men, in order to develop to
their full human potential. Wollstonecraft emphasized upon rationality as the distinctive feature
of human beings and rejected the notion that women are inherently irrational, insisting that given
equal opportunities to education, women would also develop into rational beings. Nearly a
century later, Harriet Taylor and John Stuart Mill took forward this work on rationality and
equality. While Wollstonecraft primarily focused on equal access to education for both men and
women, Taylor and Mill went further to argue for equal political and economic opportunities as
well (Tong 2009). Their work largely focused upon individual autonomy, economic, political and
educational opportunity, and equality for all humans. An important part of their politics was their
demand for women’s suffrage. They believed that the power to vote not only would allow
women to express their own political views but that it would also enable and facilitate change in
larger political systems and structures which are oppressive(ibid).

Initially, the women’s movement in the USA was closely tied to the abolitionist movement.
Several members of the suffrage movement were strong abolitionists and began organizing for
women’s rights while still members of these anti slavery organizations (Wolff 2007). However,
they soon realized that their male colleagues were reluctant to link the anti-slavery movement
with the women’s movement. At the 1840 World Anti-Slavery Convention, which many feminists
attended, none of the women were allowed to speak. Incensed by this, Lucretia Mott and
Elizabeth Cady Stanton broke away from the abolitionist movement and began organizing for
women’s rights to vote. This resulted in the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention where Stanton
presented the Declaration of Sentiments. Their focus was to create a constitutional amendment
for women’s right to vote along with actively working on other issues such as changing
inheritance and divorce laws and women’s economic inequality (ibid). Finally, in 1920, women
were granted the right to vote.

Following a small period of lull in the Women’s movement, in 1963 Betty Friedan published The
Feminine Mystique. The book focused on the experiences of white, heterosexual, middle- class,
educated women who found the traditional roles of wife and mother unsatisfying. She termed
this “the problem with no name”. Friedan argued that they need to find more meaningful roles
in full time public work force, but it is important to note that she did not demand a sacrifice of
motherhood and marriage for a career.

This idea became the background for the contemporary women’s movement, which gave rise to
modern liberal feminism. Women took to the streets, gave speeches, lobbied politicians, and
worked for legislative changes in areas such as education, employment, sexual harassment,
healthcare and politics, as well as for the end of inequality based on gender (Wolff 2007).

Main Tenets

Liberal feminists singled out various factors which contribute to inequalities between men and
women and try and bring about change. They focused on areas such as the institutions of
marriage, motherhood, and family, as well as work, education, and reproductive rights. They
brought to light the central role marriage and family play in reinforcing gender norms and
stereotypes in society. They critiqued the traditional nuclear family structure which they claim is
discriminatory towards women. By expecting women to be at home to take care of the children
and the elderly; and men to work outside of the home to support the family, it sets boundaries
and limits choices for both the sexes. They also argued that women who do take up careers
suffer the additional burden of household labour along with maintaining successful jobs, as
husbands continue to refrain from assisting their wives with household chores, even when both
of them are working. Thus the traditional gender roles of women as caretakers and men as
breadwinners continue to persist even when women enter the workforce.

Since liberal feminists do not view women's oppression as a systemic problem, they attempt to
combat it through making reformatory changes within the existing system. This is done through
changes in the law, legislation, litigation, and other democratic means. Additionally, true to their
liberal philosophical origins, they also believe they can appeal to the human capacity for rational
moral judgments (Ritzer 2011).They called for equal opportunities in various spheres such as
educational, economic, etc. They also advocated the elimination of sexist messages in family,
education, and mass media(ibid). Liberal feminists have worked through legislative change to
ensure equality in education and to bar job discrimination. For example, in the UK, they actively
fought for legislature such as the Equal Pay Act (1970) and the Sex Discrimination Act (1975)
because they believed it essential for the women’s rights movement that the law should
recognize and propagate gender equality.

Another important tenet of liberal feminism is the belief that all women have the right to privacy,
and a right to their own bodies. Historically speaking, the basis of marriage was primarily a way
to procreate and extend the family line. It is only within modern discourse that marriage came to
be seen as a means to having a relationship based on love and friendship. Thus, traditionally,
wives were legally considered the property of their husbands with no rights over their own
bodies. Control over pregnancy, abortion, birth control, etc rested in the hands of the husbands
or families rather than with the women themselves. This became one of the rallying points for
the Women’s Liberation Movement, who demanded complete autonomy for women to make
their own decisions regarding their bodies.
Thus, it can be seen that liberal feminism primarily attempts to work through the existing system
to bring about reforms in a gradual manner. When compared to many radical feminists and
Marxist feminists, they are more moderate in their aims and methods, as they do not call for an
overthrow of the existing system.

Critiques

One of the main critiques of liberal feminism is that its demands have been classist and racist.
For example, while liberal feminists actively participated in pro-abortion campaigns, they failed
to recognize how women of colour and women from lower socio-economic backgrounds often
struggled for the right to keep and realize their fertility, because these women historically faced
problems of forced sterilization, medical experimentation, and so on from the US government
(Wolff 2007).

In addition to racism and classism, liberal feminism has also been accused of being
heterosexist, especially by radical feminists and lesbian feminists. When lesbians working within
the Women’s Liberation Movement decided publicly to declare their sexual identity, the
leadership and membership of organizations such as The National Organization for Women
(NOW) were hesitant to support them as they felt that a “vocal and visible lesbian constituency”
may cause damage to the women’s movement (Tong 2009).

Another area where liberal feminism has faced strong backlash for is their notion of women as
‘superwomen’, capable of successfully combining marriage, family and career. This was
eventually considered by critics as more oppressive towards women, as they were expected
now to succeed in a male-dominated workplace while simultaneously managing their traditional
roles of ideal housewives and mothers (ibid).

Lastly, liberal feminism has been severely criticized for its failure to recognize the systemic
nature of gender inequality in society. By focusing only on independent factors of gender
inequality which women face - sexism, discrimination, sexual harassment, and unequal pay -
liberal feminists do not grasp the entirety of the problem and thus only extend a partial analysis.
It fails to challenge existing social systems because it seeks entry into these institutions rather
than seeking to eliminate/change them.

Radical Feminism

The basic argument of radical feminism is that men are responsible for and benefit from the
exploitation of women (Giddens 2009). The analysis of patriarchy-the systematic domination of
women by men- is of central concern to this branch of feminism. Patriarchy is perceived to be a
universal phenomenon that has existed trans-historically and trans-culturally. Within this system,
men learn how to hold women in contempt, to see them as nonhuman, and to control them
(Ritzer 2011). Radical feminists see in every social arrangement-be it class, caste, race or
ethinicity- the workings of patriarchy. Their entire politics is based on challenging and
eliminating the patriarchal system.

The basis of radical feminism is their analyses of the interlinkages between sex and power.
While ‘sex’ had always been discussed, either overtly or covertly, it was not until radical
feminism’s bold declaration that “the personal is political”, that women’s sexuality became the
subject of much political analyses.

The main tenets of radical feminism can be summarized thus:

· That women were, historically, the first oppressed group.

· That women’s oppression is the most widespread, existing nearly in every society.

· That women’s oppression is the deepest and hardest form of oppression to eradicate
and cannot be removed by other social changes such as the abolition of class society
(Tong 2009).

History

Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex (1949) in France reopened the subject of sex and power
to feminist analysis. It was followed by Betty Friedan’s Feminine Mystique (1963) in America,
which heralded the second wave of organized feminism. At around this time, a group of women
who were discontent with their subordinate position within the New Left soon formed the
Women’s Liberation Movement, which eventually split into two groups based on their differing
political leanings- the liberal feminists and the radical feminists.

Dissatisfied by the political demands of the liberal feminists, by the late 1960s, small groups of
women began meeting regularly to discuss the effects of male supremacy not only in the
spheres of women's professions, education, and public life, but more importantly, on their
"private" lives as well. These early discussions (which soon evolved into the technique called
consciousness raising) led to these women sharing and speaking up about the everyday
violence that they each suffered and of the sexual shames and terrors they had all carried
throughout their lives (ibid).

However, the purpose of these discussions was not simply to find some personal solution to
their problems. Instead, these discussions were held in order to understand the social basis for
their problems, including the sexual, and then to do something to change it-for everyone. As
emphasized in the article ‘The Personal is Political’ by Carole Hanisch, consciousness raising
(CR) was not therapy. On the contrary, it was envisaged as a political tool, modeled on the
Chinese practice called Speaking Bitterness (ibid). Its purpose was to challenge the accepted
notions about women which had been built by men, since traditionally they were the so called
experts on women and gained from perpetuating certain ideas about them.

Thus, in order to truly understand the situation of women, radical feminists sought to base their
analysis on information they could trust, and for this they decided to gather it themselves. They
began to question all the sweeping statements that had been made in the past about women
and question the interests they served, and began to substitute these with their own
experiences of being women.

Main Tenets
What did these consciousness raising discussions lead to? It led to sexual politics being
recognized as a public issue. For the first time, it so clearly brought together the private and
public, the personal and political (Willis 1984). One of the most important ideas espoused by the
radical feminists was in fact that “the personal is political”. What exactly is meant by this? By
this, they meant that women’s private experiences of oppression (e.g., domestic violence,
discrimination within the family) are not isolated instances of oppression but part of a larger
system of institutional inequality (Shapiro 2007). Through the CR groups, issues such as rape,
abortion, domestic abuse and sexuality (which were previously considered individual, personal
problems) became politicized issues for feminist movements.

While physical and sexual violence against women are obvious forms of oppression, radical
feminism highlighted the covert and complex forms of oppression- seen in the exacting
standards of beauty and fashion, in the control of reproductive rights, the oppressive ideals of
motherhood, the ideals of chastity and purity, heteronormativity, sexual harassment in the
workplace, gynecological practices, unpaid labour, domestic violence, pornography, etc.

Due to their stance that sexuality is the principal basis of male power in which uneven gender
relations are constructed, a major part of the radical feminist discourse was their objection to
pornography. They claimed that pornography systematically objectifies women and
dehumanizes them, thereby making them more susceptible to violence. American scholar
Andrea Dworkin and lawyer Catherine MacKinnon worked to introduce anti pornography
legislation in the US, and defined pornography as “the graphic sexually explicit subordination of
women… shown as filthy or inferior; bleeding, bruised, or hurt in a context that makes these
conditions sexual” (Tong 2009). When faced with the objection that people can separate virtual
reality from reality, radical feminists argued that pornography often functions in the same way
that advertising does. Although there is no law stating that women need to look like the
supermodels they see on television, there is a standard of beauty being created, which they feel
pressured to live up to. In much the same way, they argue that pornography creates an ideal for
sexually acceptable behavior which is discriminatory towards women.

While there were some differences within the radical feminists with regard to the nature of
patriarchy, what they all agreed upon the fact that patriarchy was established and maintained
through the use of violence- rape, sexual abuse, prostitution, sadistic pornography, female
infanticide, clitorectomy, sati, etc. Since men have the advantage of physical force, they use it to
establish control over women. This, according to radical feminists, is the reason for the almost
universal existence of patriarchy. Men create and maintain patriarchy not only because they
have the means to do so (physical power), but because doing so serves their own interests in
multiple ways. Women are exceptionally effective means of satisfying male heterosexual desire.
Their bodies are essential to the production of children, who satisfy both practical and neurotic
needs for men (Ritzer 2011). Moreover, women make an invaluable labour force, one which
comes without a cost. Further, they are also looked upon as ornamental signs of male status
and power. The fact that they make great companions to both the child and the adult male, that
they are pleasing partners, sources of emotional support and importantly that their inferior
position reinforces the male’s sense of central social significance, makes certain that men
everywhere benefit from keeping them compliant(ibid).
Radical feminists demand an overthrow of the system of patriarchy rather than demanding
reformatory changes within the system. They believe this can happen through a basic
consciousness raising among women which will lead to each woman recognizing her own value
and strength, thereby rejecting patriarchal ideals of womanhood (submissive, dependant,
chaste) and instead establishing ties with other women, strengthening sisterhood of trust,
support, appreciation, etc. Once such a sisterhood is established, it’d make it easier for women
to confront any aspect of patriarchy that they come across. Furthermore, they encourage a level
of separatism, with women withdrawing into women-run businesses, households, communities
and so on. Lesbian feminism, a strand of feminism which grew out radical feminism, contends
that erotic/political commitment to women is essential for the battle against patriarchy (ibid).

Critiques

Just as in the case of liberal feminism, one of the main criticisms that radical feminism has faced
is that it has tended to ignore the role of class, race and ethnicity in maintaining and reinforcing
the patriarchal system. By believing that other political issues such as class and race were
secondary to their political goals, the radical feminist movement was overwhelmingly white and
middle class (Willis 1984). In other words, it saw ‘women’ as an undifferentiated, homogenous
category rather than a heterogenous category separated by race, class and ethnicity.

Radical feminist theory does not adequately address structural oppression, nor does it take into
account an intersectional approach to understanding women’s experiences. While structural
oppression theories focus on the structures of patriarchy, capitalism, racism, and heterosexism
and the way they mutually support one another in order to be the dominant forces,
intersectionality theories contend that while all women experience oppression, they are
differentially oppressed on the basis of not only gender but also caste, class, race, sexual
preference, etc (Ritzer 2011). The inadequacy of the radical feminist framework to take account
of such issues led to the development of separate strands of feminism such as socialist
feminism and black feminism. Radical feminism is also criticized for focusing exclusively on
patriarchy without adequately explaining it (Giddens 2009).

Conclusion

The discussion held in this module reveals briefly the history of the modern feminist movement,
as it originated in the West as well as the two earliest strands of feminist thought. Liberal
feminism seeks to explain gender equality as existing in institutions and attitudes within the
existing social system. Liberal feminists identify sexist patterns in key institutions such as the
law, work, education, family, etc and seek to make changes to these institutions through various
democratic means.

Contrary to this, radical feminism claims that the existing social system itself is inherently
unequal and therefore seeks to overthrow it, rather than make superficial changes to it. As
Shulman(1980) argues, “Not even the most ardent feminist can claim to be "liberated" in a
sexist society”. By declaring that 'the personal is political', radical feminism attempts to link the
many dimensions of women's oppression. Their central analysis of patriarchy and the violence it
breeds against women in myriad ways forms the essence of their articulation.
Both strands of feminism have been severely criticized for being primarily a white feminism,
focusing on the needs and lives of white, middle class women while ignoring the experiences of
women of colour and working class women. The failure on their part to recognize race and class
as two important axes of gender inequality led to the development of black feminism and
Marxist feminism respectively, which sought to address the shortcomings of liberal and radical
feminism.

While this is the trajectory that feminism took in the West, it is important to note that in other
parts of the world, feminist articulations developed in other ways. In a nation such as India,
which encompasses a complex and multilayered social structure, there is no clear cut division
between different strands of feminist thought. The origins of modern feminism in India can be
traced back to the influential Towards Equality report by The Committee on Status of Women in
India, 1974. Considered a watershed in the feminist movement, it led to nation-wide awareness
and activism for gender issues , with many organizations gaining access to the language of
radical feminism (Ghosal 2005). The following years were marked by a series of legislative
changes such as the Sati Prevention Act, 1988 and the Indecent Representation of Women Act,
1886. In the words of Flavia Agnes, “Almost every single campaign against violence on women
resulted in new legislation”1. Therefore it can be seen that, feminism in India, like its western
counterpart, initially took the form of radical feminism and liberal feminism in its articulations.
However, as in the west, these dominant forms of feminism have come to be challenged by dalit
feminists who assert that mainstream feminism is blind to the intersectionalities of caste and
patriarchies and claim that their feminist analyses are therefore lacking. Today, there are
multiple forms of feminist articulations within the nation, which often overlap and sometimes
contradict each other, reflecting the layered nature of the Indian social structure and all its
complexities.

In conclusion, it can be said that there are different feminisms which have developed in
response to varying social conditions and contexts, of which two dominant forms have been
liberal feminism and radical feminism. We have seen the development of liberal feminism, one
of the earliest forms of modern feminism and radical feminism which developed as a response
to and critique of liberal feminism. We have analysed both their basic differences and their
similarities and the limitations of both these sets of theories. Finally, we saw how feminism in
India cannot be easily classified into either of these categories given the compex and
hierarchical nature of the social order here and how therefore there the feminist articulations
here are a blend of different ideologies and standpoints.

Bibliography
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1
(Agnes;2002:521) c.f. (Ghosal 2005)
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STARTING TERM DEFINITION

CHARACTER
F Feminism Feminism refers to a broad range of ideas which
recognizes gender inequality within the social
system and seeks to challenge this inequality.

G Gender The term gender refers to the socially constructed

roles, behaviours, activities, and attributes that a
given society considers appropriate for men and
women. It is used in contrast to the term sex which
refers to the biological and anatomical differences
between men and women.
S Suffrage Suffrage refers to the rights of individuals to vote in
political elections. Women’s suffrage in the West
was granted only after a sustained political
movement demanding their rights as equal citizens.

H Heteronormativity Heteronormativity refers to the belief that

heterosexuality is the only ‘natural’ sexual
orientation, and that sexual and marital relations
are only fitting between people of opposite sexes;
thereby implying that those who do not comform to
this norm are somehow aberrant or abnormal.
C Consciousness Consciousness raising refers to the process by
Raising which Women’s groups sought to create
awareness of their own personal, social and
political conditions.